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THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO s 
 CONYERS MIDDLETON, D. D. 
 
 PRINCIPAL LIBRARIAN TO THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, 
 
 3ftt 'STj^re? noXutntg* 
 
 Hunc igttur spectemiis. Hoc propositum sit nobis exemplum, 
 Ille se profecisse sciat^ eui Cicero valde placebif. 
 
 QuiNTiL. Instit. 1. X. r, 
 
 ^ ■ ' ■ ■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ^ 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 VOL. IIL 
 
 rRINTED FOR VERNOR AND HOOD, J. CUTHELL, J. WALKER; 
 
 OTRIDGE AND SON, LACKINGTON, ALLEN AND COi, 
 
 OGILVY AND SON, R. FAULDER, R. LEA, J. NUNN, 
 
 jf, GUMMING, AND E. JEFFREY : 
 
 By J. Moir, Edinburgh. 
 
 i8ox. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 Marcus tullius cicero. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelli. 
 
 icERO was present at the death of Caesar in the Se* 
 nate ; " where he had the pleasure," he tells us, " to 
 " see the tyrant perish as he deserved "*. By this ac- 
 cident he was freed at once from all subjection to a 
 superior, and all the uneasiness and indignity of ma- 
 naging a power, which every moment could oppress 
 him. He was now without competition the first ci- 
 tizen in Rome ; the first in that credit and authority 
 both with the senate and people, which illustrious 
 merit and services will necessarily give in a free city. 
 The conspirators considered him as such, and reckon- 
 ed upon him as their sure friend : for they had no 
 sooner finished their work, than " Brutus, lifting up 
 ** his bloody dagger, called oui upon him by name, to 
 
 * Quid raihl attulerat ista domini mutatio, praeter laetitiam, 
 quam oculis cepi, justo interiui Tyranni ? Ad Att. 14. 14. 
 
 Vol, Hi. A 
 
2 The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " congratulate with him on the recovery of their li- 
 *' berty * :" and when they all ran out presently af- 
 ter into the Forum, with their daggers in their hands, 
 proclaiming liberty to the city, they proclaimed at 
 the same time the name of Cicero ; in hopes to re- 
 commend the justice of their a6l, by the credit of his 
 approbation f . 
 
 This gave Antony a pretence to charge him after- 
 wards in public, with being privy to the conspiracy, 
 and the principal adviser of it J: but it is certain, that 
 he was ,iiot at all acquainted with it : for though he 
 had the strictest friendship with the chief actors, and 
 they the greatest confidence in him, yet his age, cha- 
 racter, and dignity, rendered him wholly unfit to bear 
 a part in an attempt of that nature ; and to embark 
 himself in ^n affair so desperate, with a number of 
 men, who, excepting a few of their leaders, were all 
 either too young to be trusted, or too obscure, even 
 to be known by him §. He could have been of little 
 or no service to them in the execution of the act, yet 
 of much greater in justifying it; afterwards to the ci- 
 ty, for having had no share in it. nor any personal in- 
 
 * Csesare interfectp — statim cruentum alte extollens M. Brutus 
 pugionern, Ciceroncm nomiriatim exclamavit, atque ei recuperatam 
 iibertatem est gratulatus. Philip 2. 12. 
 
 f Dio. p. 249. 
 
 X Causarem meo consilio interfectum. [Phil. 2. 11.] Vestri 
 cnim pulcherrimi facti ille furiosus me principem dicit fuisse. 
 Utinam quidenl fuissem, mokstus nobis non esset. Ep. fam. 12. 3. 
 it. 2. 
 
 J Quam verlslmile porro est, in tot hominibus partim obscu- 
 ris partim adolesccntibus, neminem occultantibus, meum nomca 
 latere potulsi-e ? Phil. 2. 11. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 terest, to make his authority suspected. These were 
 the true reasons without doubt, why Brutus and Cas- 
 sius did not impart the design to him : had it been 
 froiri any other motive, as some writers have suggest- 
 ed, or had it admitted any interpretation injurious to 
 his honour, he must have been often reproached with 
 it by Antony, and his other adversaries of those times, 
 who were so studious to invent and propagate every 
 calumny that could depress his credit. I cannot how- 
 ever entirely acquit him of being in some degree ac- 
 cessory to the death of C?esar : for it is evident, from 
 several of his letters, thlit he had an expectation of 
 such an attempt, and from what quarter it would 
 come ; and not only expected, but wished it : he pro- 
 phesied very early, that Caesar's reign could not last 
 six m.onths, but must necessarily fall, either by vio- 
 lence, or of itself; and hoped to live to see it^: he 
 knew the disaffection of the greatest and best of the 
 city ; which they expressed with great freedom in 
 their letters, and with much more, we may imagine, 
 in their private conversation : he knew the fierce and 
 haughty spirit of Brutus and Cassius ; and their im- 
 patience of a master ; and cultivated a strict corres- 
 pondence with them at this time, as if for the oppor- 
 tunity of exciting them to some act of vigour. On 
 the news that Atticus sent him, of Caesar's image be- 
 ing placed in the Temple of Quirinus, adjoining to 
 
 '* Jam intelHges id regnum vix semestre esse posse — nos tamen 
 hoc confirmamus illo augurio, quo diximus, nee nos fallit, nee ali- 
 ter accidet. Corruat Iste necesse est, aut per adversarios, aut' 
 ipse per se — id spero vivis nobis forc» Ad. Att, x. 8, 
 
 A 2 
 
4 TitE LIFE OF SiGT. IX, 
 
 A, Urb. 709. Cic. 6;^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 that of the Goddess Sa/us ; "I had rather," says he, 
 *' have him the comrade of Romulus, than of the God- 
 dess Safety * :" referring to Romulus's fate, of being 
 killed in the Senate. In another letter it seems to 
 be intimated, that Atticus and he had been contriv- 
 ing, or talking at least together, how Brutas might, 
 be spirited up to some attempt of that kind, by set- 
 ting before him the fame and glory of his ancesfors : 
 " Does Erutas then tell us," says he, " that CjEsar 
 " brings with him glad tidings to honest men? Where 
 *' will he find them, unless he hangs himself? But 
 *' how securely is he now entrenched on all sides ? 
 " What use then of your fine invention ; the pictirre 
 " of old Brutus and Ahala with the verses under^ 
 " which I saw in your gallery ? Yet, what after all 
 *' can he do f ?" One cannot help observing likewise, 
 
 * Eum c-vvvuev Quirino malo, quam Saliiti. Ad. Att. 12. 15. 
 
 •f Itane nunciat Brutus, ilium ad bonos viros tvxyyi'hiu ? sed ubi 
 cos ? nisi forte se suspendit ? hie autem ut fultum est ! ubi igitur 
 <p kho\i-^vfi^ot,\^wdi tuum quod vidi in Varthenone^ Ahalam & Bru- 
 tuin ' sed quid faciat ? ad Att. 13. 40. 
 
 Farthenoneis supposed to denote some room or gallery in Bru- 
 tus's, or more probably in Atticus's house, adorned with the ima- 
 ges or portraits of the great men oi Rome, under each of which, 
 as Cornelius Nepos tells us, (in vit. Att. c, 18.) Atticus had se- 
 rerally described their principal acts and honours, in four or five 
 verses of his own composing : where the contemplation of these 
 figures of old Brutus and Ahala, joined together in one picture, 
 with the verses under, had given a handle perhaps to a conversa- 
 tion between Cicero and him, how Brutus might be incited by the 
 example of those great ancestors to dissolve the tyranny of Cae- 
 sar. It seems also very probable, that this very picture of At- 
 ticus's invention, as Cicero calls it, might give occasion to the 
 thought and coinage of that silver medal or denarius., which is 
 still extant, with the heads and names of these two old patriots 5 
 Brutus on the one ^ide, Ahala on the other. Vid. Thesaur. 
 Morell. in Fam. Juhla. Tab. i. 1. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius, • P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 in his pieces, addressed about this time to Bratus, how 
 artfully he falls into a lamentation of the times, and 
 of the particular unhappiness of Brutus himself, in be- 
 ing deprived by them of all: the hopes and use of his 
 great talents ; putting him in mind at the same time 
 of his double descent from ancestors, who had acquir- 
 ed immortal glory by delivering Rome from servitude. 
 Thus he concludes his treatise on famous Orators, 
 
 " When I look upon you, Brutus, I am grieved to 
 " see your youth, running, as it were, in full career 
 *' through the midst of glory, stopped short by the 
 ** wretched fate of your country. This grief sits hea- 
 ** vy upon me, and on our common friend Atticus, 
 " the partner of my affection, and good opinion of 
 " you : we heartily wish you well ; wish to see you 
 " reap the fruit of your virtue ; and to live in a Re- 
 " public, that may give you the opportunity, not on- 
 " ly to revive, but to increase the honour and memo- 
 " ry of the two noble families from which you de- 
 
 " scend for the Forum was wholly yours; yours 
 
 ^' all that course of glory : you, of all the young plead- 
 ** ers, brought thither, not only a tongue, ready form- 
 *' ed by the exercise of speaking, but had enriched 
 ** your oratory by the furnititre also of the severer 
 " arts ; and, by the help of the same arts, had joined 
 " to a perfection of eloquence the ornament of every 
 " virtue. We are doubly sorry therefore on your ac- 
 ■' count, that you want the benefit of the Republic ; 
 *' the Republic of you : but though this odious ruin 
 
 A3 
 
6 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709, Cic. 63. Coss — M. Antonius. P. Corncliu? Dolabella, 
 
 " of the city extinguishes the use of your abilities, go^ 
 " on still, Brutus, to pursue your usual studies," &c. 
 These passages seem to give a reasonable ground 
 to believe, that Cicero, though a stranger to the par- 
 ticular councils of the conspirators, had yet a general 
 notion of their design, as well as some share in pro- 
 moting it. In his reply to Antony's charge, he does 
 not deny his expectation of it, freely owns his joy for 
 it, and thanks him for giving him an honour, which he 
 had not merited, of bearing a part in it ; he calls it, 
 " the most glorious act which had ever been done, 
 *' not only in that, but in any other city : in which 
 " men were more forward to claim a share, which they 
 " had not, than to dissemble that which they had ; 
 ** that Erutus's reason for calling out upon him, was 
 ** to signify, that he was then emulating his praises, 
 *' by an act, not unlike to what he had done : that if 
 " to w^ish Caesar's death was a crime, to rejoice at it 
 " was the same ; there being no difference between 
 " the adviser and the approver ; yet, excepting An- 
 " tony and a few more, who were fond of having a 
 " king, that there was not a man in Rome, who did 
 " not desire to see the fact committed ; that all ho- 
 *' nest men, as far as it was in their power, concurred 
 *' in it ; that some indeed wanted the council, some 
 " the courage, some the opportunity, but none the 
 " will to do it," &c. *. 
 
 * Equis est igitur, qui te excepto, &c ils, qui ilium regnare 
 gpudebant, qui illud aut fieri noluerit, aut factum improbarit ? 
 omncs enim in culpa. litenim omncs boni, quantum in ipsis fuit, 
 Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, aliis animus, occasio de- 
 fuit> voluntas nemiiii; SvC» Phil. 2. 12. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antoniiis. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 The news of this surprising fact raised a general 
 consternation throughout the city : so that the first 
 care of the conspirators was to quiet the minds of the 
 people, by proclaiming peace and liberty to all, and 
 declaring, that no farther violence was intended to 
 any. They marched out therefore in a body, with a 
 cap as the ensign of liberty, carried before them on 
 a spear * ; and in a calm and orderly manner pro- 
 ceeded through the Forum ; where, in the first heat 
 of joy for the death of the tyrant, several of the young 
 nobihty, who had born no part in the conspiracy^ 
 joined themselves to the company w^ith swords in their 
 hands, out of an ambition to be thought partners in 
 the act ; but they paid dear afterwards for that vani» 
 ty, and, without any share of the glory, were involved 
 in the ruin which it drew upon all the rest. Brutus 
 designed to have spoken, to the citizens from the Ros- 
 tra ; but perceiving them to be in too great an agi- 
 tation to attend to speeches, and being uncertain 
 what way the popular humour might turn, and know- 
 
 * A cap was always given to slaves^ when they were made 
 free j whence it became the emb/em of liberty : to expose it there- 
 fore on a spear, was a public invitation to the people, to erabraca 
 the liberty that was offered to them by the destruction of their 
 tyrant. There was a medal likewise struck on this occasion, witli 
 the same device, which is still extant. The thought, however, 
 was not new j for Saturninus, in his sedition, when he had posses- 
 sed himself of the Capitol, exalted a cap aho on the top of a spear ^ 
 as a token of liberty to all the slaves, who would join with him ; 
 and though Marius, in his sixth Consulship, destroyed him for that 
 act, by a decree of the Senate, yet he himself used the same ex. 
 pedient afterwards to invite the slavds to take arms with him a- 
 gainst Sylla, who was marching with his army into the city to at- 
 tack him. Val. Max. 8. 6. 
 
 A 4 
 
? The life of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63, Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 ing that there were great numbers of Caesar's old sol- 
 diers in the city, who had been summoned from all 
 parts to attend him to the Parthian w ar, he thought 
 proper, with his accomplices, under the guard of De- 
 cimus's gladiators, to take refuge in the Capitol ^. 
 Being here secured from any immediate violence, he 
 summoned the people thither in the afternoon ; and 
 in a speech to them, which he had prepared, justified 
 his act, and explained the motives of it, and in a pa- 
 thetic manner exhorted them to exert themselves in 
 the defence of their country, and maintain the liber- 
 ty now offered to them, against (ill the abettors of the 
 late tyranny. Cicero presently followed them into 
 the Capitol, with the best and greatest part of the 
 Senate, to deliberate on the proper means of improv- 
 ing this hopeful beginning, and establishing their li- 
 berty on a solid and lasting foundation. 
 
 Antony, in the mean while, shocked by the har- 
 diness of the act, and apprehending some danger to 
 his own hfe, stripped himself of his consular robes, and 
 fled home in disguise ; where he began to fortify his 
 house, and kept himself close all that day f ; till per- 
 ceiving the pacific conduct of the conspirators, he re- 
 covered his spirits, and appeared again the next morn- 
 hig in public. • 
 
 While things were in this situation, L. Cornelius 
 Cinna, one of the Pra?tors, who was nearly aUied to 
 
 * App. 2. p. 303. Dio. p. 250. Plut. in Cacs. & Brut, 
 •f Quae tua fup;a ? quae formiuo praeclaro illo die ? quae propter 
 conscentiam scclerum desperado vitje ; cum ex ilia fuga — clam te 
 domum recepisti. Phil. 2. $S» Vid. Dio, p. 259. App. 502, 503. 
 
Sect. IX. CT€ERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 Caesar, made a speech to the people in praise of the 
 conspirators ; exroUin'g their act, as highly meritori- 
 ous, and exhorting the multitude to invite them down 
 from the Capitol, and reward them with the honours 
 due to the deliverers of their country ; then, throw- 
 ing off his Praetorian robe, he declared, that he wculd 
 not wear it any longer, as being bestowed upon him 
 by a tyrant, and not by the lavs. But, the next day, 
 as he Vv'as going to the Senate, some of Ccesar's vete- 
 ran soldiers, having gathered a mob of the same par- 
 ty, attacked him in the streets with vollies of stones, 
 and drove him into a house, which they w^ere going 
 presently to set on fire, with design to have burnt him 
 in it, if Lepidus had not come to his rescue with a bo- 
 dy of regular troops *. 
 
 Lepidus was, at this time, in the suburbs of Rome, 
 at the head of an army, ready to depart for the go- 
 vernment of Spain, w^hich had been assigned to him 
 by Caesar, with a part of Gaul. In the night, there- 
 fore, after Caesar's death, he filled the Forum with his 
 troops, and finding himself superior to any man in 
 power, began to think of making himself master of 
 the city, and taking immediate revenge on the con- 
 spirators : but, being a weak and vain man, Antony 
 easily diverted him from that design, and managed 
 him to his own views : '* He represented the hazard 
 ** and difficulty of the attempt, while the Senate, and 
 *' city, and all Italy were against them ; that the on- 
 " ly way to effect what they wished, was to dissem- 
 
 t i l < m .,, , 
 
 * Plut, in Brut. App. p. 504. 
 
lo The life of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6 2. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 ** ble their real purpose ; to recommend pacific coun- 
 " sels, and lull their adversaries asleep, till they had 
 ** provided a strength sufficient to oppress them ; and 
 *' that, as soon as things were ripe, he would join with 
 " him very heartily in avenging Caesar's death." With 
 these remonstrances he pacified him ; and, to render 
 their union. the firmer, and to humour his vanity at 
 the same time, gave his daughter in marriage to Le- 
 pidus's son, and assisted him to seize the high priest- 
 hood, vacant by Caesar's death, without any regard to 
 the ordinary forms of election*. Having thus gained 
 Lepidus into his measures, he made use of his autho- 
 rity and his forces, to harass and terrify the opposite 
 party, till he had driven the conspirators out of the 
 city : And when he had served his purposes with him 
 at home, contrived to send him to his government, to 
 keep the provinces and the commanders abroad in 
 proper respect to them ; and that, by sitting down 
 with his arrny in the nearest part of Gaul, he might 
 be ready for any event, which should require his help 
 in Italy. 
 
 The conspirators, in the mean while, had formed 
 no scheme, beyond the death of Caesar ; but seemed 
 to be as much surprized and amazed at what they 
 had done, as the rest of the city : They trusted en- 
 tirely to the integrity of their cause, fancying, that it 
 would be sufficient of itself to effect all that they ex- 
 pected from it, and draw an universal concurrence to 
 the defence of their common liberty ; and, taking it 
 
 * Dio. p. 249, 250, 257, 269. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. ir 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^- Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 for granted, that Caesar's fate, in the height of all his 
 greatness, would deter any of his partizans from aim- 
 ing at the same power : They placed withal a great 
 confidence in Cicero's authority, of which they assu- 
 red themselves as their own, and were not disappoint- 
 ed ; for, from this moment, he resolved, at all adven- 
 tures, to support the credit of the men, and their act, 
 as the only means left of recovering the Republic, 
 He kiiew, that the people were all on their side ; and, 
 as long as force was removed, that they were masters 
 of the city: His advice therefore was, to use their pre- 
 sent advantage, and, in the consternation of Caesar's 
 party, and the zeal and union of their own, that Bru- 
 tus and Cassius, as Praetors, should call the Senate in- 
 to the Capitol, and proceed to some vigorous decrees, 
 for the security of the public tranquillity*. But Bru- 
 tus was for marching calmly, and with all due respect 
 to the authority of the Consul ^ and, having conceiv- 
 ed hopes of Antony, proposed sending a deputa- 
 tion to him, to exhort him to measures of peace : 
 Cicero remonstrated against it ; nor would be prevail- 
 ed with to bear a part in it : He told them plainly, 
 " That there could be no safe treaty with him ; that 
 " as long as he was afraid of them, he would promise 
 ** every thing; but, when his fears were over, would 
 " be like himself, and perform nothing : So that, 
 " while the other consular Senators were going for- 
 
 * 
 
 Memlnisti me clamare, illo ipso prlmo Capitolino die, Sena- 
 turn in Capitolium a Praetoribus vocari > Dii immortales, quae turn 
 opera effici potuerunt, laetantibus omnibus bonis, ctiam sat bonis, 
 fractis latronibus > Ad Att. 14, 10. 
 
II 
 
 The life of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " wards and backwards in this oflice of mediation, he 
 " stuck to his point, and staid with the rest in the 
 ** Capitol, and did not see Antony for the two first 
 <* days* '» 
 
 The event confirmed what Cicero foretold : Anto- 
 ny had no thoughts of peace or of any good to the 
 Republic: His sole view wa^ to seize the govern- 
 ment to himself, as soon as he should be in condition 
 to do it ; and then, on pretence of revenging Caesar's 
 death, to destroy all those who were likely to oppose 
 him : As his business therefore was, to gain time, by 
 dissembling, and deceiving the Republican party into 
 a good opinion of him ; so all his answers were mild 
 and moderate, professing a sincere inclination to peace, 
 and no other desire than to see the Republic settled 
 again on its old basis. Two days passed in mutual 
 assurances, from both sides, of their disposition to con- 
 cord and amity ; and Antony summoned the Senate 
 on the third, to adjust the conditions of it, and con- 
 firm them by some solemn act. Here Cicero, as the 
 best foundation of a lasting quiet, moved the assem- 
 bly, in the first place, after the example of Athens, 
 to decree a general amnesty, or act of oblivion, for all 
 that was passed ; to which they unanimously agreed. 
 Antony seemed to be all goodness; talked of nothing 
 but healing measures ; and, for a proof of his sinceri- 
 
 * Dicebam illis in CapitoHo liberatoribus nostris, cum me ad te 
 jre vellent, ut ad defendendam Rempub, te adhortarer, quoad me- 
 tueres, omnia te promissurum, simul ac timere desiisscs, similem 
 te futurum tui. Itaque cum CcTetcri Consulares irent, redirent, in 
 sententia mansi : neque tc illo die, neque postero, vidi. Phil. 2. 55* 
 
Sect. IX, CIGERO. 13 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dclabella, 
 
 tj, moved, that the conspirators should be invited to 
 take part in their deliberations, and sent his son as an 
 hostage for their safety : Upon which they all came 
 down from the Capitol; and Brutus supped-with Le- 
 pidus ; Cassius with Antony ; and the day ended to 
 the universal joy of the city, who imagined, that their 
 liberty was now crowned with certain peace ^. 
 
 There were several things, however, very artfully 
 proposed and earned by Antony, on the pretence of 
 public concord, of which he afterwards made a most 
 pernicious use ; particularly, a decree for the confir- 
 mation of all Caesar's acts : This motion was suspect- 
 ed by many, who stuck upon it for some time, and 
 called upon Antony to explain it, and specify how 
 far it was to extend : He assured them, *' That no o- 
 *' ther acts were meant, than what were known toe- 
 " very body, and entered publicly on Caesar's regis- 
 *' ter : They asked, If any persons were to be restor- 
 *' ed from exile ? He said, one only, and no more : 
 *' Whether any immunities were granted to cities or 
 *' countries? He answered, none ; and consented, that 
 
 * In quo templo, quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamenta pacis, A- 
 theniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum : Grcecum etiam verbum 
 usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis erat usacivitas ilia, atque 
 omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione semplterna delendam 
 censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. Antonii, egregia etiam voluntas : 
 Pax denique per eum & per liberos ejus cum prtestantisslmis civi- 
 bus corfirmata est — Phil, i, i. 
 
 Qute fuit oratio de concordia ? — tuus parvulus filius in Capitoli- 
 um a se missus pacis cbses fuit. quo Senatus die Icetior ? quo po- 
 pulus Romanus ? — turn denique liberati per viros fortissimos vide- 
 bamur, quia, ut illi voluerant| libertatcm pax sequebatur. lb. J 3. 
 Vid. PJutar. in Brut»— 
 
14 Th£> life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6;^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 ** it should pass with a restriction, proposed by Ser. 
 " Sulpicius ; that no grant, which was to take place 
 " after the Ides of March, should be ratified*." This 
 was generally thought so reasonable, and Antony's 
 seeming candour had made such an impression, that 
 those who saw the mischief of it, durst not venture to 
 oppose it*; especially as there was a precedent for it 
 in the case of Sylla ; and, a.s it was supposed to relate 
 chiefly to the veteran soldiers, whom it was not pos- 
 sible to oblige, or keep in good humour, without con- 
 firming the privileges and possessions which Cssar 
 had granted to them. But Brutus and his friends had 
 private reasons for entertaining a better opinion of 
 Antony, than his outward conduct would justify : 
 Caesar had used him roughly on several occasions, f 
 and they knew his resentment of it ; and that he had 
 been engaged with Trebonius, on Cesar's last return 
 from Spain, in a design against his life : And though 
 he did not perform that engagement, yet they thought 
 it an obligation, as well as a proof of his continuing 
 in the same mind, that he had not discovered it; which 
 was the reason of their sparing him, when Caesar was 
 killed, and of Trebonius's taking him aside, on pre- 
 
 * Summa constantia ad ea, quae quaesita erant, respondebat : Ni- 
 hil turn, nisi quod erat notum omnibus, in C. Csesaris commenta- 
 liis reperiebatur : Num qui exules restituti ? unum aiebat, prsete- 
 rea neminem. Num immunitates datie ? nullac, respondebaf. As- 
 sentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio voluit, ne qua tabula post Idus Max- 
 tias ullius decreti Caesaris aut bencficii figeretur. Phil. I. i. 
 
 f Phil. 2. 29. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 15 
 
 Ai Urb. 709. Cic. 63, Coss.—M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 tence of business, lest his behaviour, on that occasion, 
 might provoke them to kill him too*. 
 
 But, as Cicero often laments, they had already rui- 
 ned their cause, by giving Antony leisure to recollect 
 himself, and gather troops about him, by which he 
 forced upon them several other decrees against their 
 will ; one of them^ in favour of the veteran soldiers, 
 whom he had drawn up, for that purpose, in arms a- 
 bout the Senate f ; and another, still worse, for the 
 allowance of a public funeral to Caesar, which Atti- 
 cus had been remonstrating against both to Cicero 
 and Brutus, as pernicious to the peace of the city ; 
 but it was too late to prevent it ; Antony was resolved 
 upon it, and had provided all things for it, as the best 
 opportunity of inflaming the soldiers and the popu- 
 lace, and raising some commotions to the disadvantage 
 of the Republican cause ; in which he succeeded so 
 well, that Brutus and Cassius had no small difficulty 
 to defend their lives and houses from the violence of 
 his mob:j:. In this tumult, Helvius Cinna, one of the 
 Tribunes,' and a particular friend of Caesar, was torn in 
 pieces by the rabble, being mistaken unluckily for 
 
 * Quanquam si interfici Csesarem voluJsse criinen est, vide quce- 
 so, Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quem et Narbone hoc consiliam 
 cum C. Trebonio. cepisse notissimum est, & ob ejus consilii socle- 
 tatera, eum interficeretur Caesar, turn te a Trebonio vidimus sevo- 
 cari, lb. 14. 
 
 f Nonne omni ratione veterani, qui armati aderant, cum praesi* 
 dii nos nihil haberemus, defendendi fuerunt ? Ad Att. 14. 14. 
 
 X Meministine te clamare, causam periisse, si funere elatas es- 
 set ? at ille etiara in foro combustus, laudatusque miserabiliter j 
 servique Sc egentes in tecta nostra cum facibusiramissi. Ad Att. 
 14. 10, 14. Plutar. in Brut, 
 
i6' The LIFE or Skct. IX; 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 the Praetor of that name, who, as it is said above, had 
 extolled the act of kilhng Caesar in a speech from the 
 rostra : This so alarmed all those who had any simi- 
 litude of name with any of the conspirators, that Cai- 
 ns Casca, another Senator, thought fit, by a public 
 advertisement, to signify the distinction of his person 
 and principles from Publius Casca, w^ho gave the first 
 blow to Caesar *. 
 
 We are not to imagine, however, as it is common- 
 ly believed, that these violences w^ere owing to the 
 general indignation of the citizens, against the mur- 
 derers of Caesar ; excited either by the spectacle of 
 his body, or the eloquence of Antony, who made the 
 funeral oration : for it is certain that Caesar, through 
 his whole reign, could never draw from the people 
 any public signification of their favour ; but, on the 
 contrary, was constantly mortified, by the perpetual 
 demonstrations of their hatred and disaffection to him. 
 The ca^e was the same after his death : the memory 
 of his tyranny was odious, and Brutus an<l Cassius the 
 real favourites of the city : as appeared on all occa- 
 sions, wherever their free and genuine sense could be 
 declared, in the public shews and theatres j- ; w^hich 
 
 * C. Helvius Cinna Trib. pi. ex funere C. Coesaris domum su- 
 am petens, populi manibus discerptus est, pro Cornello Cinna, in 
 quem saevire se existjmabat 5 iratus ei, quod cum afiinis esset Coe- 
 saris, adversus eum liefarie raptum, impiam pro Rostris orationem 
 habuisset. — Val. Max. 9. 9. vid. Die p. 267, 268. it. Plut. in Clcs. 
 & Brut. 
 
 f Omncs enim jam cives de Reipub. salute una & mente & 
 voce consentiunt. Phil. i. 9. 
 
 Quid enim gla^iat jribus clamores innumerabillum civium ? quid 
 popuU versus ? quid Pompeii statuse plausus infinitus ? quid iis 
 
Segt. IX. CICERO. 17 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 Cicero frequently appeals to, as a proper encourage- 
 ment to all honest men, to act with spirit and vigour, 
 in the defence of their common liberty, What hap- 
 pened therefore at the funeral was the effect of arti- 
 fice and faction ; the work of a mercenary rabble ; 
 the greatest part slaves and strangers, Hsted and pre- 
 pared for violence, against a party unarmed, and pur- 
 suing pacific councils, and placing all their trust and 
 security in the justice of their cause. Cicero calls it 
 a conspiracy of Caesar's freedmen f , who were the 
 chief managers of the tumult: in which the Jews 
 seem to have born a considerable part ; who, out of 
 hatred to Pompey, for his affront to their city and 
 temple, were zealously attached to Caesar, and, above 
 all the other foreigners in Rome, distinguished them- 
 selves, by the expressions of their grief foi' his death,; 
 so as to spend whole nights at his monument, in a 
 kind of religious devotion to his memory |. 
 
 This first taste of Antony's perfidy was a clear warn- 
 ing to the conspirators, what httle reason they had 
 to depend upon him ; or to expect any safety in the 
 
 Tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversantur ? parumne haec significant, 
 incredibiliter consentientem populi Romani voluntatem ? Sic. ib. 
 15. Ad. Att. 14. 2. 
 
 f Nam Ista quidem libertorum Cassaris conjuratio facile oppri. 
 meretur, si recte saperet Antonius. Ad Att. 14. 5, 
 
 4^ In summo publico luctu exterarum gentium, multitudo cir- 
 culatim, suo quaeque more, lamentata est, prcecipueque Judaei, 
 qui etiam noctibus continufs bustum frequcntarunt. Siieton. T' 
 Cajs. 84. 
 
 Vol. III. P. 
 
i8 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6;^. Coss.---M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 city, where he had the sovereign command, without 
 a guard for their defence ; which, though D. Brutus 
 demanded for them, they could not obtain : whilst 
 Antony, to alarm them still the more, took care to 
 let them know, that the soldiers and the populace 
 were so enraged, that he did not think it possible for 
 any of them to be safe ^, They all therefore quit- 
 ted Rome : Trebonius stole away privately for Asia, 
 to take possession of that province, which had before 
 been assigned to him ; being afraid of being prevent- 
 ed by the intrigues of Antony : D. Brutus, for the 
 same reason, possessed himself of the Cisalpine oi Ita- 
 lic Gaul, which had been conferred upon him like- 
 wise by Caesar, in order to strengthen himself there 
 against all events, and by his neighbourhood to Rome, 
 to encourage and protect all the friends of liberty : 
 M. Brutus, accompanied by Cassius, retired to one of 
 his villas near Lanuvium, to deliberate about their fu- 
 ture conduct, and to take such measures, as the ac- 
 cidents of the times and the motions of their enemies 
 should make necessary. 
 
 But as soon as the conspirators were gone, Antony 
 resumed his mask, and, as if the late violences had 
 been accidental only, and the -sudden transport of a 
 
 * Herl apud me Hirtlus fuit ; qua mente Antonius esset, de- 
 monstravit, pessima scilicet & infidelissima. Nam se neque mlhi 
 provinciam dare posse aiebat, neque arbitrari, tuto in urbe esse 
 quemquam nostrum, adeo esse militum concltatos animos &. pie* 
 bis. Quorum utrumque esse falsum puto vos anlmadvertere ■■ 
 placitum est mihi postulare, ut liceret nobis esse Romse publico 
 prsesidio : quod illos nobis concessuros nonputo — Ep. fam. xi.i. 
 
SscT. i:^- €I€ERO. 15 
 
 A.Urt). 709 Cic.63. Goss.— M. Aiitonius. P„ Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 vile mob, professed the same moderation as before, 
 and affected to speak with the greatest respect of Bru- 
 tus andCassius ; and, by several seasonable acts, pro- 
 posed by him to the Senate, appeared to have nothing 
 iso much at heart as the public concord : among o- 
 ther decrees he offered one, which was prepared and 
 ^rawn up by himself, to abolish for ever the name and 
 office of Dictator : this seemed to be a sure pledge of 
 his good intentions, and gave an universal satisfaction 
 to the Senate; who passed itj as it were, by acclama- 
 tion, without putting it even to the vote; and decreed 
 the thanks of the house for it to Aiitony, who, as Ci- 
 cero afterwards told him, '* had fixed an indelible in- 
 " famy by it on Caesar, in declaring to the w^orld, that 
 ** for the odium of his government, such a decree was 
 " become both necessary and popular *.'' 
 
 Cicero also left Rome soon after Brutus and Cas- 
 siusf , not a little mortified to see things take so wrong 
 a turn, by the indolence of their friends ; which gave 
 him frequent occasion to say, that the Ides of March 
 had produced nothing, which pleased him, but the 
 fact of the day; which was executed indeed with 
 
 * D'ctaturam, quae vim jam regise potestatis obsederat, fundl- 
 tus ex Repub. sustulit. De qua ne sententias quidem diximus 
 eique amplissimis verbis per S. C. gratias eglmus——— maximum 
 aurem iilud, quod Dictaturse nomen sustullsti : hsec iausta est ate 
 — mortuo Ceesari nota ad ignominiam sempiternam, &c, PhiU 
 I. I. 13 
 
 f Itaque cum teneri urbem a parricidis viderem, nee te in ea, 
 nee Cassium tuto esse posse, eamque armis oppressam ab Antonio, 
 mihi quoque ipsi esse excedendum putavi. Ad. Brut. I?- 
 
 B 2 
 
20 
 
 The life of Sect. IX- 
 
 A. Urb. 709 Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 manly vigour, but supported by childish councils *. 
 As he passed through the country, he found nothing 
 but mirth and rejoicing in all the great towns, on the 
 account of Ciesar's death: " It is impossible to ex- 
 " press," says he, " what jo;f there is every where : 
 " how all people flock about me : how greedy they 
 " are to hear an account of it from me : yet. What 
 " strange politics do we pursue ? What a solecism do 
 *' we commit ? To be afraid of those, whom we have 
 " subdued ; to defend his acts, for whose death we re- 
 " joice ; to suffer tyranny to live, when the tyrant is 
 " killed ; and the Republic to be lost, when our li- 
 *' berty is recovered f . 
 
 Atticus gent him word of some remarkable applause, 
 which was given to the famed comedian, Pubiius, for 
 what he had said upon the stage, in favour of the pub- 
 lic liberty ; and that L. Cassius, the brother of the 
 conspirator, then one of the Tribunes, was received 
 with infinite acclamations upon his entrance into the 
 theatre J : which convinced him only the more of the 
 
 * Sed tamen adhuc me nihil delectat preeter Idus Martias. 
 (Ad. Att. 14. 6, 21 ) Itaque stulta jam Iduum martiarum est 
 consolatio. Animis enim usi sumus virilibus 5 consiliis, mihicrcde, 
 pu^rilibii?. lb. 15. 4. 
 
 f Dici enim non potest quantopere gaudeant, ut ad me concur- 
 raiit, ut audire cupiant verba mea ea de re — sic enim 7rs7roXfiivfi.i^£t, 
 ut victos metuerennis — nihil enim tarn (roAeiJCdv, quam Tt;^atvvo;cTov8?, 
 in ooelo esse, Tyranni facta defendi — Ad. Att. 14. 6. 
 
 O Dii boni I vivit tyrannis, tyrannus occidit. Ejus interfecti 
 morte Isetamur, cujus facta defendimus — ib. 9. 
 
 _t Ex priore Theatrum, Publiumque cognovi, bona signa con- 
 sentlentis multitudinis. Plausu^vero, L. Cassio datus,etiam facetus 
 mihi quidem visas est. Ad Att. 14. 2. 
 
 Infinito fratris tui plausu dirumpitur. Ep. fara. I2. 2. 
 
Sect, I. CICERO. 21 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonlue, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 mistake of their friends in sitting still, and trusting to 
 the merit of their cause, while their enemies were us- 
 ing all arts to destroy them. This general incHna- 
 tion, which declared itself so freely on the side of li- 
 berty, obhged Antony to act with caution, and, ^s far 
 as possible, to persuade the city, that he was on the 
 same side too : for which end he did another thing at 
 this time, both prudent and popular, in putting to 
 death the impostor Marius, who was now returned to 
 Rome, to revenge, as he gave out, the death of his 
 kinsman Caesar: where, .signalizing himself at the head 
 of the mob, he was the chief incendiary at the fune- 
 ral, and the subsequent riots, and threatened nothing 
 less than destruction to the whole Senate : but An- 
 tony, having served his main purpose with him, of 
 driving Brutus and the rest out of the city, ordered 
 him to be seized and strangled, and his body to be 
 dragged through the streets * : which gave him fresh 
 credit with the Republicans ; so that Brutus, together 
 with Cassius and other friends, had a personal confer- 
 ence with him about this time, which passed to mu- 
 tual satisfaction f . 
 
 By these arts Antony hoped to amuse the conspira- 
 tors, and induce them to lay aside all vigorous coun- 
 cils ; especially, what he most apprehended, that of 
 leaving Italy, and seizing some provinces abroad, fur- 
 
 * Uncus impactus est fugitivo illi, qui C. Marii nomen inva- 
 serat. Phil. i. 2. 
 
 f Antonii colloquium cum nostris Heroibus pro re nata non 
 incommodum. Ad Att. 14. 6. 
 
 B3 
 
aa TeTe life of. Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6j. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 nished with troops and money ; which might put 
 them into a condition to act offensively : with the 
 same view he wrote an artful letter to Cicero, to de- 
 sire his consent to the restoration of S. Clodius, the 
 chief -agent of P. Clodius, who had been several years 
 in banishment, for outrages committed in the city ; 
 chiefly against Cicero himself, on whose account he 
 was condemned. Antony, by his marriage with Ful- 
 via, the widow of P. Clodius, became the protector 
 of all that family, and the tutor of young Pubiius, her 
 son ; which gave him a decent pretence of interesting 
 himself in this affair. He assures Cicero, *^ That he 
 ** had procured a pardon for S. Clodius from Caesar ; 
 ** but did not intend to have made use of it, till he 
 " had obtained his consent ; and though he thought 
 " himself now obliged to support all Caesar's acts ; 
 
 " yet he would not insist on this against his leave 
 
 " that it would be an obligation to young Pubiius, 
 ** a youth of the greatest hopes, to let him see, 
 " that Cicero did not extend his revenge to his fa- 
 
 '* ther's friends permit me," says he, " to instil 
 
 " these sentim.ents into the boy ; and to persuade his 
 " tender mind, that quarrels are not to be perpetuat- 
 ** ed in families : and though your condition, I know, 
 ** is superior to all danger ; yet you will chuse, I fancy, 
 " to enjoy a quiet and honourable, rather than a tur- 
 " bulent old age : — lastly, I have a sort of right to 
 ** ask this favour of you ; since I never refused any 
 '• thing to you : if I do not however prevail with you, 
 " I will not grant it to Clodius ; that you may see 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 23 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic, 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " how great yoiu' authority is wirh me : shew your- 
 •' self the more placable on that account *." 
 
 Cicero never hesitated about giving his consent, to 
 what Antony could and would have done without it : 
 '^ the thing itself, he knew, was scandalous ; and tlie 
 ** pardon said to be granted by Caesar, a forgery ; and 
 " that Caesar would never have done it, or suffered it 
 *.' to be done ; and so many forgeries of that kind be- 
 ** gan to be pubhshed every day from Caesar's books, 
 *' that he was almost tempted," he says, " to wish for 
 ** Caesar again f ." He answered him, however, with 
 great civility ; and in a strain of complaisance, which 
 corresponded but little with his real opinion of the 
 man : but Antony's public behaviour had merited 
 some compliments : and, under the present state of 
 his power, and the uncertain condition of their own 
 party, Cicero resolved to observe all the forms of an 
 old acquaintance with him; till, by some overt act 
 against the public interest, he should be forced to con- 
 sider him as an enemy J. 
 
 * Ad Att. 14. after letter the 13th. 
 f Antonius ad me scripsit de rcstitutione S. Clodii : quam lio- 
 norifice quod ad me attinet, ex ipsius Uteris cognosces — quam dis- 
 solute, quam turpiter, quamque ita perniciose, ut nonnunquam e- 
 tiam Caesar desiderandus esse videatur, facile existimwbis : qune 
 cnim Caesar nunquam neque fecisset, neque passus esset, ea nunc 
 ex falsis ejus commentariis proferuntur. Ego aiitem Antonio facil« 
 limura me prsebui. Etenim ille, qnoniam semel induxit in animum 
 sibi licere quod vellet, fecisset nihilo minus me invito. Ad Att. 
 
 4: Ego tamen Antonii inveteratam sine uUa ofFenslone amici- 
 tiam retinere sane volo. Ep. fam. 16. 23. 
 
 Cui quidem ego semper amicus fui, antequam ilium intellexi non 
 modo aperte, sed etiam libenter cum Rcpub. bellum gcrere. lb. 
 II. 5, ^ 4 
 
M The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 Antony made him but a cold reply ; having heard 
 perhaps, in the mean time, of something which did 
 not please him in his conduct. He told him only, that 
 hh easiness and clemency were agreeable to him, and 
 might hereafter be a great pleasure to himself^. 
 
 Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, was in Rome when 
 Caesar was killed; but being terrified by that accident, 
 and the subsequent disorders of the city, she ran a- 
 way presently with great precipitation. Her autho- 
 rity and credit with Caesar, in whose house she was 
 lodged, made her insolence intolerable to the Romans; 
 w^hom she seems to have treated on the same footing 
 with her own Egyptians ; as the subjects of absolute 
 power, and the slaves of a master whom she com- 
 manded. Cicero had a conference with her in Cae- 
 sar's gardens ; where the haughtiness of her beha- 
 viour gave him no small offence. Knowing his taste 
 ■ and character, she made him the promise of some pre- 
 sent, very agreeable, but disobliged him the more by 
 not performing it : he does not tell us what it was ^ 
 but, from the hints which he drops, it seems to have 
 been statues or curiosities from Egypt, for the orna- 
 ment of his library ; a sort of furniture, which he was 
 peculiarly fond of. Bat her pride being mortified by 
 Caesar's fate, she was now forced to apply to him by 
 her ministers for his assistance in a particular suit, that 
 she was recommending to the senate, in which he re- 
 
 * Antonius ad me tantum de Clodio resciipsit, meam lenitatem 
 &. clementlam & sibi esse gratam, & mihi magnae voluptati fore. 
 Ad. Att. 14. 10. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 25 
 
 A. Urb. 709, Cic. 63. Cosa — M. Antonius, P. Cornelius Dolabella, 
 
 fused to be concerned. The affair seems to have re- 
 lated to her infant son, whom she pretended to be 
 Caesar's, and called by his name ; and was labouring to 
 get him acknowleged as such at Rome, and declared 
 the heir of her kingdom ; as he was the year follow- 
 ing, both by Antony and Octavius ; though Caesar's 
 friends were generally scandalized at it, and Opplus 
 thought it worth while to write a book, to prove, that 
 the child could not be Caesar's *. Cleopatra had been 
 waiting to accompany Caesar into the east, in order 
 to preserve her influence over him, which was very 
 great : for, after his death, Helvius Cinna, one of the 
 tribunes, owned, that he had a law ready prepared and 
 delivered to him by Caesar, with orders to publish it, 
 as soon as he was gone, for granting to him the liber- 
 ty of taking what number of wives, and of what con- 
 dition he thought fit, for the sake of propagating child- 
 ren f . This was contrived probably to save Cleopa- 
 tra's honour, and to legitimate his issue by her; since 
 polygamy, and the marriage of a stranger, were pro- 
 hibited by the laws of Rome. 
 
 Cicero touches these particulars in several places, 
 though darkly and abruptly, according to the stile of 
 his letters to Atticus. " The flight of the queen," 
 
 * Quorum C. Oppius, quasi plane defensione ac patrocinio res 
 cgeret, librum edidit, non esse Ceesaris filium, quem Cleopatra 
 dicat. Sueton. J. Cats. 52, vid. Dio. p. 227, 345. 
 
 f Helvius Cinna — confessus est, habulsse se scrlptam paratam- 
 que legem, quam Caesar ferre jussisset cum ipse abesset, ut uxores, 
 liberorum quserendorum causa, quas & quot duccrc vellet, liceiet. 
 Suet, ib, Dio. 243. 
 
26 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709, Ck. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 says he, " gives me no pain. I should be glad to hear, 
 *• what farther news there is of her, and her young 
 *' Caesar, I hate the queen : her agent, Animonius, the 
 " witness and sponsor of her promises to me, knows 
 ** that I have reason : they were things only proper 
 " for a man of letters, and suitable to my character ; 
 ** so that I should not scruple to proclaim them from 
 " the Rostra. Her other agent, Sara, is not only a 
 " rascal, but has been rude to me. I never saw him 
 " at my house but once ; and when I asked him ci- 
 " vily, what commands he had for me, he said, that 
 " he came to look for Atticus. As to the pride of the 
 *' queen, when I saw her in the gardens, I can never 
 " think of it without resentment : I will have nothing 
 " therefore to do with them : they take me to have 
 ** neither spirit nor even feeling left *." 
 
 Antony, having put his affairs into the best train 
 that he could, and appointed the first of June for a 
 meeting of the senate, in order to deliberate on the 
 state of the Republic, took the opportunity of that in- 
 terval to make a progress through Italy, for the sake 
 of visiting the quarters of the veteran soldiers, and 
 
 * Regina fuga mihi pon molesta. (Ad. Att, 14. 8 ) de Re- 
 gina vellm, atque etiam de Caesare illo. (ib. 20.) Reginam odi. 
 Me jure facere scit sponsor proinissorum ejus Ammonius j quae 
 quidem erant (piXoMyxy & dignitatis mese, ut vel in concione dicerc 
 auderen:). Saram auteni, praeteiquam quod ncfarium hominem 
 cognovi, prcjeterea in me contumacem. bemel eum omnino domi 
 meae vidi, cum (piX6(p^owi ex eo qutererera, quid opus asset, Atii- 
 cura se dixit quaerere. Superbiam autem ipsius ReglnLC, cum es- 
 set trans Tiberim in hortis, commemorare sine magno dolore non 
 possum. Nihil igitur cum istis : nee tarn animum me, quam via 
 itomachum, habere arbitrantur. Ib. 15. 8, 
 
SEfit. IX. CICERO. ^7 
 
 A, Urb. 709. Grc, 63. Cos5.-*-M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 engaging them to his service, by all sorts of briber 
 and promises. He left the government of the city 
 to Dolabella, whom Caesar, upon his intended expe- 
 dition to Parthia, had designed and nominated to the 
 consulship: and though Antony had protested against 
 that designation, and resolved to obstruct its effect, 
 yet, after Caesar's death, when Dolabella, by the ad- 
 vantage of the general confusion, seized the ensigns 
 of the office, and assumed the habit and character of 
 the consul, Antony quietly received and acknow-. 
 ledged him as such at the next meeting of the se- 
 nate *. 
 
 Cicero had always kept up a fair correspondence 
 with his son-jn-law, though he had long known him 
 to be void of all virtue and good principles : but he 
 had now greater reason than ever for insinuating 
 himself, as far as he was able, into his confidence ; 
 in order to engage him, if possible, to the interests of 
 the Republic, and use him as a check upon the de- 
 signs of his colleague Antony ; in which he had the 
 greater prospect of success, on the account of their 
 declared enmity to each other. Dolabella greatly 
 confirmed these hopes ; and, as soon as Antony had 
 left the city, made all honest men think themselves 
 sure of him, by exerting a most severe, as well as 
 seasonable act of discipline, upon the disturbers of 
 the public tranquillity. For the mob, headed by 
 
 * Tuum Collegam, depositis inimicitiis, oblitus ausplcia, te Ip- 
 so Augure nanciante, illo primo die Collegam tibi esse volulsti— 
 Fhil. i. 13. 
 
28 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cosi. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 the impostor Marius, and the freedmen of Caesar, had 
 erected an altar in the Forum, on the spot where 
 Caesar's body was burnt ; with a pillar of Numidian 
 marble, twenty feet high, inscribed to the Father 
 OF His country. Here they performed daily sacri- 
 fices and divine rites ; and the humour of worship- 
 ping at this new altar began to spread itself so fast 
 among the meaner sort and the slaves, as to endan- 
 ger the peace and safety of the city : for the multi- 
 tudes which flocked to the place, fired with a kind 
 of enthusiastic rage, ran furious about the streets, 
 committing all sorts of outrage and violence against 
 the supposed friends of liberty. But Dolabella put 
 an end to the evil at once, by demolishing the pillar 
 and .the altar, and seizing the authors of the disor- 
 ders ; and causing such of them as were free, to be 
 thrown down the Tarpeian Rock, and the slaves to 
 be crucified. This gave an universal joy to the city : 
 the whole body of the people attended the consul 
 to his house ; and in the theatres gave him the usual 
 testimony of their thanks, by the loudest acclama- 
 tions *. 
 
 * Plebs— postea solidam columnam prope viginti pedum la- 
 pldis Numidici in Foro statuit, scriptisque Parenti Patrioe, apud 
 eandem longo tempore sacrificare, vota suscipere, controversias 
 quasdam, interposito per Ccesarem jure jurando, distrahere perse- 
 veravit. Suet. J. Caes. 85. 
 
 Manabat enim illud malum urbanum, et ita corroborabatur 
 quotidie, ut ego quidem et urbi et otio diffiderem urbano. Ep, 
 fam. 12. I. 
 
 Nam cum serperet in urbe infinitum malum — et quotidie magis 
 maglsquc perditi homines, cum sui similibus servis, tectis et tem- 
 
Sect IX. CICERO. 29 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 Cicero was infinitely pleased with this act, and 
 enjoyed some share of the praise, since it was gene- 
 rally imputed to the influence of his counsels : in a 
 letter upon it to Atticus ; ** O my admirable Dola- 
 " bella !" says he, " I now call him mine ; for, be- 
 ** lieve me, I had some doubt of him before : the 
 " fact affords matter of great speculation : to throw 
 ** them down the rock ^ to crucify; demolish the pillar y 
 ** pave the area ; in short, it is heroic. He has ex- 
 " tinguished all appearance of that regret for Caesar, 
 ** which was spreading every day so fast, that I be- 
 *' gan to apprehend some danger to our tyrant-kill- 
 ** ers : but I now agree with you, and conceive bet- 
 " tei: hopes, &c. f Again ; O the brave act of Do- 
 *' labella I what a prospect does it give us ? I never 
 
 *' cease praising and exhorting him -our Brutus, 
 
 " I dare say, might now walk safely through the 
 ** Forum, with a crown of gold upon his head : for 
 ** who dares molest him, when the rock or the cross 
 *' is to be their fate ? and when the very lowest of 
 " the people give such proofs of their applause and 
 *' approbation J ?" He wrote at the same time from 
 Baiae the following letter to Dolabella himself. 
 
 plis urbis minarenter ♦, talis animadversio fuit Dolobelloe, cum in 
 audaces sceleratosque servos, turn in impuros et nefarios cives, 
 talisque eversio illius execratse columnsc, &c. Phii. I. 2. — recor- 
 dare quseso, Dolobella, consensum ilium theatri — vid. ib. I2. 
 f Ad Att. 14. 15. 
 •t O Dolabellse nostri ^^tgeixg ! quanta est umB-ii^^-^ng ? equi- 
 dem iaudare eum & hortari non desisto — mihi quidem videtur 
 Brutus noster jam vel coronam auream per forum ferre posse ; 
 qu'is enim audeat violare, proposlta cruce aut saxo ? prtesertim 
 tantis plausibus, tanta approbatione infimorum ? ib, 14. 
 
3» 
 
 The life of Szcr.& 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6$. Co«s.— M. Antonius- P. Cornelius DoiabeUa. 
 
 Cicero to Dolabella Consul. 
 
 " Though I was content, my Dolabella, with your 
 *' glory, and reaped a sufficiency of pleasure from it, 
 *' yet I cannot but own, that it gives me an inex- 
 " pressible joy, to find the world ascribing to me also 
 " some share in your praises. I have met with no 
 *' body here, though 1 see so much company every 
 " day (for there are many worthy men now at this 
 " place for the sake of their health, and many of my 
 " acquaintance from the great towns) who, after ex- 
 " tolHng you to thd skies, does not give thanks pre- 
 " sently to me ; not doubting, as they all say, but 
 *' it is by my precepts and advice, that you now 
 *' shew yourself to be this admirable citizen, and sin- 
 " gular consul : and though I could assure them with 
 " great truth, that what jou are doing flows wholly 
 " from yourself and your own judgment, and that 
 ** you want not the advice of any one ; yet I neither 
 ** wholly assent, lest I should derogate from your 
 ** merit, by making it seem to proceed from my 
 " counsel ', nor do I strongly deny it, being myself 
 " perhaps more greedy of glory than I ought to bco 
 " But that can never be a diminution to you, which 
 " was an honour even to Agamemnon, the king of 
 *' kings, to have a Nestor for his counsellor ; while 
 " it will be glorious to me, to see a young consul,' 
 " the scholar, as it were, of my discipline, flourish- 
 *' ing in the midst of applause. L. Caesar, whef\ I 
 " visited him lately sick at Naples, though oppressed 
 " with pain iu every part of his body, yet, before he 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 31 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 *' had even saluted me, could not forbear crying out, 
 " O my Cicero! I congratulate with you on account 
 ** of the authority which you have with Dolabella ; 
 *' for, if I had the same credit with my sister's son, 
 ** Antony, we should all now be safe : but as to your 
 " Dolabella, I both congratulate with him, and thank 
 " him; since, from the time of your consulship, he is 
 *' the only one whom we can truly call a consul : he 
 *' then enlarged upon your act, and the manner of 
 *' it ; and declared, that nothing was ever greater, 
 ** nothing nobler, nothing more salutary to the state; 
 ** and this indeed is the common voice of all. Al- 
 *' low me, therefore, I beg of you, to take some share, 
 " though it be a false one, in the possession of ano- 
 " ther man's glory ; and admit me in some degree 
 " into a partnership of your praises. But to be se- 
 ** rious, my Dolabella, for hitherto I have been jok- 
 " ing, I would sooner transfer all the credit that I 
 " have to you, if I really have any, than rob you of 
 " any part of yours : for, as I have always had that 
 " sincere affection for you, to which you have been 
 *' no stranger, so now I am so charmed by your late 
 " conduct, that no love ever was more ardent. For, 
 " believe me, there is nothing after all more engag- 
 '* ing, nothing more beautiful, nothing more love- 
 " ly than virtue. I have ever loved M. Brutus, 
 *' you know, for his incomparable parts, swxet dis- 
 " position, singular probity, and firmness of mind : 
 ** yet, on the Ides of March, such an acces- 
 " sion was made to my love, that I was surpris- 
 " ed to find any room for increase in that, which 
 
32 THfe LIFE OF Sect IX 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " I had long ago taken to be full and perfect. Who 
 " could have thought it possible, that any addition 
 ** could be made to my love of you ? Yet so much 
 ** has been added, that I seem but now at last to 
 ** love, before to have only esteemed you. What is 
 ** it therefore that I must now exhort you to ? Is it 
 " to pursue the path of .dignity and glory ? And as 
 " those do, who use to exhort, shall I propose to you 
 " the examples of eminent men ? I can think of 
 *' none more eminent than yourself. You must imi- 
 " tate therefore yourself ; contend with yourself ; for, 
 " after such great things done, it would be a disgrace 
 " to you not to be like yourself. Since this then is 
 " the case, there is no occasion to exhort, buttocon« 
 " gratulate with you : for that has happened to you, 
 ** which scarce ever happened to any man, that, by 
 " the utmost severity of punishing, instead of ac- 
 " quiring odium, you are become popular ; and not 
 " only with the better sort, but the very meanest of 
 " the city. If this was owing to fortune, I should 
 " congratulate your felicity ; but it was owing to 
 " the greatness of your courage, as well as of your 
 " parts and wisdom. For I have read your speech 
 ** to the people : nothing was ever more prudent : 
 ** you enter so deliberately and gradually into the 
 ** reason of your act, and retire from it so artfully, 
 ** that the case itself, in the opinion of all, appears 
 " to be ripe for punishment. You have freed us 
 " therefore both from our danger and our fears, and 
 ** have done an act of the greatest service, not only 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 33 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M.Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " to the present times, but for the example of it also 
 *' to posterity. You are to consider, that the repubhc 
 ** now rests upon your shoulders; and that it is your 
 ♦* part, not only to protect, but to adorn those men, 
 *' from whom we have received this beginning of 
 *' our liberty: butof this we shall talk more fully, when 
 *' we meet again, as I hope we shall shortly; in the 
 " mean while, since you are now the common guar- 
 " dian both of the repubhc and of us all, take care, 
 ** my dear Dolabella, that you guard more especially 
 " your own safety *." 
 
 In this retreat from Rome he. had a mind to make 
 an excursion to Greece, and pay a visit to his son 
 at Athens, whose conduct did not please him, and 
 seemed to require his presence to reform and set it 
 right |. But the news of Dolabella's behaviour, and 
 the hopes which it gave of gaining the only thing 
 that was wanted, a head and leader of their cause, 
 armed with the authority ofthe state, made him re- 
 solve to stay at least till after the first of June, lest 
 his absence should be interpreted as a kind of de- 
 sertion : nor did he ever intend indeed to leave Italy, 
 till he could do it without censure, and to the full 
 satisfaction of Brutus, w^hom he was determined ne- 
 ver to desert on any occasion f . 
 
 * Ep. fam. 9, 14. 
 
 f Quod sentio valde esse utile ad confirmationem Ciceronis, 
 me illuc venire, (Ad Att. 14. 13.) magni interest Ciceronis, vel 
 mea potius, vel mehe'rcule utriusque, me intervenire discenti. lb. 16, 
 
 X Nunc autem videmur habituri ducem, quod unum Mumci- 
 pia, bonique desiderant. lb. 20. 
 
 Nee vero discedam, nisi cum tu me id honeste putabis facere 
 posse. Brute certe meo nuUo loco deero, lb. 15.— vid. 16, 13- 
 
 Vol •III. C 
 
34 The LIFE of Sect. iX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 He had frequent meetings and conferences all this 
 while with his old friends of the opposite party ; the 
 the late ministers of Caesar's power ; Pansa, Hirtius, 
 Balbus, Matius, &c. But Caesar's death, on which 
 their sentiments were very different from liis, had 
 in a great measure broken their former confidence : 
 and though the popularity of the act made them 
 somewhat shy of speaking their minds freely about 
 it, yet he easily perceived that they were utterly dis- 
 pleased with it, and seemed to want an occasion of 
 revenging it. Pansa and Plirtius, as has been said, 
 were nominated by Caesar to the consulship of the 
 next year ; and, as Caesar's acts were ratified by the 
 senate, were to succeed to it of course. This made 
 Brutus and Cassius press Cicero earnestly to gain 
 them, if possible, to the republican side, but espe- 
 cially Hirtius, whom they most suspected. But Ci- 
 cero seems to have hadjittle hopes of success ; hisr 
 account of them to Atticus is, " That there was not 
 " one of them who did not dread peace more than 
 " war ; that they were perpetually lamenting the 
 " miserable end of so great a man ; and declaring, 
 " that the republic was ruined by it ; that all his 
 ** acts would be made void, as soon as peoples fears 
 " were over; and that clemency was his ruin ; since, 
 *' if it had not been for that, he could not have pe- 
 " rished in such a manner : and of Hirtius in parti- 
 *• cular; he warmly loves him, says he, whom Bru- 
 *' tus stabbed : as to their desiring me to make him 
 " better, I am doin^ my endeavour : he talks very 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 u 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 62,. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. CorneUus Dolabella. 
 
 *' honestly, but lives with Balbus; who talks honest- 
 " ly too : how far they are to be trusted, you must 
 •' consider ^." 
 
 But of all this set of men, Matius was the most 
 open and explicit, in condemning the act of xht 
 conspirators, so as to put Cicero out of humour with 
 him, as a man irreconcileable to the hberty of the 
 republic. Cicero called upon him on his way from 
 Rome into the country, and found him sullen, des^ 
 ponding, and foreboding nothing but wars and deso- 
 lation, as the certain consequence of Csesar'S death* 
 Among other particulars of their conversation, Ma- 
 tius told him something which Caesar had lately said 
 both of him and Brutus ; that he used to say of Bru* 
 tus, '* it was of great consequence which way he 
 *' stood inclined, since whatever he had a mind to, 
 '* he pursued with an impetuous eagerness : that he 
 *' had remarked this of him more especially, in his 
 " pleading for Deiotarus at Nicsea ; where he spoke 
 *' with a surprising vehemence and freedom : And 
 ** of Cicero, that when he was attending Coesar, in 
 
 * Minime enim obscurum est, quid isti racliantur ; meus vero 
 discipulus, qui hodie apud me caenat, valde amat Ilium, quern 
 Brutus noster sauciavit, et si quasiis, perspexi enim plane, timent. 
 otium. vTr^^ia-iv auteift hanc habent, eamque pr-je se ferunt, vi- 
 rum clarissimuBi interfectum, totam rempub. illius interitu per- 
 turbatam : irrita fore, quae ille egisset, simul ac desistemus ti- 
 mere. Clementiam illi malo fulsse : qua si usus non essct, nihil 
 Hli tale accidere potuisse. Ad Att. 14. 22. 
 
 Quod Hirtium per me meliorem fieri volunt, do equidem ope^ 
 ram, & ille optima loquitur, s.ed vivit habitatque cum Balbo ■. 
 qui item bene loquitur. Quid credas videris. lb. 20, 2i, 
 
 Ca 
 
36 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 *' the cause of Sestius, Caesar perceiving him sitting 
 " in the room, and waiting till he was called, said, 
 ' ** Can 1 doubt of my being extremely odious, when 
 *' Cicero sits w^aiting, and cannot get access to me : 
 ** yet if any man be easy enough to forgive it, it is 
 " he ; though I do not question but that he really 
 '' hates me"^.'* 
 
 There were several reasons, however, which made 
 it necessary to these men to court Cicero at this 
 time as much as ever : for, if the republic happened 
 to recover itself, he was, of all men, the most capa- 
 ble to protect them on that side : if not, the most 
 able to assist them against Antony, whose designs 
 and success they dreaded still more : for, if they 
 must have a new master, they were disposed, for the 
 sake of Caesar, to prefer his heir and nephew Octa- 
 vius. We find Hirtius and Pansa therefore very as- 
 siduous in their observance of him : they spent a 
 great part of the summer with him at different times 
 in his villas, giving him the strongest assurances of 
 their good intentions, and disposition to peace, and 
 that he should be the arbiter of their future consul- 
 
 * De Bruto nostro — Csesarem solitum dicere. Magni refevt 
 hie quid velit : sed quicquid vult, valde vult. Idque eum ani- 
 madvertisse cum pro Deiotaro Niceai dixerit, valde vehementer 
 cum visum, et libeie dicere. i\tqae etiam proxime cum Sestii 
 rogatu apud eum fuissem, expectaremque sedens quoad vocarer, 
 dixisse eum j ego dubitcm quin summo in odio sim, cum M. Ci- 
 cero sedeat, nee suo commode me convenire possit ? Atque si 
 quisquam est facilis, hie est : tamen non dubito, quin me male 
 oderit. Ad Att. 14. i. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 37 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 ship : and though he continued still to have some 
 distrust of Hirtius, yet Pansa wholly persuaded hiai 
 that he was sincere ^. 
 
 Brutus and Cassius continued still near Lanuvium, 
 in the neighbourhood of Cicero's villa at Astura, of 
 which, at Cicero's desire, they sometimes made usef : 
 being yet irresolute what measures they should take, 
 they kept themselves quiet and retired, expecting 
 what time and chance would offer ; and waiting par- 
 ticularly to see what humour the consuls would be 
 in at the next meeting of the senate, with regard to 
 themselves and the republic : and, since they- were 
 driven from the discharge of their praetorship in the 
 city, they contrived to put the people in mind of 
 them from time to time by their edicts, in which 
 they made the strongest professions of their pacific 
 disposition, and declared, " that their conduct should 
 " should give no handle for a civil war; and that they 
 " would submit to a perpetual exile, if it would con- 
 "*' tribute in any manner to the public concord, being 
 " content with the consciousness of their act,* as the 
 " greatest honour which they could enjoy J." Their 
 
 * Cum Pansa vixl in Porapelano. Is plane mihi probabat, 
 se bene sentire et cupere pacera, &c. Ad Att. 14. 20. it. 15. i. 
 
 f Velim mehercule Asiurae Brutus. (Ad Att. 14. 11.) Bru- 
 tum apud me fuisse gaudeo : modo et libenter fuerit et sat diu. 
 lb. 15. 3. 
 
 X Testati edictis, libenter se vel in perpetuo cxlllo victuros, 
 dum Reipub. constaret concordia, nee ullam belli civilis prtebi- 
 turos materiam ; plurimum sibi honoris esse in conscientia facti 
 sui, &c. (Vejil. P. 2. 62.) Edictum Bruti &t Cassii probo. (Ad 
 
 C A Ati. 
 
3? The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6;^. Coss— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 present design was to come to Rome on the first of 
 June, and take their places in the senate, if it should 
 be thought adviseable ; or to present themselves at 
 least in the rostra, and try the affections of the 
 people, for whom Brutus was preparing a speech. 
 They sent to know Cicero*s opinion of this project, 
 with the copy also of that speech which Brutus 
 made in the capitol on the day of Caesar's death, 
 begging his revisal and correction of it, in order to 
 it's being published. Cicero, in his account of it to 
 Atticus, says, *' the oration is drawn with the utmost 
 " elegance both of sentiments and stile ; yet w-ere I 
 " to handle the subject, I should work it up with 
 " more fire. You know the character of the speak- 
 " er : for which reason I could not correct it. For 
 " in the stile in which our friend w^ould excel, and 
 ** according to the idea which he has formed of the 
 " best manner of speaking, he has succeeded so well, 
 *.' that nothing can be better : but, whether I am in 
 " the right or the wrong, I am of a quite different 
 " taste. I wish, however, that you would read it, 
 " if you have not already, and let me know what 
 " you think of it : though I am afraid, lest, through 
 " the prejudice of your name, you should show too 
 ^* much of the Attic in your judgment : yet, if you 
 " remember the thunder of Demosthenes, you will 
 • * perceive, that the greatest force may consist with 
 " the perfection of Attic elegance *." 
 
 Att. 14. 20.) De quibus tu bonam spem te habere signific^q 
 propter edictorura humanitatem. lb, 15. i. 
 * Ad Att, 15. I. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 39 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 • Atticus did not like the speech ; he thought the 
 jnanner too cold and spiritless for so great an occa- 
 sion ; and begged of Cicero to draw up another, to 
 be pubhshed in Brutus's name : but Cicero would 
 not consent to it, thinking the thing itself improper, 
 and kno\ving that Brutus would take it ill*. In 
 one of his letters on the subject, " Though you think 
 " me in the wrong," says he, " to imagine that the 
 " republic depends on Brutus, the fact is certainly 
 " so : there will either be none at all, or it \vill be 
 i' saved by him and his accomplices. As to your 
 " urging me to write a speech for him, take it from 
 " me, my Atticus, as a general rule, which by long 
 " experience I have found to be true, that there 
 " never was a poet or orator, who thought any one 
 " preferable to himself: this is the case even with 
 " bad ones : what shall we think then of Brutus, 
 " who has both wit and learning ? especially after 
 *' the late experiment of him, in the case of the 
 " edict : I drew up one for him at your desire : I 
 " liked mine ; he his : besides, when, at his earnest 
 " solicitation, I addressed to him my treatise on the 
 ^* best manner of speaking, he wrote word, not only 
 " to me, but to you too, that the kind of eloquence 
 " which I recommended, did not please him. Let 
 " every one therefore compose for himself — I wish 
 " only that it may be in his power to make a speech 
 *' at all ; for if ever he can appear again with safety 
 ^' at Rome, we have gained the victory f ." 
 
 * Ad Att. 3. 4. C 4 f lb. 14. 30. 
 
40 
 
 The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 In this interval a new actor appeared on the stage, 
 who, though hitherto but httle considered, soon made 
 the first figure upon it, and drev/ all peoples eyes 
 towards him, the young Octavius, who was left by his 
 uncle Caesar, the heir of his name and estate. He 
 had been sent a few months before to ApcUonia, a 
 celebrated academy, or school of learning in Mace- 
 donia, there to wait for his uncle on his way to the 
 Parthian war, in which he was to attend him : but 
 the news of Caesar's death soon brought him back 
 to Italy, to try what fortunes he could carve for him- 
 celf, by the credit of his new name, and the help of 
 his uncle's friends. He arrived at Naples on the 
 eighteenth of April, whither Balbus went the next 
 morning to receive him, and returned the same day 
 to Cicero near Cumae, having first conducted Octa- 
 vius to the adjoining villa of his father-in-law Phihp : 
 Hirtius and Pansa were wnth Cicero at the same 
 time, to whom they immediately presented Octavius, 
 with the strongest professions on the part of the 
 young man, that he w^ould be governed entirely by 
 his direction *. 
 
 The sole pretension which he avowed at present, 
 was, to assert his right to the succession of his uncle's 
 estate, and to claim the possession of it: but this was 
 
 * Octavius Necpolim venit a. d. xiiii Kal. ibi eum Balbus 
 inane postridie ; eodernque die mecum in Cumano. (Ad Att. 14. 
 JO.) Hie mecum Balbus, Hirtius, Pansa. Modo venit Octa- 
 vius, & quidem in proximam villani Philippi, mihi totus deditus. 
 lb. II, 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 4f 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— M. Antonius, F. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 thought an attempt too hardy and dangerous for a 
 mere boy, scarce yet above eighteen years old : for 
 the repubhcan party had great reason to be jealous 
 of him, lest, with the inheritance of the estate, he 
 should grasp at the power, of his uncle ; and Antony 
 still more, who had destined that succession to him- 
 self, and already seized the effects, lest, by the ad- 
 vantage of all that wealth, Octavius might be in a 
 condition to make head against him. The mother, 
 therefore, and her husband Philip, out of concern 
 for his safety, pressed him to suspend his claim for a 
 while, and not assume an invidious name, before he 
 could see what turn the public afiairs would take : 
 but he was of too great a spirit to relish any sugges- 
 tions of caution ; declaring it *' base and infamous to 
 " think himself unworthy of a name, of which Caesar 
 " had thought him worthy"* :" and there were many 
 about him constantly pushing him on, to throw him- 
 self upon the affections of the city, and the army, 
 before his enemies had made themselves too strong 
 for him ; so that he was on fire to be at Rome, and 
 to enter into action ; being determined to risk all 
 his hopes on the credit of his name, and the friends 
 and troops of his uncle. 
 
 Before he left the country, Cicero, speaking of him 
 to Atticus, says, " Octavius is still with us, and treats 
 
 * Non placebat Atise matri, Philippoque vitrico, adiri nomen 
 invIdios£e fortunce Csesaris — sprevit caelestis animus humana con- 
 silia — dictitans, nefas esse, quo nomine Caesari dignus esset visus, 
 sibimet ipsurn videri indignum. Veil. P. 2. 60. 
 
4? The LIFE of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella, 
 
 " me with the greatest respect and friendship : his 
 " domestics give him the name of Caesar : PhiHp does 
 " not ; nor for that reason do I. It is not possible for 
 " him, in my opinion, to make a good citizen ; there 
 " are so many about him, who threaten the death of 
 " our friends : they declare, that what they have done 
 *' can never be forgiven. What will be the case, think 
 " you, when the boy comes to Rome, where our de- 
 " liverers cannot shew their heads ? who yet must 
 ** ever be famous, nay, happy too, in the consciousness 
 " of their act : but as for us, unless I am deceived, 
 " we shall be undone. 1 long therefore to go abroad, 
 *' where I may hear no more of those Pelopidae, &-c. *." 
 As soon as Qctavius came to Rome, he was produ- 
 ced to the people by one of the tribunes, and made 
 a speech to them from the Rostra, which was now 
 generally possessed by the enemies of Brutus, who 
 were perpetually making use of the advantage, to 
 inflame the mob against him : *' Remember," says 
 *' Cicero, " what I tell you : this custom of seditious 
 ** harangues is so much cherished, that those heroes 
 " of ours, or rather gods, will Hve indeed in immortal 
 " glory, yet not without envy, and even danger: their 
 
 * Nobiscum hie perhonorifice & amice Octavius : quern quid- 
 em sui Ccbsarem salutabant, Philipus non *, itaque ne nos quidem : 
 quem nego posse bonum civem, ita multi circumstant, qui quidem 
 nostris mortem minitantur. Nei^ant haec feni posse, Quid censes, 
 cum Romam puer venerit, ubi nostri liberatores tuti esse non pos- 
 sunt ? qui quidem semper erunt clari j conscientia vero facti sui 
 ctiam beati : sed nos, nisi me fallit, jacebiraus, Itaque aveo exirej 
 ubi nee Pelopidarum — ad Alt. 14. 12. 
 
Sect. I, CICERO. 43 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— -M. Antonius, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " great comfort however is, the consciousness of a 
 " most glorious act : but what comfort for us, who 
 " when our king is killed, are not yet free ? But for- 
 " tune must look to that, since reason has no sway*.'* 
 
 Octavius seconded his speech, by what was hke to 
 please the inferior part of the city much better; — the 
 representation of public shews and plays in honour of 
 his uncle's victories. Caesar had promised and pre- 
 pared for them in his lifetime ; but those whom he 
 had entrusted with the management, durst not ven- 
 ture to exhibit them after his death, till Octavius, as 
 his heir and representative, undertook the affair, as 
 devolved of course upon himself f. In these shews 
 Octavius brought out the golden chair, which, among 
 the other honours decreed to Caesar when living, was 
 ordered to be placed in the theatres and circus, as to 
 a deity, on all solemn occasions J. But the tribunes 
 ordered the chair to be taken away, upon which the 
 body of the knights testified their applause by a ge- 
 neral clap. Atticus sent an account of this to Cicero, 
 which was very agreeable to hmi J : but he was not 
 
 * Sed memento, sic alitur consuetudo perdltarum eoncionum, 
 utnostri illi non Heroes, sed Dli, futuri quidem in gloria sempi- 
 terna sint, sed non sine invldia, ne sine periculo quidem : verum 
 illis magna consolatio, consclentia maximi & clarissimi facti : no- 
 bis quae, qui interfecto Rege liberi non siunus P sed h«ic fortuna 
 vlderit, quoniam ratio non gubernat. Ad Att. 14. 11. 
 
 f Ludos autem victoriae Caesaris non audentibas facere, quibus 
 obtigerat id munus, ipse edidit — Suet. Aug. x. Dio. p. 272. 
 t D\o. 44. 243. 
 
 5 De Sella Csesarls, bene Tribuni. Prarclaros etiam xiv. or- 
 ^'mes= Ad Att. 15. 3. 
 
44 . The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonlus. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 at all pleased with Octavius's conduct, since it indi- 
 cated a spirit determined to revive the memory, and 
 to avenge the death of Cassar : and he was the less 
 pleased to hear also, that Matias had taken upon him 
 the care of these shev;s * ; since it confirmed the sus- 
 picion, which he had before conceived of Matius; and 
 made him apprehensive, that he would be an ill coun- 
 sellor to young Octavius, in which light he seems to 
 have represented him to Brutus. Matius v/as inform- 
 ed of these suspicions, and complained to their com- 
 mon friend Trebatius, of Cicero's unkind opinion and 
 unfriendly treatment of him, which gave occasion to 
 the following apology from Cicero, and the answer to 
 it from Matius ; which is deservedly valued, not only 
 for the beauty of its sentiments and composition, but 
 for preserving to us a name and character, which w^as 
 almost lost to history, of a n^ost esteemed and ami- 
 able person, who lived in the first degree of confi- 
 dence with Caesar, and for parts, learning, and virtue, 
 was scarce inferior to any of that age. 
 
 Cicero takes pains to persuade Matius, that he had 
 said nothing of him, but v/hat was consistent with 
 the strictest friendship ; and, to gain the easier credit 
 v/ith him, prefaces his apology with a detail and ac- 
 know^ledgement of Matius's perpetual civilities, and 
 observance of him through life, even when in the 
 height of his power and credit with Caesar : but when 
 
 * Ludorum ejus apparatus, & Matiu§ ac Postumius procuratores 
 raihi non placent. Ad Att. 15. 2. 
 
Sect IX. CICERO. 45 
 
 A. Urb. 709. CiCc 6 2. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabeUa. 
 
 he comes to the point of the complaint, he touches 
 it very tenderly, and observes only in general, " That 
 " as Matias's dignity exposed every thing which he 
 *' did to public notice, so the malice of the world in- 
 " terpreted some of his acts more hardly than they 
 " deserved : that it was his care always to give the 
 
 ** most favourable turn to them but you, says he, 
 
 " a man of the greatest learning, are not ignorant, 
 *' that if Caesar was in fact a king, as I indeed look 
 " upon him to have been, there are two ways of con- 
 *' sidering the case of your duty : either that, which 
 ** I commonly take, of extolhng your fidehty and 
 *' humanity, in shewing so much affection even to a 
 " dead friend ; or the other, which some people use, 
 " that the liberty of our country ought to be pre- 
 " ferred to the hfe of any friend. I wash that you 
 " had heard with what zeal I used to defend you 
 " in these conversations : but there are two things 
 " especially, that make the principal part of your 
 " praise, which no man speaks of more frequently or 
 " more freely than I ; that you, of all Caesar's friends, 
 *' were the most active both in dissuading the civil 
 ** war, and in moderating the victory ; in which I 
 ** have met with no body who does not agree with 
 " me, " &c,* 
 
 Matius to Cicero. 
 " Your letter gave me great pleasure, by letting 
 " me see that you retain still that favourable opinion 
 
 * Ep, fam. xi. 27- 
 
46 The LIFE of Sect. 1^. 
 
 A. Urb. 709 Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " of me, which I had always hoped and wished ; and 
 *' though I had never indeed any doubt of it, yet for 
 *' the high value that I set Upon it, I was very sol- 
 *' licitous that it should remain always inviolable : I 
 ** was conscious to myself, that I had done nothing 
 *' which could reasonaby give offence to any honest 
 " man ; and did not imagine, therefore, that a per- 
 " son of your great and excellent accomplishments 
 ** could be induced to take any w^ithout reason, es- 
 •* pecially against one who had always professed, 
 ** and still continued to profess, a sincere good-will 
 ** to you. Since all this then stands just as I wish it, 
 " I will now give an answer to those accusations, 
 ** from which you, agreeably to your character, out 
 *• of your singular goodness and friendship, have so 
 " often defended me. I am no stranger to what has 
 •' been said of me by certain persons, since Caesar*s 
 *' death : they call it a crime in me, that I am con- 
 ♦• cerned for the loss of an intimate friend, and sorry 
 ** that the man whom I loved met with so unhappy 
 ♦' a fate : they say, that our country ought to be pcr« 
 ♦' ferred to any friendship, as if they had already 
 ** made it evident, that his death was so severe to the 
 " Repubhc : but I will not deal craftily : I own my- 
 " self not to be arrived at that degree of wisdom ; 
 *' nor did I yet follow Caesar in our late dissentions, 
 " but my friend ; whom, though displeased with the 
 " thing, I could not desert : for I never approved the 
 " civil war, or the cause of it ; but took all possible 
 •' pains to stifle it in its biith, Upon the victory there- 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 47 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabell?.. 
 
 " fore of a familiar friend, I was not eager either to 
 " advance, or to enrich myself: an advantage, which 
 *' others, who had less interest with him than I, abus- 
 " ed to great excess. Nay, my circumstances were 
 *' even hurt by Caesar's law, to whose kindness the 
 " greatest part of those, who now rejoice at his death, 
 " owed their very continuance in' the city. I solicit- 
 " ed the pardon of the vanquished with the same zeal, 
 " as if it had been for myself. Is it possible there- 
 " fore for me, who laboured to procure the safety of 
 " all, not to be concerned for the death of him, from 
 " whom I used to procure it ? — especially when the 
 " very same men, who were the cause of making him 
 " odious, were the authors also of destroying him. 
 *' But I shall have cause, they say, to repent, for dar- 
 " ing to condemn their act. Unheard of insolence ! 
 ** that it should be allowed to some to gloryinawick- 
 *' ed action, yet not to others, even to grieve at it 
 ** without punishment. But this was always free even 
 *' to slaves, to fear, rejoice, and grieve, by their own 
 *• will, not that of another ; which yet these men, who 
 *' call themselves the authors of liberty, are endea- 
 *' vouring to extort from us by the force of terror. 
 ** But they may spare their threats : for no danger 
 " shall terrify me from performing my duty and the 
 " offices of humanity : since it was always my opinion, 
 *' that an honest death was never to be avoided, of- 
 " ten even to be sought. But why are they angry 
 " with me, for wishing only that they may repent of 
 ** their act ? I wish that all the world may regret Cie- 
 
48 The LIFE of Sect IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " sar's death. But I ought, they say, as a member 
 " of civil society, to wish the good and safety of the 
 *' republic. If my past hfe and future hopes do not 
 *' already prove that I wish it, Vv^ithout my saying so, 
 " I will not pretend to evince it by argument. I beg 
 " of you, therefore, in the strongest terms, to attend to 
 ** facts rather than lO words : and if you think it the 
 *' most useful to one in my circumstances, that what 
 " is right should take place, never imagine, that I 
 " can have any union or commerce with ill-designing 
 *' men. I acted the same part in my youth, where 
 ** to mistake would have been pardonable ; shall I 
 ** then undo it all again, and renounce my principle 
 *' in my declining age ? No ; it is my resolution to 
 '* do nothing that can give any offence ; except it be, 
 " when I lament the cruel fate of a dear friend and 
 " illustrious man. If I were in different sentiments, 
 " I would never disown what I was doing ; lest I should 
 ** be thought, not only wicked for pursuing what was 
 " wrong, but false and cowardly for dissembling it. 
 •' But I undertook the care of the shews, which young 
 " Caesar exhibited for the victory of his uncle : this 
 '* was an affair of private, not of public duty : it was 
 *' what I ought to have performed to the memiory and 
 *' honour of my dead friend ; and what I could not 
 *' therefore deny to a youth of the greatest hopes, and 
 " so highly worthy of Caesar. But I go often also to 
 *' the consul Antony's to pay my compliments : yet 
 " you will find those very men go oftener to ask and 
 "receive favours, who reflect upon me for it, as dis- 
 
Sect. IX. GICERO. ^^ 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.~M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " affected to my country. But what arrogance is 
 " this ? When Caesar never hindered me from visit- 
 *' ing whom I would ; even those whom he did not 
 " care for; that they who have deprived me of him, 
 " should attempt by their cavils to debar me from pla- 
 " cing my esteem where I think proper. But I am 
 " not afraid, that either the modesty of my life should 
 " not be sufEcient to confute all false reports of me 
 <' for the future, or that they, who do not love me for 
 ** my constancy to Caesar, would not chuse to have 
 " their friends resemble me, rather than themselves. 
 " For my own part, if I could have my wish, I would 
 *' spend the remainder of my days in quiet at Rhodes : 
 " but if any accident prevent me, will live in such a 
 " manner at Rome, as always to desire that what is 
 " right may prevail. I am greatly obliged to our 
 " friend Trebatius, for giving me this assurance, of 
 " your sincere and friendly regard for me, and for 
 ** making it my duty to respect and observe a man, 
 '* whom I had esteemed always before with inclina- 
 " tion. Take care of your health, and preserve me 
 *' in your affection- *.'' 
 
 * Ep. fam. xi. 28. This Cn. Matius lived long afterwards in. 
 such favour and familiarity with Augustus, as to be distinguished 
 by the title of Augustus's friend. Yet he seems to have declin- 
 ed all public honours and business, and to have spent the remain- 
 der of his days in an elegant and pleasurable retreat ; employing 
 iiis time and studies in the improvements of gardening and plant- 
 ing, as well as in refining the delicacy of a splendid and luxurious 
 life, which was the general taste of that age. For he first taught 
 how to inoculate and propagate some of their curious and foreign 
 
 Vol. III. P //7/?>ij 
 
so The LIFE of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabdia. 
 
 Antony all this while was not idle ; but pushed on 
 his designs with great vigour and address : in his pro- 
 gress through Italy, his business was to gather up Cae- 
 sar's old soldiers, from the several colonies and quar- 
 ters in which they were settled ; and by large bribes, 
 and larger promises, to attach them to his interests, 
 and draw great bodies of them towards Rome, to be 
 ready for any purpose, that his affairs should require. 
 In the city likewise he neglected no means, which 
 his consular authority offered, how unjust or violent 
 soever, of strengthening his power ; and let all peo- 
 ple now see, for what ends he had provided that de- 
 cree, to which the senate had consented for the sake 
 of peace, of confirming Caesar's acts : for, being the 
 master both of Caesar's papers, and of his secretary 
 Faberius, by whose hand they were written *, he had 
 an opportunity of forging and inserting at pleasure 
 whatever he found of use to him ; which he practis- 
 ed without any reserve or management ; selling pub- 
 licly for money, whatever immunities were desired, 
 by countries, cities, princes, or private men, on pre- 
 tence that they had been granted by Caesar, and en- 
 tered into his books. This alarmed and shocked all 
 
 fruits ; and introduced the way oi cutting trees and groves into re- 
 gular forms : on which subjects he published several books, which 
 are mentioned by the latter writers. Vid Columel. de re rust. 1. 12. 
 c. 44. init. Plin, Hist. 1. 12. 2 ; 15. 14. 
 
 * Tat v%ofj(,vv>fA.ocra, tm (ii^>i>^iv f^av Avrcovtog 'i^uvy cck} rh y^xy^fAXTiit 
 T« Kctic-oc^og (puCi^toVf k TTotyTX ol TTCi^of^oy, App. 1. 3. 529. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERo! 
 
 SI 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 honest men, who saw the mischief, but knew no re- 
 medy : Antony had the power, and their own decree 
 had justified it : Cicero complains of it heavily, in 
 many of his letters, and declares it a thousand times 
 better to die than to suffer it *. '* Is it so then ?'* 
 says he ; "is all, that our Brutus has done, come to 
 " this, that he might Hve at last at Lanuvium? That 
 " Trebonius might steal away through private roads 
 " to his province ? That all the acts, writings, say- 
 " ings, promises, thoughts of C^sar, should have great- 
 " er force now, than when he himself was living ?" 
 All which he charges to that mistake of the first day, 
 in not summoning the senate into the Capitol, where 
 they might have done what they pleased, when their 
 own party was uppermost, and those robbers, as he 
 calls them, dispersed and dejected f . 
 
 Among the other acts, which Antony confirmed, 
 on the pretence of their being ordered by Caesar, he 
 granted the freedom of the city to all Sicily, and re- 
 stored to king Deiotarus all his former dominions. 
 Cicero speaks of this with great indignation ; " O my 
 *' Atticus," says he, *' the Ides of March have given 
 *' us nothing, but the joy of revenging ourselves on 
 
 " him whom we had reason to hate it was a brave 
 
 " act, but left imperfect you know what a kind- 
 
 * Ep. fam. 12. I. Ad Att. T4. 9. 
 f Itane vero ? hoc meus & tuus Brutus egit, ut Lanuvil esset ? 
 ut Trebonius itineribus deviis profici'^ceretur in provinciara ? ut 
 omnia facta, scripta dxta, promissa, cogit-'ta Csesaris, plus vale- 
 xent, quam si ipse viveret ? &.c. Ad Att. 14. 10. 
 
 D 2 
 
5* The LIFE OF Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— -M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 "ness I have for the Sicilians; that I esteem it an 
 " honour to be their patron : Caesar granted them many 
 " privileges, which I did not dishke ; though his giv- 
 " ing them the rights of Latium was intolerable : yet 
 " that was nothing to what Antony has done, who for 
 " a large sum of money has published a law, pretend- 
 *' ed to be made by the dictator, in an assembly of 
 " the people, though we never heard a syllable of it 
 " in his life time, which makes them all citizens of 
 " Rome. Is not Deiotarus's case just the same ? He 
 " is worthy indeed of any kingdom ; but not by the 
 " grant of Fulvia : there are a thousand instances of 
 •' the same sort ^." When this last act was hung up 
 as usual in the Capitol, among the public monuments 
 of the city, the forgery appeared so gross, that the 
 people, in the midst of their concern, could not help 
 laughing at it ; knowing that Caesar hated no man 
 so much as Deiotarus. But the bargain was made 
 in Fulvia's apartments, for the sum of eighty thou- 
 sand pounds, by the king's agents at Rome, without 
 consulting Cicero, or any other of their master's friends : 
 yet the old king, it seems, was before hand with them, 
 and no sooner heard of Caesar's death, than he seized 
 upon his dominions again by force. " He knew it," 
 says Cicero, *' to be an universal right, that what ty-» 
 ** rants had forcibly taken away, the true owners 
 " might recover whenever they were able : — he act- 
 " ed like a m,an, but we contemptibly ; who whilst 
 
 * Ad. Att. 14. 12. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO, 53 
 
 A. Urb. 709. CIc. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 " we hate the author, yet maintain his acts *.." By 
 these methods Antony presently amassed infinite 
 sums of money ; for though at the time of Caesar's 
 death he owed, as Cicero told him, above three hun- 
 dred thousand pounds, yet within less than a fortnight 
 after it he had paid off the whole debt f . 
 
 There was another instance of his violence, which 
 gave still greater offence to the city ; his seizing the 
 public treasure, which Csesar had deposited for the 
 occasions of the government, in the temple of Opis, 
 amounting to above five miUions and a half of our mo- 
 «ey ; besides what Calpurnia, Caesar's wife, from his 
 private treasure, had delivered into his hands, com- 
 puted at about another million. This was no extra- 
 ordinary sum, if we consider the vastness of the mine 
 from which it w^as drawn, the extent of the Roman 
 empire ; and that Cassar was of all men the most ra- 
 pacious in extorting it; Cicero, alluding to the man- 
 ner in which it was raised, calls it a bloody and dead- 
 ly treasure, gathered from the spoils and ruin of the 
 subjects ; which, if it were not restored, as it ought 
 
 * Syngrapha H. S. centies per legatos, — sine nostra, sine reli- 
 quorum hospltum Regis sententia, facta in gyn^cso : quo in loco 
 plurimse res venierunt, & veneunt— Rex enira ipse sua spontc, 
 nuUis commentariis Caesaris, simul atque audivit ejus interitum, 
 suo marte res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo sapiens, jus semper 
 hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyrannl eripuissent, ea tyrannis interfectis, ii 
 quibus erepta essent, recuperarent — llle vir fuit, nos quidem con- 
 temnendi, qui auctorem odimus, acta defendlmus. Phil. 2. 37. 
 
 f Tu autem quadringenties H. S. quod Idlbus raartiis debulsti, 
 quonaminraodoanteKalendasAprilisdeberede^ini ?— Phil. 2. 37. 
 
 B3 
 
54 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 to be, to the true owners, might have been of great 
 service to the public, towards easing them of their 
 taxes *. 
 
 But Antony, who followed Cesar's maxims, took 
 care to secure it to himself: the use of it was to pur-, 
 chase soldiers ; and he was now in condition to out- 
 bid any competitor : but the first purchase that he 
 made with it, was of his colleague Dolabella, who had 
 long been oppressed with the load of his debts, and 
 whom, by a part of this money, and the promise of a 
 farther share in the phmder of the empire, he drew 
 entirely from Cicero and the republican party, into 
 his own measures. This was an acquisition worth 
 any price to him : the general inclination both of the 
 city and the country was clearly against him : the 
 town of Puteoli, one of the most considerable of Italy, 
 had lately chosen the two Brutus's and Cassius for 
 their patrons f, and there wanted nothing but a lead- 
 er to arm the whole empire in that cause : Dolabella 
 seemed to be that very person, till bribed, as Cicero 
 says, by force of money, he not only deser^e^l, but 
 overturned the republic f. 
 
 * Ubi est septies milHes H. S. quod in tabulls, quse sunt ad 
 Opis patebat ? fun€S^ae illius quidem pecuniEe, sed tamen, si iis, 
 quorum erat, non redderctur, quae nos a tributis posset vindicare. 
 Phil. 2. ^7. it, Phil I. 7. it. Plut rch. in Ant. 
 
 f Vexavit Puteolanos, quod Cassium & Brutum Patronos adop- 
 tassent Phil. 2 41. 
 
 X Ut ilium oderim, quod cum Rempub. me auctore defendere 
 caepisset, non modo deserucrit, emptus pecunia, sed etiam quaa^ 
 turn in ipso fuit, everterit. Ad Att. i6. 15. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 55 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabtila. 
 
 These proceedings, which were preparatory to the 
 appointed meeting of the senate on the first of June, 
 began to open Erutus's eyes, and to convince him of 
 the mistake of his pacific measures, and favourable 
 thoughts of Antony : he now saw that there was no 
 good to be expected from him, or from the senate it- 
 self, under his influence : and thought it time there- 
 fore, in concert with Cassius, to require an explicit 
 account of his intentions, and to expostulate with 
 him gently in the following letter. 
 
 Brutus and C as si us. Praetors, to M. Antonius, 
 
 Consul. 
 
 " If we w^ere not persuaded of your sincerity and 
 *' good will towards us, we should not have written 
 " this to you ; which, out of the kind disposition that 
 " you bear to us, you will take without doubt in good 
 " part. We are informed that a great multitude of 
 ** veteran soldiers is ah'eady come to Rome, and a 
 '* much greater expected there on the first of June. 
 " If we could harbour any suspicion or fear of you, 
 " we should be unlike ourselves : yet surely, after 
 *' we had put ourselves into your power, and by your 
 " advice dismissed the friends, whom we had about 
 " us from the great towns, and that not only by pub- 
 " he edict, but by private letters, we deserve to be 
 " made acquainted with your designs ; especially in 
 " an affair which relates to ourselves. We beg of 
 " you therefore to let us know what your intentions 
 
 B 3 
 
56 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 •* are with regard to us. Do you think that we can 
 •' be safe in such a crowd of veterans ? who have 
 " thoughts, we hear, even of rebuilding the altar ; 
 ** which no man can desire or approve, who wishes 
 " our safety and honour. That we had no other view 
 " from the first but peace, nor sought any thing else 
 " but the public liberty, the event shews. No body 
 ** can deceive us, but you ; which is not certainly 
 " agreeable to your virtue and integrity : but no man 
 *' else has it in his power to deceive us. We trusted, 
 " and shall trust to you alone. Our friends are un- 
 " der the greatest apprehensions for us : for though 
 " they are persuaded of your integrity, yet they re- 
 " fleet, that a multitude of veterans may sooner be 
 " pushed on to any violence by others, than restrain- 
 " ed by you. We desire an expHcit answer to all 
 ** particulars: for it is silly and trifling to tell us, that 
 ** the veterans are called together, because you in- 
 ** tend to move the senate in their favour in June: 
 " for who do you think will hinder it, when it is cer- 
 " tain that we shall not ? No body ought to think us 
 " too fond of life, when nothing can happen to us, 
 ** but with the ruin and confusion of all things *." 
 
 During Cicero's stay-in the country, where he had. 
 a perpetual resort of his friends to him, and where 
 his thoughts seemed to be always employed on the 
 republic, yet he found leisure to write several of those 
 philosophical pieces, whiclj still subsist both to the 
 
 * Ep, famv xi. 2» 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 57 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63, Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 pleasure and benefit of mankind : For he now com- 
 posed his Treatise on the Nature of the Gorfx, in three 
 books, addressed to Brutus ; containing the opinions 
 of all the philosophers who had ever written any 
 thing on that argument : to which he bespeaks the 
 attention of his readers, as to a subject of the last 
 importance ; which would inform them w^hat they 
 ought to think of religion, piety, sanctity, ceremonies, 
 faith, oaths, temples, &.c. since all these were in- 
 cluded in that single question of the Gods *. He 
 drew up likewise his discourse on divination, or the 
 foreknowledge and prediction of future events, and 
 the several ways by which it was supposed to be ac- 
 quired or communicated to man : where he explains 
 in two books whatever could be said for and against 
 the actual existence of the thing itself. Both these 
 pieces are written in the Vv^ay of dialogue ; of which 
 he gives the following account : " Since Carneades," 
 says he, " has argued both acutely and copiously a- 
 " gainst divination, in answer ta the Stoics, I am now 
 " enquiring what judgment we ought to form con- 
 *' cerning it : and, for fear of giving my assent rashly 
 ** to a thing, either false in itself, or not sufficiently 
 " understood, I think it best to do, what I have al- 
 " ready done, in my three books on the nature of the 
 *' Godsy weigh and compare diligently all the argu- 
 " ments with each other : for as rashness of assent 
 " and error is in all cases shameful, so most of all in 
 
 * Dc Nat. Deor. i. 6. 
 
5* The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " that, where we are to judge what stress is to be 
 " laid on auspices, and things of a divine and religi- 
 " ous nature ; for the danger is, lest either by ne- 
 " glecting them, we involve ourselves in an impiety, 
 ** or by embracing them, in an old woman's super- 
 " stition*," He now also wrote his piece on the Ad^ 
 vantages of Old Age, cdlhdCRtOy from the chief speak- 
 er in the dialogue : he addressed it to Atticus, as a 
 lecture of common comfort to them both, in that 
 gloomy scene of life on which they were entering ; 
 having found so much pleasure, he says, in writing 
 it, that it not only eased him of all the complaints of 
 age, but made age itself even agreeable and chear- 
 ful to him f . He added soon after another present 
 of the same kind to Atticus, a Treatise on Friendship: 
 *' a subject," he says, *' both worthy to be known to 
 " all, and peculiarly adapted to the case of their par- 
 " ticular intimacy : for as I have already written of 
 " age, an old man to an old man ; so now, in the per- 
 " son of a sincere friend, I write on friendship to my 
 " friend." This is written also in dialogue, the chief 
 speaker of which is Laelius ; who, in a conversation 
 with his two sons in law, Fannius and Sceevola, upon 
 the death of P. Scipio, and the memorable friendship 
 that had subsisted between them, took occasion, at 
 
 * De Divin, 1. 4. 
 
 f Mihi quldem ita jucunda hujus libri confectio fuit, ut non 
 modo omnes absterserit senectutis molestias, sed effecerit mollem 
 etiam Sc jucundura senectutem. Cato. i. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 59 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic, 63. Coss. — M. Antonius P Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 their desire, to explain to them the nature and bene- 
 fits of true friendship. Scaevola, who hved to a great 
 age, and loved to retail his old stories to his scholars, 
 used to relate to them with pleasure all the particulars 
 of this dialogue, which Cicero, having committed to 
 his memory, dressed up afterwards in his own man- 
 ner into the present form *. Thus this agreeable 
 book, which when considered only as an invention or 
 essay, is one of the most entertaining pieces in anti- 
 quity, must needs affect us more warmly, when it is 
 found at last to be a history, or a picture drawn from 
 the life, exhibiting the real characters and senti- 
 ments of the best and greatest men of Rome. He 
 now also wrote his discourse On Fate}, which was the 
 subject of a conversation with Hirtius, in his villa 
 near Puteoh, where they spent several days together 
 in May : and he is supposed to have finished about 
 the same time, a^ translation of Plato's famous dia- 
 logue, called, TuiKEUs on the Nature and Origin of the 
 Universe, 
 
 But he was employing himself also upon a work 
 of a different sort, which had been long upon his 
 hands ; A History of his Own Tiines, or rather of his 
 own conduct ; full of free and severe reflections on 
 those who had abused their power to the oppres- 
 
 * Digna mihi res turn omnium cognitione, turn nostra familia- 
 rltate visa est — sed ut turn ad setiem senex de Senectute, sic hoc 
 libro ad amicum amicissimas dc amlcitia scripsi — & cum Scceyo- 
 la — exposuit nobis sermonem Lselii de amicitia, habitum ab illo 
 secum, Sc cum altero genero C. Fannio, &c. — de x\micit. i. 
 
6a The LIFE of Sect IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 sion of the republic, especially Caesar and Crassus. 
 This he calls his Anecdote ; a work not to be pu- 
 , bhshed, but to be shewn only to a few friends, in the 
 manner of Theopompus, an historian, famed for his 
 severe and invective style *. Atticus was urging him 
 to put the last hand to it, and to continue it down 
 through Caesar's government : but he chose to re- 
 serve this last part for a distinct history, in which he 
 designed to vindicate at large the justice of killing a 
 tyrant. We meet with several hints of this design 
 in his letters : in one to Atticus, he says, " I have 
 " not yet polished my Anecdote to my mind : as to 
 " what you would have me add, it "will require a se- 
 " parate volume : but believe me, I could speak more 
 •* freely and with less danger against that detested 
 •* party, whilst the tyrant himself was alive, than 
 *' now when he is dead. • For he, I know not why, 
 ** indulged me wonderfully : but now, which way 
 ** soever we stir, w^e are called back, not only to 
 ** Caesar's acts, but to his very thoughts. Again ; I 
 " do not well understand what you would have me 
 •* write : is it, that the tyrant was killed according to 
 ** the strict laws of justice? Of that I shall both speak 
 *' and write my thoughts fully on another occasion f ." 
 
 * Ad Att. 2. 6. Dionys. Halic. Proaem. i. 
 •j- Libium meum ilium uvix^orov nondum, ut volui, perpollvi. 
 Isto vero, quae tu contexi vis, aliud quoddam separatum volumen 
 exspectant. Ego autem, credas mihi velim, minore periculo ex- 
 istimo contra illas nefarias partes vivo tyranno did potuisse, quam 
 mortuo. lUe enim nescio quo pacto ferebat me quidem mirabi- 
 liter. Nunc quacunque nos commovimus, ad Csesaris non modo 
 
 acta. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 6t 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.—M.Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcIIa. 
 
 His other friends also seem to have had some notice 
 of this work ; for Trebonius, in a letter to him from 
 Athens, after reminding him of his promise to give 
 him a place in some of his writings, adds, " I do not 
 " doubt, but that, if you write anything on the death 
 ** of Caesar, you will give me not the least share, both 
 " of that act, and of your affection *." Dion Cassius 
 says, "that he delivered this book sealed up to his 
 " son, with strict orders not to read or publish it till 
 ** after his death;" but from this time he never saw 
 his son, and left the piece probably unfinished; 
 though some copies of it afterwards got abroad, from 
 which his commentator, Asconius, has quoted seve- 
 ral particulars f . 
 
 In the end of May he began to move towards 
 Rome, in order to assist at the senate on the first of 
 June, and proposed to be at Tusculum on the twen- 
 ty-sixth, of which he gave Atticus notice. There 
 passed all the while a constant commerce of letters 
 between him and Brutus, v/ho desired a personal con- 
 ference with him at Lanuvium ; in which Cicero re- 
 solved to humour him, though he did not think it 
 prudent at that time, when, without any particular 
 
 acta, verum etiam cogltata revocamur. (Ad Att. 14. 17.) Sed 
 parum intelligo quid me velis scribere— an sic utin tyrannuno jure 
 Optimo caesum ? multa dicentur, raulta scribentur a nobis, sed alio 
 modo ac tempore. lb. 15. 3. 
 
 * Namque illud non dabito, quia, si quid de interitu Cscsaris 
 scribas, non patiaris mc minimam partem &. rei &■ araoris tui fer- 
 rc, Ep. fam. t2. 16. 
 
 i Vid. Dio. p. 96. it. Ascon. in Tog. candid. 
 
6i The LIFE of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 use, it would only give jealousy to Antony. But the 
 nearer he came to the city, the more he was discou- 
 raged from the thoughts of entering it : he under- 
 stood that it was filled with soldiers ; that Antony 
 came thither attended by a strong body of them ; 
 that all his views were bent on war ; and that he de- 
 signed to transfer the province of Gaul from D. Bru- 
 tus to himself, by a vote of the people *. Hirtius 
 dissuaded his going, and resolved to stay away him- 
 self ; Varro sent him word, that the veterans talked 
 desperately against all those who did not favour 
 them : Graeceius also admonished him, on the part 
 of C. Cassius, to be upon his guard, for that certain 
 armed men were provided for some attempt at Tus- 
 culum. All these informations determined him at 
 last not to venture to the senate ; but to withdraw 
 himself from that city, where he had not only flou- 
 rished, he says, with the greatest, but lived even a 
 slave, with some dignity f . The major part of the 
 senate followed his example, and fled out of the city, 
 for fear of some violence, leaving the consuls, with 
 
 * Puto enlm nobis Lanuvium eundum, non sine multo sermo- 
 ne — Bruto enim placere, se a me conv^enlri. O rem odiosara &. 
 inexpllcabilem ! puto me ergo iturum— .^.ntonii consilia narras 
 turbulenta — sed mlhi totum ejus consilium ad bellum spectare vi- 
 detur, si quidem D. Bruto provincia eripitur. Ad Att. 15. 4. 
 
 {{ Hirtius jam in Tusculano est, mihique, ut absim, vehemen- 
 terauctor est •, & ille quidem periculi causa — Varro autem noster 
 ad me epistolam misit — in qua scriptum erat veteranos eos, qui 
 rejiciantur — improblssimc loqui ; ut magno periculo Romae sint 
 futuri, qui ab eorum partibus dissentire videantur. lb. 3. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 6^ 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius, P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 a few of their creatures, to make what decrees they 
 thought fit X. 
 
 This turn of affairs made Cicero resolve to prose- 
 cute what he had long been projecting, his voyage 
 to Greece, to spend a few months with his son at 
 Athens. He despaired of any good from these con- 
 suls, and intended to see Rome no more till their 
 successors entered into office ; in whose administra- 
 tion he began to place all his hopes. He wrote 
 therefore to Dolabella to procure him the grant of 
 an honorary lieutenancy ; and lest Antony, an angry 
 man, as he calls him, should think himself slighted, 
 he wrote to him too on the same subject. Dolabella 
 immediately named him for one of his own lieute- 
 nants, which answered his purpose still better, for, 
 without obliging him to any service, or limiting him 
 to any time, it left him at full liberty to go where- 
 ever he pleased : so that he readily accepted it, and 
 prepared for his journey *. He heard in the mean 
 while from Balbus, that the senate would be held 
 again on the fifth ; when commissions would be 
 
 Gratcelus ad me scripsit, C. Cassiura ad se scripsisse, homines 
 comparari, qui in Tusculanum armati mitterentur. — Id quidem 
 mihi non videbatur j sed cavendum tamen. lb. 15. 8. 
 
 Mihi vero deliberatum est, ut nunc quidem est, abesse ex ea 
 urbe, in qua non modo florui cum summa, verum etiam servivi 
 cum aliqua dignitate. lb. 5. 
 
 X Kalendis Juniis cum in Senatum, ut erat constitutum, venire 
 Tellemus, metu perterriti repente difFugimus. Philip. 2. 42. 
 
 * Etiam scripsi ad Antonium de legatione, ne, si ad Dola- 
 bellam solum scripsissem, iracundus homo commoveretur — (Ad 
 Att. 8.) Sed heus tu,— Dolabella me sibi legavit, &:c. ib. 11. 
 
^4 The LIFE of Sect. IX* 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6 2. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 granted severally to Brutus and Cassius, to buy up 
 corn in Asia and Sicily, for the use of the republic : 
 and that it would be decreed also at the same time, 
 that provinces should be assigned to them, with the 
 other prastors, at the expiration of the year f . 
 
 Their case at this time was very remarkable ; it 
 being wholly new in Rome to see praetors driven out 
 of the city, where their residence was absolutely ne- 
 cessary, and could not legally be dispensed with for 
 above ten days in the year : but Antony readily pro- 
 cured a decree to absolve them from the laws f ; be- 
 ing glad to see them in a situation so contemptible ; 
 script of their power, and suffering a kind of exile, 
 and depending, as it were, upon him for their pro- 
 tection : their friends therefore at Rome had been 
 soliciting the senate for some extraordinary employ- 
 ment to be granted to them, to cover the appear- 
 ance of a flight, and the disgrace of living in banish- 
 ment, when invested with one of the first magistra- 
 cies of the republic ||. 
 
 j- A Ealbo redditse mini litterse, fore Nonis Senatum, ut Bru- 
 tus in Asia, Cassius in Sicilia, frumentum emendum et ad urbcm 
 mittendum curarent. O rem miseram ! ait, eodem tempore de- 
 cretum iri, uti iis et reliquis Prsetoriis provinciai decernantur. 
 lb. 9. 
 
 X Cur M. Brutus, te referente, legibus est solutus, si ab 
 urbe plusquam decern dies abfuisset ? Phil. 2. 13. 
 
 Iv jttEc-w ^^uQ-rYif^.u (pivyuy yof^i^ctyro, Appian. Bell. Civ. I. 4. 622. it. 
 
 1- 3- 530- 
 
Sect IX, CICERO. 65 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Atitoniuji. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 This was the ground of the commission just men- 
 tioned, to buy corn ; which seemed, however, to be 
 below their character, and contrived as an affront to 
 them by Antony, who affected still to speak of them 
 always with the greatest respect §. But their friends 
 thought any thing better for them than to sit still 
 in Italy ; where their persons were exposed to dan- 
 ger from the veteran soldiers, who were all now in 
 motion ; and that this employment would be a se- 
 curity to them for the present, as v^^ell as an oppor- 
 tunity of providing for their future safety, by en- 
 abling them to execute, what they were now medi- 
 tating, a design of seizing some provinces abroad, 
 and arming themselves in defence of the republic : 
 which was what their enemies were most afraid of, 
 and charged them with publicly, in order to make 
 them odious. Cicero, in the mean time, at their de- 
 sire, had again recommended their interests to Hir- 
 tius, who gave him the following answer : 
 
 " I wish that Brutus and Cassius could be pre- 
 " vailed with by you as easily to lay aside all crafty 
 " counsels, as they can obtain by you from me what- 
 " ever they desire. They were leaving Italy, you 
 " say, when they wrote to you : whither ? or whcre- 
 *' fore ? do not let them go, I beseech you, my dear 
 " Cicero : nor suffer the republic to be wholly lost ; 
 
 § Frumentum imponere — quid munus in Rep. sordidi'us ? 
 (x\d Att. 15. 10.) Patriae liberatores urbe carebant — quos ta- 
 rnen ipsi Consules et in concionibus et in omni sermone laud^bant, 
 Phil. I. 2. 
 
 Vol. III. E 
 
66 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " though overwhelaied indeed already by these ra- 
 *' pines, burnings, murders. If they are afraid of 
 *' any thing, let them be upon their guard ; but act 
 *' nothing offensiv^ely : they will not, I am confident, 
 *' gain a tittle the more by the most vigorous, than 
 *' the most pacific measures, if they use but caution. 
 " The things which are now stirring cannot last 
 " long; but, if made the subject of war, will acquire 
 " present strength to hurt. Let me know your opi- 
 *' nion of what maybe expected from them." — Cicero 
 sent him w^ord, that he would be answerable for their 
 attempting nothing desperate ; and was informed at 
 the same time by Balbus, that Servilia, Brutus's 
 mother, had undertaken that they should not leave 
 Italy *. 
 
 Servilia, though sister to Cato, had been one of 
 Caesar's mistresses, and, next to Cleopatra, the most 
 beloved of them all : in the civil war, he gave her 
 several rich farms out of his Pompeian confiscations; 
 and is said to have bought a single jewel for her, at 
 the price of about 50,0001. f . She was a woman of 
 spirit and intrigue, in great credit with the G^esarean 
 party, and at this very time possessed the estate and 
 villa of Pontius Aquila, one of the conspirators, 
 which had been confiscated, and granted to her by 
 
 * Cui rescrlpsi nihil illos callidius cogitare, idque confirmavi 
 —Balbus ad me — Serviliam confirmare non discessuros. Ad 
 Att. 15. 6. 
 
 f Ante alias dilexit M. Bruti matrem Serviliam, — cul Sexa- 
 gics H. S. margaritam mcrcatus est, &c. Suet. J. Cses. 50. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 67 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 Caesar. Cicero reckons it among the solecisms of 
 the times, that the mother of the tyrant-killer should 
 hold the estate of one of her son's accomplices J : 
 yet she had such a share in all the counsels of Bru- 
 tus, that it made Cicero the less incHned to enter 
 into them, or to be concerned with one whom he 
 could not trust : *' When he is influenced so much," 
 says he, " by his mother's advice, or at least her en- 
 *' treaties, why should I interpose myself || ?" 
 
 At their desire, however, he went over to them at 
 Antium, to assist at a select council of friends, called 
 to deliberate on what was proper for them to do, 
 with regard to this new commission. There were 
 present, among others, Favonius, Serviha, Portia, 
 Brutus's wife, and his sister Tertulla, the wife of 
 Cassius : Brutus was much pleased at his coming ; 
 and, after the first compliments, beggec^ him to de- 
 liver his opinion to the company on the subject of 
 their meeting. Upon which he presently advised, 
 what he had been considering on the road, *' that 
 *' Brutus should go to Asia, and undertake the af- 
 *' fair of the corn ; that the only thing to be done 
 *' at present was, to provide for their safety ; that 
 •' their safety was a certain benefit to the repubhc 
 *' —here Cassius interrupted him, and, with great 
 *' fierceness in his looks, protested that he would not 
 
 X Quin etiam hoc ipso tempore multa WocroXetfict, ; Pontii Nea- 
 politanum a matre tyranncctoni possideri. Ad Att. 13. 21. 
 
 |] Matris consilio cum utatur, vel ctiara precibus, quid me 
 interponam ? Ad Att. 15. 10. 
 
 E2 
 
68 The LIFE of SectAX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 62. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 " go to Sicily, nor accept as a favour, what was in« 
 " tended as an affront ; but would go to Achaia 
 
 ** Brutus said, that he would go to Rome, if Cicero 
 
 " thought it proper for him but Cicero declared 
 
 *' it impossible for him to be safe there— — ^but sup- 
 ** posing, sajs he, that I could be safe : why then, 
 ** says Cicero, I should advise it by all means, as the 
 " best thing which you could do, and better than 
 " any province — — after much discourse and cora- 
 " plaining for the loss of their opportunities, for 
 " which Cassius laid all the blame on D. Brutus, 
 " Cicero said, that though that was true, yet it was 
 " vain to talk of what was past ; and, as the case 
 ** then stood, he saw nothing left, but to follow his 
 
 •* advice ^to which they all at last seemed to a- 
 
 ** gree, especially when Servilia undertook, by her 
 •* mediation, to get the affair of the corn left out of 
 ** their commission : and Brutus consented, that the 
 " plays and shews, with which be was to entertain 
 " the city shortly as praetor, should be given by 
 
 " proxy in his absence Cicero took his leave, 
 
 " pleased with nothing in the conference, but the 
 " consciousness of having done his duty : for as to 
 " the rest, he gave all, he says, for lost ; found the 
 " vessel, not only broken, but shattered to pieces, 
 " and neither prudence, reason, or design in what 
 " they were doing : so that, if he had any doubt be- 
 ** fore, he had none now, but longed to get abroad 
 " as soon as possible — *. 
 
 * Ad Att. 15. II. 13. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 6g 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cie. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 OcTAVius, Upon his coming to Rome, was very 
 roughly^r received by Antony ; who, despising his age 
 and want of experience, was so far from treating 
 him as Caesar's heir, or giving him possession of his 
 estate, that he openly threatened and thwarted him 
 in all his pretensions, nor would suffer him to be 
 chosen tribune, to which he aspired, with the seem- 
 ing favour of the people, in the room of that Cinna, 
 who was killed at Caesar's funeral f . This necessa- 
 rily drew the regard of the republican party towards 
 him ; and Cicero began to take the more notice of 
 him, in proportion as Antony grew more and more 
 formidable : At present, he gives the following ac- 
 count of him. *' Octavianus, I perceive, has parts 
 " and spirit, and seems to be affected, as we could 
 *' wish, towards our heroes : but how far we may 
 *' trust his age, name, succession, education, is a mat- 
 *' ter of great deliberation : his f^ither-in-law, who 
 " came to see me at Astura, thinks not at all. He 
 *' must be cherished, however, if for nothing else, 
 " yet to keep him at a distance from Antony. Mar- 
 " cellus acts nobly, if he instils into him a good dis- 
 " position towards our friends : he seemed to be 
 ** much influenced by him, but to have no confi- 
 " dence in Pansa and Hirtius : his natural disposition 
 " is good, if it does but hold f ." 
 
 f In Iccura tribuni pi, forte demortui candidatum petitorein 
 se ostendit — sed adversante conatibus suis M. Antonio Consule 
 — Sueton, August, x, Dio, 272. App. ^"^6. 
 X Ad Att. 15. 2. 
 
 E3 
 
50 The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 i^.U^b. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 in the midst of these affairs, with which his mind, 
 as he complains, was much distracted, he pursued 
 hi^ literary studies with his usual ardour ; and, to 
 avc ' the great resort of company which interrupted 
 hi . at his house near Baiae, he removed to his Pom- 
 peian villa, on the south side of Naples. Here he 
 began his Book of Offices, for the use and instruction 
 of his son, designed, he says, to be the fruit of this 
 excursion : he composed also an oration, adapted to 
 the state of the times, and sent it to Atticus, to be 
 suppressed or published at his discretion ; promising 
 him withal to finish and send him, in a short time, 
 his secret history or anecdote, in the manner of Hera- 
 clides, to be kept close in his cabinet ||. 
 
 Before he could leave Italy, he was obliged to re- 
 turn to Tusculum, to settle his private afl^airs, and 
 provide his equipage ; and wrote to Dolabella to 
 give orders for the mules and other necessaries, 
 which the government used to furnisli to those who 
 went abroad with a public character L Here Atti- 
 cus and he took leave of each other, with all possi- 
 ble marks of the most sincere and tender atlection. 
 
 II Nos hie (piX»<To<pf£fB/j£c (quid enim aliud)? et t« Trt^i tk kxB^~ 
 Kov\og inaenifice explicamus, Tr^ts-^avSf^ que Ciceroni 5 qua de re 
 enim potius pater filio ? Deinde alia. Quid quaeres ? Extabit 
 opera peregri nationis liujus — Ego autem in Pompeianum pro- 
 perabam non quod hoc loco quidquam pulchrius, sed interpella- 
 tores illic minus molesti— 
 
 Orationem tibi misi. Ejus custodiendx Sc proferendae arbi- 
 trium tuum — jam probo *H§«x;A«5<ov, praisertim cum tu tantoperc 
 delccterc — enitar igitur— Ad Att. 15. 13, it. 14. 
 
 f lb. 18.. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 7cg. Cic. 63. Coss — M. Anton ius. P. CorncUus4)oIabe)Ia. 
 
 The unsettled condition of the times, and the n 
 tainty when, or in what circumstances, they sf 
 meet again, raised several melancholy refl'. 
 them both, which, as soon as they parted, diew 
 tears from Atticus, of which he gave Cicero an ac- 
 count in his next letter, with a promise to follow 
 him into Greece. Cicero answered him with equal 
 tenderness : " It moved me," says he, " to hear of 
 " the tears^ which you shed after you left me : had 
 " you done it in my presence, I should have dropt 
 " perhaps all thoughts of my journey. That part 
 " however pleases me, where you comfort yourself 
 " with the hopes of our meeting again shortly: which 
 " expectation indeed is what chiefly supports me : 
 " I will write to you perpetually ; give you an ac- 
 " count of every thing which relates to Brutus ; 
 " send you very shortly ?/iy treatise on glory ; and 
 " finish for you the other work, to be locked up with 
 ** your treasure *," &c. 
 
 * Te, ut a me discesseras, lacryf«asse, moleste ferebam. Quod 
 si me praesente fecisses, consilium totlus itineris fortasse mutassem, 
 Sed illud prseclarc, quod te consolata est spes brevi tempore 
 congrediendl : quae quidem exspectatio me m^xlme sustentat. 
 Mcae tibi literae non deerunt. De Bruto sciibam ad te omnia. 
 Librum tibi celeriter mittam dc ^/or//7.- Exciidam aliquid *H^<*« 
 xA«^<ov, quod lateat in thesauris tuls. lb. 27. 
 
 N. B.- — The treatise here mentioned en G/o?y, which he sent 
 soon after to Atticus, and published in two books, was actually- 
 preserved, and subsisting, long after the invention of printinc^, 
 yet happened to perish unhappily for w^ant of bein^ produced into 
 public light, by the help of that admirable art — Raimundus Su- 
 perantius made a present of it to Petrarch, who, as he tells the 
 ?tory in one of his epistles, lent it to his schoolmaster, who, be- 
 
 E 4 ing 
 
72 The LIFE or Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 These little passages from familiar letters, illustrate 
 more effectually the real characters of men, than- 
 any of their more specious and public acts. It is 
 commonly thought the part of a statesman, to divest 
 himself of every thing natural, and banish every pas- 
 sion that does not serve his interest or ambition : 
 but here we see a quite different character, one of 
 the greatest statesmen of the world cherishing and 
 cultivating in himself the soft and social affections of 
 love and friendship ; as knowing them to be design- 
 ed equally by nature for the comfort as well of pub- 
 lic as private life. 
 
 Atticus likewise, whose philosophy was as incom- 
 patible as ambition with all affections that did not 
 terminate in himself, was frequently drawn by the 
 goodness of his nature to correct the viciousness of 
 his priHciple. He had often reproved Cicero for an 
 
 ing old and poor, pawned it for the relief of his necessities into 
 some unknown hand, whence Petrarch could never recover it, 
 upon the old man's death. About two centuries after, it appear- 
 ed to have been in the possession of Bernardus Justinianus, and 
 was mentioned in the catalogue of his books, which he bequeath- 
 ed to a monastery of nuns j but, when it could not be found in 
 that monastery, after the strictest search, It was generally believ- 
 ed, that Petrus Alcyonius, who w^as physician to that house, and 
 had the free use of the library, had stolen It j and, after tran- 
 scribing as much of it as he could into his own writings, had de- 
 stroyed the original, for fear of a discovery ; it being observed 
 by the critics, that, in his bock /^e exilio^ there were many- bright 
 passages, not v;ell connected with the rest of the work, which 
 seemed to be above his taste and genius. Vid. Petrarch. Epist. 
 1. 15. X. Rer. Senllium. Paull. Manut. Not. Ad Att. 15. 27. 
 Bayle Diet, in Alcyonius. Menagiana, Vol. IV. p. 86. 
 
Sect. I. CICERO, 
 
 73 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 excess of love to his daughter Tullia, yet he no 
 sooner got a httle Attica of his own, than he began 
 to discover the same fondness ; which gave Cicero 
 occasion to repay his raillery with great politeness. 
 " I rejoice," says he, " to perceive that you take so 
 *' much delight in your little girl. I love her al- 
 " ready myself, and know her to be amiable, though 
 " I have never seen her. Adieu then to Patro, and 
 " all your Epicurean school." In another letter : 
 " I am mightily pleased with the fondness that you 
 " express for your little daughter ; and to see you 
 *' feel at last, that the love of our children does not 
 *'' flow from habit or fashion, but from nature : for if 
 " that be not so, there can be no natural conjunction 
 ** between one man and another, without which all 
 " society must necessarily be dissolved *." 
 
 There was now great expectation of the shews 
 and plays which Brutus, as praetor of the city, was 
 going to exhibit, according to annual custom, in ho- 
 nour of Apollo, on the third of July ; and all people 
 were attentive and impatient to see in what manner 
 they would be received. Brutus wrote to Cicero, to 
 beg that he would grace them with his presence : 
 but Cicero thought the request absurd, nor at all 
 agreeable to Brutus's usual prudence. His answer 
 was, ** that he was got too far upon his journey to 
 
 * Filiolam tibi jam Rom^e jucundam esse gaudeo j eamque, 
 quam nunquam vidi, tamen et amo, et amabilem esse certio scio. 
 Etiam atque etiam valete Patron et tui condiscipuli. Ad Att. 
 5. 19. it. 7. 20, 
 
74 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " have it now in his power ; and that it would be 
 " very improper for him, who had not been in Rome 
 " since it was filled with soldiers, not so much out 
 ** of regard to his danger, as his dignity, to run thi- 
 " ther on a sudden to see plays : that in such times 
 *' as these, though it was reputable for those to give 
 *^ plays, whose office required it, yet for his seeing 
 " them, as it was not necessary, so neither would it 
 " be thought decent *." He was heartily soli- 
 citous, however, that they might meet with all ima- 
 ginable encouragement, and charged Atticus to send 
 him a particular account of what passed on each day 
 from their first opening. 
 
 The success of them answered all their hopes, 
 for they were received with an incredible applause 
 by all ranks, though Antony's brother Caias, as the 
 next praetor in office, presided at them : one of the 
 plays v^^as Tereus, a tragedy of Accius ; which hav- 
 ing many strokes in it on the characters and acts of 
 tyrants, was infinitely clapped by the people. At- 
 ticus performed his part to Cicero, and sent him a 
 punctual account of what passed every day ; which 
 
 * In quibus unum alienum summa sua prudentia, id est illud, 
 ut spectem ludos suos. Rescripsi scilicet, primam me jam pro- 
 fectum, ut non intccrrum sit. Dein ar»7rtor(CT»y esse, me, qui 
 Romam omnino post haec arma non accesserim, neque id tarn pe- 
 riculi mei CAusa fecerim, quam dignitatis, subito ad ludos venire. 
 Tali enim tempore ludos facere illi honestum est, cui necesse est ; 
 spectare mihi, ut non est necesse, sic ne honestum quidem est, 
 Equidem illos celebrari, et esse quam gratissimos mirabiliter 
 cupio — Ad Att. 15. 26. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 75 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M.Antonius. P. CorneUus Dolabella. 
 
 he constantly communicated to Brutus, who was now 
 in his neighbourhood ; in Nesis, a httle isle on the 
 Campanian shore, the seat of young Lucullus. — In 
 his answer to Atticus, " Your letters," says h*, " were 
 " very acceptable to Brutus : I spent several hours 
 " with him, soon after I received them : he seemed 
 ** to be delighted with the account of Tereus ; and 
 ** thought himself more obliged to the poet Accius 
 " who made it, than to the praetor Antony, who pre- 
 ** sided at it. But the more joy you send us of this 
 " sort, the more indignation it gives me, to see the 
 *' Roman people employ their hands in clapping 
 ** plays, not in defending the republic. This per- 
 " haps may provoke our enemies to discover them- 
 " selves before they intended it ; yet if they be but 
 *' mortified, I care not by what means *." In a 
 speech made afterwards to the senate, he urges this 
 judgment of the city, as a proper lesson to Antony, 
 ro teach him the way to glory. '* O happy Brutus," 
 says he, " w ho, when driven from Rome by force of 
 *' arms, resided still in the hearts and bowels of his 
 '* citizens, w^ho made themselves amends for the ab- 
 
 * Bruto tuae litterac yja.tie erant. Fui enim apud ilium inul- 
 tas horas in Neside, cum paullo ante tuas litteras accepissem. 
 Delectari mihi rereo videbatur ; &, habere majorem Accio,quam 
 Antonio, gratiam. Mihi autem quo laetlora sunt, eo plus stoma- 
 chi &: molesti-cE est, populum Romanum manus suas, non in de- 
 fendenda Repub. sed in plaudendo consumere. Mihi quidem vi- 
 dentur, istorum animi incendi etiam ad reprsesentandam improbi* 
 tatem suam. Sed tamen dum modo doleant aliquid, doleant quod- 
 libet. Ad Att. 16. 2. 
 
76 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla, 
 
 '' sence of their deliverer, by their perpetual applau- 
 ^* ses and acclamations ■*." 
 
 But there was one thing, which through the inad- 
 vertency of Brutus's managers, or the contrivance of 
 the praetor Antony, gave Brutus some uneasiness ; 
 that, in the edict forproclaiming his shews, the month, 
 instead of Quintilis, was stiled July, by its new name, 
 lately given to it in honour of Caesar : for it raised 
 great speculation, and was thought strange, that 
 Brutus, by edict, should acknowledge and confirm an 
 act, contrived to perpetuate the honour of tyranny. 
 This little circumstance greatly disturbed him, ima- 
 gining, that it would be reflected upon as a mean con- 
 descension ; and, since it could not be remedied as 
 to the plays, he resolved to correct it for the rest of 
 the shews; and gave immediate orders, that the hunt- 
 ings of the wild beasts, which were to follow, should 
 be proclaimed for the thirteenth of Quintilis f. 
 
 While Cicero continued in these parts, he spent 
 the greatest share of his time with Brutus; and as 
 they were one day together, L. Libo came to them, 
 with letters just received from young S. Pompey, his 
 
 * Quid? Apollinarium ludorum plausus, vel testimonia potius, 
 & judicia populi Romani parum magna videbantur ? O beatos 
 illos, qui cum adesse ipsis propter vim armorum non Hcebat,ade. 
 rant tamen, & in meduUis populi Romani ac visceribus hasre- 
 bant ! nisi forte Accio turn plaudi — & nor. Bruto putabatis, &.c, 
 Phil. I. 15. 
 
 f Quam ille doluit de Nonis Juliis ; mirifice est conturbatus. 
 Itaque sese Fcripturum aiebat, ut venationem eiiam,~quGe postridic 
 ludos Apollinares futura est, proscribercnt, iii Id. Quintil,— 
 Ad Atu 16. 4. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 77 
 
 A. tJrb. 709. Cie, 6z, Coss.~M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabeUa. 
 
 son-in-law, with proposals of an accommodation, ad- 
 dressed to the consuls, on which he desired their o- 
 pinion. Cicero thought them drawn with great gra- 
 vity and propriety of expression, excepting a few in- 
 accuracies, and advised only to change the address ; 
 and, instead of the consuls, to whom alone they were 
 directed, to add the other magistrates, with the se- 
 nate and people of Rome, lest the consuls should sup- 
 press them, as belonging only to themselves. These 
 letters brought in substance, '* that Pompey was now 
 " master of seven legions ; that as he had just storm- 
 ** ed a town called Borea, he received the news of 
 " Cesar's death ; which caused a wonderful joy, and 
 " change of affairs through the province of Spain, 
 " and a concourse of people to him from all parts. 
 " the sum of his demands was, that all who had the 
 " command of armies should dismiss them ; but to 
 *' Libo he signified, that unless his father's estate and 
 ** house at Rome, which Antony now possessed, v/ere 
 ** restored to him, he would agree to nothing ^-^ 
 
 This overture from Pompey was procured chiefly 
 by the management of Lepidus f : who having the 
 the province of Spain assigned to him, where Pom- 
 pey was very strong, had no mind to be engaged in 
 a war at such a distance from Rome, and drawn off 
 from attending to the main point in view, the event 
 of affairs in Italy : for which purpose, on pretence of 
 the public quiet, he made the offer of a treaty and 
 
 * Ibid. f Philip 5. 13, X4, &c. It. Phil 13. 4, 5, &c. 
 
78 The LIFE of ^ Sect IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabdla. 
 
 honourable terms to Porapey, and *' that, on condi- 
 *' tion of laying down his arms, and quitting the pro- 
 *' vince, he should be restored to all his estates and 
 ** honours, and have the command of the whole na- 
 *' val power of Rome, in the same manner as his fa- 
 ** ther had it before him : all which was proposed and 
 " recommended to the senate by Antonj himself*." 
 Where, to preserve a due respect to Caesar's acts, by 
 which Pompey's estates had been confiscated, it was 
 decreed, that the same sum, for which they had been 
 sold, should be given to him by the pubhc, to en- 
 able him to purchase them again : This amounted 
 to above five millions and a half of our money, ex- 
 clusive of his jewels, plate, and furniture ; which be- 
 ing wholly embezzled, he was content to lose f . On 
 these terms, ratified by the authority of the senate, 
 Pompey actually quitted Spain, and came to Mar- 
 seilles. The project was wisely concerted by Lepi- 
 dus and Antony ; for, while it carried a shew of mo- 
 deration, and dispositi'on to peace, it disarmed a des- 
 perate enemy, v»^ho was in condition to give a great 
 obstruction to their designs, and diversion to their 
 
 * App. p. 528. DIo. 1. 43. 275. 
 f Salvis enim actis Csssaris, quse concordise causa defendimus, 
 Pompeio sua domus patebit, eamque non minoris, quam Antonius 
 emit, redimet— — decrevistis tantam pecuniam Pomptio, quan- 
 tum ex bonis patriis in praedse dissipatione inimicus victor rede- 
 gisset — nam argentum, vestem, supellectilem, vinum, amittet 
 »qun animo, quat; ille helluo dissipavit — atque illud septies mil- 
 lies, quod adolescenti, patres conscripti, spopondistis, ita descri- 
 betur, ut videaiur a vobis Cn. Pompaei fiUus in patrimonio suo 
 collocatus, Philip j^. 5, 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 19 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DoIabeUa. 
 
 arms, at a time when the necessity of their interests 
 required their presence, and whole attention at home, 
 to lay a firm foundation of their power in the heart 
 and center of the empire. 
 
 There happened an incident at this time of- a do- 
 mestic kind, which gave some pleasure both to Cicero 
 and Atticus ; the unexpected conversion of their ne- 
 phew Quintus, He had long ago deserted his father 
 and uncles, and attached himself wholly to Caesar, 
 w^ho supphed him liberally with money : on Cesar's 
 death he adhered still to the same cause, and was in 
 the utmost confidence with Antony ; and, as Atticus 
 calls him, his right hand * ; or the minister of all his 
 projects in the city ; but upon some late disgust, he 
 began to make overtures to his friends, of coming 
 over to Brutus, pretending to have conceived an ab- 
 horrence of Antony's designs ; and signifying to his 
 father, that Antony would have engaged him to seize 
 some strong post in the city, and declare him dicta- 
 tor, and, upon his refusal, was become his enemy f . 
 The father, overjoyed at this change, carried his son 
 to Cicero, to persuade him of his sincerity, and to 
 beg his intercession also with Atticus, to be recon- 
 ciled to him : but Cicero, who knew the fickleness. 
 
 * Quintus filius, ut scribis, Antonii est dextella. Ad Att. 
 14. 20. 
 
 f Quintus pater exultat laetltia, Scripsit enim filius, se iJ- 
 circo profugere ad Brutum voluisse, quod cum sibi negotium 
 daret Antonius, ut eum dictatorum efficeret, prcesidium occu- 
 paret, id recusasset j recusasse autem se, ne patris animum ot- 
 fenderlt J ex eo sibi ilium hostem. Ad Att. 15. 21. 
 
80 The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 and perfidy of the youth, gave little credit to him ; 
 taking the whole for a contrivance only to draw 
 money from them ; yet, in compliance with their re- 
 quest, he wrote what they desired to Attic us ; but 
 sent him another letter at the same time with his real 
 thoughts on the matter. 
 
 " Our nephew Quintus," says he," promises to be 
 ** a very Cato. Both his father and he have been 
 " pressing me, that I would undertake for him to 
 " you ; yet so, that you should not believe him, till 
 ** you yourself had seen the effects of it. I shall give 
 " him therefore such a letter to you as he would 
 ** have ; but let it not move you, for I have written 
 ♦♦ this, lest you should imagine that I am moved my- 
 " self. The gods grant that he may perform what 
 " he promises ; for it will be a common joy to us all. 
 " I wdll say nothing more of it at present,'* &c. *. 
 
 But young Quintus got the better at last of all 
 Cicero's suspicions; and, after spending several days 
 with him, convinced him, by his whole behaviour and 
 conversation, that he -was in earnest : so that he not 
 only recommended him very affectionately to At- 
 ticus, but presented him also to Brutus, to make the 
 offer of his service to him in person : " If he had not 
 
 * Quintus fillus mihi polHcetur se Catonem. Egit autem et 
 pater ct fillus, ut tibi sponderem : sed ita, ut turn crederes, cum 
 ipse cognosces. Huic ego litteras Ipsius arbitratu dabo. E« ne 
 te moverint j has scripsi in earn partem, ne me motum putares. 
 Dii faxint, ut faciat ea, quae promittit. Commune enim gau» 
 dium. Sed ego nihil dico amplius. Ad Alt. 16. i. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 '* wholly persuaded me," says he, ** that what I am 
 " saying of him is certainly true, I should not have 
 " done what I am going to tell you : for I carried 
 ** the youth with me to Brutus, who was so well sa- 
 " tisfied with him, that he gave him full credit, with- 
 ** out suffering me to be his sponsor : in commend- 
 *' inghim, he mentioned you in the kindest manner, 
 " and at parting, embraced and kissed him. Where- 
 " fore, though there is reason rather to congratulate, 
 *' than to entreat you, yet I beg, that whatever he 
 *' may have done hitherto, through the weakness of 
 ** age, with more levity than became him, you would 
 *^ believe it all to be now over," &c. ■*'. 
 
 Quintus kept his word with them ; and, to give 
 proof of his zeal and sincerity, was so hardy, before 
 the end of the year, as to undertake to accuse An- 
 tony to the people, for plundering the temple of 
 Opis f . But this accident of changing his party, 
 which gave so much joy at present to the whole fa- 
 mily, though owing rather to a giddiness of temper, 
 than any good principle, proved fatal not long after 
 "both to the young man and his father; as it seems 
 to have been the most probable cause of their being 
 proscribed and murdered the year following, by An- 
 tony's order, together with Cicero himself. 
 
 * Quod nisi fidem mihi fecisset, judlcassemque hoc quod dico 
 firraum fore, non fecissem id, quod dicturus sum. Duxi eniiti 
 mccum adolescentem ad Brutum : sic ei probatum est, quod ad 
 te scribo, ut ipse crediderit, me sponsorem accipere noluerit. 
 Eumque laudans amicissime tui mentionem fecerit. Complexus, 
 osculatusque dimiserit. A.d Att. 16. 5. 
 
 f Quintus scribit, se ex Nonis lis, quibus nos magna. gessimus, 
 iEdem Opis explicaturum, idque ad populum. Ibid. 14. 
 
 Vol. III. F 
 
82 The LIFE OP Sect. IX, 
 
 A, Urb, 709. Cic. 63. Coss — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 Cicero was now ready for his voyage ; and had 
 provided three little yachts or galleys to transport 
 himself and his attendants : but as there was a re- 
 port of legions arriving daily from abroad, and of pi- 
 rates also at sea, he thought it would be safer to sail 
 in company with Brutus and Cassius, who had drawn 
 together a fleet of good force, which now lay upon 
 the coast "*. He gave several hints of this design to 
 Erutus, who received it more coldly than he expect- 
 ed ; and seemed uncertain and irresolute about the 
 time of his own going. He resolved therefore to em- 
 bark without farther delay, though in some perplexi- 
 ty to the last, about the expediency of the voyage, 
 and jealous of its being censured, as a desertion of 
 his country : but Atticus kept up his spirits, by as- 
 suring him constantly in his letters, that all people 
 approved it at Rome, provided that he kept his word, 
 of returning by the first of the new yearf. 
 
 He sailed slowly along the coast towards Rhegium, 
 going ashore every night to lodge with some friend 
 
 * Leglones enim adventare dicuntur. Haec autem navigatio 
 habet quasdam suspiciones periculi. Itaque constituebam uti o^«- 
 TrAc/tft. Paratiorem offendi Brutum, quam audiebara. — Nam Cassii 
 classem, quae plane bella est, non numero ultra fretum. lb. 
 16. 4. 
 
 f Bruto cum saepe injeclssera de of/^oTrXo/m, non perinde atque 
 ego putaram, arripere visus es.— (ib. 5.) Consilium meum quod 
 ais quotidle magis laudari, non moleste fero ; expectabamque, si 
 quid ad me scriberes. Ego enim in varlos sermones incidebam. 
 Quin etiam idcirco trabebam, ut quara diutissime integrum esset. 
 (ib. 2.) it. Ep. fam. xi. 29.) Scribis enim in ccelum ferri pro- 
 fectionem meam, sed ita, si ante Kal. Jan. redeam. Quod qui- 
 dem certe enitar. (ib. 6.) Eamente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis 
 Jan. quod initium cogendi Senatus fore videbatur, Philip, i. 3. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO, 
 
 83 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63, Coss.--M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 or client : he spent one day at Velia, the native place 
 of Trebatius ; whence he wrote a kind letter to him, 
 dated the nineteenth of July ; advising him by no 
 means to sell that family-estate, as he then designed, 
 situated so healthfully and agreeably, and affording 
 a convenient retreat from the confusion of the times, 
 among a people who entirely loved him *. At this 
 place he began his Treatise of Topics, or the art of 
 finding arguments on any question : it was an ab- 
 stract of Aristotle's Piece on the same subject ; which 
 Trebatius happening once to meet with in Cicero's 
 Tusculan library, had begged of him to explain. But 
 Cicero never found leisure for it till this voyage, in 
 which he was reminded of the task by the sight of 
 Veha ; and though he had neither Aristotle, nor any 
 other book to help him, he drew it up from his me- 
 mory, and finished it as he sailed, before he came to 
 Rhegium ; whence he sent it to Trebatius, with a 
 letter dated the twenty-seventh. He excuses the ob- 
 scurity of it, from the nature of the argument, re- 
 quiring great attention to understand, and great ap- 
 plication to reduce it to practice : in which however 
 he promises to assist him, if he lived Lo return, and 
 found the republic subsisting f . 
 
 In the same voyage, happening to be looking over 
 his treatise On the Academic Philosophy, he observed 
 
 * Ep. fam. 7. 20, 
 f Itaque ut pnmum Velia navigare ccepi, instituti Topica Arl- 
 -stotelea conscribere, ab ipsa urbe commonitus, amantissima tui« 
 Eum librum tibi misi Rhegio, scriptum quam plenissime ilia res 
 scribi potuit, &c. Ep. fam. 7. 19. 
 
84 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antoniui. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 the preface of the third book to be the same that he 
 bad prefixed to his book On Glory^ which he had 
 lately sent to Atticus. It was his custom, it seems, 
 to prepare at leisure a number of different proems, 
 adapted to the general view of his studies, and ready- 
 to be applied to any of his works, which he should 
 afterwards pubhsh ; so that by mistake he had used 
 this preface twice, without remembering it : he com- 
 posed a new one therefore on ship-board, for the 
 piece on glory ; and sent it to Atticus, with orders 
 to bind it up with his copy in the place of the form- 
 er preface *. So wonderful was his industry and love 
 
 •\ Nunc negligentlam meam cognosce. De Gloria llbrum ad 
 te misi, at in eo proocmium id est, quod in Academico tertio. Id 
 evenit ob earn rem, quod habeo volumen porocmiorum : ex eo eli- 
 gere soleo, cum aliquod cvyy^xfA^a. institui. Itaque jam in Tus- 
 culano, qui non meminissem mc abusum isto prooemio, conjeci id 
 in eum librum, quern tibi misi. Cum autem in navi legerem Aca- 
 demlcos, agnovi erratum meum, itaque statim novum procEmlum 
 exaravi J tibi inM. — Ad Alt. 16. 6. 
 
 N. B. A collection o^ Prefaces, prepared before hand, and 
 calculated indifferently for any treatise, will be thought perhaps 
 a strange and fantastical way of composing ; but though they had 
 no necessary connection with the ^ubject of any particular work, 
 they were yet adapted to the general view of his writings, and 
 contrived severally to serve the different ends, which he proposed 
 by the publication of them. Thus in some he takes occasion to 
 celebrate the praises of his principal friends, to whom they were 
 addressed j in others, to enter into a general defence of philoso- 
 phy, in answer to those who censured him for spending so much 
 time upon it : in some, he represents the miserable state of the 
 times, and subversion of the republic, in a manner proper to a- 
 larm his citizens, and rouse them to assert their ancient liberty : 
 in others, he contrives to give a beautiful description of some of 
 his villas or gardens^ where the scene of the dialogue was laid : all 
 which the reader will find very agreeably executed in the pre- 
 faces of his philosophical pieces j which are yet connected so art- 
 fully with the treatises that follow them, and lead us so naturally 
 into the argument, as if they had been originally contrived for 
 
 the 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 85 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antoniua. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 of letters, that neither the inconvenience of saiUng, 
 which he always hated, nor the busy thoughts which 
 must needs intrude upon him, on leaving Italy in 
 such a conjuncture, could disturb the calm and re- 
 gular pursuit of his studies. 
 
 From Rhegium, or rather Leucopetra, a promon- 
 tory close by it, he passed over to Syracuse on the 
 first of August : where he staid but one night, though 
 in a city particularly devoted to him, and under his 
 special protection : but he was unwilling to give um- 
 brage or suspicion to those at Rome, of having any 
 views abroad, which concerned the public * : he set 
 sail therefore again the next morning towards Greece; 
 but was driven back by contrary winds to Leuco- 
 petra ; and, after a second attempt with no better 
 success, was forced to repose liimself in the villa of 
 his friend Valerius, and wait for the opportunity of 
 a fair wind f . 
 
 Here the principal inhabitants of the country came 
 to pay him their compliments ; some of them fresh 
 from Rome, who brought great news of an unexpect- 
 ed turn of affairs there towards a general pacification; 
 
 the sake of introducing it. Vid. Tusc. Disp. — Init. de Div. 2. i. 
 de Fin. i. i. de Legib. 2. t. 
 
 * Ralendis sextil. veni Syracusas — qua; tamen urbs mlhl con- 
 junctissima, plus una me nocte cupiens retinere non potuit. Ve- 
 ritus sum, ne meus repentlnus ad meos necessarios adventus suspi- 
 cionis aliquid afFerret, essem commoratus. Phil. i. 3. 
 
 II Cum me ex Sicllia ad Leucopetram, quod est promontorium 
 agri Rhegini, venti detulissent ; ab eo loco conscendi, ut trans- 
 mitterem J ncc ita multum provectus, rejectus austro sum in euai 
 ipsum locum — (ibid.) ibi cum ventum expectarem : erat ennn 
 villa Valeiii nostii, ut familiariler essem, & libcnter.— Ad Att. 
 
86 The LIFE or Sect. IX 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonlus, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " That Antony seemed disposed to listen to reason, 
 " to desist from his pretensions to Gaul ; submit to 
 " the authority of the senate ; and make up matters 
 " with Brutus and Cassius ; who had written circu- 
 " lar letters to all the principal senators, to beg their 
 ** attendance in the senate on the first of September; 
 " and that Cicero's absence was particularly regret- 
 *• ed, and even blamed at such a crisis*." This a- 
 greeable account of things made him presently drop 
 all thoughts of pursuing his voyage ; in which he 
 was confirmed likewise by letters from Atticus, who, 
 contrary to his former advice, pressed him now, in 
 strong and pathetic terms, to come back again to 
 Rome. 
 
 He returned therefore by the same course which 
 he had before taken, and came back to Velia on the 
 seventeenth of August : Brutus lay within three miles 
 of it with his fleet, and hearing of his arrival, came 
 immediately on foot to salute him : ** he declared 
 " himself exceedingly pleased with Cicero's return ; 
 *' owned, that he had never approved, though he had 
 " not dissuaded the voyage ; thinking it indecent to 
 " give advice to a man of his experience ; but now 
 " told him plainly, that he had escaped two great im- 
 ** putations on his character ; the one, of too hasty 
 
 X Khegim quidam, illustres homines eo venerunt, Roma sane 
 recentes — hrec afferebant, Edictum Bruti & Cassii j & fore fre- 
 fjuentem Scnatum Kal. a Eruto ^l Cassio litteras missas ad Con- 
 sulares &. Prcetorios j ut adessent, rogare. Summam spem nun- 
 ciabant, fore, ut Antom'us cederer, res conveniret nostri Romara 
 jcdirent. Addebant eii-irxi me desiderari, subaccusari, &c.— 
 Ad Alt ibid- 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 ** a despair and desertion of the common cause ; the 
 *' other, of the vanity of going to see the Olympic 
 " games. This last, as Cicero says, would have been 
 " shameful for him, in any state of the republic, but 
 *' in the present, unpardonable ; and professes him- 
 " self therefore greatly obhged to the winds for pre- 
 " serving him from such an infamy, and, like good 
 ** citizens, blowing him back to the service of his 
 *' country *." 
 
 Brutus informed him likewise of what had passed 
 in the senate, on the first of August ; and how Piso 
 had signalized himself by a brave and honest speech, 
 and some vigorous motions in favour of the public 
 liberty, in which no body had the courage to second 
 him : he produced also Antony's edict, and their an- 
 swer to it, which pleased Cicero very much : but on 
 the whole, though he was still satisfied with his re- 
 solution of returning, yet he found no such reason for 
 it, as his first intelligence had suggested, nor any 
 hopes of doing much service at Rome ; where there 
 was not one senator who had the courage to support 
 Piso, nor Piso himself the resolution to appear in the 
 senate again the next day f . 
 
 This was the last conference that he ever had 
 with Euutus ; who together with Cassius left Italy 
 
 * Nam. xvi. Kal. Sept. cum venissem Veliam, Brutus audivir, 
 erat enim cum suis navibus apud Heletem fluvium citra Veliam 
 milHa^passuum III. pedibus ad me statlm. Dii immortales, quam 
 valde ille reditu, vel potius reversione mea Icetatus est ? EiFudit 
 ilia omnia, quai tacuerat— se autem laetari quod effagissem duas 
 maximas vituperationes, &:c.— Ad Att. 16. 7. Vid. it. Ep. fam. 
 12. 25. it. ad Brut. 15. 
 
 f Vid. Ad Att. ibid. Phil. i. 4» 5.« T-P- f^m. 12. 2. 
 F 4 
 
88 The LIFE cv' Sect. IX 
 
 ■ ■ - ■ 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 soon after it : they were both to succeed of course, 
 as ail praetors did, at the expiration of their office, to 
 the government of some province, which was assign- 
 ed to them either by lot, or by an extraordinary de-> 
 cree of the senate. Caesar had intended Macedonia 
 for the one, and Syria for the other ; but as these 
 were tv/o of the most important commands of the 
 empire, and would throw a great power into their 
 hands, at a time when their enemies were taking 
 ineasures to destroy them, so Antony contrived to 
 get two other provinces decreed to them of an infe- 
 rior kind, Crete to Brutus, and Cyrene to Cassius ; 
 and, by a law of the people, procured Macedonia and 
 Syria to be conferred upon himself, and his colleague 
 Dolabella; in consequence of which, he sent his bro- 
 ther Caius in all haste to possess himself of the first, 
 and Dolabella to secure the second, before their ri- 
 vals could be in a condition to seize them by force, of 
 w'hich they were much afraid ; taking it for granted, 
 that this was the project w^hich Brutus and Cassius 
 were now meditating. Cassius had acquired a great 
 reputation in the east, by his conduct in the Par- 
 thian war, and Brutus was highly honoured in Greece, 
 for his eminent virtue and love of philosophy : they 
 resolved therefore to slight the petty provinces, which 
 were granted to them, and to try their fortunes in 
 the more powerful ones that Caesar had promised 
 them 3 and with that view had provided the fleets 
 above mentioned, to transport themselves to those 
 countries, which they had destined for the scene of 
 'action ; Brutus, to Macedonia, Cassius, to Syria ; 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 89 
 
 A, Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.—M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 where we shall soon have occasion to give a farther 
 account of their success *. 
 
 Cicero in the mean while pursued his journc}^ to- 
 wards Rome, where he arrived on the last of the 
 month : on his approach to the city, such multitudes 
 flocked out to meet him, that the whole day was 
 spent in receiving the compliments and congratula- 
 tions of his friends, as he passed along to his house f. 
 The senate met the next morning, to which he was 
 particularly summoned by Antony, but excused him- 
 self by a civil message, as being too much indisposed 
 by the fatigue of his journey. Antony took this as 
 an affront, and in great rage threatened openly in the 
 senate, to order his house to be pulled down, if he 
 did not come immediately ; till, by the interposition 
 of the assembly, he was dissuaded from using any 
 violence J. 
 
 The business of the day was, to decree some new 
 and extraordinary honours to the memory of Caesar^ 
 with a religious supphcation to him, as to a divinity: 
 Cicero was determined not to concur in it, yet knew 
 that an opposition would not only be fruitless, but 
 dangerous ; and for that reason staid away. Antony, 
 on the other hand, was desirous to have him ^there, 
 fancying, that he would either be frightened into a 
 compliance, which would lessen him with his own 
 
 * Plutar. in Brut. App. 527, 533. Phil. 2. 13, 38. 
 
 f Plutar. in Ciccr, 
 
 ;|: Cumque de via languerem, mlhique displicerem, misi pro 
 amicitia qui hoc ei diceret, at ille, vobls audientibus, cum fabiis 
 $e doraum meam venturum esse dixit, &c. Phil. 1.5. 
 
90 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 party, or by opposing what was intended, make him- 
 self odious to the soldiery; but as he was absent, the 
 decree passed without any contradiction. 
 
 The senate met again the next day, when Antony 
 thought fit to absent himself, and leave the stage 
 clear to Cicero "* ; who accordingly appeared, and 
 delivered the first of those speeches, which, in imi- 
 tation of Demosthenes, were called afterwards his 
 Philippics — he opens it with a particular account of 
 his late voyage, and sudden return ; of his interview 
 with Brutus, and his regret at leaving him : " At 
 " Velia," says he, " I saw Brutus : with what grief 
 " I saw him I need not tell you : I could not but 
 " think it scandalous for me, to return to a city from 
 " which he was forced to retire, and to find myself 
 " safe in any place, where he could not be so : yet 
 " Brutus was not half so much moved with it as I, 
 " but, supported by the consciousness of his noble 
 " act, shewed not the least concern for his own case, 
 " while he expressed the greatest for yours." — He 
 then declares, *' that he came to second Piso ; and, 
 " in case of any accidents, of which many seemed to 
 " surround him, to leave that day's speech as a mo- 
 " nument of his perpetual fidelity to his country f . 
 " Before he enters into the state of the repubhc, he 
 " takes occasion to complain of the unprecedented 
 " violence of Antony's treatment of him the day be- 
 " fore, who would not have been better pleased with 
 
 * Vtni postridie, ipse non venit. Phil. 5. 7. 
 f Philip I 4. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 51 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabcll*. 
 
 " him, had he been present, for he should never have 
 " consented to pollute the republic with so detest- 
 " able a religion, and blend the honours of the gods 
 " with those of a dead man : he prays the gods to 
 " forgive both the senate and the people for their 
 " forced consent to it : — that he would never have 
 " decreed it, though it had been to old Brutus him* 
 " self, who first delivered Rome from regal tyranny, 
 " and, at the distance of five centuries, had propa- 
 " gated a race from the same stock, to do their coun- 
 " try the same service J. He returns thanks to Piso, 
 " for what he had said in that place the month be- 
 " fore ; wishes, that he had been present to second 
 " him ; and reproves the other consulars for betray- 
 " ing their dignity, by deserting him. — As to the 
 " public affairs, he dwells chiefly on Antony's abuse 
 " of their decree, to confirm Caesar's acts ; declares 
 " himself still for the confirmation of them, not that 
 ** he liked them, but for the sake of peace ; yet of 
 " the genuine acts only, such as Ccesar himself had 
 " completed ; not the imperfect notes and memo- 
 ** randums of his pocket books ; not every scrap of 
 " his writing ; or what he had not even written, but 
 " spoken only, and that, without a voucher — he 
 " charges Antony with a strange inconsistency, in 
 " pretending such a zeal for Cassar's acts, yet vio- 
 " lating the most solemn and authentic of them, 
 " his laws ; of which he gives several examples : 
 " thinks It intolerable, to oblige them to the per- 
 
 J Ibid 5. 6. 
 
9^ The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A, Urb. 709. Cic. 63* Coss. — M. Antonlus. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 *' formance of all Caesar's promises, yet annul so 
 " freely what ought to be held the most sacred and 
 " mviolable of any thing that he had done :" He ad- 
 dresses himself pathetically to both the consuls, tho* 
 Dolabella only was present ; tells them, " that they 
 " had no reason to resent his speaking so freely on 
 " the behalf of the republic : that he had no per- 
 " sonal reflections ; had not touched their characters, 
 *' their lives, and manners : that if he offended in 
 ** that way, he desired no quarter § : but if, accor- 
 *' ding to his custom, he delivered himself with all 
 " freedom on public affairs, he begged, in the first 
 *' place, that they would not be angry ; in the next, 
 " that if they were, they would express their anger, 
 " as became citizens, by civil, not military methods: 
 " that he had been admonished indeed, not to expect, 
 " that the same liberty would be allowed to him, the 
 " enemy of Caesar, which had been indulged to Piso, 
 " his father-in-law ; that Antony would resent what- 
 *' ever was said against his will, though free from 
 " personal injury: if so, he must bear it, as w^ell as 
 " he could. — Then after touching on their plundering 
 " the temple of Opis of those sums which might 
 " have been of great service to the state, he observes, 
 " that whatever the vulgar might think, money was 
 " not the thing which they aimed at ; that their 
 " souls were too noble for that, and had greater de- 
 " signs in view || : but they quite mistook the road 
 " to glory, if they thought it to consist in a single 
 
 J Ibid. 7. IJ. jl Ibid. 12. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 93 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " man's having more power than a whole people : — 
 " That to be dear to our citizens, to deserve well of 
 " our country, to be praised, respected, beloved, was 
 " truly glorious ; to be feared and hated, always invi- 
 " dious, detestable, weak, and tottering: — That Ca^^ 
 " sar's fate was a warning to them, how much better 
 " it was to be loved than to be feared : that no man 
 " could live happy, who held life on such terms, 
 " that it might be taken from him, not only with 
 " impunity, but with praise *. He puts them in 
 " mind of the many public demonstrations of the 
 " people's disaffection to them, and their constant 
 " applauses and acclamations to those vvho opposed 
 " them; to which he begs them to attend with more 
 " care, in order to learn the v/ay how to be truly 
 " great and glorious. — He concludes, by declaring, 
 *' that he had now reaped the full fruit of his return, 
 ** by giving this public testimony of his constant ad- 
 " herence to the interests of his country : that he 
 "would use the same hberty oftener, if he found 
 *' that he could do it v^ith safety ; if not, would re- 
 ** serve himself, as well as he could, to better times, 
 " not so much out of regard to himself, as to the re- 
 *' public." 
 
 In speaking afterwards of this day's debate, he 
 says, " that whilst the rest of the senate behaved 
 " like slaves, he alone shewed himself to be free ; 
 " and though he spoke indeed with le^s freedom 
 ^' than it had been his custom to do, yet it was with 
 
 * Ibid. 14. 
 
94 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 *' more than the dangers with which he was threat- 
 " ened seemed to allow f ." Antony was greatly 
 enraged at this speech, and summoned another meet- 
 ing of the senate for the nineteenth, where he again 
 required Cicero's attendance, being resolved to an- 
 swer him in person, and justify his own conduct: 
 for which end he employed himself during the in- 
 terval in preparing the materials of a speech, and 
 declaiming against Cicero in his villa near Tibur. 
 The senate met on the appointed day, in the temple 
 of concord, whither Antony came with a strong 
 guard, and in great expectation of meeting Cicero, 
 whom, he had endeavoured by artifice to draw thi- 
 ther : but though Cicero himself was ready and de- 
 sirous to go, yet his friends over-ruled and kept him 
 at home, being apprehensive of some design intend^ 
 ed against his life if. 
 
 Antony's speech confirmed their apprehensions, in 
 which he poured out the overflowings of his spleen 
 with such fury against him, that Cicero, alluding to 
 what he had done a little before in public, says, 
 " that he seemed once more rather to spew than to 
 " speak §." He produced Cicero's letter to him, 
 
 * Locutus sum de repub. minus equidera libere, quam mea 
 consuetudo, Hberius tamen quam periculi minae postulabant. 
 Philip. 5. 7. 
 
 In summa reliquorum servitute liber unus ful. Ep. fam. 12. 
 25. 
 
 X Quo die, si per amicos mihi cupienti, in senatum venire li- 
 cuisset, cfccdis initium fecisset a me. Phil, 5. 7. 
 
 Meque cum elicere vellet in cadis causam, turn tentaret in- 
 sidiis Ep. fam. 12. 25. 
 
 § Itaque omnibus est visus, ut ad te antea scripsi, vomere 
 suo more, non dicere. lb. 2. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 95 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 62. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelb. 
 
 about the restoration of S. Clodius, in which Cicero 
 acknowledged him, not only for his friend, but a 
 good citizen ; as if the letter was a confutation of 
 his speech, and Cicero had other reasons for quarrel- 
 ling with him now, than the pretended service of 
 the republic ||. But the chief thing with which he 
 urged him, w^as, his being not only privy to the mur- 
 der of Caesar, but the contriver of it, as well as the 
 author of every step which the conspirators had 
 since taken : by this he hoped to inflame the sol- 
 diers to some violence, whom he had planted for that 
 purpose about the avenues to the temple, and with- 
 in hearing even of their debates. Cicero, in his ac- 
 count of it to Cassius, says, ** that he should not 
 ** scruple to own a share in the act, if he could have 
 " a share in the glory : but that, if he had really 
 " been concerned in it, they should never have left 
 " the work half finished *." 
 
 He had resided all this while in Rome, or the 
 neighbourhood ; but as a breach with Antony was 
 now inevitable, he thought it necessary for his secu- 
 rity, to remove to a greater distance, to some of his 
 villas near Naples. Here he composed his second 
 Phihppic, by way of reply to Antony ; not delivered 
 in the senate, as the tenor of it seems to imply, but 
 finished in the country, nor intended to be publisli- 
 
 11 Atque etiam lltteras, qiias me sibi misisse diceiet, reclta- 
 vit, &:c. Phil. 2. 4. 
 
 * Nullam aliam ob causam me auctorem fulsse C:csaris iii- 
 terficiendi crimlnatur, nisi at in mc veterani incileatur. En. 
 f^m, 12. 2. vid. 3. 4. 
 
g6 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^^ Co3s.--M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 ed till things were actually come to extremity, and 
 the occasions of the republic made it necessary to 
 render Antony's character and designs as odious as 
 possible to the people. The oration is a most bitter 
 invective on his whole life, describing it as a perpe- 
 tual scene of lewdness, faction, violence, rapine, 
 heightened with all the colours of wit and eloquence 
 
 it was greatly admired by the ancients, and 
 
 shews that, in the decline of life, Cicero had lost no 
 share of that fire and spirit, with which his earlier 
 productions are animated : but he never had a cause 
 more interesting, or where he had greater reason to 
 exert himself: he knew, that, in case of a rupture, 
 for which alone the piece was calculated, either An- 
 tony or the republic m.ust perish ; and he was de- 
 termined to risk his own life upon the quarrel, nor 
 bear the indignity of outliving a second time the li- 
 berty of his country. 
 
 He sent a copy of this speech to Brutus and Cas- 
 sius, who were infinitely pleased with it : they now 
 at last clearly saw, that Antony meditated nothing 
 but war, and that their affairs were growing daily 
 more and more desperate; and being resolved there- 
 fore to leave Italy, they took occasion, a little be- 
 fore their departure, to write the following letter in 
 common to Antony. 
 
 Brutus and Cassius, Praetors, to Antony, Consul. 
 
 " If you are in good health, it is a pleasure to us. 
 '' We have read your letter, exactly of a piece with 
 
S£CtIX. CICERO. 97 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 " your edict, abusive, threatening, wholly unworthy 
 *' to be sent from you to us For our part, Antony, 
 ** we have never done you any injury ; nor imagin- 
 " ed that you would think it strange, that praetors 
 *' and men of our rank should require any thing by 
 " edict of a consul : but if you are angry that we 
 '* have presumed to do it, give us leave to be con- 
 *' cerned, that you would not indulge that privilege 
 *' at least to Brutus and Cassius : for as to our rais- 
 " ing troops, exacting contributions, sohciting armies, 
 ** sending expresses beyond sea ; since you deny that 
 " you ever complained of it, we beheve you, and 
 " take it as a proof of your good intention : we do 
 ** not indeed own any such practices ; yet think it 
 " strange, when you objected nothing of that kind, 
 " that you could not contain yourself from reproach- 
 " ing us with the death of Caesar. Consider with 
 " yourself, whether it is to be endured, that, for the 
 " sake of the pubhc quiet and' liberty, pieetors can- 
 " not depart from their rights by edict, but the con- 
 ** sul must presently threaten them with arms. Do 
 " not think to frighten us with such threats : it is 
 " not agreeable to our character to be moved by 
 *' any danger : nor must Antony pretend to com- 
 " mand those by whose means he now lives free. 
 " If there were other reasons to dispose us to raise a 
 *' civil war, your letter would have no effect to hin- 
 " der it : for threats can have no iniiuence on those 
 *' who are free. But you know very well, that it is 
 *' not possible for us to be driven to any thing against 
 Vol. hi. O 
 
98 The LIFE or Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb, 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 " our will ; and for that reason perhaps you threaten, 
 ** that, whatever we do, it may seem to be the effect 
 " of fear. These then are our sentuiients : we wish 
 " to see you live with honour and splendour in a free 
 " repubhc ; have no desire to quarrel with you ; yet 
 " value our liberty more than your friendship. It 
 •* is your business to consider again and again, what 
 *' you attempt, and what you can maintain ; and to 
 " reflect, not how long Caesar lived, but how short a 
 " time he reigned : we pray the gods, that your 
 *' councils may be salutary, both to the republic and 
 " to yourself; if not, wish at least, that they may 
 " hurt you as little as may consist with the safety 
 ** and dignity of the republic *." 
 
 Octavius perceived by this time, that there was 
 nothing to be done for him in the city against a con- 
 sul, armed with supreme power both civil and mili- 
 tary ; and was so far provoked by the ill usage which 
 he had received, that, in order to obtain by strata- 
 gem what he could not gain by force, he formed a 
 design against Antony's hfe, and actually provided 
 certain slaves to assassinate him, who were discover- 
 ed and seized with their poignards in Antony's house, 
 as they w^ere watching an opportunity to execute 
 their plot. The story was supposed by many to be 
 forged by Antony to justify his treatment of Octa- 
 vius, and his depriving him of the estate of his 
 uncle : but all men of sense, as Cicero says, both be- 
 
 Ep. fam. xi. 3. 
 
Sect. L CICERO, 
 
 99 
 
 A. Urb. 709. , CIc. 6^. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 lieved and applauded it ; and the greatest part of 
 the old writers treat it as an undoubted fact f . 
 
 They were both of them equally suspected by the 
 senate ; but Antony more immediately dreaded on 
 the account of his superior power, and supposed cre- 
 dit with the soldiers, whom he had served with 
 through all the late wars,, and on several occasions 
 commanded. Here his chief strength lay; and, to 
 ingratiate himself the more with them, he began to 
 declare himself more and more openly every day 
 against the conspirators ; threatening them in his 
 edicts, and discovering a resolution to revenge the 
 death of Caesar ; to whom he erected a statue in the 
 rostra, ' and inscribed it, to thd most worthy parent of 
 his country. Cicero, speaking of this in a letter to 
 Cassius, says, *' Your friend Antony grows every day 
 " more furious, as you see from the inscription of his 
 " statue; by which he makes you not only murder- 
 ** ers, but parricides. But why do I say you, and 
 " not rather us ? for the madman affirms me to be 
 *' the author of your noble act. I wish that I had 
 " been, for, if I had, he would not have been so 
 " troublesome to us at this time J." 
 
 f De quo multitudini fictum ab Antonio crimen videtur, ut 
 in pecuniam adolescentis impetum faceret. Prudentes autem et 
 boni viri et credunt factum et probant. ( Kp. fam. I2. 23.) In- 
 sidiis M. Antonii consulis latus petlerat. (Sen. de Clem. 1. i. 9.) 
 
 Hortantibus itaque nonnuUis percussyrcs ei subornavlt. Hac 
 fraude deprehensa, &c. Sueton. August, x. Plutar. in Anton. 
 
 X Auget tuus amicus furorem indies, primum in statua» quam 
 posuit in rostris, inscripsit, parenti optime merito. Ut non modo 
 siccarii; sed jam etiam parricid^ii judicemini. Quii dlco judice-' 
 
 G 2 mini ^ 
 
100 The LIFE of Sect. IX, 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 03. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 Octavius was not less active in soliciting his uncle's 
 soldiers, sparing neither pains nor money that could 
 tempt them to his service ; and, by outbidding An- 
 tony in all his offers and bribes to them, met with 
 greater success than was expected, so as to draw to- 
 gether, in a short time, a firm and regular amy of 
 veterans, completely furnished with all necessaries 
 for present service. But as he had no public cha- 
 racter to justify this conduct, which in regular times 
 would have been deemed treasonable, so he paid the 
 greater court to the republican chiefs, in hopes to 
 get his proceedings authorised by the senate ; and, 
 by the influence of his troops, procure the command 
 of the war to himself: he now therefore was conti- 
 nually pressing Cicero, by letters and friends, to 
 come to Rome, and support him with his authority 
 against their common enemy, Antony ; promising to 
 govern himself in every step by his advice. 
 
 But Cicero could not yet be persuaded to enter 
 into his affairs : he suspected his youth and want of 
 experience, and that he had not strength enough to 
 deal with Antony ; and, above all, that he had no 
 good disposition towards the conspirators : he thought 
 it impossible that he should ever be a friend to them, 
 and was persuaded rather, that, if ever he got the 
 upper hand, his uncle's acts would be more violently 
 enforced, and his death more cruelly revenged, than 
 
 mini ? judlcemur potius. Vcstri enim pulcherrlmi facti ille furlo. 
 sus me prlncipem dicit fuisse. Utinam quidem fuissem, moles- 
 tus non esset. £p. fam. 12. 3* 
 
Se€t.1X. CICERO, loi 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 by Antony himself*. These considerations with- 
 held him from an union with him, till the exigen- 
 cies of the republic made it absolutely necessary ; 
 nor did he consent at last, without making it an ex- 
 press condition, that Octavius should employ all his 
 forces in defence of the common liberty, and parti- 
 cularly of Brutus and his accomplices : where his 
 chief care and caution still was, to arm him only 
 with a power sufficient to oppress Antony, yet so 
 checked and limited, that he should not be able to 
 oppress the republic. 
 
 This is evident from many of his epistles to Atti- 
 cus : " I had a letter," says he, '* from Octavianus 
 " on the first of November : his designs are great : 
 *' he has drawn over all the veterans of Casilinuni 
 ** and Calatia : and no wonder, he . gives sixteen 
 " pounds a m.an. He proposes to make the tour of 
 *' the other colonies : his view plainly is, to have the 
 ** command of the war against Antony ; so that we 
 " shall be in arms in a few days. But which of th'cni 
 
 *' shall we follow ? Consider his name, his age: 
 
 " he begs to have a private conference with me at 
 *' Capua, or near it : 'tis childish to imagine that it 
 ** could be private : I gave him to understand, that 
 ♦' it was neither necessary nor practicable. He sent 
 ** to me one Caecina of Volaterra^, who brought word, 
 " that Antony was coming towards the city with 
 
 * Valde tibi assentior, si multum posslt Octavianus, raulto 
 firmius acta tyranni comprobatum iri, quam in Telluris, atquc id 
 contra Brutum fore — sed in isto Juvene quanquam animi satjs, 
 auctoritaiis parum est., A<J Att. 16. 14. 
 
 G3 
 
102 The life of Sect. IX; 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 ** the legion of the Alaudae * : that he raised contri- 
 ** butions from all the great towns, and marched 
 *' with colours displayed : he asked my advice, whe- 
 ** ther he should advance before him to Rome, with 
 *' three thousand veterans, or keep the post of Ca- 
 " pua, and oppose his progress there, or go to the 
 " three Macedonian legions, who were marching a- 
 *' long the upper coast, and are, as he hopes, in his 
 
 *' interest- they would not take Antony's Uioney, 
 
 •' as this Caecina says, but even affronted and left 
 " him while he was speaking to them. In short, 
 ** he offers himself for our leader, and thinks that 
 " we ought to support him. I advise him to march 
 *' to Rome : for he seems likely to have the meaner 
 " people on his side ; and, if he makes good what 
 ** he promises, the better sort too. O Brutus, where 
 " art thou ? What an opportunity dost thou lose ? 
 "I did not indeed foresee this: yet thought that 
 " something like it would happen. Give me your 
 " advice : shall I come away to Rome ; stay where 
 " I am ; or retire to Arpinum ? where I shall be the 
 
 * This legion of the Alaudae was first raised by J. Ct^sar, 
 and composed of the natives of Gaui, armed and disciplined after 
 the Roman manner, to which he gave the freedom of Rome. He 
 called it by a Gallic name, Alaadae •, which signified a kind of 
 lark, or little bird with a tuft or crest rising upon its head j in 
 imitation of which, this legion wore a crest of feathers on the 
 helmet j from iVhich origin the word was adopted into the Latin 
 tongue. Antony, out of compliment, to these troops, and to as- 
 sure himselt of their fidelity, ]aad isitely made a judiciary law, by 
 which he erected a third class of judges, to be drawn from the 
 officers of this legion, and added to the other two of the senators 
 and knights 5 for which Cicero often reproaches him as a most 
 infamous prostitution of the dignity of the republic-— Phil. i. 80 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 103 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Aiitonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 ** safest. I had rather be at Rome, lest, if any thing 
 *' should be done, I should be wanted : resolve there- 
 " fore for me : I never was in greater perplexity f ." 
 Again : " I had two letters the same day from 
 *' Octavius : he presses me to come immediately to 
 " Rome ; is resolved, he says, to do nothing without 
 " the senate-— I tell him, that there can be no senate 
 '' till the first of January, which I take to be true : 
 *' he adds also, nor without my advice. In a word, 
 ♦' he urges ; I hang back : I cannot trust his age ; 
 " do not know his real intentions ; will do nothing 
 " without Pansa ; am afraid that Antony may prove 
 " too strong for him ; and unwiUing to stir from the 
 " sea ; yet would not have any thing vigorous done 
 " without me. Varro does not like the conduct of 
 " the boy ; but I do. He has firm troops, and may 
 "■ join with D. Brutus : what he does, he does open- 
 " ly ; musters his soldiers at Capua ; pays them ; we 
 
 "shall have a war I see instantly J." 
 
 Again : ^' I have letters every day from Octavi- 
 
 *' anus ; to undertake his affairs ; to come to him at 
 
 •' Capua; to save the state a second time : he resolves 
 
 " to come directly to Rome. 
 
 " Urg'd to the fight, 'tis shameful to refuse, 
 
 *' Whilst fear yet prompts the safer part to chuse. — 
 
 Horn. II. ^. 
 
 " He has hitherto acted, and acts still with vigour ; 
 « and will come to Rome with a great force. Yet 
 
 ^ Ad An. 16. 8. G 4 X Ibid. 9- 
 
IC4 The LIFE of Sect IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Cos?.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabdla. 
 
 " he is but a boy: he thinks the senate may be call- 
 '* ed immediately : but who will come ? or, if they 
 " do, who, in this uncertainty of affairs, will declare 
 " against Antony ? he will be a good guard to us on 
 *' the lirst of January : or it may come perhaps to 
 ^* blows before. The great towns favour the boy 
 
 *' strangely, They fxock to him from all parts, 
 
 " and exhort him to proceed : could you ever have 
 ■ * thought it * ?" There are many other passages of 
 the same kind, expressing a diffidence of Octavius, 
 and inclination to sit still, and let them fight it out 
 between themselves : till the exigency of affairs made 
 their union at last mutually necessary to each o- 
 ther. 
 
 In the hurry of all these politics, he was prosecut- 
 ing his studies still with his usual application ; and, 
 besides the second Philippic, already mentioned, now 
 finished his Book of Offxes^ or the Duties cf Man^ for 
 the use of his son f . A work admired by all succeed- 
 ing ages, as the most perfect system of heathen mo- 
 rality, and the noblest effort and specimen of what 
 mere reason could dp towards guiding man through 
 life with innocence and happiness. He now also 
 drew up, as it is thought, his Stoical Paradoxes, or an 
 illustration of the peculiar doctrines of that sect, from 
 the examples and characters of their ow^n country^ 
 men, which he addressed to Brutus. 
 
 Antony left Rome about the end of September, in 
 order to meet and engage to his service four legions 
 
 * Ad Att, II. j- Ibid. 
 
Sect. IX. GICERO. 105 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic.63. Coss—M. Antonius. F. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 from Macedonia, which had been sent thither by 
 CcTesar, on their way towards Parthia, and were now 
 by his orders returning to Italy. He thought him- 
 self sure of them, and by their help to be master of 
 the city ; but on his arrival at Brundisium on the 
 eighth -of October, three of the legions, to his great 
 surprise, rejected all his otters, and refused to follow 
 him. This affront so enraged him, that calling to- 
 gether all the centurions, vvhoai he suspecied of be- 
 ing the authors of their disaffection, he ordered them 
 to be massacred in his own lodgings, to the number 
 of three hundred, while he and his wife Fulvia stood 
 calmly looking on, to satiate their cruel revenge by 
 the blood of these brave men : after whicli he march- 
 ed back towards Rome, by the Appian road, at the 
 bead of the single legion which submitted to him ; 
 whilst the other three took their rout along the Adri- 
 atic coast, without declaring yet for any side *. 
 
 He returned full of rage both against Octavius and 
 the republicans, and determined to make what use 
 he could of the remainder of his consulship, in wrest- 
 ing the provinces and military commands out of the 
 
 * Ad. d. vir. Id. Octob. Brundisium erat profectus, Antonius, 
 6bviam legionibus Macedonicis iiii, quis sibi conciliare pecunia 
 Cogitabat, easque ad urbem adducere. Ep. fam, I2. 23. 
 
 Quippe qui in hospitis tectis Brundisii fortissimos v.ros, elves 
 optimos, jugulari jusserit : quorum ante pedes ejus morientium 
 sanguine os uxotis respersum esse constabat. Phil. 3. 2. 
 
 Cum ejus promissis legiones fortissimic reclamasseut, domum ad 
 se venue jussit Centuriones, quos bene de Repub. sentire cogno- 
 verat, eosque ante pedes suos, uxorisque suae, quam sccum gravis 
 Imperator ad excrcitum duxeiat, jugulari coe^k. Phil. 5. 8. 
 
io6 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Com. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabcUa. 
 
 hands of his enemies, and distributing them to his 
 friends. He pubhshed at the same time several fierce 
 and threatening edicts, in which " be gave Octavius 
 " the name of Spartacus, repronched him with the 
 ** ignobleness of his birth ; charged Cicero with be- 
 " ing the author of all his councils ; abused young 
 *' Quintus as a perfidious wretch, who had offered to 
 ** kill both his father and uncle ; forbade three of the 
 *' tribunes, on pain of death, to appear in the senate, 
 " Q^ Cassius, the brother of the conspirator, Carfule- 
 " nus and Canutius f .'* In this humour he summon- 
 ed the senate on the twenty-fourth of October, with 
 severe threats to those who should absent themselves ; 
 yet he himself neglected to come, and adjourned it 
 by edict to the twenty-eighth: but while all people 
 were in expectation of some extraordinary decrees 
 from him, and of one particularly, which he had pre- 
 pared, to declare young Ccesar a public enemy |j ; he 
 happened to receive the news, that two of the le- 
 gions from Brundisium, the fourth, and that which 
 was called the Martial, had actually declared for Oc- 
 tavius, and posted themselves at Alba, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Rome §. This shocked him so much, 
 
 f Primum in Caesarem ut maledlcta congcssit— ignobilitatcm 
 objicit C. Caesarls fillo — (Phil. 3. 6.) quem in edictis Spartacum 
 appcUat. (ib. 8.) Q^ Ciceronem, fratris mei filium compellat edic- 
 to — ausus est scribeie, hunc de Patris &. Patrui parricidio cogi- 
 tassc. (ib. 7.) quid autem attinuerit, Q^Cassio — mortem denunci- 
 are si in Senatum venisset. D. Carfulenum — e Senatu vi & mor- 
 tis minis expellere : Tib. Canutium — non templo solum, sed aditu 
 prohibcre Capitolii. — ib. 9. 
 
 {{ Cum Senatum vocasset, adhibuissetque Consularem, qui sua 
 sententia C. Caesarem hostem judicaret — Phil, 5. 9. App. $$6. 
 
 J Postea vero quam Legio Martia ducem prxstantissimam vU 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 107 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 62' Coss. — M.Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 that, instead of prosecuting what he had projected, he 
 only huddled over what no body opposed, the de- 
 cree of a supphcation to Lepidas; and the same even- 
 ing, after he had distributed to his friends, by a pre- 
 tended allotment, the several provinces of the em- 
 pire, which few or none of them durst accept from 
 so precarious a title, he changed the habit of the con- 
 sul for that of the general, and left the city with pre- 
 cipitation, to put himself at the head of his army, and 
 possess himself by force of Cisalpine Gaul, assigned 
 to him by a pretended law of the people against the 
 will of the senate *. 
 
 On the news of his retreat, Cicero presently quit- 
 ted his books and the country, and set out towards 
 Rome : he seemed to be called by the voice of the 
 republic to take the reins once more into his hands. 
 The field was now open to him; there was not a con- 
 sul, and scarce a single prxtor in the city, nor any 
 troops from which he could apprehend danger. He 
 arrived on the ninth of December, and immediately 
 conferred with Fansa, for Hirtius lay very ill, about 
 the measures proper to be taken on their approach- 
 ing entrance into the consulship. 
 
 Before his leaving the country, Oppius had been 
 with him, to press him again to undertake the affairs 
 
 dit, nihil egit aliud, nisi ut aliqu:indo liberi essemus : quain est 
 imitata quarta Legio. Phil. 5. 8* 
 
 Atque ea Legio consedit Albse, &.c. Phil. 3. 3. 
 
 * Fugere festinans S. C. de supplicatione per discessionem fe- 
 cit — pi>bclara tarn fuit senatus eo ipso die vespertina, provinclaruni 
 religiosasortitio — L. Lentuliis & P. Naso — nullam se habere pro- 
 vinciam, nullam Antonii sortitionem fuisse judicarunt. Phil. 3. 
 9.x. 
 
io8 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cdss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 of Octavius, and the protection of his troops : but his 
 answer was, ** that he could not consent to it, unless 
 *' he were first assured that Octavius would not only 
 " be no enemy, but even a friend to Brutus: that he 
 '* could be of no service to Octavius till the first of 
 ** January, and there w^ould be an opportunity before 
 ** that time of trying Octavius's disposition in the case 
 " of Casca, who had been named by Caesar to the 
 •* tribunate, and was to enter upon it on the tenth of 
 " December : for if Octavius did not oppose or dis- 
 ** turb his admission, that would be a proof of his 
 *' good intentions ||." Oppius undertook for all this 
 on the part of Octavius, and Octavius himself con- 
 firmed it, and suffered Casca, who gave the first blow 
 to Caesar, to enter quietly into his office. 
 
 The new tribunes in the mean time, in the absence 
 of the superior magistrates, called a meeting of the 
 senate on the nineteenth : Cicero had resolved not 
 to appear there any more, till he should be supported 
 by the new consuls ; but happening to receive the 
 day before, the edict of D. Brutus, by which he pro- 
 hibited Antony the entrance of his province, and de- 
 clared, that he would defend it against him by force, 
 
 II Sed ut scribis, certisslmum esse video discrimen Cascae nos- 
 tri Tribunatum : de quo quidem ipso dixi Oppio, cum me horta- 
 retur, ut adolescentemque totamque causam, manumque veteran- 
 crum complecterer, me nuUo modo facere posse, ni mihi cxplora- 
 tum esset, eum non modo non inimicum tyrannoctonis, varum e- 
 tiam amicum fore j cum ille dlceret, ita futurum. Quid igitur 
 festinamus ? inquam. Illi enim mea opera ante Kal, Jan. nihil 
 opus est. Nos autero ante Id. Decemb. ejus voluntatem perspiij^ 
 cicraus in Casca. Mihi valde assensus est— Ad Att. 16. 15. 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 
 
 109 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 and preserve it in its duty to the senate, he thought 
 it necessary for the public service, and the present 
 encouragement of Brutus, to procure, as soon as pos- 
 sible, some public declaration in his favour : he went 
 therefore to the senate very early, which being ob- 
 served by the other senators, presently drew together 
 a full house, in expectation of hearing his sentiments 
 in so nice and critical a situation of the public af- 
 fairs *. 
 
 He saw the war actually commenced in the very 
 bowels of Italy, on the success of which depended 
 the fate of Rome : that Gaul would certainly be lost, 
 and with it probably the republic, if Brutus was not 
 supported against the superior force of Antony : that 
 there was no way of doing it so ready and effectual, 
 as by employing Octavius and his troops: and though 
 the entrusting him with that commission would throw 
 a dangerous power into his hands, yet it would be 
 controuled by the equal power, and superior autho- 
 rity of the two consuls, who were to be joined with 
 him in the same command. 
 
 The senate being assembled, the tribunes acquaint- 
 ed them, that the business of that meeting, was to 
 
 * Cum Tribuni pleb, edixisscnt, Senatus adesset a d. 13 Kal- 
 Jan. haberentque in animo de prgesidio Consulum designatorura 
 referre, quanquam statueram in Senatum ante Kal. Jan. non ve- 
 nire : tamen cum eo ipso die edictura tuura propositum csset, nc- 
 fas esse duxl, aut ita haberi Senatum, ut de tuis divinis In Romp, 
 mentis sileretur, quod factum esset, nisi ego venissem, aut etiani 
 si quid de te non honorifice diceretur, me non adesse. Itaque in 
 Senatum veni mane. Quod cum esset animadversum, frequently, 
 simi Senatorcs convenerunt. £p. fam, x'l. 6. 
 
liO The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6^. Cbss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 provide a guard for the security of the new consuls^ 
 and the protection of the senate, in the freedom of 
 their debates ; but that they gave a liberty withal 
 of taking the whole state of the republic into consi- 
 deration. Upon this Cicero opened the; debate, " and 
 " represented to them the danger of their present 
 ** condition, and the necessity of speedy and resolute 
 " councils against an enemy who lost no time in at- 
 ** tempting their ruin. That they had been ruined 
 " indeed before, had it not been for the courage and 
 " virtue of young Caesar, who, contrary to all expec- 
 *' tation, and without being even desired to do, what 
 ♦' no man thought possible for him to do, had, by his 
 " private authority and expence, raised a strong ar« 
 " my of veterans, and baffled the designs of Antony; 
 " that if Antony had succeeded at Brmidisium, and 
 " prevailed with the legions to follow him, he would 
 " have filled the city at his return with blood and 
 *' slaughter : that it was their part to authorise and 
 " confirm what Cassar had done ; and to empower 
 " him to do more, by employing his troops in the far- 
 " ther service of the state ; and to make a special 
 " provision also for the two legions which had de- 
 " clared for him against Antony §. As to D. Brutus, 
 " who had promised by edict to preserve Gaul in the 
 " obedience of the senate, that he was a citizen, born 
 " for the good of the republic ; the imitator of his an- 
 " cestors ; nay, had even exceeded their merit; for 
 " the first Brutus expelled a proud king ; he a fellow 
 
 } Phil. 3. I, 2, 3. 
 
Sto. IX. CICERO. Ill 
 
 A. Urb. 709, CIc. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelb. 
 
 " subject far more proud and profligate : that Tar- 
 *' quin, at the same time of his expulsion, was actual- 
 *' ly making war for the people of Rome ; but An- 
 *' tony, on the contrary, had actually begun a war 
 *' against them. That it was necessary therefore to 
 " confirm by public authority, what Brutus had done 
 " by private, in preserving the province of Gaul, the 
 ** flower of Italy, and* the bulwark of the empire — J. 
 " Then, after largely inveighing against Antony's 
 *' character, and enumerating particularly all his 
 ** cruelties and violences, he exhorts them in a pa- 
 ** thetic manner, to act with courage in defence of 
 «* the republic, or die bravely in the attempt : that 
 <* now was the time either to recover their liberty, or 
 " to live for ever slaves : that if the fatal day was 
 " come, and Rome w^as destined to perish, it would 
 " be a shame for them, the governors of the world, 
 ** not to fall with as much courage as gladiators were 
 " used to do, and die with dignity, rather than live 
 *' with disgrace. He puts them in mind of the ma- 
 " ny advantages, which they had towards encourag- 
 " ing their hopes and resolution ; the body of the 
 " people alert and eager in the cause ; young Caesar 
 " in the guard of the city ; Brutus of Gaul ; two con- 
 " sulsof the greatest prudence,virtue,andconcordbe- 
 ** tween themselves ; who had been meditating no- 
 <' thing else for many months past, but the pubhc 
 " tranquillity : to all which he promises his own at- 
 " tention and vigilance both day and night for tlieir 
 
 t Ibid 4. 5- 
 
112 The life of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. " 
 
 *' safety ■*. On the whole, therefore, he gives his 
 *' vote and opinion, that the new consuls, C. Pansa 
 " and A. Hirtius, should take caie that the senate 
 " may meet with security on the first of January : that 
 ** D. Brutus, emperor and consul-elect, had merited 
 *' greatly of the republic, by defending the authori- 
 " ty and liberty of the senate and people of Rome : 
 " that his army, the towns and colonies of his pro- 
 " vince, should be publicly thanked and praised for 
 " their fidelity to him : that it should be declared to 
 '' be of the last consequence to the republic, that D. 
 " Brutus and L. Plancus (who commanded the far- 
 " thev Gaul) emperor and consul elect, as well as all 
 " others who had the command of provinces, should 
 *' keep them in their duty to the senate, till succes- 
 " sors were appointed by the senate : and since, by 
 " the pains, virtue and conduct of young Caesar, and 
 " the assistance of the veteran soldiers who followed 
 " him, the repubhc had been dehvered, and was still 
 " defended from the greatest dangers : and since the 
 ** martial and fourth legions, under that excellent ci- 
 " tizen and quasstor Egnatuleius, had voluntarily de- 
 " clared for the authority of the senate, and the li- 
 " berty of the people, that the senate should take 
 " special care that due honours and thanks be paid 
 *' to them for their eminent services : and that the 
 *' new consuls, on their entrance into office, should 
 ** make it their first business to see all this executed 
 ** in proper form : to all which the House unanimous- 
 
 * Ibid 14, &c. 
 
Si-CT. IX. CICERO. 113 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 
 
 " ]y agreed, and ordered a decree to be drawn con- 
 ** formably to his opinion." 
 
 From the senate he passed directly to the Forum, 
 and in a speech to the people, gave an account of 
 what had passed : he begins, " by signifying his joy 
 •* to see so great a concourse about him, greater than 
 " he had ever remembered, a sure omen of their 
 ** good inchnations, and an encouragement both to 
 " his endeavours and his hopes of recovering the re- 
 " public. Then he repeats with some variation what 
 *' he had delivered in the senate, of the praises of Cx- 
 " sar and Brutus, and the wicked designs of Antony : 
 " that the race of the Erutus's was given to them by 
 *' the special providence of the gods, for the perpe- 
 " tual defenders and deliverers of the republic * : 
 *' that by what the senate had decreed, they had in 
 *' fact, though not in express words, declared An- 
 ** tony a public enemy : that they must consider him 
 " therefore as such, and no longer as consul : that 
 *' they had to deal with an enemy, with whom no 
 *' terms of peace could be made : who thirsted not 
 *' so much after their liberty, as their blood : to wJiom 
 *' no sport was so agreeable, as to see citizens but- 
 
 " chered before his eyes That the gods, however, 
 
 *' by portents and prodigies seemed to foretel his 
 " speedy downfal since such a consent and union of 
 *' all ranks against him could never have been effect- 
 *' ed, but by a divine influence," S^c. %. 
 
 These speeches, which stand the third and fourth 
 
 * Phil. 4. 3. t Ibid. 4. &:' 
 
 Vol. III. H 
 
114 The LIFE of Sect. IX. 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6;^. Cobs. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 in the order of his FhiUppics, were extremely well 
 received both by the senate and people : speaking 
 afterwards of the latter of them to the same people^ 
 he says, " if that day had put an end to my life, I 
 " had reaped sufficient fruit from it, when you all 
 ** with one mind and voice cried out, that I had twice 
 ** saved the republic jj." As he had now broken all 
 measures with Antony, beyond the possibihty of a 
 reconciliation, so he published probably about this 
 time Ms second Philipiej which had . hitherto been 
 communicated only to a few friends, whose approba- 
 tion it had received. 
 
 The short remainder of this turbulent year was 
 spent in preparing arms and troops for the guard of 
 the new consuls, and the defence of the state : and 
 the new levies were carried on with the greater di- 
 ligence, for the certain news that was brought to 
 Rome, that Antony was actually besieging Modena, 
 into which Brutus, unable to oppose him in the field, 
 had thrown himself with all his forces, as the strong- 
 est town of his province, and the best provided to 
 sustain a siege. Young Caesar, in the mean while,, 
 without expecting the orders of the senate, but with- 
 the advice of Cicero, by which he now governed him- 
 self in every step, marched out of Rome at the head 
 of his troops, and followed Antony into the province;, 
 in order to observe his motions, and take all occasions 
 
 * Quo quidem tempore, etiam si ille dies vitae finem mihi al- 
 latarus esset, satis magnum ceperam fructum, cum vos universi 
 una mente ac voce itcrum a me conservatam esse Remp, concla- 
 mastis. Phil. 6. u 
 
Sect. IX. CICERO. 115 
 
 A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 
 of distressing him ; as well as to encourage Brutus 
 to defend himself with vigour, till the consuls could 
 bring up the grand army, which they were prepar- 
 ing for his rehef. 
 
 H 2 
 
ji6 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius 
 
 ^N the opening of the year, the city was in great 
 expectation, to see what measures their new consuls 
 would pursue : they had heen at school, as it were, ail 
 the summer under Cicero, forming the plan of their 
 administration, and taking their lessons of governing 
 from him, and seem to have been brought entirely 
 into his general view, of establishing the peace and 
 liberty of the republic on the foundation of an am- 
 nesty. But their great obligations to Caesar and long 
 engagements with that party, to which they owed all 
 their fortunes, had left some scruples in them, which 
 gave a check to their zeal, and disposed them to act 
 with more moderation against old friends, than the 
 condition of times would allow ; and, before the ex- 
 periment of arms, to try the gentler methods of a 
 treaty. With these sentiments^ as soon as they were 
 inaugurated, they entered into a deliberation with the 
 senate, on the present state of the republic, in order 
 to perfect what had been resolved upon at their last 
 meeting, and to contrive some farther means for the 
 security of the public tranquillity. They both spoke 
 with great spirit and firmness^ offering themselves as 
 leaders, in asserting the liberty of their country, and 
 exhorting the assembly to courage and resolution in 
 the defence of so good a cause f : and when they had 
 
 f Ut ©ratio Consulum animum meum erexit, spemque attullt 
 
 not! 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. n^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. H 
 
 irtius. 
 
 done, they called up (^ Fusius Calenu?, to deliver 
 his sentiments the first. He had been consul four 
 years before by Cassar's nomination, and was father- 
 in-law to Pansa, which by custom was a sufficient 
 ground for paying him that comphment : Cicero's o- 
 pinion was already well known ; he was for the short- 
 est and readiest way of coming at their end, by de- 
 claring Antony a pubUc enemy, and without loss of 
 time acting against him by open force : but this was 
 not relished by the consuls, who called therefore up- 
 x>n Calenus to speak first ; that as he was a fast friend 
 to Antony, and sure to be en the moderate side, he 
 might instil some sentiments of that sort into the se- 
 nate before Cicero had made a contrary impression. 
 Calenus's opinion therefore was, *' that before they 
 " proceeded to acts of hostihty, they should send an 
 ** embassy to Antony, to admonish him to desist from 
 ^* his attempt upon Gaul, and submit to the autho- 
 " rity of the senate :" Piso and several others were 
 of the same mind, alleging it to be unjust and cruel 
 to condemn a man, till they had first heard what he 
 had to say for himself. 
 
 But Cicero opposed this motion with great warmth^ 
 not only as " vain and foolish, but dangerous and 
 " pernicious : he declared it dishonourable to treat 
 " with anyone, who was in arms against his country, 
 ** until he laid them down and sued for peace ; in 
 " which case no man would be more moderate or e- 
 
 jion modo salutis conservandoe, verum etiani dignitatis pristince re- 
 cuperandge. Phil. 5. i. 
 
 H3 
 
Ii3 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710, Cic. 64/ Cos?. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** quitable than himself : that they had in effect pro- 
 *' claimed him an enemy already, and had nothing 
 " left but to confirm it by a decree, when he was be- 
 ** sieging one of the great towns of Italy, a colony of 
 '' Rome, and in it their consul elect and general Bru- 
 ** tus : he observed from what motives those other 
 *' opinions proceeded; from, particular friendships, re- 
 ** lations, private obHgations; but that a regard to 
 ** their country was superior to them all : that the 
 '* real point before them was, whether Antony should 
 ** be suffered to oppress the republic ; to mark out 
 *' whom he pleased to destruction ; to plunder the 
 " city, and enslave the citizens — *. That this was his 
 '** sole view, he shewed from a long detail, not only of 
 *' his acts but of his express declarations : — for he said 
 " in the temple of Castor, in the hearing of the peo- 
 " pie, that whenever it came to blows, no man should 
 " remain alive, who did not conquer : — and in another 
 ** speech ; that when he was out of his consulship, he 
 " would keep an army still about the city, and en- 
 *^ ter it whenever he thought fit : that in a letter, 
 " which Cicero himself had seen, to one of his friends, 
 f* he bade him to mark out for himself what estate he 
 *' would have, and whatever it was, he should cer- 
 " tainly have it f : that to talk of sending embassa- 
 " dors to such an one, was to betray their ignorance 
 •* of the constitution of the republic^ the majesty of 
 ^* the Roman people, and the discipline of their an- 
 " cestors — % that whatever ivas the purpose of their 
 
 ^ Phil. 5. I, 2, 3. t Ibid. 8, i2o t Ibid. 90 
 
.^ECT. X. CICERO. 1x9 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** message, it would signify nothing: if to beg him to 
 "** be quiet, he would despise it; if to command him, he 
 ** would not obey it : — that without any possible good, 
 *' it would be a certain damage; would necessarily 
 ^' create delay, and obstruction to the operations of 
 ** the war: check the zeal of the army; damp the 
 ■*' spirits of the people ; whom they now saw so brisk 
 •** and eager in the cause : — that the greatest revolu- 
 *• tions of affairs were effected often by trifling inci- 
 ^* cidents,; and above all in civil wars, which were 
 ^* generally governed by popular rumour : that how 
 " vigorous soever their instructions were to the em- 
 " bassadors, that they would be little regarded : the 
 ^' very name of an embassy implied a diffidence and 
 " fear, which was sufficient to cool the ardour of 
 " friends 1| : they might order him to retire from Mo- 
 '** dena ; to quit the province of Gaul ; but this was 
 '♦' not to be obtained by words, but extorted by arms: 
 
 " that v^hile the embassadors were going and com^ 
 
 '^^ ing, people would be in doubt and suspence about 
 " the success of their negotiation, and, under the ex- 
 *' pectation of a doubtful war, what progrees could 
 " they hope to make in their levies ?— that his opi- 
 ** nion therefore was, to make no farther mention of 
 ^' an embassy ; but to enter instantly into action : 
 ** that there should be a cessation of all civil business ; 
 " public tumult proclaimed ; the shops shut up ; and 
 *' that, instead of their usual gown, they should all put 
 <*' on the sagum, or habit of war : and that levies of 
 
 II Ibido 10. 
 
 H4 
 
120 The life of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64/ Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Kirtius. 
 
 *' S'.idiers should be made in Rome, and through Italy, 
 " without any exception of privilege or dismission from 
 " service : — that the very fame of this vigour would 
 " restrain the madness of Antony, and let the world 
 *• see, that the case was not, as he pretended, a strug- 
 ** gle only of contending parties, but a real war a- 
 *' gainst the commonwealth : — that the whole repub- 
 ^'- lie should be committed to the consuls, to take 
 
 " care that it received no detriment -that pardon 
 
 '* should be offered to those of Antony's army, who 
 " should return to their duty before the first of Fe- 
 -' bruary — - — that if they did not come to this reso- 
 ** lution now, they would be forced to do it after- 
 ^' wards, when it would be too late perhaps, or less 
 « effectual §." 
 
 This was the sum of what he advised as to their 
 conduct towards Antony : he next proceeded U) the 
 other subject of their debate ; the honours which 
 were ordered to be decreed at their last meeting ; 
 and began with D. Brutus, as consul-elect ; in favour 
 of whom, besides many high expressions of praise, he 
 
 proposed a decree to this effect '* Whereas D. 
 
 " Brutus., emperor and consul-elect, now holds the 
 *' province of Gaul in the power of the senate and 
 " people of Rome ; and, by the chearful assistance 
 " of the towns and colonies of his provmce, has drawn 
 ** together a great army in a short time ; that he has 
 " done all this rightly and regularly, and for the ser- 
 *^ vice of the state : and that it is the sense therefore 
 -- — • • ■ 
 
 f Ibifl. 10. 12, 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 
 
 121 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " of the senate and people, that the republic has Deeii 
 " relieved in a most difficult conjunctare, by the 
 " pains, counsel, and virtue of D. Brutus, emperor, 
 *' consul-elect, and by the incredible zeal and con- 
 " currence of the province of Gaul." He moved also 
 for an extraordinary honour to M. Lepidus, who had 
 no pretension to it indeed from past services, but. be- 
 ing now at the head of the best army in the empire, 
 was in condition to do the most good or ill to them 
 of any man. This w^as the ground of the compli- 
 ment ; for his faith being suspected, and his union 
 with Antony dreaded, Cicero hoped, by this testimo- 
 ny of their confidence, to confirm him in the inter- 
 ests of the senate : but he seems to be hard put to 
 it for a pretext of merit to ground his decree upon : 
 he takes notice, " that Lepidus was always moderate 
 ^* in power, and a friend to liberty : that he gave a 
 " signal proof of it, when Antony offered the diadem 
 " to Caesar; for, by turning away his face, he pubhc- 
 *' ly testified his aversion to slavery, and that his com- 
 " pliance with the times was through necessity, not 
 *^ choice:— — that since Caesar's death he had practis- 
 ** ed the same moderation ; and when a bloody war 
 *• was revived in Spain, chose to pat an end to it by 
 " the methods of prudence and humanity, rather than 
 " by arms and the sword, and consented to the re- 
 " storation of S. Pompey*." For which reason he 
 
 proposed the following decree *' Whereas the re- 
 
 ♦* public has often been well and happily administer- 
 
 * Ibid. 14. 
 
ttt The life or Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " ed by M. Lepidus, the chief priest ; and the peo- 
 ** pie of Rome have always found him to be an ene- 
 ** my to kingly government ; and whereas, by his en- 
 ** deavours, virtue, wisdom, and his singular clemen- 
 ** cy and mildness, a most dreadful civil war is ex- 
 ** tinguished ; and S. Pompey the Great, the son of 
 " Cn«us,out of respect to the authority of the senate, 
 " has quitted his arms, and is restored to the city ; 
 ** that the senate and people, out of regard to the 
 ^* many and signal services of M. Lepidus, emperor, 
 *« and chief priest, place great hopes of their peace, 
 *' concord, liberty, in his virtue, authority, and felicity ; 
 *'' from a grateful sense of his merits, decree, that a 
 ** gilt equestrian statue shall be erected to him by 
 *♦ their order in the Rostra, or any other part of the 
 
 " Forum, which he shall chuse *." He comes 
 
 next to young Caesar ; and, after enlarging on his 
 praises, proposes, ** that they should grant him a pro- 
 ** per commission and command over his troops, with- 
 ** out which he could be of no use to them ; and 
 ** that he should have the rank and all the rights of 
 ^' a propraetor ; not only for the sake ef his dignity, 
 *' but the necessary management of their affairs, and 
 
 *' the administration of the war." And then offers 
 
 the form of a decree : " Whereas C. Caesar, the 
 
 *' son of Caius, priest, propr^tor, has, in the utmost 
 ** distress of the repubhc, excited and enlisted vete- 
 ^* ran troops to defend the liberty of the Roman peo- 
 ^' pie ; and whereas the Martial and fourth legions, 
 
 * Ibid. 15. 
 
Sect. X. CICERQ. rz^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cosa.— C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** under the leading and authority of C. Cicsar, have 
 ** defended, and now defend the republic, and the 
 " liberty of the Roman people ; and whereas C. Cie- 
 " sar is gone at the head of his army to protect the 
 " province of Gaul ; has drawn together a body of 
 " horse, archers, elephants, under his own and the 
 " peoples power ; and, in the most dangerous crisis 
 " of the republic, has supported the safety and dig- 
 " nity of the Roman people ; for these reasons the 
 *' senate decrees, that C. Cccsar, the son of Caius, 
 ^' priest, propraetor, be hence forward a senator, and 
 " vote in the rank and place of a praetor ; and that, 
 •* in soliciting for any future magistracy, the same 
 " regard be had to him, as would have been had by 
 
 ** law, if he had been quaestor the year before *. 
 
 " As to those, who thought these honours too great 
 " for so young a man, and apprehended danger froni 
 ** his abuse of them, he declares their apprehensions 
 " to be the effect of envy, rather than fear; since the 
 " the nature of things was such, that he, who had 
 *' once got a taste of true glory, and found himself 
 ** universally dear to the senate and people, could ne- 
 " ver think any orher acquisition equal to it : he wish- 
 ** es that J. Caesar had taken the same course, when 
 " young, of endearing himself to the senate and ho- 
 " nest men ; but, by neglecting that, he spent the 
 " force of his great genius in acquiring a vain popula- 
 " rity ; and, having no regard to the senate and the 
 *' better sort, opened himself a way to power, which 
 
 Ibid. 17. 
 
124 The life of Sect. X; 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic 64." Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** the virtue of a free people could not bear: that 
 
 *• there was nothing of this kind to be feared from 
 ^* the son; nor, after the proof of such admirable pru- 
 " dence in a boy, any ground to imagine that his rip- 
 
 " er age would be less prudent : for what greater 
 
 •* folly could there be, than to prefer an useless pow- 
 " er, an invidious greatness, the lust of reigning, al- 
 ** ways slippery and tottering, to true, weighty, solid 
 ** glory?— — If they suspected him as an enemy to 
 ** some of their best and most valued citizens, they 
 " might lay aside those fears, he had given up all his 
 ^* resentments to the republic ; made her the mode- 
 
 " ratrix of all his acts that he knew the most in- 
 
 ** ward sentiments of the youth ; would pawn his 
 ** credit for him to the senate and people; would pro- 
 ^' mise, engage, undertake, that he would always be 
 ** the same that he now was ; such as they should 
 
 " wish and desire to see him *. He proceeds al- 
 
 *' so to give a public testimonial of praise and thanks 
 ** to L. Egnatuleius, for his fidelity to the repubhc, 
 *' in bringing over the fourth legion from Antony to 
 ** Caesar ; and moves, that it might be granted to him, 
 ** for that piece of service, to sue for and hold any 
 
 ^* magistracy three years before the legal time .-j- 
 
 " Lastly, as to the veteran troops, which had follow- 
 " ed the authority of Caesar and the senate, and es- 
 " pecially the Martial, and fourth legions, he moved, 
 ^* that an exemption from service should be decreed 
 " to them and their children, except in the case of 
 
 * Ibid. 18. f Ibid. 19. 
 
Sect.X. CICERO. 
 
 J25 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " a Gallic or domestic tumult ; and that the consuls 
 " C. Pansa and A. Hirtius, or one of them, should pro- 
 " vide lands in Campania, or elsewhere, to be divided 
 ** among them ; and that, as soon as the present war was 
 *' over, they should all be discharged, and punctual- 
 " \y receive whatever sums of money C. Caesar had 
 *' promised to them when they first declared for 
 
 *< him. 
 
 This was the substance of his speech ; in the lat- 
 ter part of which, the proposal of honours, the senate 
 readily agreed with him : and though those which 
 were decreed to Octavius, seemed so extraordinary 
 to Cicero himself, that he thought it proper to make 
 an apology for them, yet there were others of the 
 first rank, who thought them not great enough ; so 
 that Phihppus added the honour of a statue ; Ser. 
 Sulpicius, and Servilius, the privilege of suing for any 
 magistracy, still earlier than Cicero had proposed f . 
 But the assembly was much divided about the main 
 question, of sending a deputation to Antony : some 
 of the principal senators were warmly for it ; and the 
 consuls themselves favoured it, and artfully avoided 
 to put it to the vote J ; which would otherwise have 
 been carried by Cicero, who had a clear majority on 
 his side. The debate being held on till night, was 
 
 f Statuam Philippus decrevlt, celcrltatem petitionls prirao 
 Servius, post majorem etiam Servilius: nihil turn nimium vide- 
 batur. Ad Brut. 15. 
 
 X Has in sententias meas si consules disccssionem faccre vo- 
 luissent, omnibus istis latronibus auctoritate ipsa Senatus j ^mpri. 
 dem de manibus arma cecidissent. Phil. 14, 7. 
 
116 The LIFE of Sect. JC> 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos*. — C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 adjourned to the next morning, and kept up with the 
 same warmth for three days successively, while the 
 senate concinued all the time in Cicero's opinion, and 
 would have passed a decree conformable to it, had 
 not Salvius the tribune put his negative upon them§. 
 This firmness of Antony's friends prevailed at last 
 for an embassy ; and three consular senators were 
 presently nominated to it, S. Sulpicius, L. Piso, and 
 L. Philippus : but their commission was strictly limits 
 ed, and drawn up by Cicero himself; giving them 
 no power to treat with Antony, but to carry him on- 
 ly the peremptory commands of the senate, to quit 
 the siege of Modena, and desist from all hostilities in 
 Gaul ; they had instructions likewise, after the deli- 
 very of their message, to speak with D. Brutus in 
 Modena, and signify to him and his army, that the 
 senate and people had a grateful sense of their ser- 
 vices, which would one day be a great honour to 
 them J. 
 
 The unusual length of these debates greatly raised 
 the curiosity of the city, and drew the whole body of 
 the people into the Forum, to expect the issue ; 
 where, as they had done also not long before, they 
 
 II Itaque haec Sententia per triduum sic valult, ut quamquam 
 discessio facta non est, tamen praeter paucos, omnes mihi assensu- 
 li viderentur. Phil. 6. t. App. p. 559. 
 
 f Quaroquam non est ilia legatio, sed denunqlatlo belli, nisi 
 paruerit — mittuntur enim qui nuncient, ne oppugnet Consulem 
 designatum, ne Mulinain obsldeat, ne Provinciam depopuletur. 
 —Phil. 6. 2. 
 
 Dantur mandata legaUs, ut D. Biutum, mllitesque ejus ads- 
 ant, &c. ib. 3. 
 
Sect. X. CICERQ. 127 
 
 A. Urb. 710, Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 Gould not forbear calling out upon Ciceio with one 
 voice, to come and give them an account of the de- 
 liberations f . He went therefore directly from the 
 senate into the Rostra, preceded by Appuleius, the 
 tribune, and acquainted them in a speech with the 
 
 result of their debates, '' that the senate, except- 
 
 ** ing a few, after they had stood firm for three days 
 " to his opinion, had given it up at last, with less gra- 
 " vity indeed than became them, yet not meanly or 
 *' shamefully, having decreed not so much an embas- 
 " sy as a denunciation of war to Antony, if he did 
 ** not obey it : which carried indeed an appearance 
 " of severity ; and he wished only that it had carried 
 
 " no delay that Antony, he was sure, would 
 
 ** never obey it, nor ever submit to their power, who 
 
 " had never been in his own that he wpuld do 
 
 " therefore in that place what he had been doing in 
 ** the senate; testify, warn and declare to them be- 
 ** fore-hand, that Antony would perform no part of 
 " what their embassadors were sent to require of him 
 
 " that he would still waste the country, besiege 
 
 ** Modena, and not suffer the embassadors themselves 
 
 " to enter the town, or speak with Brutus be- 
 
 *' lieve me, says he, I know the violence, the im- 
 " pudence, the audaciousness of the man — let our 
 " embassadors then make haste, which I know they 
 ** are resolved to do ; but do you prepare your mili- 
 ** tary habit ; for it is a part also of our decree, that 
 
 X Quid ego de universo populo R. dicam -* qui pleno ac refcrto 
 foro bis me una mente atque voce in coacionem vocavit. Phil. 
 
 7.8. 
 
128 The LIFE of SectX 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " if he does not comply, we must all put on that 
 •' garb : we shall certainly put it on : he will never 
 *' obey : we shall lament the loss of so many days 
 
 " which might have been employed in action *. 
 
 " I am not afraid, when he comes to hear, how I 
 " have declared this before-hand, that, for the sake 
 *' of confuting me, he should change his mind, and 
 " submit. He will never do it ; will not envy me 
 ** this glory ; w^ill chuse rather, that you should think 
 *' me wise, than him modest —he observes, that 
 *' though it would have been better to send no mes- 
 *' sage, yet some good would flow from it to the re- 
 " public ; for when the embassadors shall make the 
 ^* report, which they surely will make, of Antony's 
 ** refusal to obey the people and senate, who can be 
 " so perverse, as to look upon him any longer as a 
 *' citizen ? — Wherefore wait, says he, with patience, 
 " citizens, the return of the embassadors, and digest 
 ** the inconvenience of a few days : if on their return 
 ** they bring peace, call me prejudiced; if war, pro- 
 
 " vident */' Then, after assuring them *' of his 
 
 " perpetual vigilance for their safety, and applauding 
 *' their wonderful alacrity in the cause, and declar- 
 *' ing, that of all the assemblies which he had seen, 
 " he had never known so full an one as the present," 
 " he thus concludes, " The season of liberty is now 
 *' come, my citizens, much later indeed than became 
 ** the people of Rome ; but so ripe now, that it can- 
 *' not be deferred a moment. What we have hither- 
 *' to suffered was owing to a kind of fatality, which 
 
 * Phil. C. I, 2. 3. f Ibid. 4, 6. 
 
Sect X. CICERO. 
 
 129 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " we have born as well as we could ; but if any such 
 ** case should happen again, it must be owing to our- 
 *' selves : it is not possible for the people of Rome to 
 " be slaves, whom the gods have destined to the com- 
 ** mand of all nations : the affair is now reduced to 
 " the last extremity ; the struggle is for liberty : it 
 " is your part either to conquer, which will surely be 
 " the fruit of your piety and concord, or to suffer any 
 *' thing rather than live slaves : other nations may 
 *' endure slavery ; but the proper end and business 
 " of the Roman people is liberty." 
 
 The ambassadors prepared themselves immediate- 
 ly to execute their commission, and the next morn- 
 ing early set forwards to Antony, though Ser. Sulpi- 
 cius was in a very declining state of health. Vari- 
 ous were the speculations about the success of this 
 message : but Antony gained one certain advantage 
 by it, of more time, either to press the siege of Mo- 
 dena, or to take such measures as fresh accidents 
 might offer : nor were his friends without hopes of 
 drawing from it some pretence for opening a treaty 
 with him ; so as to give room to the chiefs of the 
 Caesarian faction to unite themselves against the se- 
 nate and repubhcan party ; which seemed to be in- 
 spired by Cicero, with a resolution of extinguishing 
 all the remains of the late tyranny. For this purpose 
 the partisans of that cause were endeavouring to ob- 
 viate the offence, which might be given by Antony's 
 refusal to comply with what was enjoined ; contriv- 
 ing specious answers for him, and representing them 
 as a reasonable ground of an accommodation, in hope^ 
 
 Vol. III. I 
 
130 The LIFE of . Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 to cool the ardour of the city for the prosecution of 
 the war : Calenus was at the head of this party, who 
 kept a constant correspondence with Antony, and 
 took care to publish such of his letters, as were pro- 
 per to depress the hopes and courage of his ad\rer- 
 saries, and keep up the .spirits of his friends *. 
 
 Cicero, therefore, at a meeting of the senate, call- 
 ed in this interval about certain matters of ordinary 
 form, took occasion to rouse the zeal of the assem- 
 bly, by warning them of the mischief of these insi- 
 nuations. He observed, *' that the affairs then pro- 
 " posed to their deliberation were of little conse- 
 " quence, though necessary in the common course 
 " or public business, about the Appian way, the coin, 
 " the Luperci, which would easily be adjusted; but 
 " that his mind was called off from the consideration 
 " of them by the more important concerns of the 
 " republic — —that he had always been afraid of 
 ** sending the embassy — ^and now every body saw 
 " what a languor the expectation of it had caused 
 " in peoples minds ; and what a handle it had given 
 " to the practices of those, who grieved to see the 
 " senate recovering its ancient authority ; the people 
 " united with them ; all Italy on the same side ; their 
 " armies prepared ; their generals ready to take the 
 " field who feign answers for Antony, and ap- 
 
 » 
 
 * Ille literas ad tc mittat de spe sua secundarum rerum ? eas 
 tu laetus proferas ? — describendas etiam des improbis civibus ? 
 eorum augeas aniiaos ? bonorum spero. virtutemQue debilites ?— 
 Phil. 7. 2; 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 13X 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pama. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " plaud them, as if they had sent ambassadors, not 
 " to give, but receive conditions from hiai." — Then, 
 after exposing the danger and iniquity of such prac- 
 tices, and rallying the principal abettor of them, 
 Calenus, he adds, " that he, who all his Jife hud been 
 " the author and promoter of civil peace ; who owed 
 " whatever he was, whatever he had to it ; his ho- 
 " nom's, interest, dignity ; nay, even the talents and 
 '*' abilities which he was master of; yet I," says he, 
 *" the perpetual adviser of peace, am for no peace 
 
 " with Antony" -where, perceiving himself to be 
 
 heard with great attention -he proceeds to explaia 
 
 at large through the rest of his speech, *' that such 
 " a peace would be dishonourable, dangerous, and 
 " could hot possibly subsist. — He exhorts the senate 
 " therefore to be attentive, prepared, and armed be- 
 " fore hand, so as not to be caught by a smooth or 
 " suppliant answer, and the false appearance of equi- 
 " ty : that Antony must do every thing which was 
 " prescribed to him^ before he could pretend to ask 
 " any thing; if not, that it was not the senate which 
 *' proclaimed war against him, but he against the 
 " Roman people. But for you^ fathers, I give you 
 " warning,'* says he, *' the question before you con- 
 " cerns the liberty of the people of Rome, which is 
 " entrusted to your care ; it concerns the lives and 
 " fortunes of every honest man ; it concerns your 
 " own authority ; which you will for ever lose, if 
 
 " you do not retrieve it now. 1 admonish you too, 
 
 " Pansa; for, though you want no advice, in which 
 " you excel, yet the best pilots in great storms arr 
 
 I 2 
 
132 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.~-C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " sometimes admonished by passengers : never suffer 
 " that noble provision of arms and troops which you 
 " have made, to come to nothing: you have such 
 " an opportunity before you as no man ever had : 
 " by this firmness of the senate, this alacrity of the 
 *' equestrian order, this ardour of the people, you 
 ** have it in your power to free the republic for ever 
 " from fear and danger — *." 
 
 The consuls, in the mean while, were taking care, 
 that the expectation of the effect of the embassy 
 should not supersede their preparations for war; and 
 agreed between themselves, that one of them should 
 inarch immediately to Gaul, with the troops which 
 Were already provided, and the other stay behind to 
 perfect the new levies, which were carried on Vvith 
 great success both in the city and the country : for 
 all the capital towns of Italy were vying with each 
 other ill voluntary contributions of money and sol- 
 diers ; and in decrees of infamy and disgrace to those 
 who refused to list themselves into the public ser- 
 vice f . The first part fell by lot to Kirtius J ; who, 
 though but lately recovered from a dangerous indis« 
 position, marched away without loss of time at the 
 head of a brave army ; and particularly of the two 
 legions, the Martial and the fourth, which were es- 
 teemed the flower and strength of the whole, and 
 
 * Vid. Phil. 7. 
 
 j- An cum municipils pax erit, quorum tanta studia co^nos- 
 runtur in decretls taciendis, milltibus dandis, pecuniis polliceu- 
 uis — haec jim tota Italia fiunt. Phil. 7. 8. 9. 
 1 Consul soitilu ad bcllum profectus A. liirUus,— -PIu!. 14. i. 
 
Sect.X. CICERO. 
 
 133 
 
 A. Urb. 71a. Cic. 64. Co«s.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiui. 
 
 now put themselves under the command and aus- 
 pices of the consul. With these, in conjunction with 
 Octavius, he hoped to obstruct all the designs of 
 Antony, and prevent his gaining any advantage a- 
 gainst Brutus, till Pansa could join them, which would 
 make them superior in force, and enable them to 
 give him battle, with good assurance of victory. He 
 contented himself in the mean while with disposses- 
 sing Antony of some of his posts ; and distressing 
 him, by straitening his quarters, and opportunities of 
 forage ; in which he had some success, as he signi- 
 fied in a letter to his colleague Pansa, which was 
 communicated to the senate: " I have possessed my- 
 " self," says he, " of Claterna, and driven out An- 
 " tony's garrison : his horse were routed in the ac- 
 " tion, and some of them slain § :" and, in all his 
 letters to Cicero, he assured him, that he would un- 
 dertake nothing, without the greatest caution ; m 
 answer, probably, to what Cicero was constantly in- 
 culcating, not to expose himself too forwardly till 
 Pansa could come up to him ||. 
 
 The ambassadors returned about tlie beginning of 
 February, having been retarded somewhat longer 
 than they intended, by the death of Ser. Sulpicius ; 
 which, happening when they were just arrived at 
 Antony's camp^ left the embassy maimed and im- 
 perfect, as Cicero says, by the loss of the best and 
 
 § Dcjeci prGesidiura, Clatern?. potitns sum,, fugati equltes, 
 praiiium commissum, occisi aliquot. Phil. 82. 
 
 II Hirtius nihil nisi considerate, ut mihi crebris litterls signj< 
 €cat, acturus videbatur. Ep. fam. 12.5. 
 
 I3 
 
134 The LIFE of ^ Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb, 719. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A Hirtius. 
 
 ablest of the three f. The report, which they made, 
 to the senate, answered exactly in every point to 
 what Cicero had foretold ; " that Antony would per- 
 " form no part of what v;as required, nor suffer them 
 '* even to speak with Brutus, but continued to bat- 
 " ter the town with great fury in their presence :" 
 He offered, however, some conditions of his own, 
 which, contrary to their instructions, they were v^eak 
 enough to receive from him, and lay before the se- 
 nate; the parporc of them was, " that the senate 
 " should assign lands and rewards to all his troops, 
 " and confirm all the other grants which he and 
 " Dolabella had made in their consulship : that all 
 ** his decrees from Caesar's books and papers should 
 ** stand firm : that no account should be demanded 
 ** of the money taken from the temple of Qpis ; nor 
 " any inquiry made into the conduct of the seven 
 ** commissioners, created to divide the lands to the 
 ** veteran soldiers ; and that his judiciary law should 
 ** not be repealed. On these terms he offered to 
 " give up Cisalpine Caul, provided, that he might 
 ** have the greater Gaul in e^^change for five years, 
 ** with an army of six legions, to be completed out 
 " of the troops of D. Brutus *,'' 
 
 f Cum Ser, Sulpicius setate lUos anteiret, sapientia omne5, 
 subito ereptus totam legationem orbam et debilitatam reliquit, 
 Phil 9. I. 
 
 * Ante consules oculosque legatorum tormentis Mutinam ver- 
 beravlt — ne punctum quidem temporis, cum legati adessent, op- 
 pugnatio respiravit — cum ill! contempt! et rejecti revertlssent, 
 diKi^sentque senatui, non modo ilium e Gallia non discessisse, 
 «ti censuissemus, sed ne a Mutina quidem recessisse, potestatena 
 dbi p. Bruti conveniendi non fuisse, &c. vid. Phil 8, 7. 8. 90 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 
 
 ^3.^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 6.}. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 Pansa summoned the senate to consider the report 
 of the ambassadors; which raised a general indigna- 
 tion through the city, and gave all possible advan- 
 tage to Cicero, towards bringing the house into his 
 sentiments : but, contrary to expectation, he found 
 Calenus's party still strong enough to give him much 
 trouble, and even to carry some points against him ; 
 all tending to soften the rigour of his motions, and 
 give them a turn more favourable towards Antony. 
 He moved the senate to decree, that a war or re- 
 bellion was actually commenced : they carried it for 
 a tumult: he urged them, to declare Antony an ene- 
 my: they carried it for a softer term, of adversary f: 
 he proposed, that all persons should be prohibited 
 from going to Antony : they excepted Varius Cotyla, 
 one of his lieutenants, who was then in the senate, 
 taking notes of every thing which passed. In these 
 votes, Pansa himself, and all the consular senators 
 concurred ; even L. Cassar, v;ho, though a true friend 
 to hberty, yet, being Antony's uncle, thought him- 
 self obliged by decency to vote on the milder side Iji, 
 
 But Cicero, in his turn, easily threw out, what 
 was warmly pressed on the other side, the proposal 
 of a second embassy • and carried likewise the main 
 question, of requiring the citizens to change their 
 ordinary gown, for the sagwn or hahit of war : by 
 which they decreed the thing, while they rejected 
 
 ■^ Ego princeps sagorum : ego semper hostem appellavl, emu 
 glli adversariuiu ; semper hoc bellum, cum alii tuinultum, 6cc. 
 Fhih 12. 7. 
 
 t Vid. Phil. 8. I. 10. 
 
 I4 
 
136 The life of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 the name. In all decrees of this kind, the consular 
 senators, on the account of their dignity, were ex- 
 cused from changing their habit ; but Cicero, to in- 
 culcate more sensibly the distress of the republic, 
 resolved to wave his privilege, and wear the same 
 robe with the rest of the city §. In a letter to Cas- 
 sius, he gives the following short account of the 
 state of things at this time : " We have excellent 
 *' consuls, but most shameful consulars : a brave se- 
 " nate ; but the lower they are in dignity, the braver : 
 " nothing firmer and better than the people, and all 
 '' Italy universally : but nothing more detestable and 
 " infamous, than our ambassadors, Phihp and Piso : 
 *' who, when sent only to carry the orders of the 
 " senate to Antony, none of which he would com- 
 " ply with, brought back, of their own accord, in- 
 ** tolerable demands from him-: wherefore all the 
 " world now flocks about me ; and I am grown po- 
 *' pular in a salutary cause *," &:c. 
 
 The senate met again the next day, to draw into 
 form, and perfect what had been resolved upon in 
 
 § Equidem, P. C. quamquam hoc honore usi togati solent 
 esse, cum est in sagis civitas j statu! tamen a vobis, caeterisque 
 civibus in tanta atrocitate temporis — non differre vestitu. Phil. 
 8. II. 
 
 * Egregios consules habemus, sed turpissimos consulares : 
 SenatLim fortem, sed infimo quemque honore fortissimum. Po- 
 pulo vero nihil fortius, nihil melius, Italiaque universa. Nihil 
 2Utem foedlus Philippo et Pisone legatis, nihil tlagitiosius : qui 
 cum essent missi, ut Antonio ex S. C. certas res nunciarent ; 
 cum ille earum rerum nulli paruisset, ultro ab illo ad nos intoler- 
 r,bi]ia postulata retulerunt. Jtaque ad nos concurritur ; factique 
 j.m in re salutari popularts sumus, Ep. fam. 1 2c, 4. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 
 
 137 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 the preceding debate : when Cicero, in a pathetic 
 speech, took occasion to expostulate with them for 
 their imprudent lenity the day before : *' He shewed 
 ** the absurdity of their scruples about voting a civil 
 " war : that the word tumult, which they had pre- 
 '* ferred, either carried in it no real difference, or, if 
 '^any, implied a greater perturbation of all things f: 
 " he proved, from every step that Antony had taken, 
 ** and was taking ; from every thing which the se- 
 " nate, the people, the towns of Italy were doing 
 " and decreeing against him, that they were truly 
 " and properly in a state of civil war ; the fifth 
 " which had happened in their memory, and the 
 " most desperate of them all, being the first which 
 *' was ever raised, not by a dissension of parties con- 
 " tending for a superiority in the republic, but a- 
 " gainst an union of all parties, to enslave and op- 
 *' press the republic J. He proceeds to expostulate 
 ** with Calenus, for his obstinate adherence to An- 
 " tony, and exposes the weakness of his pretended 
 " plea for it ; a love of peace, and concern for the 
 ** lives of the citizens : — He puts him in mind, that 
 ** there was no juster cause of taking arms, than to 
 " repel slavery ; that several other causes indeed 
 " were just, but this necessary : unless he did not 
 " take himself to be afi:ected by it, for the hopes of 
 " sharing the dominion with Antony : if so, he was 
 ** doubly mistaken; first, for preferring a private in- 
 *' terest to the public ; secondly, for thinking any 
 
 f Phil. 8. r.. X Ibid. 3.. 
 
tS^ The life of Sect.X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 
 
 " thing secure, or worth enjoying in a tyranny : — . 
 ** That a regard for the safety of citizens was a 
 " laudable principle, if he meant the good, the use- 
 " ful, the friends to their country ; but if he meant 
 ** to save those who, though citizens by nature, were 
 ^* enemies by choice ; what difference was there be . 
 " tween him and such citizens ?■— — That their an- 
 " cestors had quite another notion of the care of citi- 
 *' zens ; and when Scipio Nasica slew Tiberius Grac- 
 ^* chus, when Opimius slew Caiiis Gracchus, when 
 •* Marius killed Saturninus, they were all followed 
 " by the greatest and the best both of the senate and 
 ^* the people :— «— That the difference between Ca- 
 *' lenus's opinion and his was not trifling, or about a 
 " trifling matter ; the wishing well only to this or 
 " that man: that he wished well to Brutus; Calenus 
 " to Antony : he wished to see a colony of Rome 
 *' preserved ; Calenus to see it stormed : that Cale- 
 " nus could riot deny this, who was contriving all 
 ** sorts of delay, which could distress Brutus, and 
 " strengthen Antony — *." He then addressed him- 
 self to the other consulars, and reproached them for 
 their shameful behaviour the day before, in voting 
 for a second embassy, and said, '* that when the am- 
 ** bassadors were sent against his judgment, he com- 
 " forted himself with imagining, that, as soon as they 
 " should return, despised and rejected by Antony, 
 " and inform the senate, that he would neither re- 
 *' tire from Gaul, nor quit the siege of Modena, nor 
 
 * Ibid. 4.^6. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 139 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss, — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " even suffer them to speak with Brutus ; that, out 
 *' of indignation, they should all arm themselves im- 
 " mediately in the defence of Brutus ; but, on the 
 *' contrary, they were grown more dispirited, to hear 
 " of Antony's audaciousness ; and their ambassa- 
 " dors, instead of courage, which they ought to have 
 *' brought, had brought back nothing but fear to 
 " them — *. Good Gods," says he, " what is become 
 *• of the virtue of our ancestors ? — — When Popilius 
 " was sent ambassador to Antiochus, and ordered 
 " him, in the name of the senate, to depart from 
 *' Alexandria, which he was then besieging ; upon 
 *' the king's deferring to answer, and contriving de- 
 ♦* lays, he drew a circle round him with his staff, and 
 " bade him give his answer instantly, before he stirred 
 <* out of that place, or he would return to the senate 
 
 « without it. -He then recites and ridicules the 
 
 " several demands made by Antony ; their arro- 
 '' gance, stupidity, absurdity : And f reproves Piso 
 " and Philip, men of such dignity, for the meanness 
 " of bringing back conditions, when they were sent 
 
 " only to carry commands. He complains, that 
 
 " they paid more respect to Antony's ambassador, 
 " Cotyla, than he to theirs : for, instead of shutting 
 " the gates of the city against him, as they ought to 
 " have done, they admitted him into that very temple 
 " where the senate then sat ; where, the day before. 
 " he was taking notes of what every man said, and 
 « was caressed, invited, and entertained by some of 
 
 * Ibid. 7. t Ibid 8. 9. 
 
14^ The LIFE of Sect. X* 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64." Coss, — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 
 
 " the principal senators, who had too little regard to 
 " their dignity, too much to their danger. But what 
 " after all was the danger ? which must end either 
 " in liberty or death : the one always desirable, the 
 " ether unavoidable : while to fly from death basely, 
 
 " was worse than death itself. That it used to be 
 
 " the character cf consular senators, to be vigilant, 
 *' attentive, always thinking, doing, or proposing 
 *' something for the good of the public : that he re- 
 *' m.embered old Scaevola in the INIarsic war, how, in 
 *' the extremity of age, oppressed with years and in- 
 " firmities, he gave free access to every body ; was 
 *' never seen in his bed ; always the first in the se- 
 " rate : he wished that they would all imitate such 
 *' industry ; or, at least, not envy those who did * : 
 *' that, since they had now suffered a six years sla- 
 " very, a longer term than honest and industrious 
 " slaves used to serve ; what watchings, what solici- 
 *' tude, what pains ought they to refuse, for the sake 
 " of giving liberty to the Roman people ?'' He con- 
 cludes, by adding a clause to their last decree ; '* to 
 " grant pardon and impunity to all who should de- 
 " sert Antony, and return to their duty by the fif- 
 ** teenth of jMarch : pr, if any who continued with 
 '* him, should do any service worthy of reward, that 
 " one or both the consuls should take the first op- 
 " portunity to move the senate in their favour : but 
 '•* if any person from this time should go ever to x\n- 
 
 * Ibid. 10. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 
 
 141 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** tony, except Cotyla, that the senate would consi- 
 " der him as an enemy to his country." 
 
 The public debates being thus adjusted, Pansa 
 called the senate together again the next day, to de- 
 liberate on some proper honours to be decreed to 
 the memory of Ser. Sulpicius, who died upon the 
 embassy : — He spoke largely in his praise, and ad- 
 vised to pay him all the honours which had ever 
 been decreed to any w^ho had lost their lives in the 
 service of their country : a pubhc funeral, sepulchre, 
 and statue. Servilius, who spoke next, agreed to a 
 funeral and monument, but was against a statue, as 
 clue only to those who had been killed by violence, 
 in the discharge of their embassies. Cicero was not 
 content with this, but, out of private interest to tlie 
 man, as well as a regard to the public service, re- 
 solved to have all the honours paid to him which the 
 occasion could possibly justify : in answer therefore 
 to Servilius, he shewed, with his usual eloqiience, 
 that ** the case of Sulpicius was the same with the 
 *' case of those who had been killed on the account 
 *' of their embassies : that the embassy itself had 
 " killed him: that he set out upon it in so weak a 
 »* condition, that, though he had some hopes of com- 
 " ing to Antony, he had none of returning : and 
 " when he was just arrived to the congress, expired 
 " in the very act cf executing his commission*: that 
 «* it was not the manner, but the cause of the death, 
 *'• which their ancestors regarded: if it was caused 
 
 * Phil. 9. I, 
 
i4i The life of Sect. X; 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64*- Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** by the embassy, they granted a pubhc monument, 
 ** to encourage their fellow citizens, in dangerous 
 " wars, to undertake that employment with chear- 
 '* fulness : that several statues had been erected on 
 *' that account ; which none had ever merited better 
 " than Sulpicius :— — that there could be no doubt, 
 " but that the embassy had killed him ; and that he 
 ** had carried out death along with him, which he 
 " might have escaped by staying at home, under 
 ** the care of his wife and children — *. But when 
 " he saw, that, if he did not obey the authority of 
 " the senate, he should be unlike to himself; and, 
 ** if he did obey, must necessarily lose his life ; he 
 •* chose, in so critical a state of the republic, rather 
 " to die, than seem to decline any service which he 
 ** could possibly do : that he had many opportuni- 
 ** ties of refreshing and reposing himself in the cities 
 ** through which he passed, and was pressed to it by 
 " his colleagues ; but, in spite of his distemper, per- 
 " severed to death in the resolution of urging his 
 " journey, and hastening to perform the commands 
 
 " of the senate : -that, if they recollected how he 
 
 " endeavoured to excuse himself from the task, when 
 " it was first moved in the senate, they must needs 
 " think, that this honour to him, when dead, w^as but 
 ** a necessary amends for the injury which they had 
 " done to him when living : for, though it was harsh 
 •* to be said, yet he must say it ; that it was they 
 '* who had killed him, by over-ruhng his excuse, 
 
 * Ibid. J. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO, 
 
 Hi 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. C4, Cos..--C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius, 
 
 •* when they saw it grounded, not on a feigned, but 
 ** a real sickness : and when, to their remonstrance, 
 *' the consul Pansa joined his exhortation, with a 
 " gravity and force of speech, which his ears had not 
 ** learnt to bear; then," says he, " he took his son 
 '* and me aside, and professed, that he could not help 
 " preferring your authority to his own life : we, 
 " through admiration of his virtue, durst not ven- 
 " ture to oppose his will : his son was tenderly mov- 
 " ed, nor was my concern much less ; yet both of 
 " us were obliged to give way to the greatness of his 
 " mind, and the force of his reasoning; when, to 
 " the joy of you all, he promised that he would do 
 " whatever you prescribed, nor would decline the 
 " danger of that vote, of which he himself had been 
 
 " the proposer restore life therefore to him, from 
 
 " whom you have taken it : for the life of the dead 
 ** is in the memory of the living: take care, that he, 
 *' whom you unwillingly sent to his death, receive 
 " an immortality from you : for, if you decree a 
 *' statue to him in the rostra, the remembrance of 
 ** his embassy will remain to all posterity — *." Then, 
 after illustrating the great virtues, talents, and ex- 
 cellent character of Sulpicius, he observes, " that all 
 ** these would be perpetuated by their own merit 
 *' and effects, and that the statue was the monument 
 " rather of the gratitude of the senate, than of the 
 " man ; of a public, rather than of a private signifi- 
 *' cation ; an eternal testimony of Antony's audaci- 
 
 * Ibid. 4. 5. 
 
144 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " ousness ; of his waging an impious war against his 
 *' country ; of his rejecting the embassy of the se- 
 •' nate — *." For which reasons, he proposed a de- 
 cree, " that a statue of brass should be erected to 
 " him in the rostra, by order of the senate, and the 
 ** cause inscribed on the base ; that he died in the ser- 
 *' vice of the republic ; with an area of five feet on 
 *' all sides of it, for his children and posterity to see 
 
 *' the shews of gladiators : that a magnificent fu- 
 
 *' Reral should be made for him at the public charge; 
 ** and the consul Pansa should assign him a place of 
 *' burial, in the Esquihne field, with an area of thirty 
 '* feet every way, to be granted publicly, as a se- 
 
 *' pulchre for him, his children, and posterity." ■ 
 
 The senate agreed to what Cicero desired ; and the 
 statue itself, as we are told by a writer of the third 
 century, remained to his time in the rostra of Au- 
 gustus f . 
 
 Sulpicius was of a noble and patrician family, of 
 the same age, the same studies, and the same prin- 
 ciples with Cicero, with whom he kept up a per- 
 petual friendship. They went through their exer- 
 cises together Vv'hen young, both at Rome, and at 
 Rhodes, in the celebrated school of Molo : whence 
 lie became an eminent pleader of causes, and passed 
 through all the great offices of the state, with a sin- 
 gular reputation of wisdom, learning, and integrity; 
 a constant admirer of the modesty of the ancients ; 
 •and a reprover of the insolence of his own times, 
 
 * Ibid. 5. 6. f Pompoulus de origine juris. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. i^- 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 When he could not arrive at the first degree of fame, 
 as an orator, he resolved to excel in what was next 
 to it, the character of a lawyer ; chusing rather to be 
 the first, in the second art, than the second only in 
 the first : leaving therefore to his friend Cicero the 
 field of eloquence, he contented himself with such a 
 share of it, as was sufficient to sustain and adorn the 
 profession of the law. In this he succeeded to his 
 w^ish ; and was far superior to all who had ever pro- 
 fessed it in Rome ; being the first, who reduced it to 
 a proper science, or rational system; and added light 
 and method to that which all others before him had 
 taught darkly and confusedly. Nor was his know- 
 ledge confined to the external forms, or the eiTccts of 
 the municipal laws: but enlarged by a comprehen- 
 sive view of universal equity, which he made the in- 
 terpreter of its sanctions, and the rule of all his de- 
 cisions ; yet he was always better pleased to put an 
 amicable end to a controversy, than to direct a pro- 
 cess at law. In his political behaviour he was al- 
 ways a friend to peace and hberty; moderating the 
 violence of opposite parties, and discouraging every 
 step towards civil dissension ; and, in the late war, 
 was so busy in contriving projects of an accomoda- 
 tion, that he gained the name of the peace-maker. 
 Through a natural timidity of temper, confirmed by 
 a profession and course of life averse from arms, 
 though he preferred Pompey's cause as the best, he 
 did not care to fight for it ; but taking Ca:sar's to be 
 the strongest, suffered his son to follow th;U camp, 
 while he himself continued quiet and neuter: for thi- 
 Vol. III. K 
 
146 The life of Sect. 3^^ 
 
 A. Url>. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 he was honoured by Caesar, yet could never be in- 
 duced to approve his government. From the time of 
 Caesar's death, he continued still to advise and pro- 
 mote all measures which seemed likely to estabhsh 
 the public concord; and died at last, as he had lived, 
 in the very act and office of peace-making ||. 
 
 The senate had heard nothing of Brutus and Cassius 
 from the time of their leaving Italy, till Brutus now 
 sent pubHc letters to the consuls, giving a particular ac- 
 
 II Non facile quern dixerim plus studii quam ilium & ad dl- 
 cendum, &. ad omnes bonarum rerum disciplinas adhibulssc : nam 
 & in iisdem exercitationibus ineunte aetate fuimus j 6l posted 
 Rhodum una ille etiam profectus est, quo melior esset & doc- 
 tior : &, inde ut rediit, videtur mihi in secunda arte primus esse 
 maluisse, quam in prima secundus — sed fortasse maluit, id quod 
 esst adeptus, longe omniufti non ejusdem modo aetatis, sed eorura 
 etiara qui fuissent, injure civili esse princeps — juris civilis mag- 
 num usum & apud Scaivolum & apud multos fuisse, artem in hoc 
 uno — hie enim attulit banc artem — quasi lucem ad ea, quae con- 
 fuse ab aliis aut respondebantur aut agebantur — (Brut. 262, &c.) 
 neque ille magis juris consultus, quam justitise fuit : ita ea quae 
 proficiscebantur a legibus & a jure civili semper ad facilitatem ae- 
 quitatemque referebat : neque constituere litium actiones male- 
 bat, quam controversias tollere (Phil. 9. 5.) Servius vero pacifi- 
 cator cum suo librariolo videtur obiisse legationem. (Ad Att„ 
 15. 7.) cognoram enim jam absens, te hsec mala multo ante pro- 
 videntem, defensorem pacis &, in consulatu tuo & post consula- 
 tum fuisse. (Ep. fam. 4. i) 
 
 N. B. '1 he old lawyers tell a remarkable story of the origin 
 of Sulpicius's fame and skill in the law : That going one day to 
 consult Mucins Scaevola about some point, he was so dull in ap. 
 prehending the meaning of Mucius's answer, that after explainingr 
 it to him twice or thrice, Mucius could not forbear saying, *' It 
 ** is a shame for a nobleman, and a patrician, and a pleader of 
 ** causes, to be ignorant of that law, which he professes to under- 
 ** stand." The reproach stung him to the quick, and made him ap- 
 ply himself to his studies with such industry, that he became the 
 ablest lawyer in Rome j and left behind him near a hundred and 
 eighty books written by himself on nice and difficult questions of 
 law. Digest. 1. i. Tit. 3. parag. 43.— 
 
 The 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 count of his success against *' Antony's brother Caius, 
 " in securing Macedonia, Illyricum» and Greece, 
 " with all the several armies in those countries, to the 
 " interests of the repubUc : that G. Antony was re- 
 " tired to Apollonia, with seven cohorts ; where a 
 *' good account v/ould soon be given of hitn : that a 
 " legion under L. Piso had surrendered itself to young 
 " Cicero, the commander of his horse : that Dolabel- 
 " la's horse, which was marching in two separate bo- 
 " dies towards Syria, the one in Thessaly, the other 
 " in Macedonia, had deserted their leaders, and join^ 
 *' ed themselves to him : that Vatinius had opened 
 " the gates of Dyrrachium to him, and given up the 
 " town with his troops into his hands : that in all 
 ** these transactions, Q^ Hortensius, the proconsul of 
 *' Macedonia, had been particularly serviceable, in 
 " disposing the provinces and their armies to declare 
 " for the cause of liberty *." 
 
 Pansa no sooner received the letters, than he sum- 
 moned the senate, to acquaint them with the con- 
 tents; which raised an incredible joy through the 
 whole city f : after the letters were read, Pansa spoke 
 largely in the praises of Brutus ; extolled his con* 
 
 The Jesuits Catrou and Rouille have put this Sulpiclus into the 
 list of the conspirators who killed Cc<;sar : but a moderate ac- 
 quaintance with the character of the man, or with Cicero's writ- 
 ings, would have shewn them their error, and that there was none 
 of consular rank, but I rebonius, concerned in that affair. Hiit. 
 Rom. Vol. 17. p. 343. Not. a. 
 
 * Vid. Philip. X. 4, 5, 6. 
 f Dii immortales I qui ille nuncius, quce illcc littera> quse Icctttla 
 Sewatus, quae alacritas civitatis erat ? — Ad Brut. I, 2. 7. 
 
 K 2 
 
148 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A, Urb. 710. Cic, 64* Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtlus. 
 
 duct and services ; and moved, that public honours 
 and thanks should be decreed to him : and then, ac- 
 cording to his custom, called upon his father-in-law 
 Calenus, to declare his sentiments the first : who, 
 in a premeditated speech dehvered from writing, 
 " acknowledged Brutus's letters to be well and 
 " properly drawn ; but since what he had done, was 
 " done without any commission and public authori- 
 " ty, that he should be required to deliver up his 
 " forces to the orders of the senate, or the proper go- 
 
 ** vernors of the provinces- *." Cicero spoke 
 
 next, " and began with giving the thanks of the 
 ** House to Pansa, for caUing them together on that 
 ** day, when they had no expectation of it : and not 
 " deferring a moment to give them a share of the 
 ** joy v;hich Brutus's letters had brought. He ob- 
 ** serves, that Pansa, by speaking so largely in the 
 " praise of Brutus, had shewn that to be true, which 
 *' he had always taken to be so, that no man ever 
 *' envied another's virtue, who was conscious of his 
 " own : that he had prevented him, to whom, for his 
 *' intimacy with Brutus, that task seemed particular- 
 *' ly to belong, from saying so much as he intended 
 " on that subject" then addressing himself to Ca- 
 lenus, he asks, ** What could be the meaning of that 
 " perpetual war which he declared against the Bru- 
 " tus's? why he alone was always opposing, when eve- 
 
 *' ry one else was almost adoring them ? that to 
 
 " talk of Brutus's letters being rightly drawn, was not 
 
 * Phil. X. I, 2, 3. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 149 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** to praise Brutus, but his secretary — when did he ever 
 " hear of a decree in that stile, that letters were pro- 
 " perly written : yet the expression did not fall from 
 " him by chance, but was designed, premeditated, 
 
 ** and brought in writing *. He exhorts hin^ to 
 
 " consult with his son-in-law Pansa oftener than with 
 " himself, if he would preserve his character : pro- 
 " fesses, that he could not help pitying him, to hear 
 " it given out among the people, that there was not 
 " a second vote on the side of him, who gave the 
 " first; which would be the case, he believed, in that 
 *' day's debate. You would take away" says he," the 
 " legions from Brutus, even those which h^ has drawn 
 " oif from the traitorous designs of C. Antony, and 
 ** engaged by his own authority in the public service : 
 " you would have him sent once more, as it were, 
 " into banishment, naked and forlorn : but for you, 
 *' fathers, if ever you betray or desert Brutus, what 
 ** citizen will you honour ? whom u'ill you favour? 
 *'• unless you think those, who offer kingly diadems, 
 " worthy to be preserved ; those who abolish the 
 ** name of king, to be abandoned. He proceeds to 
 " display with great force the merit and praises of 
 *' Brutus ; his moderation, mildness, patience of in- 
 *' juries : how studiously he had avoided every step, 
 '* which could give a handle to civil tumults ; quit- 
 *• ting the city ; living retired in the country ; for- 
 *' bidding the resort of friends to him ; and leaving 
 *' Italy itself, lest any cause of war should arise 0:1 
 
 * IbJcl. 2. 
 
i::;o The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic, 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** his account — that as long as he saw the senate dis- 
 " posed to bear every thing, he was resolved to bear 
 ** too ; but when he perceived them inspired with a 
 ** spirit of liberty, he then exerted himself to provide 
 ** them succours to defend it — * : that if he had not 
 " defeated the desperate attempts of C.Antony, they 
 *< had lost Macedonia, Illyricum, and Greece ; the 
 " last of which afforded either a commodious retreat 
 ** to Antony, when driven out of Italy, or the best 
 *' opportunity of invading it: which now, by Brutus's 
 " management, being strongly provided with troops, 
 " stretched out its arms, as it were, and offered its 
 " help to Italy f . — That Caius's march through the 
 " provinces was, to plunder the allies, to scatter waste 
 " and desolation wherever he passed, to employ the 
 " armies of the Roman people against the people 
 " themselves : whereas Brutus made it a law, where- 
 ** soever he came, to dispense light, hope, and secu- 
 " rity to all around him : in short, that the one ga- 
 " thered forces to preserve, the other to overturn the 
 " republic : that the soldiers themselves could judge 
 " of this, as well as the senate; as they had declared, 
 " by their desertion of C. Antony, who by that time 
 ** either was, or would soon be Brutus's prisoner J-— 
 •* that there was no apprehension of danger from 
 " Brutus's power ; that his legions, his mercenaries, 
 " his horse, and above all, himself was wholly theirs; 
 " formed for the service of the republic, as well by 
 '* his own excellent virtue, as a kind of fatahty de« 
 
 * Philip. 3, 4. f Ibid. 5. t Ibid. ^, 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 151 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " rived from his ancestors, both on the Rither's and 
 " the mother's side — that none could ever blame 
 " him for any thing, unless for too great a back- 
 " wardness and aversion to war; and his not humour- 
 " ing the ardour of all Italy in their eager thirst of 
 " liberty — that it was a vain fear, which some pre- 
 *• tended to entertain, that the veterans would be 
 *' disgusted to see Brutus at the head of an army ; as 
 " if there were any difference between his army, and 
 " the armies of Hirtius, Pansa, D. Brutus, Octavius; 
 " all which had severally received public honours for 
 " their defence of the people of Rome : that M. Bru- 
 " tus could not be more suspected by the veterans, 
 " than Decimus ; for though the act of the Brutus's, 
 " and the praise of it was common to them both, 
 " yet those, who disapproved it, were more angry 
 ** with Decimus \ as thinking him, of all others, the 
 " last who ought to have done it : yet what were all 
 "their armies now doing, but relieving Decimus from 
 " the siege ? * — that if there was any real danger 
 *• from. Brutus, Pansa's sagacity would easily find it 
 " out : but as they had just now heard from his own 
 " mouth, he was so far from thinking his army to be 
 *^ dangerous, that he looked upon it as the firmest 
 " support of the commonwealth f — that it was the 
 " constant art of the disaffected, to oppose the name 
 " of the veterans to every good design : that he was 
 ''- always ready to encourage their valour, but would 
 " never endure their arrogance. Shall we, says he, 
 
 * Ibid. 7. f Ibid. 8. 
 
 K 4 
 
152 The LIFE of Szct X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. €4. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 * who are now breaking off the shackles of our ser« 
 
 * vitude, be discouraged, if any one tells us, that the 
 ' veterans will not have it so ? — let that then come 
 ' out from me at last, which is true, and becoming 
 
 * my character to speak ; that if the resolutions of 
 
 * this body must be governed by the will of the ve- 
 ' terans ; if all our words and acts must be regulat- 
 ' ed by their humour, then it is high time to wish 
 ' for death ; which to Roman citizens was ever pre- 
 ferable to slavery * — that since so many chances of 
 
 ' death surrounded them all both day and night, it 
 ' was not the part of a man, much less of a Roman, 
 ' to scruple the giving up that breath to his country, 
 ' which he must necessarily give up to nature f— that 
 
 * Antony was the single and common enemy of them 
 ' all ; though he had indeed his brother Lucius with 
 ^ him, who seemed to be born on purpose, thatMar- 
 ' cus might not be the most infamous of all mortals : 
 
 * that he had a crew also of desperate villains gap- 
 ' ing after the spoils of the republic — that the army 
 
 * of Brutus was provided against these ; whose sole 
 ' will, thought, and purpose was, to protect the se- 
 ' nate and the liberty of the people — who, after try- 
 
 * ing in vain, what patience would do, found it ne- 
 
 * cessary at last to oppose force to force .^ — that they 
 ' ought therefore to grant the same privilege to M. 
 ' Brutus, which they had granted before to Decimus, 
 ' and to Octavius; and confirm, by public authority, 
 ' what he had been doing for them by his private 
 
 ■* Ibid. o. f Ibid. 10. -t Ibid. 11. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 153 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64, Coss.—C. Viblus f'ansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " counsel." — For which purpose he proposed the fol- 
 lowing decree — *' Whereas by the pains, counsel, in- 
 " dustry, virtue of Q^ Caspio Brutus ||, proconsul, iu 
 " the utmost distress of the republic, the province of 
 " Macedonia, Illyricum, and Greece, with all their 
 *' legions, armies, and horse, are now in the power of 
 " the consuls, senate and people of Rome; that Q. 
 " C^pio Brutus, procon-sul, has acted therein well, 
 " and for the good of the republic ; agreeably to his 
 " character, the dignity of his ancestors, and to his 
 " usual manner of serving the commonwealth ; and 
 " that his conduct is and ever will be acceptable to 
 *' the senate and people of Rome. That (^ Caspio 
 ^* Brutus, proconsul, be ordered to protect, guard, 
 *' and defend the province of Macedonia, Illyricum, 
 " and all Greece ; and command that army, which 
 " he himself has raised : that whatever money he 
 " w^ants for mihtary service, he may use and take it 
 *' from any part of the public revenues, where it can 
 ** best be raised ; or borrow it where he thinks pro- 
 " per ; and impose contributions of grain and forage ; 
 " and take care to draw all his troops as near to Ita- 
 *' ly as possible : and whereas it appears, by the let- 
 ** ters of Q^ Caepio Brutus, proconsul, that the pub- 
 " lie service has been greatly advanced, by the en- 
 *' deavours and virtue of (^ Hortensius, proconsul ; 
 *' and that he concerted all his measures with Q. 
 
 11 M. Brutus, as appears from the stile of this decree, Inid been 
 adopted lately by his mother's brother, Q^ Scrvilius Caepio, who^e 
 name, according to custom, he now assumed with the possession 
 of his uncle's estate. 
 
154 The LIFE of Sper. X 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " Caepio Brutus, proconsul, to the great benefit of the 
 " commonwealth ; that Q^ Hortensius, proconsul, ha^s 
 ** acted therein rightly, regularly, and for the public 
 " good ; and that it is the will of the senate, that Q^ 
 " Hortensius, proconsul, with his quaestors, proquaes- 
 " tors, and lieutenants, hold the province of Mace- 
 " donia, till a successor be appointed by the senate.'* 
 Cicero sent this speech to Brutus, with that also, 
 which he made on the first of January ; of which 
 Brutus says in answer to him, " I have read your two 
 *' orations, the one on the first of January, the other 
 " on the subject of my letters, against Galenus : you 
 ** expect now without doubt^ that I should praise 
 " them : I am at a loss what to praise the most ia 
 " them : your courage, or your abilities : I allow you 
 *' now in earnest to call them Philippics, as you in- 
 " timated jocosely in a former letter *."— Thus the 
 name of Philippics, which seems to have been thrown 
 out at first in gaiety and jest only, being taken up 
 and propagated by his friends, became at last the 
 fixt and standing title of these orations : which yet 
 for several ages were called, we find, indifferently 
 either Philippics or Antonians f . Brutus declared 
 himself so well pleased with these two, which he had 
 
 * Legi orationes tuas duas, quarum altera Kal. Jan. usus es ; 
 altera dc Uteris meis, quae habita est abs te contra Calenum. 
 Nunc scilicet hoc expectas, dum eas laudem. Nescio animi an 
 ingenii tui major in illis libellis laus contineatur. Jam concede^ 
 ut vel Philipfiicce vocentur, quod tu quadam cpistolajocans scrip- 
 sisti. Ad Brut. 1. 2. 5. 
 
 f M. Cicero in primo Antonianarum ito scriptura rcliquitc 
 A.Gell. 13. I. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 15^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic.64. Coss.— C. Vlbius Pansa. A. Hir 
 
 tius. 
 
 seen, that Cicero promised to send him afterwards all 
 the rest *." 
 
 Brutus, when he first left Italy, sailed directly for 
 Athens ; where he spent some time in concerting 
 measures, how to make himself master of Greece and 
 Macedonia ; which was the great design that he had 
 in view. Here he gathered about him all the young 
 nobility and gentry of Rome, who for the opportuni- 
 ty of their education, had been sent to this celebrat- 
 ed seat of learning : but of them all, he took the 
 most notice of young Cicero ; and, after a little ac- 
 quaintance, grew very fond of him ; admiring his 
 parts and virtue, and surprised to find in one so young, 
 such a generosity and greatness of mind, with such 
 an aversion to tyranny f . He made him therefore 
 one of his lieutenants, though he was but twenty 
 years old ; gave him the command of his horse ; and 
 employed him in several commissions of great trust 
 and importance ; in all which the young man signa- 
 lized both his courage and conduct ; and behaved 
 with great credit to himself, great satisfaction to his 
 general, and great benefit to the public service ; as 
 Brutus did him the justice to signify both in his pri- 
 vate and pubhc letters to Rome. In writing to Cicero, 
 ** Your son," says he, " rejcommcnds himself to me 
 *' so effectually by his industry, patience, activity, 
 " greatness of mind, and in short, by every duty, that 
 
 * Hsec ad teoratio perferetur, quoniam tc video dtlcctari Phi- 
 liopicis nostris. Ad Brut. 2. 4. 
 
 f Vid. Plutar. in Rrut. 
 
156 The life of Sect. X.' 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibiu^ Pansa. A Hirtius 
 
 *^' he seems never to drop the remembrance of whose 
 " son he is : wherefore since it it is not possible for 
 *' me to make you love him more than you do al- 
 " ready, yet allow thus much to my judgment, as to 
 *' persuade yourself, that he will have no occasion to 
 '' borrow any share of your glory, in order to obtain 
 *' his father's honours — *." This account, given by 
 otit who was no flatterer, may be considered as the 
 real character of the youth : which is confirmed like- 
 wise by what Lentulus vi^rote of him about the same 
 time: " I could not see your son," says he, " when I 
 " was last with Brutus, because he was gone with 
 " the horse into winter quarters : but by my faith, it 
 *' gives me great joy for your sake, for his, and espe- 
 *' pecially my own, that he is in such esteem and re- 
 *' putation : for as he is your son, and worthy of you, 
 " I cannot blit look upon him as itiy brother f ." 
 
 Cicero was so full of the greater affairs, which were 
 the subject of his letters to Brutus, that he had scarce 
 leisure to take notice of what was said about his son : 
 he just touches it however in one of two letters : 
 " As to my son, if his merits be as great as you write, 
 
 * Cicero filius tuus sic milii seprobat, industria, patientia, la- 
 bore, animi magnltudine, omni denlque officio, ut prorsus nun- 
 quam dimittere videtur cogitationem, cujus sit filius. Quare 
 quoniam efficere non possum, ut pluris facias euiti, qui tibi est 
 carisslmus, illud tribue judicio meo, ut tibi persuadeas, non fore 
 illi abutendum gloria tua, ut adiplscatur honores paternos. Kal. 
 Apr. ad Brut. 1 2. 3. 
 
 -}- Fllium tuum, ad Erutum cum veni, videre non potui, Ideo 
 quod jam in hiberna, cum cquitlbus erat profectns. Sed medius 
 fidius ea esse cum opinione, & tua & ipsius, & in primis mea 
 causa gaudeo. Fratris enim loco mibi est, qui ex te natus, tc- 
 que dignus est. VaU. jiii. Kal. Jun. Ep, Farn. 12. 14. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 157 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " I rejoice at it as much as I ought to do : or if you 
 «* magnify it out of love to him, even that gives me 
 " an incredible joy, to perceive that he is beloved by 
 " you*. Again ; I desire you, my dear Brutus, to 
 " keep my son with you as much as possible : he will 
 " find no better school of virtue, than in the conteni- 
 *' plation and imitation of you f ." 
 
 Though Brutus intimated nothing in his public 
 letters, but what was prosperous and encouraging, 
 yet in his private accounts to Cicero, he signified a 
 great want of money and recruits, and begged to be 
 supplied with both from Icaly, especially with re- 
 cruits ; either by a vote of the senate, or if that could 
 not be had, by some secret management, without the 
 privity of Pansa ; to which Cicero answered, " You 
 " tell me that you want two necesssary things, re- 
 " cruits and money : it is difficult to help you. I 
 " know no other way of raising money which can be 
 *' of use to you, but what the senate has de<:reed, of 
 " borrowing it from the cities. As to recruits, I do 
 *' not see what can be done : for Pansa is so far from 
 " granting any share of his army or recruits to you, 
 *' that he is even uneasy to see so many volunteers 
 " going over to you : his reason, I take it, is, that he 
 *' thinks no forces too great for the deinands of our 
 
 * De Cicerone meo, & si tantum est in eo quantum scribis, 
 tfintum scilicet quantum debeo, eaudeo : &. si, quod amas eu:n, 
 eo major a facis j id ipsum incredibiliter gaudeo, a tc eum deligi. 
 Ad Btut. 2. 6. 
 
 f Ciceronem meum, mi Brute, velim quam plurimum tecum 
 habeas. -Virtutis discipllnara meliorem reperiet nullam, quaui 
 contemplationem atque imitationem tui. xiii. Kul.Maii. ib. 7. 
 
158 The life of Sect.X. 
 
 A. Urb. 7I0. Cic. 64. Coss, — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " affairs in Italy : for as to what many suspect, that 
 " he has no mind to see you too strong, I have no 
 
 ** suspicion of it f ." Pansa seems to have been 
 
 much in the right, for refusing to part with any troops 
 out of Italy, where the stress of the war now lay, on 
 the success of which the fate of the whole republic 
 depended. 
 
 But there came news of a different kind about the 
 same time to Rome, of Doiabella's successful exploits 
 in Asia. He left the city, as it is said above, before 
 the expiration of his consulship, to possess himself of 
 Syria ; which had been allotted to him by Antony's 
 management : and taking his way through Greece 
 and Macedonia, to gather what money and troops he 
 could raise in those countries, he passed over into 
 Asia, in hopes of inducing that province to abandon 
 Trebonius, and declare for him : having sent his e- 
 missaries therefore before him to prepare for his re- 
 ception, he arrived before Smyrna, where Trebonius 
 resided, without any shew of hostility, or forces suf- 
 ficient to give any great alarm, pretending to desire 
 nothing more, than a free passage through the coun- 
 
 f Quod egerc te duabus necessariis rebus scribis, supplemento 
 & pecunia, difficile consilium est. Non enim mihi occurrunt fa- 
 cultates, quibus uti te posse videam, praeter illas, quas senatus de- 
 crevit, ut pecunlas a civitatibus mutuas sumeres. De supplemen- 
 to autem non video, quid fieri possit. Tantum enim abest ut Pan- 
 sa de exercitu suo aut delectu tibi aliquid tribuat, ut etiam mo- 
 leste ferat, tarn multos ad te ire voluntarios ; quomodo equidem 
 credo, quod his rebus quae in Italia decernuntur, nuUas copias ni- 
 mis magnas arbitretur : quomodo autem multi suspicantur, quod 
 ne te quidera nimis firmura esse velitj quod ego no« siispicor. 
 Ibid. 6. 
 
Si;cT. X. CICERO. rjp 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64, Coss. — G. Vibius Pansa, Ai Hirtius, 
 
 ■ •"■ 
 
 try to his own province. Trebonius refused to ad- 
 mit him into the town ; but consented to supply him 
 with refreshments without the gates : where many 
 civihties passed between them, with great professions 
 on Dolabella's part of amity and friendship to Tre- 
 bonius^ who promised in his turn, that if Dolabella 
 would depart quietly from Smyrna, he should be re- 
 ceived into Ephesus, in order to pass forw^ards to 
 Syria. To this Dolabella seemingly agreed; and 
 finding it impracticable to take Smyrna by open 
 force, contrived to surprize it by stratagem : embra- 
 cing therefore Trebonius's offer, he set forwards to- 
 wards Ephesus ; but, after he had marched several 
 miles, and Trebonius's men, who were sent after to 
 observe him, were retired, he turned back instant- 
 ly in the night, and arriving again at Smyrna before 
 day, found it, as he expected, negligently guarded, 
 and without any apprehension of an assault ; so that 
 his soldiers, by the help of ladders, presently mount- 
 ing the walls, possessed themselves of it without op- 
 position, and seized, Trebonius himself in his bed, 
 before he knew any thing of his danger f. 
 
 Dolabella treated him with the utmost cruelty ; 
 " kept him tv^^o days under torture, to extort a dis- 
 " covery of all the money in his custody ; then or- 
 " dared his head to be cut off, and carried about on 
 " a spear ; and his body to be dragged about the 
 " streets, and thrown into the sea *." This was the 
 
 f Appian. 3. p. 542. 
 * Consecutus est Dolabella, nulla suspicione belli. — Secutse 
 
 collocutione5 
 
i6o The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 
 
 first blood that was spilt on the account of Caesar's 
 death ; which was now revenged in kind upon one 
 of the principal conspirators, and the only one 
 who was of consular rank. It had been projected 
 without doubt in concert with Antony, to make the 
 revenge of Cassar's death the avowed cause of their 
 arms, in order to draw the veterans to their side, or 
 make them unwilling at least to act against them : 
 and it gave a clear warning to Brutus and his asso- 
 ciates, what they were to expect, if their enemies 
 prevailed, as well as a sad presage to all honest men 
 of the cruel effects and merciless fury of the impend- 
 ing war. 
 
 On the news of Trebonius's death, the senate was 
 summoned by the consul, where Dolabella was una- 
 nimously declared a public enemy, and his estate 
 confiscated. Calenus himself first proposed the vote, 
 and said, that, if any thing more severe could be 
 thought of, he would be for it. The indignation of 
 the city was so inflamed, that he was forced to 
 comply with the popular humour, and hoped, per- 
 haps, to put some difficulty upon Cicero, who, for 
 liis relation to Dolabella, would, as he imagined, be 
 for moderating the punishment. But though Caje- 
 
 collocutiones familiares cum Trebonio-, complexusque summae be- 
 uevolentije — nocturnus introltus in Smyrnam, quasi in hostiuni 
 urbem : oppressus Trebonius — intcrficere captum statim noluit, 
 ne nimis, credo, in victoria liber^lis videretur. Cum verborum 
 contumeliis optimum virum incesto ore lacerasset, tum verberi- 
 bus ac tormentis quaestionem habuit pecunia; publicre, idque per 
 biduura. Post cervicibus fractis caput abscidit, idque adfixum 
 gestari jussit in pilo •, reliquum corpus tractum ac laniatura abje- 
 cic in mare, &c. Phil. xi. 2, 3. 
 
SectX. CICERO. iGi 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 nus was mistaken in this, he was concerned in mov- 
 ing another question, which greatly perplexed Ci- 
 \ cero, about the choice of a general to manage this 
 new war against Dolabella. Two opinions were pro- 
 posed; the one, that P. Servilius should be sent with 
 an extraordinary commission ; the other, that the 
 two consuls should jointly prosecute the w^ar, with 
 the provinces of Syria and Asia allotted to them. 
 This was very agreeable to Pansa ; and, pushed 
 therefore not only by his friends, but by all Antony's 
 party, who fancied, that it would take off the atten- 
 tion of the consuls from the war of Italy ; give Do- 
 labella time to strengthen himself in Asia ; raise a 
 coldness between the consuls and Cicero, if he ven- 
 tured to oppose it ; and, above all, put a pubhc af- 
 front upon Cassius ; who, by his presence in those 
 parts, seemed to have the best pretension to that 
 commission. The debate continued through the first, 
 day, v/ithout coming to any issue; and was adjourn- 
 ed to the next. In the mean while Cassius's mo- 
 ther in law, Servilia, and other friends, were endea- 
 vouring to prevail with Cicero to drop the opposi- 
 tion, for fear of alienating Pansa : but in vain ; for 
 he resolved, at all hazards, to defend the honour of 
 Cassius; and, when the debate was resumed the next 
 morning, exerted all his interest and eloquence to 
 procure a decree in his favour. 
 
 He began his speech by observing, *' that, in their 
 " present grief for the lamentable fate ofTrebonius, 
 " the repubhc, however, would reap some good from 
 " it, since they now saw the barbarous cruelty of 
 
 Vol. III. L 
 
l6i The LIfE qf Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. CJc. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Paiisa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " those Vvho had tw^ken arms against their country : 
 ** for, of the two chiefs of the present war, the one, 
 " by effecting what he wished, had discovered what 
 " the other aimed at *. That they both meant no- 
 " thing less than the death and destruction of all 
 " honest men ; nor would be satisfied, it seemed, 
 **- with simple death, for that was the punishment of 
 '* nature, but thought the rack and tortures due to 
 " their revenge : — that what Dolabella had execut- 
 " ed, was the picture of what Antony intended : 
 " that they were a true pair, exactly matched, march- 
 " ing by concert and equal paces in the execution 
 
 " of their wicked purposes." This he illustrates, 
 
 by parallel instances from the conduct of each; and, 
 after displaying the inhumanity of Dolabella, and 
 the unhappy fate of Trebonius, in a manner proper 
 to excite indignation against the one^ and compas- 
 sion for the other ; he shews, " that Dolabella was 
 " still the more unhappy of the two, and must needs 
 *' suffer more from the guilt of his mind, than Tre^ 
 
 *' bonius from the tortures of his body. What 
 
 " doubt, says he, can there be which of them is the 
 " most miserable ? he whose death the senate and 
 " people are eager to revenge ; or he, who is adjudge 
 " ed to be a traitor by the unanimous vote of the 
 " senate ? for, in all other respects, it is the greatest 
 " injury to Trebonius, to compare his life with Dola- 
 " bella's. As to the one, every body knows his wis- 
 " dom, wit, humanity, innocence, greatness of mind 
 
 Phil. xi. I. 
 
Sect.X. CICERO. 1G3 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pinsa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' in freeing his country; but as to the other, cruelty 
 " was his delight frorh a boy, with a lewdness so 
 " shameless and abandoned, that he used to value 
 " himself for doings what his very adversaries could 
 " not object to him with modesty. Yet this man, 
 " good Gods ! was once mine : for I was not very 
 " curious to enquire into his vices ; nor should I now 
 " perhaps have been his enemy, had he not shewn 
 " himself an enemy ib you, to his country, to the 
 " domestic gods and altars of us all ; nay, even to 
 " nature and humanity itself*. He exhorts them, 
 " from this warning given by Dolabella, to act with 
 ** the greater vigour against Antony : for if he, who 
 " had about him but a few of those capital incendi- 
 " aries, the ringleaders of rapine and rebellion, durst 
 " attempt an act so abominable, what barbarity were 
 " they not to expect from Antony, who had the 
 " whole crew of them in his camp ?"-^the principal 
 of whom he describes by name and character ; and 
 adds, " that, as he had often dissented unwilhngly 
 " from Calenus, so now at last he had the pleasure 
 " to agree with him, and to let them see that he had 
 " no dislike to the man, but to the cause : that, in 
 " this case, he not only concurred with him, but 
 " thanked him for propounding a vote so severe, and 
 " worthy of the republic, in decreeing Dolabella an 
 ^* enemy, and his estate to be confiscated f .''-^Then, 
 as to the second point, which was of greater delicacy,- 
 the nomination of a general to be sent against Dola- 
 
 * Phil. 4. f Ibid. .5.- 6. 
 
 L 2 
 
164 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss, — C. Vibius Pansa, A, Hirtius. 
 
 bella, he proceeds to give his reasons for rejecting 
 the two opinions proposed ; the one, for sending Ser- 
 
 vilius, the other, for the two consuls of the first, 
 
 he says, " that extraordinary commissions were al- 
 *' ways odious, where they were not necessary : and 
 " wherever they had been granted, it was in cases 
 
 *' very different from this : that, if the commis- 
 
 " sion in debate should be decreed to Servilius, 
 " it would seem an affront to all the rest of the 
 " same rank, that, being equal in dignity, they 
 " should be thought unworthy of the same ho« 
 " nour : — that he himself indeed had voted an extra- 
 " ordinary commission to young Caesar ; but Caesar 
 " had first given an extraordinary protection and de- 
 " liverance to them : that they must either have 
 " taken his army from him, or decreed the command 
 " of it to him ; which could not therefore be so pro- 
 ** perly said to be given, as not taken away : but 
 " that no such commission had ever been granted to 
 " any one, who was wholly idle and unemployed *.— 
 " As to the second opinion, of decreeing that pro- 
 ** vince to the consuls, he shews it to be both against 
 " the dignity of the consuls themselves, and against 
 " the public service : that, when D. Brutus, a con- 
 " sul elect, was actually besieged, on the preserva- 
 " tion of whom their common safety depended ; and 
 *' when a dreadful war was on foot, already intrusted 
 " to the two consuls, the very mention of Asia and 
 " Syria would give a handle to jealousy and envy ; 
 " and, though the decree was not to take place till 
 
 * Phil. 7. 8. 
 
&CT. X. CICERO. 165 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic, 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ** D. Brutus should first be relieved, yet a new com- 
 " mission would necessarily take off some part of 
 " their thoughts and attention from the old." Then, 
 addressing himself to Pansa, he says, " that though 
 " his mind, he knew, Vv^as intent on delivering D. 
 " Brutus, yet the nature of things would force him 
 " to turn it sometimes towards Dolabeila ; and that, 
 *^ if he had more minds than one, they should all be 
 " directed and wholly fixed on Modena f : that, for 
 " his own part, he had resigned, in his consulship, a 
 " rich and well furnished province, that nothing 
 *' might interrupt his endeavours to quench that 
 " flame which was ,then raised in his country : he 
 " wished that Pansa v>'ould imitate him whom he 
 " used to commend; that, if the consuls hou'ever de- 
 " sired to have provinces, as other great men had 
 '* usually done, let them first bring D. Brutus safe 
 " home to them : who ought to be guarded with the 
 '* same care, as the image that fell from Heaven, and 
 " was kept in the temple of Vesta, in the safety of 
 " which they were all safe. That this decree would 
 " create great delay and obstruction to the war a- 
 " gainst Dolabeila; which required a general pre- 
 " pared, equipped, and already invested with com- 
 " mand: one who had authority,^reputation, an army, 
 " and a resolution tried in the service of his coun- 
 " try J: — that it must therefore either be P>rutus or 
 
 '^ Cassius, or both of them that Brutus could not 
 
 -'■ be spared from Macedonia, where he was quelling 
 
 f Phil. 9. t Ibid. 10. 
 
 L3 
 
i66 The LIFE of Ssct. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " the last efforts of the faction, and oppressing G. 
 " Antony, who, with the remains of a broken army, 
 " was still in possession of some considerable places : 
 ** that when he had finished that work, if he found 
 " it of use to the commonwealth to pursue Dolabella, 
 " he would do it of himself, as he had hitherto done, 
 " without waiting for their orders : for both he and 
 " Cassius had, on many occasions, been a senate to 
 " themselves : that in such a season of general con- 
 " fusion, it was necessary to be governed by the 
 " times, rather than by rules : that Brutus and Cas- 
 f' sius ever held the safety and liberty of their coun- 
 " try to be the most sacred rule of their acting *, 
 " For by what law," says he, ^' by what right have 
 " they hitherto been acting, the one in Greece, the 
 " other in Syria, but by that which Jupiter himself 
 " ordained, that all things beneficial to the commu-» 
 " nity should be esteemed lawful and just? for law 
 " is nothing else but right reason, derived to us from 
 " the Gods, injoining what is honest, prohibiting the 
 " contrary : this was the law which Cassius obeyed, 
 " when he went into Syria; another man's province, 
 " if we judge by written law ; but when these are 
 *' overturned, his own, by the law of nature : — but 
 " that Cassius's acts might be confirmed also by the 
 *' authority of the senate, he proposed a decree to 
 *' this effect ; that whereas the senate has declar- 
 " ed P, Dolabella to be an enemy of the Roman 
 " people, and ordered him to be pursued by open 
 
 * Phil. II. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO, 167 
 
 A, Urb. 7I0. Cic. 64. Cose.— C VibiusPansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " war ; to the intent, that he may suifer the punish- 
 " ment due to him, both from Gods and men ; it is 
 " the will of the senate, that C. Cassias, proconsul, 
 " shall hold the province of Syria, in the same man- 
 " ner as if he had obtained it by right of law : and 
 " that he receive the several armies from (^Marcius 
 " Crispus, proconsul ; L. Statins Murcus, proconsul ; 
 " A. Allienus, lieutenant ; which they are hereby 
 " required to deliver to him : that with these, and 
 " what other forces he can procure, he shall pursue 
 '" Dolabella both by land and sea : that, for the oc- 
 ^' casions of the war, he shall have a power to de- 
 " niand ships, seamen, money, and all things useful 
 ^' to him, from whomsoever he thinks fit, in Syria, 
 ^ Asia, Bithynia, Pontus : and that, whatever pro- 
 " vittce he comes into in prosecuting the war, he 
 " shall have an authority superior to that of the pro- 
 ^* per governor : that if king Deiotarus, the father, 
 " or the son, shall assist C. Cassius, proconsul, with 
 " their troops, as they have oft assisted the Roman 
 " people in other wars, their conduct will be accept- 
 *' able to the sedate and people : that, if any of the 
 " other kings, tetraxchs, and potentates, shall do the 
 '• like, the senate and people will not be unmindful 
 ^* of their services: that, as soon, as the public affairs 
 ^* were settled, C. Pansa and A. Hirtius, the consuls, 
 '* one or both of them, should take the first oppor- 
 " tunity of moving the senate about the disposal of 
 ** the consular and praetorian provinces : and that, in 
 ^ the mean while, they should all continue in the 
 
 L4 
 
i68 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " hands of those who now held them, till successors 
 " were appointed by the senate *." 
 
 From the senate, Cicero went directly into the 
 forum, to give the people an account of the debate, 
 and recommend to them the interests of Cassius : 
 hither Pansa followed him, and, to weaken the in- 
 fluence of his authority, declared to the citizens, that 
 what Cicero contended for, was against the will and 
 advice of Cassius's nearest friends and relations—— 
 of which Cicero gives the following account in a let- 
 ter to Cassius. 
 
 M.T.Cicero to C. Cassius. 
 
 *' With what zeal I defended your dignity, both 
 *' in the senate and with the people, I would have 
 ** you learn rather from your other friends, than from 
 *' me. My opinion would easily have prevailed in 
 " the senate, had not Pansa eagerly opposed it. Af- 
 " ter I had proposed that vote, I was produced to the 
 " people by Servihus, the tribune, and said every 
 '* thing which I could of you, with a strength of 
 *' voice, that filled the Forum ; and with such a cla- 
 V mour and approbation of the people, that I had 
 •* never seen the like before. You will pardon me, 
 *' I hope, for doing it against the will of your mother- 
 '• in-law. The timorous woman was afi'aid that Pan- 
 *' sa would be disgusted. Pansa indeed declared to 
 *' the assembly, that both your mother and brother 
 . ' ■ ' ■ ^^— — — ~— .1 . . 
 
 * Ibid. 12. &c. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 169 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " were against it ; but that did not move me, I had 
 •* other considerations more at heart : my regard was 
 " to the republic, to which I have always wished well, 
 " and to your dignity and glory. But there is one 
 " thing which I enlarged upon in the senate, and 
 *' mentioned also to the people, in which I must de- 
 ** sire you to make my words good : for I promised, 
 " and in a manner assured them, that you neither 
 " had, nor would wait for our decrees ; but would 
 " defend the repubhc yourself in your own way : 
 " and though we had heard nothing, either where 
 " you were, or what forces you had ; yet I took it 
 " for granted, that all the forces in those parts were 
 *' yours ; and was confident, that you had already 
 " recovered the provinces of Asia to the republic : 
 ** let it be your care to outdo yourself, in endeavour- 
 " ing still to advance your own glory Adieu*." 
 
 As to the issue of the contest, some v^riters tell us, 
 that it ended as Cicero desired : but it is evident 
 from the letter, just recited, and miOre clearly still 
 from other letters, that Pansa's authority prevailed 
 against him, for granting the commission to the con- 
 suls f . Cassius however, as Cicero advised and de- 
 clared, had little regard to what they were decreeing 
 at Rome ; but undertook the v/hole affair himself, 
 and soon put an end to Dolabella's triumphs, as will 
 be mentioned hereafter in its proper place. 
 
 * Ep. fam. 12. 7. 
 f Quam consuHbus decreta est Asia, 8c permissura est iis, ut 
 dum ipsi venirent j darent negotium qui ipsam obtineant, &c. Ep. 
 fam. 12. 14. 
 
J70 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 II ' ■...--. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos5.~-C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 The statue of Minerva, which Cicero, upon his go- 
 ing into exile, had dedicated in the Capitol, by the 
 title of the Guardian of the City, was, about the end 
 of the last year, thrown down and shattered to pieces 
 hy a tempest of thunder and lightning. This the 
 later writers take notice of, as ominous, and portend- 
 ing the fall of Cicero himself: though neither Cicero, 
 nor any of that time, made any such reflection up- 
 on it. The senate however, out of respect to him, 
 passed a decree in a full house, on the eighteenth of 
 March, " that the statue should be repaired, and re- 
 *' stored to its place §." So that it was now made by 
 public authority jj what he himself had designed it to 
 be, a standing monument to posterity, that the safe- 
 ty of the republic had been the constant object of 
 his counsels. 
 
 D. Brutus was reduced by this time to such straits 
 in Modena, that his friends began to be greatly a- 
 larmed for him ; taking it for granted, that if he fell 
 into Antony's hands, he would be treated no better 
 than Trebonius. The mention therefore of a paci- 
 fication being revived in the senate, and recommend- 
 ed by Pansa himself, upon an intimation given by 
 Antony's friends, that he was now in a disposition to 
 submit to reason, Cicero, out of a concern for Bru- 
 tus's safety, consented to the decree of a second em- 
 bassy, to be executed by himself and Servihus, to- 
 
 J Eo die Senatus decrevit, ut Minerva nostra, Custo? Urbis, 
 quam turbo dejecerat, lestitueretur. Ep. fam. 12. 2^, Dio. 1. 45. 
 p. 278. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO, lyi 
 
 A. Utb. 710. Cic. 64. Cosj.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 gether with three other consular senators : but find- 
 ing upon recollection, that there appeared no symp- 
 toms of any change in Antony, and that his friends 
 produced no proofs of it, nor any thmg new in his 
 conduct, he was convinced that he had made a false 
 step, and that nothing more was intended than to 
 gain time ; which was of great use to Antony, as it 
 would retard the attempts of relieving Modena, and 
 give an opportunity toVentidius to join him, who was 
 marching towards him at that time with three le- 
 gions. At the next meeting therefore of the senate, 
 he retracted his opinion, and declared against tlie 
 late decree, as dangerous and insidious ; and in a 
 warm and pathetic speech pressed them to rescind 
 it. He owns, '^ that it was indecent for one, whose 
 '*^ authority they had so often followed in the most 
 " important debates, to declare himself mistaken and 
 " deceived ; yet his comfort was, that it was in com- 
 " mon with them all, and with a consul of the great- 
 '^ est wisdom : that when Piso and Galenas, who 
 *' knew Antony's secret, the one of whom entertain- 
 ** ed his wife and children at his house, the other 
 *' was perpetually sending and receiving letters from 
 " him, began to renew, what they had long inter- 
 " mitted, their exhortations to peace ; and when the 
 " consul thought fit to exhort the same thing, a man. 
 " whose prudence could not easily be imposed upon, 
 ** whose virtue approved no peace, but on Antony's 
 " submission ; whose greatness of mind preferred 
 ** death to slavery ; it was natural to imagine, that 
 " there was some special reason for all this 3 some 
 
IJ, 
 
 The life of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " secret wound in Antony's affairs, which the pub^ 
 *• lie was unacquainted w^ith : especially when it was 
 ** reported, that Antony's family were under some 
 *' unusual afiiiction, and his friends in the senate be- 
 
 " trayed a dejection in their looks for if there 
 
 " was nothing in it, why should Piso and Calenus, 
 " above all others ; why at that time ; why so un- 
 *' expectedly, so suddenly move for peace? yet now, 
 " when they had entangled the senate in a pacific 
 " embassy, they both denied that there was any 
 "thingnewor particular, which induced them to itf : 
 *' that there could be no occasion therefore for new 
 " measures, when there was nothing new in the case 
 
 " itself that they were drawn in, and deceived 
 
 " by Antony's friends, who were serving his private, 
 " not the public interest — — that he had seen it from 
 ** the first, though but darkly ; his concern for Bru- 
 ** tus having dazzled his eyes ; for whose liberty, if 
 " a substitute could be accepted, he would freely 
 
 " ofl^er himself to be shut up in his place that if 
 
 ^' Antony would humble himself, and sue to them 
 *' for any thing, he should perhaps be for hearing 
 " him ; but while he stood to his arms, and acted 
 " offensively, their business was to resist force by 
 
 *' force but they would tell him perhaps, that the 
 
 " thing was not in their power, since an embassy was 
 " actually decreed. But what is it, says he, that is 
 ** not free to the wise, which it is possible to retrieve? 
 " it is the case of every man to err, but the part on- 
 
 f Phil. 12. I. 
 
Sect.X. CICERO. 173 
 
 A. Urb, ^10. CIc, 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " ly of a fool to persevere in error if we have 
 
 " been drawn away by false and fallacious hopes, let 
 " us turn again into the way ; for the surest harbour 
 *' to a penitent is a change of his conduct*. He 
 " then shews, how the embassy, so far from, being of 
 " service would certainly hurt, nay, had already hurt 
 ** the republic ; by checking the zeal of the towns 
 ** and colonies of Italy ; and the courage of the le- 
 " gions, which had declared for them, who could ne- 
 " ver be eager to fight, while the senate was sound- 
 
 " inga retreat J. That nothing was more unjust, 
 
 ** than to determine any thing about peace, without 
 " the consent of those who w^ere carrying on the v/ar; 
 " and not* only without, but against their consent : 
 " that Hirtius and Caesar had no thoughts of peace ; 
 " from whom he had letters then in his hands, de- 
 " daring their hopes of victory : for their desire was 
 *' to conquer, and to acquire peace, not by treaty, 
 
 ** but by victory §. That there could not possibly 
 
 *' be any peace with one, to whom nothing could be 
 " granted : they had voted him to have forged seve« 
 " ral decrees of the senate ; would they vote them 
 "again to be genuine ? they had annulled his laws, 
 ** as made by violence ; would they now consent to 
 *' restore them ? they had decreed him to have em- 
 " bezzled five millions of the public money ; could 
 *' such a waste be absolved from a charge of fraud ? 
 " that immunities, priesthoods, and kingdoms, had 
 " been sold by him; could those bargains be con- 
 
 * Phil. 2. t. Ibid. 3. § IblJ. 4. 
 
rf4 The LIFE of Stcx. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A Hirtius- 
 
 ** firmed, which their decrees had made void ? § — ■ 
 •' That if they should grant him the farther Gaul, 
 •' and an army, what would it be else, but to defer 
 ** the war, nut to make peace ? nay, not only to pro- 
 
 ** long the war, but to yield him the victory f . 
 
 •' Was it for this, says he, that we have put on the 
 '* robe of war, taken arms, sent out all the youth of 
 ** Italy ; that with a most flourishing and numerous 
 •* army we should send an embassy at last for peace ? 
 •' and must I bear a part in that embassy, or assist 
 *• in that council, where, if I differ from the rest, the 
 " people of Rome can never knew it ? so that what- 
 " ever concessions are m^de to Antony, or whatever 
 ** mischief he may do hereafter, it must be* at the ha- 
 
 *' zard of my credit." He then shews, " that if 
 
 •' an embassy must needs be sent, he, of all mera, was 
 ** the most improper to be employed in it : that he 
 " had ever been against any embassy; was the mov- 
 ♦* er of their taking the habit of war ; was always for 
 •' the severest proceedings both against Antony and 
 
 " his associates that all that party looked upon 
 
 •* him as prejudiced ; and Antony would be offended 
 ** at the sight of him J. — That if they did not trou- 
 " ble themselves, how Antony might take it, he beg- 
 " ged them at least to spare him the pain of seeing 
 ♦* Antony ; which he should never be able to bear : 
 *' who in a speech lately to his parricides, when he 
 '• was distributing rewards to the boldest of them, 
 *' had promised Cicero's estate to Petissius that 
 
 § Phil. 5. f Ibid. 6. t Ibid. 7. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. lyg 
 
 A. Ui-b. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Viblus Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " he should never endure the sight of L, Antony : 
 " whose cruelty he could not have escaped, but by 
 ** the defence of his walls and gates, and the zeal of 
 " his native town : that though he might be able to 
 '* command himself, and dissemble his uneasiness at 
 ** the sight of Antony and his crew, yet some regard 
 ^* should be had to his life ; not that he set any va- 
 " lue upon it himself, but it ought not to be thought 
 " despicable by the senate and people of Rome : 
 '* since, if he did not deceive himself, it was he who, 
 " by his watchings, cares and votes, had managed 
 " matters so, that all the attempts of their enemies 
 " had not hitherto been able to do him any harm*. 
 
 " That if his life had been oft attempted at 
 
 " home, where the fidehty of his friends, and the 
 " eyes of all Rome were his guard ; what might he 
 " not apprehend from so long a journey ? that there 
 •' were three roads from Rome to Modena ; the Fla- 
 •' minian, along the upper sea ; the Aurelian along 
 ** the lower ; the Cassian in the middle — ^^that they 
 •* were all of them beset by Antony's allies, his own 
 ** utter enemies : the Cassian by Lento ; the Flami- 
 ** nian by Ventidius : the Aurelian by the whole 
 
 ** Clodian family f . That he would stay therefore 
 
 " in the city, if the senate would give leave, which 
 " was his proper seat, his watch and station : that 
 " others might enjoy camps, kingdoms, mihtary com- 
 " mands ; he would take care of the city, and the 
 *' affairs at home, in partnership wdth them ; that he 
 
 * Ibid. 8. f Ibid. 
 
176 The life of SectX. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " did not refuse the charge ; but it was the people, 
 " who refused it for him : for no man was less timor- 
 
 " ous, though none more cautious than he that a 
 
 "statesman ought to leave behind him a reputation 
 " of glory in dying; not the reproach of error and 
 " folly : who, says he, does not bewail the death of 
 " Trebonius? yet there are some who say, though it 
 «' is hard indeed to say it, that he is the less to be pi- 
 *' tied, for not keeping a better guard against a base 
 " and detestable villain : for wise men tell us, that 
 *' he who professes to guard the lives of others, ought 
 ** in the first place to keep a guard upon his own |[. 
 *' — That if he should happen to escape all the snares 
 " of the road, that Antony's rage was so furious, that 
 *' he would never suffer him to return alive from the 
 
 " congress -that when he was a young volunteer 
 
 *' in the wars of Italy, he v/as present at a conference 
 *' of Gn. Pompey the consul, and P. Vetius the gene- 
 " ral of the Marsi, held between the two camps: 
 *' there was no fear, no suspicion, nor any violent hat- 
 
 ** red on either side -that there was an interview 
 
 " likewise, between Sylla and Scipio, in their civil 
 *' wars, where though faith was not strictly observed, 
 
 *' yet no violence was offered f . but the case was 
 
 *' ditferent in treating with Antony, where, if others 
 ** could be safe, he at least could not : that Antony 
 " would never come into their camp; much less they 
 
 •' into his that if they transacted affairs by letter, 
 
 ** his opinion would always be one and the same ; to 
 
 II Phil. 10. -f Ibid. ir. 
 
Sect.X. CICERO, 177' 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " reduce every thing to the will of the senate : that 
 " this would be misrepresented to the veterans, as se- 
 ** vere and perverse ; and might excite them perhaps 
 
 ** to some violence —let my life, therefore, says he, 
 
 ** be reserved to the service of my country, as long 
 " as either dignity or nature will allow : let my death 
 ** fall by the necessary course of fate ; or, if I must 
 " meet it sooner, let me meet it with glory- — ^Since 
 " the republic then, to speak the most moderately, 
 " has no occasion for this embassy ; yet, if I can 
 " undertake it with safety, I will go ; and in this 
 " whole affair will govern myself entirely, fathers, 
 " not by a regard to my own danger, but to the 
 " service of the ^ state ; and, after the most mature? 
 " deliberation, will resolve to do that which I shall 
 *' judge to be most useful to the pubHc interest." — 
 
 Though he did not absolutely refuse the employ- 
 ment, yet he dissuaded it so strongly, that the thing 
 was wholly dropt ; and Pansa, about the end of the 
 month, marched away towards Gaul, at the head of 
 his new raised army, in order to join Hirtius and 
 Octavius, and, without farther delay, to attempt a 
 decisive battle with Antony for the delivery of D. 
 Brutus. 
 
 Antony, at the same time, while he was perplex- 
 ing the counsels of the senate, by the intrigues of his 
 friends, was endeavouring also, by his letters, to shako 
 the resolution of Hirtius and Octavius, and draw them 
 off from the cause which they were now serving : 
 but their answers seem to have been short and firm^ 
 referring him constantly to the authority of the se- 
 
 VoL. III. M 
 
17^ The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A, Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 senate : yet, as things were now drawing towards a 
 crisis, he made one effort more upon them ; and, in 
 the follo^ving expostulatory letter, reproached them 
 with great freedom for deserting their true interest, 
 and suffering themselves to be duped and drawn in 
 by Cicero, to revive the Fompeian cause, and esta- 
 blish a power which, in the end, would destroy 
 them. 
 
 AntoNius to Hirtius and C.^sar. 
 
 *' Upon the news of Trebonius's death, I was e- 
 " qually affected both with joy and with grief. It 
 *' was matter of real joy to me, to see a villain suffer 
 " the vengeance due to the ashes of the most iilus- 
 " trious of men ; and that within the circle of the 
 " current year, the divine Providence has displayed 
 " itself, by the punishment of parricide, inflicted al- 
 *' ready on some,, and ready to fall on the rest. But, 
 " on the other hand, it is a subject of just grief to 
 *' me, that Dolabella should be declared an enemy, 
 *' because he has killed a murderer ; and that the 
 *' son of a buffoon should be dearer to the people of 
 ** Rome, than Cassar, the father of his country : .but 
 " the cruellest reflection of all is, that you, Hirtius, 
 •* covered with Ceesar's favours, and left by him in 
 *' a condition whicli^you yourself wonder at ; and 
 " you too, young man, who owe every thing to his 
 *' name, are doing all which is in your power, that 
 '' Dolabella may be thought justly condemned 3 that 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 179 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " this wretch be delivered from the siege ; and Gas- 
 *' sius and Brutus be- invested with all power. You 
 " look upon the present state of things as people did 
 " upon the past ; call Pompey's camp the senate ; 
 " have made the vanquished Cicero your captain ; 
 " are strengthening Macedonia with armies ; have 
 " given Africa to Varus, twice a prisoner; have sent 
 ** Cassius into Syria ; suffered Casca to act as tri-- 
 ** bune ; suppressed the revenues of the Julian Lu- 
 ** perci ; abolished the colonies of veterans, establish- 
 " ed by law, and the decree of the senate ; promise 
 '* to restore to the people of Marseilles, what was 
 *' taken from them by right of war ; forget that a 
 *' Pompeian u^as made incapable of any dignity by 
 " Hirtius's law ; have supplied Brutus with Appu- 
 ** leius's money ; applauded the putting to death 
 ** Poetus and Menedemus, Caesar's friends, whom he 
 " made free of the city ; took iio notice of Theo~ 
 " pompus, when, stript and banished by Trebonius, 
 " he fled to Alexandria ; you see Ser. Galba in your 
 " camp, armed with the same poignard with which 
 '* he stabbed Caesar ; have inlisted my soldiers, and 
 " other veterans, on pretence of destroying those 
 *' who killed Caesar ; and then employ them, before 
 " they know what they are doing, against their 
 " quasstor, or their general, or their comrades — what 
 *' have you not done, which Pompey himself, were 
 " he alive, or his son, if he could, would not do ? ia 
 ** short, you deny that any peace can be made, un- 
 ** less I set Brutus at liberty, or supply him with 
 *' provisions : can this please those veterans, who 
 
 M2 
 
1^0 The life of Sect.%. 
 
 ■< I ' III ■ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " have not yet declared themselves ? for, as to your 
 *' part, you have sold yourselves to the flatteries and 
 " poisoned honours of the senate. But you come, 
 *' you say, to preserve the troops which are besieged. 
 *' I am not against their being saved, or going where- 
 " ever you please, if they will but leave him to perish 
 " who has deserved it. You write me word, that 
 " the mention of concord has been revived in the 
 " senate, and five consular ambassadors appointed : 
 " it is hard to believe, that those who have driven 
 " me to this extremity, when I offered the faires^t 
 " conditions, and was willing to remit some part of 
 " them, should do any thing with moderation or hu-^ 
 *' manity : nor is it probable, that the same men, 
 *' who voted Dolabella an enemy for a most laudable 
 *' act, can ever forgive me, who am in the same sen- 
 " timents with him. Wherefore, it is your business 
 " to reflect, which of the two is the more eligible, 
 ** or more useful to our common interest ; to revenge 
 " the death of Trebonius, or of Ccesar : and which 
 " the more equitable ; for us to act against each 
 " other, that the Pompeian cause, so often defeated, 
 " may recover itself; or to join our forces, lest we 
 "become at last the sport of our enemies; who, 
 " which of us soever may happen to fall, are sure to 
 " be the gainers. But fortune has hitherto prevent- 
 " ed that spectacle ; unwilling to see two armie?, 
 " like members of the same body, fighting against 
 *' each other; and Cicero all the while, like a master 
 ** of gladiators, matching us, and ordering the com- 
 " bat : who is so far happy, as to have caught yoti 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. i8i 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss,— C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius, 
 
 ** with the same bait, with which he brags to have 
 " caught Caesar. For my part, I am resolved to 
 " suffer no affront, either to myself, or my friends : 
 " nor to desert the party which Pompey hated ; nor 
 " to see the veterans driven out of their possesbions, 
 " and dragged one by one to the rack ; nor to break 
 ^- my word with Dolabella ; nor to violate my league 
 " with Lepidus, a most rehgious man ; nor to betray 
 " Plancus, the partner of all my councils. If the 
 " immortal Gods support me, as I hope they vv'ill, in 
 " the pursuit of so good a cause, I shall live with 
 " pleasure ; but if any other fate expects me, I taste a 
 " joy however before-hand, in the sure foresight of your 
 " punishment : for if the Pompeians are so insolent 
 ^ when conquered, how much more they will be so 
 ** when conquerors, it will be your lot to feel. In a 
 " word, this is the sum of my resolution : I can for- 
 " give the injuries of my friends, if they themselves 
 ** are disposed, either to forget them, or prepared, in 
 ** conjunction with me, to revenge the death of Cae- 
 " sar : I cannot believe that any ambassadors will 
 " come ; when they do, I shall know what they have 
 *' to demand*." Hirtius and C^sar, instead of an- 
 swering this letter, sent it directly to Cicero at Rome, 
 to make what use of it he thought fit with the se- 
 nate or the people. 
 
 In this interval Lepidus wrote a public letter to 
 the senate, to exhort them to measures of peace, and 
 to save the effusion of civil blood, by contriving some 
 
 * Vid. Phil. 13. 10. &c. 
 
 M ^ 
 
i82 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 way of reconciling Antony and his friends to the 
 service of their country ; without giving the least 
 intimation of his thanks for the public honours which 
 they had lately decreed to him. This was not at 
 all agreeable to the senate, and confirmed their 
 former jealousy of his disaffection to the republic, 
 and good understanding with Antony. They agreed, 
 however, to a vote proposed by Servilius, " that 
 " Lepidus should be thanked for his love of peace, 
 " and care of the citizens, yet should be desired not 
 " to trouble himself any farther about it, but to leave 
 " that affair to them ; who thought that there could 
 " be no peace, unless Antony should lay down his 
 " arms, and sue for it." This letter gave Antony's 
 friends a fresh handle to renew their instances for a 
 treaty, for the sake of obliging Lepidus, who had it 
 in his power, they said, to force them to it : which 
 put Cicero once ^more to the trouble of confuting 
 and exposing all their arguments. He told them, 
 '' that he w^as ever afraid from the first, lest an in- 
 ** sidious offer of peace should damp the common 
 " zeal, for the recovery of their liberty : that who- 
 *' ever delighted in discord, and the blood of citizens, 
 " ought to be expelled from the society of human 
 " kind : yet it was to be considered, whether there 
 " were not some wars wholly inexpiable; where no 
 *' peace could be made, and where a treaty of peace 
 " was but a stipulation of slavery * : that the war 
 *^ now on foot was of this sort ; undertaken against 
 
 * Phil. i;. I, 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 183 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " a set of men who were natural enemies to society ; 
 " whose only pleasure it was to oppress, plunder, and 
 « murder their fellow-creatures; and to restore such 
 
 ** to the city, was to destroy the city itself^. 
 
 " That they ought to remember what decrees th§y 
 *' had already made against them ; such as had never 
 ** been made against a foreign enemy, or any with 
 
 ^' whom there could be no peace that since wis- 
 
 " dom, as well as fortitude, was expected from men 
 ** of their rank, though these indeed could hardly 
 " be separated, yet he was wilUng to consider them 
 '' separately, and follow what wisdom the more cau- 
 
 " tious and guarded of the two prescribed.- It 
 
 ** wisdom, then," says he, " should command me to 
 *' hold nothing so dear as life ; to decree nothing at 
 «* the hazard of my head ; to avoid all danger, tho' 
 *' slavery was sure to be the consequence ; I ^^^^^^ 
 " reject that wisdom, be it ever so learned : but it 
 *' it teaches us to preserve our lives, our fortunes, 
 - our families, yet so, as to think them inferior to 
 *' liberty ; to wish to enjoy them no longer than we 
 " can do it in a free republic ; not to part with our 
 " liberty for them, but to throw them all aw^y for 
 " liberty, as exposing us only to greater mischief 
 '* without it ; I would then listen to her voice, and 
 « obey her as a godf. That no man had a greater 
 " respect for Lepidus than himself; and though there 
 " had been an old friendship between them, yet he 
 -. 'valued him, not so much for that, as his services ta 
 
 * Phil. 2. f Ibid. 3, 
 
 . M 4 
 
i84 The LIFE or Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C- Vibius Pansa. A. HIrtius. 
 
 ** the public, in prevailing with young Pompey to 
 " lay down his arms, and free his country from the 
 *' misery of a cruel war: that the republic had many 
 *' pledges of fidelity from Lepidus ; his great nobili- 
 *' ty ; great honours ; high priesthood ; many parts 
 " of the city adorned by him and his ancestors ; his 
 *' wife, children, great fortunes, pure from any taint 
 ** of civil blood ; no citizen ever hurt, many preserv- 
 " ed by him : that such a man might err in judg- 
 ** ment, but could never wilfully be an enemy to his 
 " country. — That his desire of peace was laudable, 
 " if he could make such for them now, as when he 
 " restored Pompey to them.— That for this they had 
 " decreed him greater honours than had been given 
 " before to any man, a statue with a splendid inscrip- 
 " tion, and a triumph even in absence ^. — That, by 
 " good fortune, they had managed matters so, that 
 " Pompey's return might consist with the validity of 
 " Cassar's acts, which, for the sake of peace, they had 
 " confirmed ; since they had decreed to Pompey the 
 " five millions and a half, which were raised by the 
 ** sale of his estates, to enable him to buy them a- 
 " gain : he desired, that the task of replacing him 
 " in the possessions of his ancestors, might be com- 
 " mitted to him for his old friendship with his father : 
 " that it should be his first care to nominate him an 
 " augur, and repay the same favour to the son, 
 " which he himself received from the father f : that 
 " those who had seen him lately at Marseilles, brought 
 
 * Phil. 4. f Ibid. 5. 
 
SectX. CICERO. 185 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' word, that he was ready to come with his troops 
 " to the relief of Modena, but that he was afraid of 
 " giving offence to the veterans: which shewed him 
 " to be the true son of that father, who used to act 
 
 *> with as much prudence as courage. That it 
 
 ** was Lepidus's business to take care, not to be 
 " thought to act with more arrogance than became 
 " him : that if he meant to frighten them with his 
 " army, he should remember, that it was the army 
 " of the senate and people of Rome, not his own *. 
 
 *' That if he interposed his authority without 
 
 " arms, that was indeed the more laudable, but would 
 
 " hardly be thought necessary. -For, though his 
 
 " authority was as great with them as that of the 
 " noblest citizen ought to be, yet the senate was not 
 " unmindful of their ov;n dignity ; and there never 
 " was a graver, firmer, stouter senate, than the pre- 
 
 « sent. That they were all so incensed against 
 
 ^' the enemies of their liberty, that no man's autho- 
 " rity could repress their ardour, or extort their arms 
 
 ** from them. That they hoped the best, hut 
 
 " would rather suffer the worst, than hve slaves f . 
 
 " That there was no danger to be apprehended 
 
 " from Lepidus, since he could not enjoy the splen- 
 " dour of his own fortunes, but with the safety of all 
 
 " honest men. That nature first makes men ho- 
 
 *♦ nest, but fortune confirms them : for, though it 
 " was the common interest of all to promote the safe- 
 " ty of the pubhc, yet it was more particularly of 
 
 * Phil. 6. t Ibid. 7. 
 
r36 The LIFE of SectX* 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " those who were happy in their fortunes. That 
 
 " nobody was more so than Lepiclus, and nobody 
 " therefore better disposed: of which the people saw 
 " a remarkable instance, in the concern which he 
 " expressed, w^hen Antony offered a diadem to Caesar, 
 " and chose to be his slave, rather than his colleague: 
 " for which single act, if he had been guilty of no- 
 " thing else, he had richly deserved the worst pu- 
 
 *' nishment'^." —Then, after inveighing, as usiial, 
 
 against Antony through several pages, he declared 
 all thoughts of peace with him to be vain, and, for 
 a fresh proof of it, produced his last letter to Hirtius 
 and Octavius, and read it publicly to the assembly : 
 " not that he thought it worth reading," he says, " but 
 *' to let them see his traitorous views openly avowed 
 " and confessed by himself." He read it to them pa- 
 ragraph by paragraph, with his own comment and 
 remarks upon it ; rallying all along, with great wit 
 and spirit, " the rage, the extravagance, the incon- 
 ** sistency, the folly, and the inaccuracy of each sen- 
 " tence." On the whole, he says, " that if Lepidus 
 " had seen it, he would neither have advised, or 
 
 " thought any peace with him possible. That fire 
 
 ^* and water would sooner unite, than the Antonys 
 *^be reconciled to the republic. — That the first and 
 " best thing therefore was, to conquer; the second, 
 '' to decline no danger for the liberty of their coun- 
 " try ; that there was no third thing, but the last 
 *' and worst of all, to submi.t to the utmost baseness, 
 ■»... — ^ — ■■ . ,..i i ...I, I., I ■i,,i. . . ■-t 
 
 * V\<x\. 8. 
 
SscT. X. CICERO. 187 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " through a desire of living. — For which reasons, he 
 *' declared his concurrence with Servilius, in the vote 
 " upon Lepidus's letters ; and proposed an additional 
 " decree, either to be joined to the other, or pub- 
 " lished separately. — That Pompey the Great, the 
 " son of Cnaeus, in offering his service and his troops 
 " to the senate and people of Rome, had acted a- 
 " greeably to the courage and zeal of his father and 
 " ancestors ; and to his own virtue, industry, and 
 " good disposition to the republic : and that the thing 
 ** was grateful and acceptable to the senate and 
 *' people, and would hereafter be an honour to him- 
 " self." 
 
 After the debate, w^hich ended as Cicero wished, 
 he sent the following short letter to Lepidus, which, 
 by the coldness and neghgence with which it was 
 drawn, seems to be designed to let Lepidus see, that 
 they were perfectly easy and secure at Rome, what- 
 ever measures he might think fit to take. 
 
 Cicero to Lepidus. 
 
 " While, out of the great respect which I bear to 
 " you, I am making it my particular care, to advance 
 " your dignity as much as possible, it was a concern 
 " to me to see that you did not think it worth while 
 " to return your thanks to the senate, for the extra- 
 " ordinary honours which they have lately conferred 
 *' upon you. I rejoice, however, that you are so de~ 
 " sirous of making peace among citizens; if you can 
 
^88 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 > ' ' . 1 1 . — _ , 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss, — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " separate that peace from slavery, you will consult 
 ** both the good of the republic, and your own dig- 
 *' nity : but if the effect of it be, to restore a despe- 
 ** rate man to an arbitrary dominion, I would have 
 " you to know, that all men of sense have taken a 
 " resolution, to prefer death to servitude. You will 
 ^ act more wisely, therefore, in my judgment, if you 
 ** meddle no farther with that affair of peace : which 
 " is not agreeable either to the senate, or the people, 
 " or to any honest man : but you will hear enough 
 *• of this from others, or be informed of it by letters; 
 •' and will be directed by your ow^n prudence, what 
 " is the best for you to do "*," 
 
 Plancus, too, who commanded in Gaul, and now 
 resided near Lyons, at the head of a brave army, en- 
 forced Lepidus's advice, by a letter likewise to the 
 senate on the same subject of peace; to which Cicero 
 wrote the following answer : 
 
 Cicero to Plancus. 
 
 " The ajccount which our friend Furnius brought 
 *' of your affection to the repubhc, was highly agree- 
 •* able both to the senate and people of Rome : but 
 " your letter, when read in the senate, did not seem 
 ** to agree with Furnius's report : for you advised us 
 " to peace, when your colleague, a man of the great- 
 " est eminence, was besieged by most infamous plun- 
 
 * Ep. fara, X. 27. 
 
SscT.X. CICERO. «% 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " derers ; who ought either to sue for peace^ by lay- 
 *' ing down their arms, or, if they demand it with 
 *' sword in hand, it must be procured by victory, not 
 " treaty. But in what manner your letters, as well 
 ** as Lepidus's also, were received, you will under- 
 " stand from that excellent man your brother, and 
 ** from Furnius," &c. *. 
 
 C. Antony, whom we mentioned above to have 
 retreated with seven cohorts to ApoUonia, not daring 
 to wait for Erutus's arrival, who was now advancing 
 towards him, marched out to Buthrotum, to seek his 
 fortune elsewhere, in quarters more secure and re- 
 mote : but being overtaken and attacked on his march 
 by a part of Brutus's army, he lost three of his co- 
 horts in the action ; and in a second engagement with 
 another body of troops, which young Cicero com- 
 manded, was entirely routed and taken prisoner : 
 which made Brutus absolute master of the country, 
 without any farther opposition f . This fresh success 
 gave occasion for a second letter from Brutus to the 
 senate ; of which Cicero makes the following mention ; 
 ** Your letter," says he, " which was read in the se- 
 '* nate, shews the counsel of the general, the virtue 
 " of your soldiers, the industry of your officers, and 
 ** in particular of my Cicero. If your friends had 
 " been wilhng to move the senate upon it ; and if it 
 " had not fallen into most turbulent times, since the 
 " departure of Pansa, some just and proper honour 
 " would have been decreed for it to the Gods J. 
 
 * Ep. fam. 6. f Plutar. in Brut. 
 
 :|: Tuae iltterae, quae in Senatu recitatoe sunt, & Imperatons 
 
ipo The life of Sect.X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 The taking C. Antony prisoner put Brutus under 
 some difficulty in what manner he should treat him: 
 if he set him at liberty, to which he was inchned, he 
 had reason to apprehend fresh trouble from him, both 
 to himself and the republic : if he kept him prisoner 
 in his camp, he was afraid lest some sedition might 
 be raised on his account and by his intrigues, in his 
 own army ; or if he put him to death, that it would 
 be thought an act of cruelty, which his nature abhor- 
 red. He consulted Cicero therefore upon it by let- 
 ter " C. Antony," says he, " is still with me: but 
 
 " in truth, I am moved with the prayers of the man; , 
 *' and afraid lest the madness of some should make 
 " him the occasion of mischief to me. I am wholly 
 *' at a loss what to do with him. If I knew your 
 •* mind, I should be at ease ; for I should think that 
 
 *' the best which you advised *." Cicero's advice 
 
 was, to keep him under a safe guard, till they knew 
 the fate of D. Brutus in Modena §. Brutus however 
 treated him with great lenity, and seemed much dis- 
 posed to give him his liberty : for which purpose he 
 
 consilium & militum vlrtutem, & mdustrlam tuorum, in quibus 
 Ciceronis mei declarant. Quod si tuis placuisset de his literis re- 
 fcrri, & nisi in tempus turbulentissimum post discessum Pansae in- 
 cidissent, hones quoque Justus ac debitus Diis immortalibus decre- 
 tus esset. Ad Brut. 2. 7. 
 
 * Antonius adhuc est nobiscum : sed medius fidius & moveor 
 hominis precibus, & timeo ne ilium aliquorum furor excipiat. 
 Plane sestuo. Quod si scirem quid tibi placeret, sine solicitudine 
 essem. Id enira optimum esse persuasum esset mihi. Ad Bruta 
 
 § Quod me de Antonio consulis j quoad Bruti exitum cogno- 
 rimus, custodiendum puto. lb. 4. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. loi 
 
 c 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtlus. 
 
 not only wrote to the senate about it himself, but per- 
 mitted Antony to write too, and with the stile of pro- 
 consul; which surprised and shocked all his friends at 
 Rome, and especially Cicero, who expostulates with 
 him for it in the following terms. 
 
 " On the thirteenth of April," says he, " your mes- 
 *' senger Pilus brought us two letters, the one in your 
 " name, the other in Antony's ; and gave them to 
 " Servilius the tribune ; he to Cornutus the prastor. 
 *' They were read in the senate. Antony Proconsul^ 
 " raised as much wonder as if it had been, Dolabella 
 *' Emperor ; from whom also there came an express ; 
 *' but no body, like your Pilus, was so hardy as to 
 " produce the letters, or deliver them to the raagis- 
 " trates. Your letter was read; short indeed, but ex--" 
 " tremely mild tovv'ards Antony : the senate was a- 
 " mazed at it. For my part, I did not know how to 
 
 " act. Should I aflium it to be forged ? What if 
 
 t* you should own it ? Should I admit it to be ge- 
 *' nuine ? that was not for your honour. I chose there- 
 *• fore to be silent that day. On the next, when the 
 *' affair had made some noise, and Pilus's carriage had 
 *• given offence, I began the deb- e, said much of 
 " Proconsul Antony ; Sextius performed his part, and 
 " observed to me afterwards in private, what danger 
 '' his son and mine would be liable to, if they had 
 *' really taken up arms against a proconsul. You 
 " know the man ; he did justice to the cause. Others 
 *' also spoke ; but our friend Labeo took notice, that 
 *' your seal was not put to the letter ; nor any date 
 
ig% 
 
 The LIS'E of Sect. X 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 •' added ; nor had you written about it, as usual, to 
 *' your friends ; from which he maintained the letter 
 *' to be forged ; and in short, convinced the house of 
 " it. It is now your part, Brutus, to consider the 
 " whole state and nature of the war : you are delight- 
 •* ed, I perceive, with lenity ; and think it the best 
 " way of proceeding : this indeed is generally right; 
 *' but the proper place of clemency is, in cases and 
 " seasons very different from the present : for what 
 *' are we doing now, Brutus ? wt see a needy and de- 
 " speratc crew threatening the very temples of the 
 " Gods ; and that the war must necessarily decide, 
 *' whether we are to live or not. Who is it, then, 
 ** whom we are sparing ? or what is it, that we mean ? 
 " are we consulting the safety of those who, if they 
 ** get the better, are sure not to leave the least re- 
 •* mains of us ? For what difference is there between 
 " Dolabella and any one of the three Antonys ? If 
 •* we spare any of these, we have been too severe to 
 " Dolabella. It was owing chiefly to my advice and 
 " authority, that the senate and people are in this 
 " way of thinking, though the thing itself indeed al- 
 " so obliged them to it : if you do not approve this 
 •* policy, I shall defend your opinion, but cannot de~ 
 " part from my own : the world expects from you 
 •* nothing either remiss or cruel : it is easy to mode- 
 ** rate the matter, by severity to the leaders, genero^ 
 ** sity to the soldiers J." 
 
 Cicero had now done every thing, that human 
 
 X Ad Brut. 2. 7. 
 
SfiCT.X. CICERO. 193 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius PanSS. A. Hirtius. 
 
 prudence could do towards the recovery of the re- 
 public : for all that vigour, with which it was mak- 
 ing this last effort for itself, w^as entirely owing to his 
 eoun&els and authority. As Antony was the most 
 immediate and desperate enemy who threatened it, 
 so he had armed against him the whole strength of 
 Italy, and raised up a force sufficient to oppress him. 
 Young Octavius, next to Antony, was the most for- 
 midable to the friends of liberty ; but, from the con.- 
 trast of their personal interests, and their jealousy pf 
 each other's views, Cicero managed the opportunity, 
 to employ the one to the ruin of the other ; yet so, as 
 to provide at the same time against any present dan- 
 ger f;:om Octavius, by throwing a superiority of pow- 
 pr into the hands of the consuls ; whom, frorn heifig- 
 the late ministers of Caesar's tyranny, he had gained 
 over to the interests of liberty. But besides the dif- 
 ficulties which he had to struggle with at home, ia 
 bringing matters to this point, he had greater (discou- 
 ragements abroad, from the commanders of the se- 
 ver;al provinces: they were all promoted to those go- 
 vernments by Caesar, the proper creatures of his powd- 
 er, and the abettors of his tyranny § ; and were ^o\v 
 full .of hopes, either of advancing themselyes io ,do- 
 iminion, or to a share of it at least, by espousing the 
 cause of some more powerful pretender. Men of this 
 turn, at the head of great and veteran armies, could 
 not easily be persuaded to submit to a senate, which 
 
 5 Vides Tyranni Satellites in Imperiis : vides ejusdem cxerci' 
 tus in latere veteranos. Ad A.tt. 14. 4. 
 
 Vol. III. N 
 
194 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A Hirtius. 
 
 they had been taught to despise, or to reduce the mi- 
 litary power, which had long governed al), to a de- 
 pendance on the civil. Yet Cicero omitted no pains 
 of exhorting them by letters, and inviting them by 
 honours, to prefer the glory of saving their country, 
 to all other views whatsoever. Those, whom he most 
 distrusted, and for that reason most particularly pres- 
 sed, were Lepidus, Pollio, and Plancus : who, by the 
 strength of their armies, and their possession of Gaul 
 and Spair, were the best qualified to serve or to dis- 
 tress the republican cause. He had little hopes of 
 the two first ; yet managed them so well, by repre- 
 senting the strength of the honest party, the unani- 
 mity of the senate, of the consuls, and alt Italy, that 
 he forced them at least to dissemble their disaffection, 
 and make great professions of their duty; and above 
 all to stand neuter till the affairs of Italy were decid- 
 ed ; on which the fate of the repubhc seemed chief- 
 ly to depend. Nay, he seems to have drawn PJan- 
 cus entirely into his measures : as appears from his 
 account of him to Brutus *, and from Plancus's own 
 letters, in which he gives the strongest assurances of 
 his fidelity, and offers to lead his troops to the rehef 
 of Modena ; and was actually upon his march to- 
 wards it, when he heard upon the road of Antony's 
 
 defeat. Not long before which, Cicero sent him 
 
 the following letter. 
 
 * PlancI animum In Rempub. egregium, legiones, auxilia, co- 
 pias ex Uteris ejus, quarum exemplum tibi missum arbitror, per- 
 fpicere potuisti. Ad» Brut. 2. 2. 
 
Sec*. X. CICERO. 
 
 195 
 
 A. Ufb. 710. Cit. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 Cicero to Plancus. 
 
 ** Though I understood, from the account of out: 
 " friend Furnius, what your design and resolution 
 ** was, with regard to the republic ; yet, after reading 
 " your letters, I was able to form a clearer judgment 
 " of your whole purpose. Wherefore, though the 
 " fate of the commonwealth depends wholly on one 
 '* battle, which will be decided, I beUeve, when you 
 •** are reading this letter, yet you have acquired great 
 " applause, by the very fame, which was every where 
 *' spread, of yoiir good intentions : and if there had 
 *' been a consul at Rome, the senate, by decreeing 
 *' some considerable honour to you, would have de« 
 " clared, how acceptable your endeavours and pre- 
 ** parations were. But that time is not only not yet 
 " past, but was not in my judgment even ripe : for 
 ** after all, that alone passes with me for honour, 
 ** which is conferred on great men, not for the hopes 
 ** of future, but the experience of past services. If 
 " then there be any republic, in which honour can 
 " have it's proper lustre, take my word for it, you 
 •' shall have your share of the greatest : though that, 
 *' which can truly be called honour, is not an invita- 
 '* tion to a temporary, but the reward of an habitual 
 ** virtue. Wherefore, my dear Plancus, turn your 
 *' whole thoughts towards glory : help your country; 
 ** fly to the relief of your colleague ; support this 
 '' wonderful consent and concurrence of all na- 
 ** tions : you will ever find me the promoter of your 
 
196 The life of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urh. ^10. Cic. 64. Cos3.— C. VIbius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' counsels, the favourer of your dignity, and on all 
 *' occasions most friendly and faithful to you : for 
 " to all the other motives of our union, our mutual 
 *' affection, good offices, old acquaintance ; the love 
 " of our country, which is now added, makes me pre- 
 " fer your hfe to my own. Mar. 29th "*." 
 
 Plancus, in the mean time, sent a second letter to 
 the senate, to assure them of his zeal and resolution 
 to adhere to them ; and to acquaint them with the 
 steps which he had already taken for their service z 
 upon which they decreed him some extraordinary 
 honours, at the motion of Cicero, who sent him the 
 following account of it : 
 
 CiCEPvO to PJuANCUS. 
 
 " Though out of regard to the republic, my great- 
 " est joy ought to be, for your bringing such relief 
 *' and help to it, in a time almost of extremity; yet 
 *' may I so embrace you after victory and the reco- 
 *' very of our liberty, as it is your dignity that gives 
 '* me the chief part of my pleasure ; which already 
 ** is, and ever will be, I perceive, as great as possi- 
 *' ble. For I v^ould not have you think, that any 
 ** letters were ever read in the senate of greater 
 " v>^cight than yours ; both for the eminent merit of 
 ** your services, and the gravity of your words and 
 *' sentiments : which was not at all new to me, who 
 *' was so well acquainted with you, and remembered 
 
 * Ep..fain. X. 10. 
 
SfiCT. X, CICERO. 197 
 
 < »r»i [- ■ ■ III I ■ . . ^ 
 
 A, Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cogs. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiu*. 
 
 ** the promises of your letters to me; and understood 
 ** the whole purpose of your counsels from our Fur- 
 " nius : but they appeared greater to the senate 
 •* than was expected ; not that they ever had any 
 " doubt of your inclinations ; but did not fully un- 
 " derstand how much you were able to do, or how 
 *• far you would expose yourself in the cause. When 
 " M, Varisidius therefore brought me your letters very 
 " early, on the seventh of April, I was transported 
 " with joy upon reading them ; and, as a great mul- 
 " titude of excellent citizens were then waiting to 
 •' attend my going abroad, I instantly gave them all 
 " a part of my pleasure. In the mean while, out 
 " friend Munatius, accordii^g to custom, came to join 
 " me : I presently shewed him your letter, of which 
 " he knew nothing before ; for Varisidius came, first 
 " to me, as you, he said, had ordered him : soon after, 
 " the same Munatius reiurned to me with the other 
 " two letters ; that, which you had sent to him, and 
 " that, to the senate : we resolved to carry the last 
 " directly to the prsetor Cornutus ; who, by the cus- 
 " torn of Our ancestors, supplies the place of the con- 
 " suls in their absence. The senate was immediate- 
 *' ly called ; and, upon the fame and expectation of 
 " your letters, made up a full house. After they 
 " were read, a scruple of religion was objected to 
 " Cornutus, from the report of the Guardians of the 
 " Chickens ; that he had not duly consulted the 
 ^* auspices ; which was confirmed likewise by our 
 ** college : so that the affair was adjourned to the 
 ^ UQKt day. On that day, I had a great contest about. 
 
 N 3 
 
19^ The LIFE of Sect. Xv 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' your dignity with Servilius, who procured, by his 
 *' interest, to have his opinion declared the first : but 
 ** the senate lefL him, and all went the contrary way : 
 " but when they were coming into my opinion, 
 *' which was delivered the second ; the tribune Ti- 
 *f tius, at his request, interposed his negative ; and 
 *'- so the debate was put off again to the day foUow- 
 *' ing. Servihus came prepared to support his oppo- 
 " sition, thnugh against Jupiter himself, in whose 
 " temple the thing had passed : in what manner I 
 *.' handled him, and what a struggle I had to throw 
 " off Titius's negative, I would have you learn rather 
 ** from other people's letters; take this however from 
 ** mine, that the senate could not possibly act with 
 " more gravity, firmness, and regard to your honour, 
 ** than it did on this occasion; nor is the senate more 
 " friendly to you, than the whole city : for the body 
 *' of the people, and all ranks and orders of men, are 
 '* wonderfully united in the defence of the repubhc. 
 ** Go on, therefore, as you have begun, and recom- 
 ** mend your name to immortahty : and for all these 
 " things, which, from the vain badges of outward 
 *' splendour, carry a shew of glory, despise them ; 
 *' look upon them as trifling, transitory, perishing. 
 ** True honour is placed singly in virtue ; which is 
 " illustrated with most advantage by great services 
 ** to our country. You have the? besjt opportunity 
 ** for this in the world ; which, since you have em- 
 " braced, persevere, and go through with it ; that 
 '* the republic may not owe less to you, than you to 
 f! the republic : you will find me, not only the fa- 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 199 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " vourer, but the advancer of your dignity : this I 
 ** take myself to owe, both to the republic, which is 
 " dearer to me than my life, and to our friendship, 
 ** &^c, April the eleventh *." 
 
 Plancus answered him not long after to the follow- 
 ing effect : 
 
 Plancus to Cicero. 
 
 ^ It is a pleasure to me to reflect, that I have ne- 
 •" ver promised any thing rashly of myself to you ; 
 *^ nor you for me, to others. In this you have the 
 " clearer proof of my love, that I desire to make you 
 *' acquainted with my designs before any man else. 
 " You already see, I hope, that my services to the 
 " public will grow greater every day : I promise, that 
 " you shall soon be convinced of it. As f^^r me, my 
 *' dear Cicero, may the republic be so delivered by 
 " my help from its present dangers, as I esteem your 
 " honours and rewards equal to an in^mortality ; yet 
 " were I still without them, I would remit nothing of 
 " my present zeal and perseverance. If, in the mul- 
 " titude of excellent citizens, I do not distinguish 
 *' myself by a singular vigour and industry, I desire 
 " no accession to my dignity from your favour : but 
 *• in truth, I desire nothing at all for myself at pre- 
 " sent ; nay, am even against it ; and willingly make 
 ^' you the arbiter both of the time and the thing 
 «** itself: a citizen can think nothing late or little, 
 
 * ^p. fam. X. 12. 
 
 N 4 
 
200 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Goss.^C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ^' which is given by his country. I passed the Rhone 
 *' with my army by great journies, on the 26th of 
 " April ; sent a thousand horse before me by a short- 
 " er way from Vienna. As for myself, if I am not 
 " hindered by Lepidus, none shall complain of my 
 " want of expedition ; if he opposes me on the road, 
 " I shall take my measures from the occasion : the 
 " troops which I bring, are, for number, kind, and 
 *' fidelity, extremely firm. I beg the continuance of 
 *■ your affection, as long as you find yourself assured 
 *' of mine. Adieu*." 
 
 PoUio likewise, who now commanded the farther 
 Spain, with three good legions, though he was An- 
 tony's particular friend, yet made the strongest pro- 
 fessions to Cicero, of his resolution to defend the re^ 
 public against all invaders. In one of his letters, af- 
 ter excusing himself for not having written earlier 
 and oftener, he says, " both my nature and studies 
 " draw me to the desire of peace and liberty : for 
 " which reason, I always lamented the occasion of the 
 ** late war : but, as it was not possible for me to be 
 " of no party, because I had great enemies every 
 ** where, I ran from that camp, where I could not 
 " be safe from the treachery of an enemy , and, be- 
 ** ing driven whither I least desired, freely exposed 
 " myself to dangers, that I might not make a con- 
 '" temptible figure among those of my rank. As for 
 ** Caesar himself, I loved hirri with the utmost piety 
 ^; and fidelity, because he treated me on the foot of 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 20 z 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibiu3 Pansa. A. Hirfius. 
 
 ■ -■ 
 
 ** his oldest friends, though known to him only in 
 " the height of his fortunes. When I was at liber- 
 " ty to act after my own mind, I acted so, that the 
 " best men should most applaud itie : what I was; 
 " commanded to do, I did so, a^ to shew, that it was 
 " done by command, and not by inclination. The 
 *' unjust odium, which I suffered oH that account, 
 " has sufficiently convinced me how sweet a thing 
 " liberty is, and how wretched life is under the do- 
 *' minion of another. If the contest, then, be, to 
 " bring us all again under the power of one, who- 
 ^' ever that one be, I profess myself his enemy : nor 
 " is there any danger which I would decline, or wish 
 " to avoid, for the sake of hberty. But the consuls 
 " have not, either by decree or letters, given me any 
 " orders what to do : I have had but one letter frorii 
 " Pansa, since the Ides of March ; iii which he ex- 
 " horts me to signify to the senate, that I and my 
 " army would be in their power : but, when Lepi- 
 *' dus was declaring openly to his army, and writing 
 " to every body, that he was in the same sentiments 
 ** with Antony, that step would have been whol- 
 **^ ly absurd and improper for me : for, how could 
 *' I get forage for my troops, against his will, in 
 " marching through his province ? or, if I had sur- 
 " mounted all other difficulties, could I fly over the 
 *' Alps, which were possessed by his garrisons ? — No 
 " body will deny, that I declared publicly to my 
 " soldiers, at Corduba, that I would not deliver the 
 " province to any man, unless he v/ere commisbion- 
 *^ ed by the senate — wherefore, you are to look upon 
 
i02 The life of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 ^ me, as one who, in the first place, am extreii[iel7 
 " desirous of peace, and the safety of all the citizens ; 
 •* in the second, prepared to assert my own and my 
 " country*s liberty. I am more pleased than you 
 ** can imagine, that my friend Gallus is so dear to 
 " you : I envy him for walking and joking with you : 
 " you vviil ask, perhaps, at what rate I value that 
 " privilege : you shall know by experience, if ever it 
 " be in our power to live in quiet; for I will never 
 *' stir one step from you. I am surprised, that you 
 "never signified in your letters, how I should be 
 ** abLe to do the most service, by staying in the pro- 
 ^* vince, or bringing my army into Italy. For my 
 *' part, though to stay be more safe and less trou- 
 " blesome ; yet, since I see, that, in such a time 
 ** as this, there is more want of legions, than of pro- 
 " vinces, which may easily be recovered, I am re- 
 •* solved, as things now stand, to come away with my 
 ** army. — From Corduba, the fifteenth of March.*" 
 There are several letters also still extant, written 
 at this time from Cicero to Cornificius, who govern- 
 ed Afric ; exhorting him in the same manner to 
 firmness in the defence of the republic, and to guard 
 his province from all invaders who should attempt 
 to extort it from him : and this man, after all, was 
 the only commander who kept his word with him, 
 and performed his part to his country ; and lost his 
 life at last in maintaining that province in its allegi- 
 ance to the republic f . 
 
 * Ep. fam. X. 31. 
 
 f Vid. Ep. fam. 12. 24. &c. App. 1. 4. 612. Dio, 1. 48, 307. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. ^03 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 P. Servilius, who has often been mentioned in the 
 debates of the senate, was a person of great rank and 
 nobility ; had been consul with J. Ccesar, in the be- 
 ginning of the civil war ; the son of that Servilius, 
 who, by his conquest near mount Taurus, obtained 
 the surname of Isauricus. He afFedled the character 
 of a patriot, but, having had a particular friendship 
 with Antony, was much courted by that party; who 
 took the advantage of his vanity, to set him up as a 
 rival to Cicero in the management of pubhc affairs ; 
 in which he frequently obstructed Cicero's measures, 
 and took a pride to thwart and disappoint whatever 
 he proposed : Cicero had long suffered this with pa- 
 tience, out of regard to the public service ; till, pro- 
 voked by his late opposition in the affair of Plancus, 
 he could not forbear treating him with an unusual 
 severity and resentment; of which he gives an ac- 
 count in a letter to Brutus. 
 
 Cicero to Brutus. 
 
 " From Plancus's letters, of which a copy, I ima-, 
 ^* gine, has been sent to you, you will perceive his 
 " excellent disposition towards the republic, with the 
 *' condition of his legions, auxiliaries, and whole forces. 
 ** Your own people have informed you, I guess, by 
 " this time, of the levity, inconstancy, and perpe- 
 '* tual disaffection of your friend Lepidus ; who, 
 " next to his own brother, hates you, his near rela- 
 " tions, the most. We are anxious with an expec- 
 ^* tation which is now reduced to the last crisis : all 
 
2G4 The LIFE of Sect. X. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " ajl our hopes are fixed on the delivery of D. Bru- 
 *' tns; for whom we have been in great apprehen- 
 ** sion. For my part, I have business enough on my 
 " hands at honie with the madman Servdius, whom 
 " 1 have endured longer than became my dignity; 
 •* bu- I did it for the sake of the republic, lest I 
 " shoiiid give the disaffected a leader, not well af- 
 " tected indeed himself, yet noble to resort to, which 
 " nevertheless they still do. But I was not for a- 
 " henating him wholly from the republic : I have 
 " nov; put an end to my forbearance of him; for he 
 " began to be so insolent, that he looked upon no 
 " m/an as free. But, in Plancu&'s debate, he waa 
 " strangely mortified ; and, after two days contest^ 
 " was so roughly handled by me, that he will be the 
 " modester, I dare say, for the future. In the midst 
 " of our contention, on the ninth of April, I had let- 
 " ters delivered to me in the senate from our friend 
 " Lentulus, in Asia, with an account of Cassius, the 
 " legions, and Asia ; which when I read presently 
 " in public, Servihus sunk, and many more besides ; 
 " for there are some of eminent rank, who think 
 " most wickedly ; but Servilius Was most sensibly 
 " chagrined for the senate's agreeing to my motion 
 " about Plancus. The part which he acts is mon« 
 " strous*." 
 
 The news, which is mentioned in this letter to have 
 been sent by Lentulus, of Cassius's success, was soon 
 after confirmed by particular letters to Cicero from 
 
 ♦ Ad Brut. 2. 2^ 
 
?ECT. X. CICERO. 205 
 
 A. Vrb. 710, Cic. 64. C0S8.— C. Vibius Pansa, A Hirtius. 
 
 Brutus and Cassius themselves; signifying, " that 
 " Cassius had possessed himself of Syria before Do- 
 " labella arrived there ; that the generals L. Murcus 
 *' and Q^ Crispus, had given up their armies to him: 
 " that a separate legion, under Csecihus Bassus, had 
 " submitted to him against the will of their leader : 
 ** that four other legions, sent by Cleopatra from 
 " Egypt, to the assistance of Dolabella, under his 
 " lieutenant Allienus, had all declared for him :" 
 and, lest the first letter should miscarry, as they of- 
 ten did from such a distance, by passing through the 
 enemy's quarters, Cassius sent him a second, with a 
 more full and distinct account of all particulars. 
 
 Cassius, Proconsul, to his friend M. Cicero. 
 
 ** If you are in health, it is a pleasure to me ; I 
 " am also very well, I have read your letter, in 
 ** which I perceived your wonderful affection for me ; 
 ** for you not only wish me well, which indeed you 
 ** have always done, both for my own sake and the 
 ** republic's, but entertain an uncommon concern 
 " and sohcitude for me. Wherefore, as I imagined, 
 ** in the first place, that you would think it im^ os- 
 " sible for me to sit still and see the repuolic op- 
 *^ pressed ; and, in the second, that, whenever you 
 '* supposed me to be in action, you would be solici- 
 " tous about ray safety and success; so, as soon as I 
 *' wa5 master of the legions which Allienus Drought 
 ^ frgm Egypt, I ftnmediately wrote to yoa, and sent 
 " several expresses to Rome : I wrote letters also to 
 
(ic6 The LIFE or Sect.Xo 
 
 A. Urb. 7ie. Cic, 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Kirtius. 
 
 " the senate, but forbade the delivery of them, till 
 " they had been first shewn to you. If these letters 
 " have not reached you, I make no doubt but thdt 
 " Dolabella, v^'ho, by the wicked murder of Trebo- 
 *' nius, is master of Asia, has seized my messengers, 
 " and intercepted them. I have all the armies which 
 " were in Syria under my command ; and having 
 " been forced to sit still a while, till I had discharged 
 " my promises to them, am now ready to take the 
 ** field. I, beg of you to take my honour and inte- 
 " rests under your special care : for you know that I 
 " have never refused any danger or labour for the 
 " service of my country : that by your advice and 
 " authority I took arms against these infamous rob- 
 " bers : that I have not only raised armies for the 
 " defence of the republic and our liberty, but have 
 " snatched them from the hands of the most cruel 
 " tyrants: which, if Dolabella had seized before me, 
 " he would have given fresh spirit to Antony's cause; 
 " not only by the approach, but by the very fame 
 " and expectation of his troops : for which reasons, 
 " take my soldiers, I beseech you> under your prb- 
 " tection, if you think them to have deserved well 
 '* of the state : and let none of them have reason to 
 " repent that they have preferred the cause of the 
 ** repubhc to the hopes of plunder and rapine. Take 
 " care also, as far as it is in your power, that due 
 " honour be paid to the emperors Murcus and Gris- 
 " pus : for Bassus was miserably unwilling to deliver 
 " up his legion ; and if his soldiers had not sent a 
 " deputation to me in spite of him, would have held 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. id; 
 
 A: Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius. 
 
 " out Apamea against me, till it could be taken by 
 " force. I beg this of you, not only for the sake of 
 *' the republic, which of all things was ever the 
 " dearest to you, but of our friendship also, which I 
 " am confident has a great weight with you. Take 
 " my word for it, the army which I have is the se- 
 " nate's, and every honest man's, and above all, 
 " your's : for, by hearing perpetually of your good 
 " disposition, they have conceived a wonderful afFec- 
 " tion for you; and, when they come to understand 
 " that you make their interests your special care, 
 " they will think themselves indebted to you for 
 " every thing. Since I wrote this, I have heard that 
 " Dolabella is come into Cilicia with ail his forces : 
 " I will follow him thither ; and take care that you 
 " shall soon be informed of what 1 have done. I 
 " wish only that my success may be answerable to 
 " my good intentions. Continue the care of your 
 " health, and your love to me *." 
 
 Brutus, who had sent this good news before to 
 Cicero, as well as to his mother, and sister Tertia, 
 charged tbe latter not to make it public till they had 
 first consulted Cicero, whether it was proper to do 
 so or not f . He was afraid, lest the great prosperity 
 of Cassius might give umbrage to theCaesarean party; 
 .and raise a jealousy in the leaders, who were acting 
 against Antony, that the republican interest would 
 
 * Ep. fam. 12. 12. vld. ib. it. 
 f Ego scrips! ad 1 ertiam sororem et matrem, ne prius ede- 
 rent hoc, quod optime ac felicissime gessit Cassius, quam tuum 
 consilium cognovissent. Ad Brut. 2. 5. 
 
2o8 The LIFE of Sect.X, 
 
 A. Urb. 7io. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius, 
 
 grow too strong for them. But Cicero sent him 
 word, that the news was already known at Rome, 
 before his letters arrived ; and thoiigh there was 
 some ground for his apprehensions, yet, on the whole, 
 they thought it more adviseable to publish than to 
 suppress it J. 
 
 Thus Cicero, as he declared to the senate, by his 
 letters, expresses, and exhortations, was perpetually 
 exciting all, who had power or command in any pai:t 
 of the empire, to the common defence of their liber- 
 ty * ; and, for his pains, had all the rage and malice 
 of the factious to struggle with at home. These 
 wxre particularly troublesome to him at this time, by 
 spreading false reports every day from Modena, of 
 Antony's success, or, what was more to be appre- 
 hended, of his uuion with the consuls against D. 
 Brutus : which raised such a terror through the city, 
 that all honest men were preparing to run away to 
 Brutus or Cassius f . Cicero, however, was not dis- 
 heartened at it, but, in the general consternation, 
 appeared chearfui and easy ; and, as he sends word 
 to Brutus, had a perfect confidence in the consuls, 
 while the majority of his friends distrusted them, 
 and, from the number and firmness of their troops. 
 
 X Video tc veritum esse, id quod verendum fult, ne animi 
 partium Caesaris — vehementer commoverentur. Sed antequani 
 tuas litteras accepimus, audita res erat et pervulgata — ib. 6. 
 
 * Meis litteris, meis nunciis, meis cohortationibus, omnes, 
 qui ubique essent, ad patrice pratsidium excitatos. Phil. 14. 7. 
 
 f Triduo vero aut quatriduo — timore quodam perculsa civitas 
 tota ad te se cum conjugibus et liberis eiFundebat. Ad Brutum, 
 3. vid. it. Ep. fam. 12, 8. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 209 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 had but little doubt of their victory, if ever they 
 came to a battle with Antony J. But Vvhat touched 
 him more sensibly, was a story, kept up for some days 
 with great industry, that he had formed a design to 
 make himself master of the city, and declare himself 
 dictator ; and would appear publicly W' ith the fasces 
 within a day or two. The report, as groundless as 
 it was, seems to have disturbed him ; but when Ap- 
 puleius, the tribune, one of his warm friends, was 
 taking pains to confute it, and justify him in a speech 
 to the people, they all cried out with one voice, 
 that Cicero had never done, nor designed to do any 
 thing, but what was the best and most beneficial to 
 the repubhc * ; this gave him some comfort ; but 
 what brought him much greater was, the certain 
 news of a victory gained over Antony at Modena, 
 Vv^hich arrived within a few hours after Appuleius's 
 speech f . 
 
 The siege of Modena, which lasted near four 
 months, was one of the most memorable in all anti- 
 quity, for the vigour both of the attack and the de- 
 
 X Tristes enim dc Bruto nostro lltteroe, nuncilque afFereban- 
 tur, me quidem non maxime conturbabant. His enim exerciti- 
 bus, ducibusque quos habemus, nullo modo poteram difHdere. 
 Neque assentiebar majori parti hominum. Fidem enim consulum 
 non condemnabam, quae suspecta vehementer erat. Desiderabam 
 nonnuUis in rebus prudentiam et celeritatem. Ad. Brut. 2. i. 
 
 * Itaque P. Appuleius — doloris mei concionem habuit maxi- 
 raam — in qua, cum me — liberare suspicione fascium vellet •, una 
 voce cuncta concio declaravit, nihil esse a me unquam de Repub. 
 nisi optime cogitatura. Phil. 14. 6. 
 
 f Post banc conscionem duabus tribusve horis optatissimi nup.« 
 tii et iitterse venerunt — ibid. 
 
 Vol.. Ill, O 
 
0.10 The life oj Sect X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss."-C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 fence. Antony had invested it so closely, and post- 
 ed himself so advantageously, that no succours could 
 be thrown into it : and Brutus, though reduced to the 
 utmost straits, defended it still with the greatest reso- 
 lution. The old writers have recorded some stratagems, 
 which are said to have been put in practice on this 
 occasion ; ** how" Hirtius provided men skilled in div- 
 " ing, with letters written on lead, to pass into the 
 " town under the river, which runs through it; till 
 " Antony obstructed that passage, by nets and traps 
 " placed under water : which gave occasion to ano- 
 " ther contrivance, of sending their intelhgence back- 
 " wards and forwards by pigeons f ." 
 
 Pansa was now upon the point of joining Hirtius, 
 with four legions of new levies, which he brought 
 from Rome ; but when he was advanced within a 
 few miles of Hirtius's camp, Antony privately drew 
 out some of his best troops, with design to surprise 
 him on the road before that union, and to draw him, 
 if possible, to an engagement against his will. We 
 have a particular account of the action, in a letter 
 to Cicero from Ser. Galba, one of the conspirators a- 
 gainst Ccesar, who bore a principal part and com- 
 mand in it. 
 
 Galea to Cicero. 
 
 " On the fifteenth of April, the day on which 
 " Pansa was to arrive in Hirtius's camp, (in whose 
 
 t Frontln. de Stratagem. 1. 3, 13. Plin. Hist. N. 1. 
 Dio. p. 315. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. an 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 it- 
 
 *' company I was, for I went a hundred miles to meet 
 " him, on purpose to hasten his march) Antony drew 
 " out two of his legions, the second and thirty-fifth; 
 " and two praetorian cohorts; the one his own, the 
 " other Silanus's, with part of the Evocati*; and 
 " came forward toward us, imagining that we had 
 " nothing but four legions of new levies. But in 
 " the night, to secure our march to the camp, Hir- 
 " tius had sent us the Martial legion, which I used 
 " to command, and two praetorian cohorts. As soon 
 " as Antony's horse appeared in sight, neither the 
 " Martial legion nor the prstorian cohorts could be 
 " restrained from attacking them ; so that when we 
 " could not hold them in, we were obliged to follow 
 " them against our wills, Antony kept his forces 
 "within Castel- Franco f ; and, being unwilUng to 
 " have it known that he had his legions v^ith him, 
 " shewed only his horse and hght-armed foot. When 
 " Pansa saw the Martial legion running forward a- 
 " gainst his orders, he commanded two of the new 
 ", raised legions to follow him. As soon as we got 
 " through the straits of the morass and the woods, 
 " we drew up the tVv^elve cohorts in order of battle. 
 " The other two legions were not yet come up. An - 
 
 * The Evocati were a choice body of veteran soldiers, who, 
 after their dismission from service, being yet vigorous and ft for 
 war, were invited to it again, as a sort of volunteers, by the con- 
 sul or general, and distinguished from the rest by peculiar privi- 
 leges. 
 
 f Ad Forum Gallorum : now called CastcITyanco^ a small 
 village on the ^milian way between Modena and Bulogna, 
 Cluver. Ital. Ant. 1. i. c. 28. 
 
 O 2 
 
212 The life of Sect. K^ 
 
 » 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " tony immediately brought all his troops out of the 
 " village, ranged likewise in order of battle, and 
 " without delay engaged us. At first they fought 
 " so briskly on both sides, that nothing could possi- 
 " bly be fiercer : though the right wing, in which I 
 " was, with eight cohorts of the Martial legion, put 
 " Antonyms thirty-fifth legion to flight at the first 
 " onset, and pursued it above five hundred paces 
 " from the place where the action began : where- 
 " fore, observing the enemy's horse attempting to 
 " surround our wing, I began to retreat, and order- 
 " ed the light-armed troops to make head against 
 " the Moorish horse, and prevent their coming upon 
 " us behind. In the mean while, I perceived myself 
 " in the midst of Antony's men, and Antony himself 
 *' but a Httle way behind me : upon which, with my 
 " shield thrown over my shoulder, I pushed on my 
 " horse with all speed towards the new legion that 
 " was coming towards us from the camp : and w^hilst 
 ** Antony's men were pursuing me, and ours by mis- 
 " take throwing javelins at me, I was preserved, I 
 " know not bow, by being presently known to our 
 " soldiers. Caesar's praetorian cohort sustained the 
 ** fight a long time on the ^milian road : but our 
 ** left wing, which was the weaker, consisting of two 
 " cohorts of the martial legion, and the praetorian of 
 *' Hirtius, began to give ground, being surrounded 
 " by Antony's horse, in which he is very strong. 
 *' When all ranks had made good their retreat, I re» 
 "■ treated myself the last to our camp. Antony, as 
 "-the conqueror, fancied that he could take it; but, 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 213 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic, 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' upon trial, lost many of his men in the attempt, 
 " without being able to do us any hurt. Hirtius, in 
 ^* the mean time, hearing of the engagement, march- 
 *' ed out with twenty veteran cohorts, and, meeting 
 " Antony on his return, entirely routed and put to 
 ^* flight his whole army, in the very same place where 
 ^* they had fought before at Castel-Franco. About 
 " ten at night Antony regained his camp at Modena^ 
 " with all his horse. Hirtius retired to that camp 
 " which Pansa had quitted in the mGrning, and where 
 " he left the two legions which Antony attacked. 
 " Thus Antony has lost the greater part of his vete- 
 *' ran troops, yet not without some loss of our piceto-^ 
 " rian cohorts, and the Martial legion : we took two 
 " of Antony's eagles, and sixty standards ; and have 
 ** gained a considerable advantage *." 
 
 Besides this letter from Galba, there came letters 
 also severally from the two consuls afld Octavius ; 
 confirming the other account, with the addition of 
 some farther particulars: '' that Pansa, fighting brave- 
 " ly at the head of his troops, had received two dan- 
 ** gerous w^ounds, and was carried off the field to Bo- 
 " logna : that Hirtius had scarce lost a single man : 
 " and that, to animate his soldiers the better, he took 
 " up the eagle of the fourth legion, and carried it 
 «* forward himself : that Caesar was left to the guard 
 *• of their camp ; where he was attacked likewise by 
 " another body of the enemy, whom he repulsed with 
 
 * Ep. fam. X. 30. 
 
 o ^ 
 
2T4 The LIFE of Sect.X 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. CosS. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' great loss*.'* Antony reproached him afterwards 
 with running away from this engagement in such a 
 fright, that he did not appear again till two days 
 after, and without his horse or general's habit : but 
 the account just mentioned was given by Cicero, 
 from letters that were read to the senate, in which 
 Hirtius declared him to have acted with the greatest 
 courage f . 
 
 The news reached Rome on the twentieth of April, 
 where it raised an incredible joy ; and the greater, 
 we may imagine, for the late terrors which they had 
 suffered from contrary reports. The whole body of 
 the people assembled presently about Cicero's house, 
 and carried him in a kind of triumph to the Capitol, 
 whence, on their return, they placed him in the ros- 
 tra, to give them an account of the victory ; and then 
 conducted him home with infinite acclamations : so 
 that, in a letter upon it to Brutus, he says, " that he 
 " reaped on that day the full fruit of all his toils, if 
 *' there be any fruit in true and solid glory J." 
 
 * Cum — ipse in prlmis Pansa pugnaret, duobus periculosis 
 vulneribus acceptis, sublatus e prselio — Phil. 14. 9. 
 
 Hirtius ipse, aquilam quartge legionis cum inferret, qua nuUius 
 pulcbriorem speciem imperatoris accepimus, cum tribus Antonii 
 leglonibus, equitatuque conflixit. lb. 10, 
 
 Caesar — adolescens maximi animi, ut verlssime scribit Hirtius, 
 castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est, secun- 
 dumque prcelium fecit. Ibid. vid. App. 1. 3. 571. 
 
 f Priore pr^lio Antonius eum fugisse scribit, ac sine paluda- 
 mento equoque post biduum demum apparuisse. Suet. Aug. x. 
 
 X Cum hesterno die me ovantera ac prope triumphantem po- 
 pulus Romanus in Capitolium domo tulerit ? domum inde reduxe- J 
 rit Phil. 14. 5. 
 
 C^uo quidcm die magnorum raeorum laborum, fructum 
 
 cepi maximum •, si modo est aliquis fructus ex solida veraque glo- 
 ria, &c. Ad Brut. ^. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. ai 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. HIrtius. 
 
 The day following the senate was summoned by 
 Cornutus, the praetor, to deliberate on the letters of 
 the consuls and Octavius ; Servilius's opinion was, 
 " that the city should now quit the sagum, and take 
 " the common gown again; and that a public thanks- 
 " giving should be decreed jointly to the honour of 
 " the consuls and Octavius." Cicero spoke next, 
 ** and declared strongly against quitting the sagum 
 ''- till D. Brutus was first delivered from the siege : 
 " that it would be ridiculous to put it off till they 
 ** should see him in safety for whose sake they had 
 " put it on — that the motion for quitting it flowed 
 *' fi-om envy to D. Brutus ; to deprive him of the 
 " glory that it would be to his name, to have it de- 
 *' livered to posterity that the people of Rome had 
 " put on the sagum for the danger, and resumed the 
 " gown for the preservation of one citizen — -he ad> 
 *' vised them therefore to continue in their former 
 " mind, of thinking the whole danger and stress of 
 ** the war to depend on D. Brutus — and though 
 " there v/as reason to hope that he was already safe, 
 " or would shortly be so, yet they should reserve the 
 ** fruit of that hope to fact and the event, lest they 
 " should be found too hasty in snatching the favour 
 *« of the gods, or foolish in contemning the power of 
 " fortune*." — Then, as to the decree of the thanks- 
 giving, he urges Servilius with omitting two things 
 in his vote w^hich ought necessarily to have accom- 
 panied it — the giving Antony the title of enemy, and 
 
 * Phil. 14. I. 2. 
 
2i6 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 their own generals of emperors : — " the swords of 
 " our soldiers are dyed," says he, *' or rather moist- 
 " ened only as yet with blood : if it was the blood 
 *' of enemies, it w^as an act of the utmost piety : if 
 *' of citizens, the most detestable wickedness : how 
 " long then shall he, who has outdone all enemies in 
 " villany, go without the name of enemy ? he is now 
 ** waging an inexpiable war with four consuls, with 
 ** the senate and people of Rome; denounces plagues, 
 " devastation, the rack and tortures to us all : con- 
 *•' fesses that Dolabella's horrid act, which no barba- 
 *' rians would own, w^as done by his advice : declares 
 *' what he would have done to this city by the ca- 
 '* lamity of the people of Parma ; honest and excel- 
 '* lent men, firm to the interests of the senate and 
 ** people, whom L. Antony, the portent and disgrace 
 " of his species, put to death by all th^ methods of 
 " cruelty*. That Hannibal was never so barbarous 
 '* to any city, as Antony to Parma. He conjures 
 *' them to remember how much they had all been 
 " terrified for two days past by villainous reports 
 ** spread about the city ; and were expecting either 
 " a wretched death, or lamentable flight, and could 
 ** they scruple to call those men enemies, from whom 
 " they feared such dreadful things? — he then pro- 
 " posed to enlarge the number of days of the thanks- 
 " giving, since it was not to be decreed to one, but 
 ** to three generals jointly ; to whom in the first 
 " place he would give the title of emperors — since 
 
 * Phil. 3, 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 217 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 " there had not been a supplication decreed without 
 " it for twenty years past; so that Servilius should 
 *' not either have decreed it at all, or allowed the 
 *' usual honour to those, to whom even new and un- 
 " usual honours were due"*. That if, according to 
 " the present custom, the title of emperor w^as com- 
 " monly given for killing a thousand or two ef Spa- 
 ** niards, Gauls, or Thracians ; how could they re- 
 " fuse it now, when so many legions were routed, 
 " and such a multitude slain ? — for with what ho- 
 " nours, says he, and congratulations should our de- 
 " liverers themselves be received into this temple, 
 " when yesterday, on account of what they have 
 " done, the people of Rome carried me into the Ca- 
 " pitol in a kind of triumph ? for that, after all, is a 
 " just and real triumph, when, by the general voice 
 ** of the city, a public testimony is given to those 
 " who have deserved well of the commonwealth. 
 " For if, in the common joy of the whole city, they 
 •* congratulated me singly, it is a great declaration 
 " of their judgment ; if they thanked me, still great- 
 •' er ; if both, nothing can be imagined more glo- 
 " rious — that he was forced to say so much of him>. 
 ** self against his will, by the strange envy and in- 
 " juries which he had lately suffered — that the inso- 
 " lence of the factious, as they all knew, had raised 
 " a report and suspicion upon him, of his aiming at 
 " a tyranny ; though his whole life had been spent 
 " in defending the repubhc from it : as if he, who 
 
 * Phil. 4. 
 
2i8 The LIFE of Sect. X, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibias Pansa. A. Hirtiua. 
 
 " had destroyed Catiline for that very crime, was of 
 ** a sudden become a Catihne himself^. That if 
 " the report had found credit in the city, their de- 
 " sign was, by a sudden assault upon his person, as 
 " upon a tyrant, to have taken away his life — that 
 *' the thing itself was manifest, and the whole affair 
 ** should be laid open in proper time— that he had 
 " said all this, not to purge himself to them, to whom 
 " he should be sorry to want an apology, but to 
 •' admonish certain persons, of jejune and narrow 
 *' minds, to look upon the virtue of excellent citizens, 
 " as the object of their imitation, not of their envy ; 
 " since the repubhc was a wide field, where the 
 ** course of glory was open to manyf : that if any 
 *' man contested with him the firil place in the go- 
 ** vernmept, he acted foolishly, if he meant to do it 
 " by opposing vice to virtue : that as the race was 
 " gained by running the fastest, so virtue was only 
 " to be conquered by a superior virtue — that they 
 " could never get the better of him by bad votes ; 
 ** by good ones perhaps they might, and he himself 
 " should be glad of it — that the people of Rome 
 *' were perpetually inquiring how men of their rank 
 *' voted and acted, and formed their judgment of 
 ** them accordingly — that they all remembered how, 
 •' in December last, he was the author of the first 
 " step towards recovering their liberty ; how from 
 ** the first of January he had been continually watch- 
 *' ing over the safety of the commonwealth : how 
 
 * Phil. 5. f Ibid. 6. 
 
Sect. X. CICERO. 319 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' his house and his ears were open day and night to 
 " the advices and informations of all who came to 
 '^ him : how his opinion always was against an em- 
 ** bassy to Antony : how he had always voted him 
 ** an enemy, and their present state a war ; but as 
 " oft as he mentioned an enemy or a war, the con- 
 " suls had always dropt his motion from the num 
 " ber of those that were proposed"^, which could nor. 
 " however be done in the present case, because he, 
 *' who had already voted a thanksgiving, had unwa- 
 " rily voted Antony an enemy ; since a thanksgiv- 
 ** giving had never been decreed but against ene-. 
 *' mies ; and never asked or granted in what was 
 ■* properly a civil war^— that they should either have 
 *' denied it, or must of course decree those to be 
 ** enemies for v;hose defeat it was granted. Then, 
 " after flourishing on the particular merit of the 
 ^* three generals, Pansa, Hu'tius, Octavius, and shew- 
 " ing how well they had each deserved the name of 
 " emperor, he decrees a thanksgiving of lifcy days, 
 ^* in the name of the three jointly f." In the last 
 place, he proceeds to speak of the rewards due to 
 the soldiers, and especially of the honours to be paid 
 to those who had lost their lives in the defence of 
 their country. — For these he proposes a splendid 
 " monument to be erected in common to them all, 
 " at the public charge, with their names and services 
 ♦' inscribed" — and, in recommending it, breaks out 
 into a kind of funeral eulogium upon them — *' Oii 
 
 * Phil. 7. f Ibid. 8, 9, 10, II. 
 
mo The LIFE of Sect, X. 
 
 A. Urb, 710. CIc. 64, Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 
 
 *' happy death, says he, which, when due to nature, 
 ** was paid to your country I for I cannot but look 
 '' upon you as born for your country, whose name 
 " is even derived from Mars : as if the same god, 
 ** who gave birth to this city for the good of nations, 
 ** had given birth also to you for the good of this 
 ^* city. Death in flight is scandalous, in victory glo- 
 *' rious ; wherefore, whilst those impious wretches, 
 *' whom you slew, will suffer the punishment of their 
 " parricide in the infernal regions, you, who breathed 
 '* your last in victory, have obtained the place and 
 ** seat of the pious. The life given to us by nature 
 *' is short, but the memory of a life well spent ever- 
 ** lasting; if it were not longer than this life, who 
 ** would be so mad, at the expence of the great- 
 ** est pains and danger, to contend for the prize of 
 " glory ? your lot therefore is happy, O you, while 
 '* you lived, the bravest, now the holiest of soldiers ; 
 " for the fame of your virtue can never be lost, either 
 *' by the forgetfulness of those who are now alive, 
 ** or the silence of those who shall come hereafter ; 
 ^* since the senate and people of Rome have raised 
 " to you, as it were with their own hands, an im- 
 " mortal monument. There have been many great 
 " and famous armies in the Punic, Gallic, Italic wars; 
 ** yet no such honour was ever done to any of them. 
 " I wish that we could still do greater, since you 
 *' have done the greatest services to us: you drove 
 *' Antony, mad with rage, from the city ; you re- 
 ** pulsed him when he attempted to return ; a fa- 
 '* biic therefore shall be erected, of ma-gnificent 
 
Sect.X. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hi 
 
 221 
 
 " work, and letters engraved upon it, the eternal 
 " witnesses of your divine virtue; nor will those who 
 *' seeor hear of your monument, ever cease talking of 
 *' you : so that, instead of this frail and mortal condi- 
 " tion of life, you have now acquired an immortali- 
 ** ty *." He then renews their former assurances to 
 *' the old legions, of the full and punctual payment 
 " of all which had been promised to them, as soon 
 '* as the v/ar should be over ; and for those, in the 
 *' mean time, who had lost their lives for their coun- 
 *' try, he proposes, that the same rewards which 
 ** would have been given to them if they had lived, 
 *' should be given immediately to their parents, chil- 
 " dren, wives, or brothers." — All which he includes, 
 as usual, in the form of a decree, which was ratified 
 by the senate. 
 
 Antony being cruelly mortified by his defeat, kept 
 himself close within his camp, and resolved to hazard 
 nothing farther, but to act only on the defensive, 
 except by harassing the enemy with his horse, in 
 which he was far superior. He still hoped to make 
 himself master of Modena, which was reduced to ex- 
 tremity, and by the strength of his works to prevent 
 their throwing any relief into it. Hirtius and Octa- 
 vius, on the other hand, elate with victory, were de- 
 termined at all hazards to relieve it, and, after two 
 or three days spent in finding the most likely place 
 of breaking through the intrenchments, they made 
 their attack with such vigour, that Antony, rather 
 
 ■ " ' ' ' ' ' ' ' " • •' " ■■'■ -.. f- .. 
 
 * Phil. 12. 
 
222 The life of Sect. Xi 
 
 A Urb. 710, Cic. 64. Coss.— 'C. Vibius Pansa, A. Hirtius. 
 
 than suffer the town to be snatched at last out of his 
 fiands, chose to draw out his legions and come to a 
 general battle. The fight was bloody and obstinate, 
 and Antony's men, though obliged to give ground, 
 bravely disputed every inch of it ; till D. Brutus, 
 taking the opportunity at the same time to sally 
 out of the town, at the head of his garrison, helped 
 greatly to determine and complete the victory: Hir- 
 tius pushed his advantage wdth great spirit, and 
 forced his way into Antony's camp ; but when he 
 had gained the middle of it was unfortunately killed 
 near the general's tent ; Pontius Aquila, one of the 
 conspirators, was killed likewise in the same place ; 
 but Octavius, who followed to support them, made 
 good their attempt, and kept possession of the camp, 
 with the entire defeat and destruction of Antony's 
 best troops; while Antony himself, with all his horse, 
 fled with great precipitation tow^ards the Alps. — 
 Some writers give a different relation of this action, 
 but, from the facts and circumstances of it delivered 
 by Cicero, this appears to be the genuine account. 
 The consul Pansa died the day following of his 
 wounds at Bologna^. 
 
 * Cum alia laudo, et gaudeo accidisse, turn quod Briui eruptio 
 non solum ipsi salularis fuit, sed etiam maximo ad victorlam ad- 
 jumento. Ad Brut. 4* ^ 
 
 Ibi Birtium quoque peiisse et Pontium Aquilam, &:c. Ep. 
 fam. X. 33. vid. it. Ep, fam. xi. 13. et Appian. 1. 3. p. 372. 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. ^2^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. CJc. 64. 
 
 SECTION XL 
 
 The entire defeat of Antony's army made all people 
 presently imagine, that the war was at an end, and 
 the liberty of Rome established : which would pro- 
 bably have been the case, if Antony had either pe- 
 rished in the action, or the consuls survived it : but 
 the death of the consuls, though not felt so sensibly 
 at first, in the midst of their joy for the victory, gave 
 the fatal blow to all Cicero's schemes ; and was the 
 immediate cause of the ruin of the republic ^. Hir- 
 tius was a man of letters and politeness ; intimately 
 entrusted with Caesar's counsels, and employed to 
 write his acts : but, as he was the proper creature of 
 Caesar, and strongly infected with party, so his views 
 were all bent on supporting the power that had rais- 
 ed him, and serving his patron, not the public. In 
 the beginning therefore of the civil war, when he 
 w^as tribune of the people, he published a law, to ex- 
 clude all who were in arms with Pompey from any 
 employment or office in the state f : which made 
 him particularly obnoxious to the Pompeians, who 
 
 * HIrtium quidem et Pansam — In consulatu Relp. salutares, 
 alleno sane tempore amisimus. Ep. fara. 12. 25. 
 
 Pansa amisso, quantum detrimenti respub. acccperit, non te 
 praeterit. Ep. £im. xi. 9. Quanto sit in periculo lespub. quan; 
 potero breviscime exponam. Primum omnium, quantum pertur- 
 bationem rerum urbanarum afFeiat obitus ccnsulum, &:c. lb. x, 
 
 f Neminem Pompeianum qui vivat tenere lege Hirtia digni- 
 tates. Phil. 13. 16, 
 
1^4 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 considered him as their most inveterate enemy, Pansa, 
 whose father had been proscribed by Sylla *, was at- 
 tached with equal zeal to Caesar, as to the head and 
 reviver of the Marian cause, and served him in all 
 his wars with singular affection and fidelity ; he was 
 a grave, sincere, and worthy man ; and, being natu- 
 rally more moderate and benevolent than Hirtius, 
 was touched with the ruin of his country, and the 
 miseries of the oppressed Pompeians; many of whom 
 he relieved by his humanity, and restored, by his 
 interest, to the city and their estates f . This made 
 him very popular, and gained him the esteem of all 
 the honest ; so that Cassius, in defending his Epicu- 
 rism to Cicero, alleges Pansa, as an example of those 
 genuine Epicureans, who placed their pleasure or 
 chief good in virtuous acts J. Before their entrance 
 into the consulship, Quintus Cicero gave a most 
 wretched account of them both ; " as of a lewd, 
 " luxurious pair; not fit to be trusted with the com- 
 " mand of a paultry town, much less of the empire; 
 " and says, that, if they were not removed from the 
 ** helm, the repubhc would certainly be lost; since 
 ** Antony would easily draw them into a partnership 
 " of his crimes ; for when he served with them in 
 *' Gaul, he had seen incredible instances of their ef- 
 
 * Dio. 1. 45. 278. 
 f Pansa, gravis homo etcertus— Ep. fam. 6. 12, 
 Quod multos miseriis Icvavit, et quod se in his malis horainem 
 
 prtebuit, mirabilis eura virorum bonorum benevolentia prosecuta 
 
 est. Ep. fam. 15. 17. 
 
 t Itaque et Pansa, qui Qovhv sequitur. virtutem retinet, Slc. 
 
 Jb. iq. 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 223 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 '* feminacy and debauchery, in the face even of the 
 " enemy *." — But we must charge a great part of 
 this character to the peevishness and envy of Quin- 
 tus : for, whatever they had been before, they were 
 certainly good consuls ; and, out of their affection to 
 Cicero, and regard to his authority, governed them- 
 selves generally in all great affairs by his maxims. 
 They were persuaded, that the design of revenging 
 Caesar's death would throw the republic again into 
 convulsions ; and flowed from no other motive, than 
 the ambition of possessing Caesar's place; and resolv- 
 ed therefore to quell, by open force, all attempts a- 
 gainst the public peace. From their long adherence 
 to Caesar, they retained indeed some prejudices in 
 favour of that party ; and were loath to proceed to 
 extremities, till pacific measures were found ineffec- 
 tual. This gave Cicero some reason to blame, but 
 never to distrust them ; to complain of their phlegm 
 and want of vigour, as detrimental to the common 
 cause : yet, while they were generally suspected by 
 others, he always thought them sincere, though they 
 did not in all cases act up to his wishes. The event 
 confirmed his judgment of them : for they both not 
 only exposed, but lost their lives with the greatest 
 courage in the defence of the republic ; and shewed 
 themselves to be the very men which Cicero had 
 constantly affirmed them to be ; and, though he im- 
 putes some little blame to Hirtius, yet of Pansa, he 
 
 * Quos ego penitus novi libidinum et languoris effeminatissimi 
 animi plenos : qui nisi a gubernaculis recesserint, maximum ab 
 universo naufragio periculum est, &c, Ep. fam. 16. 27. 
 
 Vol. III. r 
 
$26 The LI?^ of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 71C. Cic. 64. 
 
 declares, that he wanted neither courage from the 
 Srst, nor fidehty to the last *. 
 
 If they had lived to reap the fruits of their victory, 
 their power and authority w^ould have been sufficient 
 to restrain Octavius within the bounds of his duty ; 
 and sustain the tottering repubhc till Brutus and 
 Cassias could arrive to their assistance ; and Plancu$ 
 and D. Brutus unite themselves in the same cause, 
 and give it a firm estabhsbment in their consulship 
 of the next year: all whose armies, together with the 
 African legions, were far superior to any force that 
 could have been brought against them. But the 
 death of the two consuls placed Octavius at once a- 
 bove controul, by leaving him the master of both 
 their armies ; especially of all the veterans, who were 
 disaffected to D. Brutus, and could not be induced 
 to follow him ; and it fell out so lucky and apposite 
 to all Octavius's views, as to give birth to a general 
 persuasion, that they had received foul play, and 
 were both of them killed by bis contrivance : for he 
 
 * Quales tibi saepe scripsl consules, tales extkerunt. (ad 
 Brut. 3.) erat in senatu satis vehemens et acer Pansa ; cum in 
 caeteros hujus generis, turn maxinie in socerum : cui consuli non 
 animus ab initio, nan 6des ad extremum defuit. Bellum ad Mu» 
 tinam gerebatur j cihil ut in Caesare reprehendcres, nonnulla in 
 Hirtio — lb. 10, 
 
 N. B. — Several medals were struck by the senate on the oc- 
 casion of this victory •, particularly one in honour of Pansa, exhi- 
 biting the head of the Goidesi of Liberty^ crowned with laurel, 
 and the inscription, Libertatis \ and on the reverse, Rome sittjjig 
 «pon the spoils of the enemies, holding a spear in her right hand, 
 and a dagger in her left, with her foot upon the globe, and Vic- 
 tory flying towards her, to crown her with laurel ; and the in» 
 scription, C. Pansa. C. F. C, N. Sec Morel. Fem. Rom, 
 
Sbct. XJ- CICERO. 22? 
 
 A. Urb. 7J0. Cic. 64. 
 
 was observed to be the first rnan who took up Hit- 
 tius's body in the camp, where some imagined him 
 to have been killed by his own soldiers ; and Pansa's 
 physician, Glyco, was actually thrown into prison by 
 Torquatus, Pansa's quaestor, upon a suspicion of hav- 
 ing poisoned his wounds *. But the chief ground of 
 that notion seems to have lain in the fortunate coin- 
 cideqce of the fact with the interests of Octavius : 
 for M. Brutus thought it incredible, and, in the most 
 pressing manner, begged of Cicero to procure Glyco's 
 enlargement, and protect him from any harm ; as 
 being a worthy, modest roan, incapable of such a 
 villainy ; and who, of all othersj suffered the greatest 
 loss by Pansij's death f . 
 
 Cicero was soon aware of the dangerous turn which 
 this event was likely to give to their affairs ; and, 
 within a day or two after the news, intimates his 
 apprehension of it to Brutus : " Young Cassar," says 
 he, '* has a wonderful disposition to virtue : I wish 
 " that I may govern him as easily, in all this height 
 ** of honour and power, as I have hitherto done : the 
 " thing is now much harder ; yet I do not despair of 
 ** it : for the youth is persuaded, and chiefly by me> 
 
 * Rumor increbuit, ambo« opera ejus occisos : ut Antonio 
 fugato, repub. consulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occu- 
 paret, P^psse quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit, ut Glyco medi*^ 
 cus custoditus sit, quasi venemum vulneriindidisset. Suet. Aug, 
 xi. Dio. 1, 46. 317. App. p. 572. 
 
 f Tibi Glycona medicum Pansse — diligentissime commendo • 
 audimus eum venisse in subpiclonem Torquato de morte Pansse, 
 iustodirique ut parricidam. Nihil minus credendum, &c. Rogo 
 te, et quidem yalde rogo, eripias eum ex custodia* Ad Brut. 6. 
 
 p 2 
 
a28 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic.64. 
 
 *' that we owe our present safety to him : and, in 
 *' truth, if he had not at first driven Antony from 
 " the city, all had been lost *." But, as he found 
 Octavius grow daily more and more untractable, so 
 he began to exhort and implore Brutus in every let- 
 ter, to bring his army into Italy, as the only thing 
 which could save them in their present circumstan- 
 ces : and, to enforce his own authority, he procured 
 a vote also of the senate, to call him home with his 
 legions to the defence of the republic f. 
 
 At Rome, however, the general rejoicings stifled 
 all present attention to the loss of their consuls ; and 
 Antony's friends were so dejected for some time, that 
 they gave Cicero no more opposition in the senate : 
 where he poured out all imaginable honours on the 
 deceased, Hirtius, Pansa, and Aquila ; decreed an 
 cvatiofi to C(£sar ; and added a number of days to 
 their thanksgiving, in honour of D. Brutus : whose 
 deliverance happening to fall upon his birth-day, he 
 decreed likewise, that his name should be ascribed 
 ever after to that day, in the fasti or public kalen- 
 dars, for a perpetual memorial of the victory. An- 
 tony's adherents were also declared enemies : in which 
 number Serviiius himself included Ventidius ; and 
 
 * Caesaris vero pueri mirlfica indoles virtutls. Utinam tarn 
 facile eum florentem et honoribus et gratia regere ac tenere pcs- 
 simus, ut adhuc tenuimus ! est omnino illud difFicilius : sed non 
 diffidimus. Persuasum est enim adolescent], et maxima per me, 
 ejus opera nos esse salvos : et certe, nisi is Antonium ab urbe 
 avertisset, periissent omnia. Ad Brut. 3. 
 
 f Te, cognita senatus auctoritate, in Italiam adducere exer- 
 citum : quod ut faceres, idque maturares, magnopere desiderabat 
 respublica. Ad Brut. x. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 229 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 moved, to give Cassius the command of the war a- 
 gainst Dolabella ; to whom Cicero joined Brutus ; 
 in case that he should find it useful to the repub- 
 lic *. 
 
 The decree of an ovation to Octaviys was blamed 
 by Erutus and his friends f; yet seems to have been 
 wisely and artfully designed : for, while it carred an 
 appearance of honour, it would regularly have stript 
 him of his power, if he had made use of it : since his 
 commission was to expire of course, and his army to 
 be dissolved, upon his first entrance into the city : 
 but the confusion of the times made laws and cus- 
 toms of little effect with those who had the power to 
 dispense with them. 
 
 The commanders abroad were so struck with An- 
 tony's defeat, that they redoubled their assurances to 
 Cicero of their firmness and zeal for the common 
 cause. Lepidus especially, who had suffered two of 
 his lieutenants, Silanus and CuUeo, to carry succours 
 to Antony at Modena, labours to excuse it in a civil 
 and humble strain, and to persuade Cicero, " that 
 ** they had done it against his orders ; and though, 
 " for their former relation to him, he was unwiUing 
 ** to punish them with the last severity, yet he had 
 
 * A. d. V. Kalend. Maias cum de iis, qui bo^tes judicati sunt, 
 bello yierseqaendis, sententix dicerentur, dixit Seivilius etiam de 
 Vciitidio, et ut Cassius persequeretur Dolahellam. Cui cum es- 
 sem assensus, decrevi hoc amplius, ut tu, si arbitrarere utile — 
 persequerere hello Dolahellam, 6ec. Ad Brut. 5. it. 15. 
 
 f Susplcor iilud minus tibi probari, quod ab tuis tamiliaribas 
 — non probatur, quod ut ovanti introire Cxsari liceret, decrevc- 
 jim. Ad Brut, i j. 
 
 P3 
 
23® THii:^ LIFE of St&t. Kh 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 6^. 
 
 " not since employed them, or received them even 
 " into his camp. He acquaints him, that Antony 
 *' Was arrived in his province with one legion, and a 
 ** great multitude of men unarmed, but with all his 
 ** horse, which was very strong ; and that Ventidius 
 " had joined him with three legions : that he was 
 " marching out against him with all his forces ; and 
 " that many of Antony's horse and foot daily desert- 
 " ed him. — ^—That, for himself, he would never be 
 " wanting in his duty to the senate and republic : — 
 ** thanks him for not giving credit to the false reports 
 " which were spread of him :^— begs him to expect 
 " every thing from him which could be expected 
 *' from an honest man, and to take him under hi^ 
 " special protection *." 
 
 Pollio still more explicitly : " That there was nor 
 " time now for loitering, or expecting the orders of 
 " the senate -.-—That all who wished to preserve the 
 ^' empire, and the very name of the Roman people, 
 " ought to lend their present help :— -That nothing 
 ** was more dangerous, than to give Antony leisure 
 ^' to recollect himself :— That, for his part, he would 
 ** neither desert nor survive the republic — was griev- 
 " ed only for his being at such a distance, that he 
 *' could not come so soon as he wished to its relief, 
 " &c f ." 
 
 Flancus sent word, " that he was taking all possi- 
 " bl? care to oppress Antony, if he came into that 
 " country. — That if he came without any considera- 
 
 * Ep. fam. X. 34, f Ibid. 33. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 231 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 ** ble body^ of troops, he should be able to give a 
 " good account of him, though he should be receiv- 
 *^ ed by Lepidus ; or, if he brought any force with 
 ** him, would undertake that he should do no harm 
 ** \n those parts, till they could send him succours 
 
 ^ sufficient to destroy him : that he was then in 
 
 " a treaty with Lepidus, about uniting their forces in 
 ** the same cause, hy the mediation of Laterensis and 
 ** Furj:ims ; nor would be hindered by his private 
 ** quarrel to the man, from concurring with his great- 
 ** est enemy in the service of the commonwealth*." 
 In another letter, he speaks with great contempt of 
 " Antony's shattered forces, tho* joined with those 
 ^* of Ventidius, the miile-drvuer, as he calls him ; 
 *' and is confident, that, if he could have met v/ith 
 ^* them, they would not have stood an hour before 
 *< him f." 
 
 The conquerors at Modena were much censured 
 in the mean time for giving Antony leisure to es- 
 cape ; but Octavius from the beginning had no 
 thoughts of pursuing him : he had already grained 
 what he aimed at ; had reduced Antony's power so 
 low, and raised hrs own so high, as to be in condi- 
 tion to make his own terms with him in the parti- 
 tion of the empire, of which he seems to have form- 
 ed the plan from this moment ; whereas if Antony 
 
 * Ep, fain, xu 
 f Mihl cnim si contigisset, ut prior occurrerera Antonio, non 
 mehercule horam constitisset : tantuni ego et mihi confido, et sic 
 perculsas illius copias, Ventidiique mulionis castra despicio, lb. 
 
 28. 
 
 P4 
 
232 CICERO. Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 had been wholly destroyed, together with the con- 
 suls, the republican party would have probably been 
 too strong for him and Lepidus ; who, though mas- 
 ter of a good army, was certainly a weak general*: 
 when he was pressed therefore to pursue Antony, he 
 contrived still to delay it till it was too late ; taking 
 himself to be more usefully employed in securing to 
 his inrerests the troops of the consuls. 
 
 Cicero was particularly disgusted at Antony's es- 
 cape, and often expostulates upon it with D. Bru- 
 tus; he tells him, " that if Antony Ihould ever re- 
 " cover strength again, all his great services to the 
 " republic would come to nothing — it was reported, 
 " says he, at Rome, and all people believed it, that 
 " he was fled with a few unarmed, dispirited men, 
 " and himself almost broken-hearted ; but if it be 
 " so with him, as I hear it is, that you cannot fight 
 "him again without danger, he does not seem to 
 " have fled from Moclena, but to have changed only 
 " the seat of the war. Wherefore men are now quite 
 " different from what they were ; some even com- 
 " plain that you did not pursue him; and think that 
 " he might have been destroyed if diligence had 
 ** been used : such is the temper of people, and a- 
 ** hove ail of ours, to abuse their liberty against those 
 *' by whom they obtained it : it is your part how- 
 " ever to take care that there be no real ground of 
 " complaint. The truth of the case is, he who op- 
 
 * Cum et Lepido omnes jmperatorcs forent meliores. et multis. 
 ' Antonius, dum erat sobrius. Veil, Pat. 2 6^, . . 
 
Sect. XL The LIFE of 
 
 ^33 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 ** presses Antony puts an end to the war. What 
 " the force of that is, it is better for you to consider, 
 " than for me to write more exphcitly *." 
 
 D. Brutus in his answer gives him the reasons why 
 he could not follow Antony so soon as he wished : 
 " I had no horse, says he ; no carriages ; did not 
 " know that Hirtius was killed ; had no confidence 
 " in Caesar before I met and talked with him ; thus 
 " the first day passed. The next morning early I 
 " was sent for by Pansa to Bolognia, but on the 
 " road met with an account of his death : I ran back 
 " to my little army, for so I may truly call it : It is 
 " extremely reduced, and in sad condition for want 
 ** of all things ; so that Antony gained two days of 
 " me, and made much greater journeys in flying 
 " than I could in pursuing ; for his troops went 
 " stragghng, mine in order. Wherever he passed, 
 " he opened all the prisons, carried away the men 
 " and stopt no where till he came to the fords. This 
 *> place lies between the Appenine and the Alps ; 
 " a most difficult country to march through : when 
 ** I was thirty miles from him, and Ventidius had 
 <* already joined him, a copy of his speech was 
 " brought to me, in which he begs of his soldiers to 
 " follow him cross the Alps ; and declares that he 
 " acted in concert with Lepidus : but the soldiers 
 " cried out, especially those of Ventidius, for he has 
 ** very few of his own, that they would either con- 
 " quer or perish in Italy ; and began to beg that he 
 
 * Ep. fam. xi. 12, 
 
3i|4 The LIFE of Sect. Xf, 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic^ 54. 
 
 ^' would go to Pollentia : when he could not over- 
 " rule them, he put off his march to the next day. 
 " Upon this intelhgence, I presently sent five co- 
 " horts before me to Pollentia, and follcAved them 
 " myself with the army : my detachment came to 
 ** the place an hour before Trebellius with Antony's 
 ** horse ; this gave me an exceeding joy, for I esteem 
 *' it equal to a victory*," &€. 
 
 In another letter he says, *< that if C^sar would 
 ** have been persuaded by him to cross the Appe- 
 " nine, he could have reduced Antony to such straits, 
 *' that he must have been destroyed by want rather 
 " than the svv^ord ; but that they could neither com- 
 '" mand Caesar, nor Cassar his own troops ; both 
 " which circumstances were very bad,f" &c. This 
 authentic account from D. Brutus confutes two facts 
 which are delivered by an old historian, and gene- 
 rally received by all the moderns ; first, that Octa- 
 vius after the victory refused to have any confer- 
 ence with D. Bratus ; and that Brutus for that rea- 
 son forbad him to enter his province, or to pursue 
 Antony : secondly, that Pansa in his last moments 
 sent for Octavius, and advised him to an union with 
 Arttony against the senate:}:. For it is evident, that 
 on the very day of the victory there was actually a 
 
 Ep. fam. XI. 16. 
 
 f Quod si me Caesar audisset, atque Appennbura translsset, in 
 tantas angustias Antonmm compulissem, ut inopla potius quam 
 fcrro conficeretur. Sed nequc Csesari imperari potest, nee Cae- 
 sar cxercitui sue : quod utrumque pessimum est.— lb. x. 
 
 t Vid. Appian. 1. 3. p. 573. it. Hist, Rom. par Catrou & 
 Rouille. T, 17. 1. 4. p. 433, &c. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO, ^3^ 
 
 A; Urb. 7I0. Ctc. 64. 
 
 conference between the two first, which passed ia 
 so amicable a manner as to case Brutus of the jea- 
 lousy which he had before conceived of Octavius: 
 and Pansa's death happened so early the nest morn^ 
 ing, that it left no room for the pretended advice 
 and speech which is made for him to Octavius; es- 
 pecially since it appears, on the contrary, that in- 
 stead of Octavius, Pansa really sent for D. Brutus, 
 when he found himself dying, as if disposed rather 
 to communicate something for the service of that 
 cause in which he had lost his life. But both the 
 stories wtve undoubtedly forged afterwards, to save 
 Octavius's honour, and give a better colour to that 
 sudden change of measures which from this hour he 
 ■yvas determined to pursue ■=^, 
 
 C. Antony was still a prisoner with M. Brutus, 
 whos€ indulgence gave him a"n opportunity of prac- 
 tising upon the soldiers, and raising a sedition in the 
 camp, which created no small trouble to Brutus. 
 The soldiers however soon repented of their rashness, 
 and killed the authors of it, and would have killed 
 Antony, too if Brutus would have delivered him into 
 
 * There is an original medal still remaining that gives no 
 small confirmation to this notion, and was struck probably at 
 Rome, either by Pansa himself, upon his marching out towards 
 Modena, or by the senate, soon after Pansa's death, in testimony 
 of the strict union that subsisted between him and D. Brutus 
 Albinus. For on the one side there is the head of a Silenus, as 
 it is called, or rather of Pan, which is frequent on Pansa's coins, 
 -vvith the inscription also of his name, C. Pansa : and on the o- 
 ther, Albinus. Bruti. F. with two right hands joined, holding a 
 caduceus, as an emblem of the strictest amity and concord,— See 
 Tr^Tp.ii, Vjibia. in Vaillant or MorcL 
 
^36 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 their hands ; but he could not be induced to take 
 his life, though this was the second offence of the 
 same kind ; but pretending that he would order him 
 to be thrown into the sea, sent him to be secured on 
 shipboard, either from doing or suffering any farther 
 mischief* : of which he wrote an account to Cicero, 
 who returned the following answer. 
 
 *' As to the sedition in the fourth legion about C. 
 ** Antony, you will take what I say in good part ; I 
 " am better pleased with the severity of the soldiers 
 " than with yours. I am extremely glad that you 
 " have had a trial of the affection of your legions 
 " and the horse — as to what you write, that I am 
 ■*^ pursuing Antony much at my ease, and praise me 
 " for it ; I suppose you really think so : but I do not 
 " by any means approve your distinction, when you 
 " say that our animosity ought to be exerted rather 
 •' in preventing civil wars, than in revenging our- 
 ** selves on the vanquished. I differ widely from 
 *' you, Brutus, not that I yield to you in clemency ; 
 " but a salutary severity is always preferable to a 
 " specious shew of mercy. If we are so fond of par- 
 " doning, there will be no end of civil wars : but 
 •* you are to look to that ; for I can say of myself 
 ♦' what Plautus's old man says in the Trinummus — 
 ** life is almost over with me ; it is you who are the 
 ** most interested in it. You will be undone, Bru- 
 •' tus, believe me, if you do not take care ; for you 
 " will not always have the people, nor the senate, 
 
 * Dio. I. 47. p, 340. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO, 237 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 " nor a leader of the senate, the same as now. Take 
 " this as from the Pythian oracle ; nothing can be 
 " more true*." 
 
 Brutus's wife, Porcia, notwithstanding the tragical 
 story which the old writers have dressed up, of the 
 manner of her kilhng herself upon the news of her 
 husband's unhappy fatef, died most probably about 
 this time at Rome, of a lingering illness. She seems 
 to have been in a bad state of health when Brutus 
 left Italy, where she is said to have parted from him 
 with the utmost grief and floods of tears, as if con- 
 scious that she was taking her last leave of him : 
 and Plutarch says, that there was a letter of Brutus 
 extant in his days, if it was genuine, in which he 
 lamented her death, and complained of his friends 
 for neglecting her in her last sickness : this however 
 is certain, that in a letter to Atticus he gives a hint 
 of Porcia's indisposition, wath a shght comphment to 
 Atticus for his care of her f : and the following let- 
 ter of condolence to him from Cicero, can hardly be 
 applied to any other occasion but that of her death. 
 
 Cicero to Brutus. 
 
 " I should perform the same office which you for* 
 ** merly did in my loss, of comforting you by letter, 
 " did I not know that you cannot want those reme- 
 
 * Ad Brut. 2. 
 
 f App. 1. iv. 699. DIo. 1. 47, 356. Val. Max. 4. 6. 
 X Valetudinem Porcia meie tibi cur^e esse, non rairor. Ad 
 Brut, 17, 
 
ajS The life of Sect. XJ. 
 
 II ' ' . I I ■ l an ' i: r- 
 
 A, Urb. jic. Cic.64. 
 
 " dies in your grief, with which you relieved mine. 
 ** I wish only that you may now cure yoursdf more 
 •* easily than at that time you cured me : for it would 
 '-* be strange in so great a m^n as you, not to be able 
 ** to practise what he had prescribed to another. As 
 ** for me, not only the teasons which you then col- 
 *' lected, but your very authority, deterred me from 
 ** indulging my sorrow to excess. For when you 
 " thought me to behave myself with greater softness 
 " than became a man^ especially one who used to 
 " comfort others^ you chid me with more severity 
 <* than it was usual for you to express : so that, out 
 *' of a reverence to your judgment, I roused myself; 
 «' and, by the accession of your authority, took every 
 ** thing that I had learnt or read, or heard on that 
 ** subject, to have the greater weight. Yet my part, 
 " BrutuSj at that time was only to act agreeably to 
 " duty and nature ; but your's, as we say, is to be 
 *' acted on the stage, and before the people. For 
 " when the eyes, not only of your army^ but of all 
 ** the city, nay, of all the world, are upon you, it is 
 " wholly indecent for one, by whom other mor- 
 " tals are made the stouter, to betray any dejection 
 " or want of courage. You have suffered indeed a 
 *' great loss ; (fbr you have lost that which has not 
 " left its fellow on earth) and must be allowed to 
 *' grieve under so cruel a blow; lest to want all sense 
 ** of grief should be thought more wretched than 
 " grief itself : but to do it with moderation is both 
 ** useful to Others, and necessary to yourself. I would 
 " write more, if this was not already too much : w.e 
 
SEct.Xi. CICERO. 239 
 
 A. Urb. 7XQ. Qii. 64. 
 
 " expect you and your army : without which, though 
 ** all other things succeed to our wishes, we shall 
 " hardly ever be free J." 
 
 As the time of chusing magistrates now drew on, 
 and particularly of fiUing up the colleges of priests, 
 in which there were many vacancies ; so Brutus was 
 sending home many of his young nobles to appear 
 as candidates at the election ; the two Bibulus's, Do- 
 mitins, Cato, Leniulus, whom he severally recom- 
 mends to Cicero's protection. Cicero was desirous 
 that his son also should come with them, to be elect- 
 ed a priest ; and uTote to Brutus, to know his mind 
 about it ; and, if he thought proper, to send him 
 away immediately ; for, though he might be chosen 
 in absence, yet his success would be much easier if 
 he was present *. He touches this little affair in se- 
 veral of his letters ; but, finding the public disorders 
 increase still every day, he procured the election of 
 priests to be thrown off to the next year : and Bru- 
 tus having sent him word, in the mean while, that 
 his son had actually left him, and was coming to- 
 wards Rome, he instantly dispatched a messenger, 
 to meet him on the road, wath orders to send him 
 back again, though he found him landed in Italy : 
 simce nothing, he says, could be more agreeable 
 either to himself, or more honourable to his son, thati 
 his continuance with Brutus f . 
 
 t Ad Brut. 9. 
 
 * Sed quaravis llceat absentis rationem Iiaberi, tamen omnia 
 sunt prsesentibus faclliora. Ad Brut. 5. 
 
 f Eg^ autem, cum ad me de Ciceronis abs te discessu scrip- 
 slsses, statim extrusi tabellarIo5, lltttrasrjue ad Ciccronem ut etiam 
 
240 The LIFE or Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 Not long after the battle of Modena, the news of 
 Dolabella's defeat and death, from Asia, brought a 
 fresh occasion of joy to Cicero and his friends at 
 Rome. Dolabella> after his success against Trebo- 
 nius, having pillaged that province of its money, and 
 of all things useful for war, marched forward to exe- 
 cute his grand design upon Syria ; for which he had 
 been making all this preparation : but Cassius was 
 beforehand with him, and, having got possession of 
 that country, and of all the armies in it, was much 
 superior to him in force. Dolabella, however, made 
 his way ^with some success through Cilicia, and camfe 
 before Antioch in Syria, but was denied admittance 
 into it ; and, after some vain attempts to take it, be- 
 ing repulsed with loss, marched to Laodicea ; which 
 had before invited, and now opened its gates to hitn. 
 Here Cassius came up with him, and presently in- 
 vested the place ; where, after he had destroyed Do- 
 labella's fleet, in two or three naval engagements, he 
 shut him up closely by sea, as well as land : till Do- 
 labella, seeing no way to escape, and the town una- 
 ble to hold out any longer, killed himself, to prevent 
 his falling alive into Cassius's hands, and suffering 
 the same treatment which he had shewn to Trebo- 
 nius : but Cassius generously ordered his body to be 
 buried, with that of his lieutenant Octavius, who 
 killed himself also with him *. 
 
 si in Italiam venisset, ad te redlret. Nihil enim mihi jucundius, 
 illi honestius. Quamquam aliquoties ei scripseram, sacerdotum 
 comitia, raca summa contentione in alterum annum esse rejecta, 
 S^c. Ad Brut. 14. vid. it. 5, 6, 7. 
 
 * Ep. fam. li, 13, 15. App. 1. 4. 625. Dio. I. 47. 344. 
 
S£ct.XI. CICERO. 241 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 D. Brutus was now at last pursuing Antony, or 
 rather observing the motions of his flight : he had 
 with him, besides his own forces, the new legions of 
 the late consuls, while all the veterans put them- 
 selves under the command of Octavius : so that, after 
 Antony was joined by Ventidius with three legions, 
 Brutus was hardly strong enough either to fight with 
 him, or, what he rather aimed at, to hinder his cross- 
 ing the Alps to Lepidus. He desired Cicero there- 
 fore to write to Lepidus not to receive him, though 
 he was sure, he says, that Lepidus would never do 
 any thing that was right ; and wishes likewise, that 
 Cicero would confirm Plancus ; since, by some of 
 Antony's papers, which fell into his hands, he per- 
 ceived that Antony had not lost all hopes of him ; 
 and thought himself sure of Lepidus and Polho. Of 
 which he gives Plancus immediate notice, and signi- 
 fied, that he was coming forward with all expedition 
 to join with him *. But he complains much, in all 
 his letters, of his want of money, and the sad condi- 
 tion of his army ; which was not contemptible for 
 the number, but the kind of troops ; being, for the 
 most part, new raised men, bare^ and needy of all 
 things f. *' I cannot," says he, " maintain my soL- 
 
 * In primis rogo te, ad hominem ventosisslmum Lepidurn; 
 mittas, ne bellum nobis redintegrare possit, Antonio sibi con- 
 juncto. — Mihi persuasissimum estj, Lepidurn recte facturura nun« 
 quam — Plancum quoque confirmetis, ore j quern spero, pulso An-- 
 tonio, Rcipub. non defuturum. Ep. fam, xi. 9. 
 
 Antonius ad Lepidurn proficiscltur, ne de Planco quidem spem 
 adhuc abjecit, ut ex Ubellis suis animadverti, qui In me inciderunt* 
 lb. II. 
 
 f Cum sim cum tironibus egentissimis. Ib« 19, 
 
 Vol, IIL Q^ 
 
a42 The LIFE of Sect. Xl. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 " diers any longer. When I first undertook to free 
 " the repablic, I had above three hundred thousand 
 ** pounds of my own in money : but am now so far 
 " from having any thing, that I have involved all 
 ** my friends in debt for me. I have seven legions 
 " to provide for : consider with what difficulty : had 
 ** I the treasures of Varro, I could not support the 
 ** expence *." He desired therefore a present sup- 
 ply of money, and some veteran legions, especially 
 the fourth and Martial,, which continued still with 
 Octavius. This was decreed to him readily by the 
 senate, at the motion of Drusus and Paulus, Lepi- 
 dus's brother f : but Cicero wrote him word, " that 
 " all who knew those legions the best, affirmed, that 
 ** they would not be induced by any terms to serve 
 " under him : that money, however, should certain- 
 " ly be provided for him"^ — and concludes by observ- 
 ing, " that if Lepidus should receive Antony, it 
 " would throw them again into great difficulties : 
 " but that it was Brutus's part, to take care that 
 " they should have no cause to fear the event : for 
 " as to himself, that he could not possibly do m6re 
 " than he had already done : but wished to see D. 
 " Brutus the greatest and most illustrious of men J.** 
 
 * Alere jam milites non possum. Cum ad Rempub. liberao- 
 dam accessi. H S. mihi fuit pecuniae c c c c amplius. Tantum 
 abest ut meae rei familiarls liberum sit quidquam, ut omnes jam 
 meos amicos sere aiieno obstrinxerim. Septenum numerum nunc 
 legionum alo, qua difficultate, tu arbitrare. Non, si Varronis 
 thesauros haberem, subsistere sumptui possem. lb. 10. 
 
 f Ep. fam. xj. 19. 
 
 t Legionem Martiam ct quartam negant, qui illas norunt, ulla 
 conditione ad te posse perduci. Pecuniae, quam desideras, ratio 
 
 potest 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 243 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64, 
 
 PlancuSj as it is hinted above, was carrying on a 
 negociation with Lepldus, to unite their forces a- 
 gainst Antony : it was managed on Plancus's side by 
 Furnius ; on Lepidus's, by Laterensis, one of his lieu- 
 tenants ; a true friend to the republic, and zealous 
 to engage his general to its interests; and Lepidus 
 himself dissembled so well, as to persuade them of 
 his sincerity ; so that Plancus was marching forward 
 in great haste to join with him ; of which he gave 
 Cicero a particular account. 
 
 Plancus to Cicero. 
 
 *' After I had written my letters, I thought it of 
 " service to the public, that you should be informed 
 " of what has since happened. My diligence, I hope, 
 " has been of use both to myself and to the com- 
 " monwealth : for I have been treating with Lepi- 
 ** dus by perpetual messages, that, laying aside all 
 " former quarrels, he would be reconciled, and suc- 
 ** cour the republic in common with me, and shew 
 ** more regard to himself, his children, and the city, 
 " than to a desperate abandoned robber ; in which 
 " case he might depend on my service and assistance 
 " for all occasions : I transacted the affair by Later- 
 " ensis. He pawned his faith, that, if he could not 
 ** keep Antony out of his province, he would pursue 
 " him by open war ; begged that I would come and 
 
 potest haberi, eaque habebitur-^ego plus quam feci, facere non 
 possum. Te tamen, id quod sperq, omnium ma.Himura et chrissi- 
 mum videre cupIo, Jb. 14. 
 
244 The LIFE of Sect. XI, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 ** join forces with him, and so much the more, be- 
 " cause "Antony was said to be strong in horse ; 
 " whereas Lepidus could hardly be called indifferent : 
 " for not many days before, even out of his small 
 " number, ten, who were reckoned his best, came 
 " over to me. As soon as I was informed of this, I 
 " resolved, without delay, to support Lepidus in the 
 " execution of his good intentions : I saw, of what 
 " benefit my joining him would be, either for pur- 
 " suing and destroying Antony's horse with mine, or 
 " for correcting and restraining, by the presence of 
 " my army, the corrupt and disaffected part of Le- 
 " pidus's. Having made a bridge therefore in one 
 " day over the Isere, a very great river in the terri- 
 " tory of the Allobroges, I passed with my army on 
 " the twelfth of May : but having been informed 
 " that L. Antony w^as sent before with some horse 
 ** and cohorts to Forum Julii, I had sent my brother 
 " the day before with four thousand horse to meet 
 " Vi'ith him, intending to follow myself by great jour- 
 ** neys with four legions, and the rest of my horse, 
 " without the heavy baggage. If we have any to- 
 " lerable fortune for the republic, we shall here put 
 " an end to the audauciousness of the desperate, and 
 ♦' to all our own trouble : but if the robber, upon 
 " hearing of my arrival, should run back again into 
 " Italy, it will be Brutus's part to meet with him 
 " there : who will not be wanting, I know, either in 
 ** counsel or courage : but if that should happen, I 
 " will send my brother also with the horse, to follow 
 " and preserve Italy frJm being ravaged by him. 
 
Skct. XL CICERO. 245 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 - 
 
 " Take care of your health, and love me as I love 
 '' you *." 
 
 But Lepidus was acting all the while a treacherous 
 part, being determined at all hazards to, support An- 
 tony ; and, though he kept him at a distance for 
 some time, and seemed to be constrained at last by 
 his own soldiers to receive him, yet that was only to 
 save appearances, till he could do it with advantage 
 and security to them both. His view in treating 
 with Plancus, was, probably, to amuse and draw him 
 so near to them, that, when he and Antony were 
 actually joined, they might force him into the same 
 measures, without his being able to help it, or to re- 
 treat from them. When he was upon the point, 
 therefore, of joining camps with Antony, he sent 
 word to Plancus, who was within forty miles of him, 
 to stay where he then was, till he should come up 
 to him : but Plancus, suspecting nothing, thought it 
 better still to march on ; till Laterensis, perceiving 
 how things were turning, wrote him word in ail 
 haste, that neither Lepidus nor his army were to be 
 trusted; and that he himself had deserted; *' exhort- 
 " ing Plancus to look to himself, lest he should be 
 " drawn into a snare, and to perform his duty to the 
 '* repubhc ; for that he had discharged his faith, by 
 " giving him this warning f ," &:c. 
 
 * Ep. fam. X. 15. 
 
 f At Laterensis, vir sanctissimus, suo chirographo m;ttit 
 
 inihi literas, in eisque desperans de se, de exercitu, de Lep^rdi 
 
 $de, querensquc se destitutum ; in quibus apeite denunciat, vi- 
 
 deam ne fallar : suaiu fidem solutara esse, Reipub, ne desim, lb.*, 
 
 Q ^ 
 
246 The life o^ Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 Plancus gave Cicero a particular account of all 
 
 these transactions; he acquaints him *' that Lepidus 
 
 ** and Antony joined their camps on the 28th of 
 
 *• May, and the same day marched forward toward^ 
 
 " him : of all which he knew nothing, till they were 
 
 " come within twenty miles of him : that upon the 
 
 " first intelligence of it he retreated in all haste ; re- 
 
 " passed the Isere, and broke down the bridges 
 
 ** which he had built upon it, that he might have 
 
 ^' leisure to draw all his forces together and join 
 
 " them with his colleague D. Brutus, w^hom he ex- 
 
 " pected in three days : — that Laterensis, whose sin- 
 
 " gular fidelity he should ever acknowledge, when 
 
 " he found himself duped by Lepidus, laid violent 
 
 ** hands upon himself; but, being interrupted in the 
 
 ** act, was thought likely to live :— he desires that 
 
 ** Octavius might be sent to him with his forces ; or, 
 
 " if he could not come in person, that his army how- 
 
 ** ever might be sent, since his interest was so much 
 
 ** concerned in it : — that as the whole body of the re- 
 
 " bels was now drawn into one camp, they ought to 
 
 *' act against them with the whole force of the re- 
 
 " republic*'' Sec. 
 
 The day after his union with Antony, Lepidus 
 wrote a short letter to the senate, wherein " he calls 
 *' the gods and men to witness that he had nothing 
 *' so much at heart as the public safety and liberty; 
 " of which he should shortly have given them proofs, 
 " had not fortune prevented him : for that his sol- 
 
 * Ep, fam. X, 23. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 247 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 " diers, by a general mutiny and sedition, bad plain- 
 ** ly forced him to take •so great a multitade of citi« 
 " zens under his protection. He beseeches them, 
 ** that, laying aside all their private grudges, they 
 •* would consult the good of the whole republic; nor 
 ^* in a time of civil dissension treat his clemency, and 
 " that of his army, as criminal and traitorous.""* 
 
 D. Brutus on the other hand joined his army with 
 Flancus, who acted with him for some time with 
 great concord and the affection of the whole pro- 
 vince on their side; which being signified in their 
 common letters to E.ome, gave great hopes still and 
 'courage to all the honest there. In a letter of Plan- 
 cus to Cicero, *' you know," says he, " I imagine, the 
 ** state of our forces : in my camp there are three 
 *' veteran legions, wdth one new, but the best of all 
 *^ others of that sort : in Brutus's, one veteran le- 
 ** gion, another of two years standing, eight of new 
 " levies: so that our whole army is great in number, 
 " little in strength; for what small dependence there 
 ** is in a fresh soldier w^e have oft experienced to our 
 *' cost. If the African troops, which are veteran, or 
 ^* Caesar's should join us, we should wilhngly put all 
 *^ to the hazard of a battle : as I saw Caesar's to 
 <^ be the nearest, so I have never ceased to press him, 
 *' nor he to assure me that he would come instantly, 
 " though I perceive that he had no such thought, 
 ^' and is quite gone oft into other measures : yet I 
 " have sent our friend Furnius again to him, with 
 
 f Ep. fam. X. 35. 
 
24& The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A Urb. 710, Cic. 64. 
 
 *' letters and instructions, if he can possibly do any 
 ** good with him. You know, my dear Cicero, that 
 " as to the love of young Caesar, it belongs to me in 
 " common with you : for on the account either of 
 " my intimacy with his uncle when alive, it was ne- 
 " ccssary for me to protect and cherish him ; or be- 
 ** cause he himself, as far as I have been able to ob- 
 " serve, is of a most moderate and gentle disposition; 
 " or that, after so remarkable a friendship with C. 
 '* Ccesar, it would be a shame for me not to love him, 
 " even as my ov/n child, whom he had adopted for 
 ** his son. But what I now write, I write out of 
 " grief rather than ill-will : that Antony now lives; 
 that Lepidus is joined ^with him ; that they have 
 ** no contemptible army ; that they have hopes, and 
 *^ dare pursue them ; is all intirely owdng to Caesar. 
 " I will not recal what is long since passed ; but if 
 " he had come at the time when he himself declared 
 ** that he w^ould, the war would have been either 
 ** now ended, or removed to their great disadvan- 
 " tage into Spain, a province utterly averse to them. 
 '* What motive, or whose counsels, drew him off 
 *' from a part so glorious, nay, so necessary too, and 
 ^* salutary to himself, and turned him so absurdly to 
 " the thoughts of a two months consulship, to the 
 ** terror of all people, I cannot possibly comprehend: 
 " His friends seem capable of doing much good on 
 " this occasion, both to himself and the repubhc ; 
 *' and, above all others you, to whom he has greater 
 " obligations than any man living, except myself; 
 *^ for I shall never forget th?^t I am indebted to you 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO, 249 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic, 64, 
 
 ■ ■■'■' — — — ■' — ■■ I .1 I.I I ..I I ^ 
 
 " for the greatest. I have given order to Furnius 
 *' to treat with him on these affairs : and if I had as 
 " much authority with him as 1 ought, should do him 
 " great service. We in the mean time have a very 
 *' hard part to sustain in the war: for 'we neither 
 " think it safe to venture a battle, nor yet, by turn- 
 " ing our backs, to give the enemy an opportunity 
 " of doing greater mischief to the republic : but if 
 " either Caesar would regard his honour, or the Afri- 
 " can legions come quickly, we shall make you all 
 " easy from this quarter. I beg you to continue 
 " your affection to me, and assure yourself that I am 
 *' strictly your's*." 
 
 Upon the news of Lepidus's union with Antony, 
 the senate, after some little time spent in considering 
 the effects of it, being encouraged by the concord 
 of D. Brutus and Plancus, and depending on the 
 fidehty of their united forces, voted Lepidus an ene- 
 my, on the thirtieth of June ; and demolished the 
 gilt statue which they had lately erected to him : 
 reserving still a hberty to him and his adherents of 
 returning to their duty by the first of Septemberf. 
 Lepidus's wife was' M. Brutus's sister, by whom he 
 had sons, whose fortunes were necessarily ruined by 
 this vote, which confiscated the father's estate ; for 
 which reason, Serviha, their grandmother, and Cas- 
 
 * Ep. fam. X. 24. 
 f Lepidus tuus afRnIs, meus familiarls prid. Kal. Quint, sen- 
 tentiis omnibus hostis a senatu judicatus est; cajterique qui una 
 cum illo a repub. defecerunt : quibus tamen ad sanitatem re^eun- 
 di ante Kal, Sept. potestas facta est. Ep. fam. 12, 10. 
 
45© T.HE LIFE OF Sect, XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic 64. 
 
 sius's wife, their aunt, solicited Cicero very earnest- 
 ly, either that the decree itself might not pass, or 
 that the children should be excepted out of it : but 
 Cicero would not consent to oblige them : for since 
 the first was thought necessary, the second followed 
 of course: he gave Brutus however a particular ac» 
 pount of the case by letter. 
 
 Cicero to Brutus. 
 
 " Though I was just going to write to you by 
 ^' Messala Corvinus, yet I would not let our friend 
 ^* Vetus come without a letter. The republic, Bru- 
 " tus, is now in the utmost danger, and, after we had 
 " conquered, we are forced again to fight by the perfj- 
 " dy and madness of M .Lepidus. On which occasion, 
 *' when, for the care with which I have charged my- 
 ** self of the repubhc, I had many things to make 
 *' me uneasy, yet nothing vexed me more than that 
 *' I could not yield to the prayers of your mother 
 *' and sister ; for I imagined that I should easily satis- 
 " fy you, on which I lay the greatest stress. For 
 " Lepidus's case could not by any means be distin- 
 ** guished from Antony's ; nay, in all people's judg- 
 " ment, was even worse; since, after he had received 
 " the highest honours from the senate, and but a 
 " few days before had sent an excellent letter to 
 " them; on a sudden he not only received the broken 
 " remains of our enemies, but now wages a most 
 *' cruel war against us by land and sea ; the event 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 2:;x 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 " of which is wholly uncertain. When we are de- 
 " sired therefore to extend mercy to his children^ 
 " not a word is said, why, if their father should con- 
 " quer, (which the gods forbid) we are not to ex- 
 ** peer the last punishment from him. I am not ig- 
 " norant how hard it is that children should suffer 
 " for the crimes of their parents ; but it was wisely 
 " contrived by the laws, that the love of their chil- 
 " dren should make parents more affectionate to 
 '* their country. Wherefore it is Lepidus w^ho is 
 " cruel to his children, not he who adjudges Lepi- 
 " dus an enemy : for if, laying down his arms, he 
 " were to be condemned only of violence, in which 
 " no defence could be made for him, his children 
 *' would suffer the same calamity by the confiscation 
 " of his estate. Yet what your mother and sister 
 " are now soliciting against in favour of the children, 
 " the very same and much worse Lepidus, Antony, 
 ** and our other enemies, are at this very moment 
 ** threatening to us all. Wherefore our greatest 
 ** hope is in you and your army : it is of the utmost: 
 " consequence, both to the republic in general, and 
 " to your honour and glory in particular, that, as I 
 ^' wrote to you before, you come as soon as possible. 
 " into Italy ; for the republic is in great want, not 
 '* only of your forces, but of your counsels. I served 
 " Vetus with pleasure, as you desired me, for his 
 '* singular benevolence and duty to you : I found 
 " him extremely zealous and affectionate both to you 
 V and the republic : I shall see my son I hope very 
 
252> The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 71 c. Cici 64, 
 
 *' soon ; for I depend on his coming with you quick-, 
 *' Ijto Italy*." 
 
 Brutus, before he had received this letter, having 
 heard from other friends what they were designing 
 at Rome against Lepidus, wrote about the same 
 time, and on the same subject, to Cicero. 
 
 Brutus to Cicero. 
 
 " Other people's fears obhge me to entertain some 
 " apprehensions myself on Lepidus's account: if he 
 *' should withdraw himself from us, (which will prove 
 " I hope a rash and injurious suspicion of him) I beg 
 " and beseech of you, Cicero, conjuring you, by our 
 " friendship and your affection to me, to forget that 
 " my sister's children are Lepidus's sons, and to con- 
 *' sider me in the place of their father. If I obtain 
 *' this of you, you will not scruple, I am sure, to do 
 ** whatever you can for them. Other people live 
 *' differently with their friends ; but I can never do 
 *' enough for my sister's children to satisfy either 
 ** my inclination or my duty. But what is there in 
 " which honest men can oblige me, (if in reality I 
 ** have deserved to be obhged in any thing) or in 
 " which I can be of service to my mother, sister, and 
 •' the boys, if their uncle Brutus has not as much 
 " weight with you and the senate to protect, as their 
 " father Lepidus to hurt them ? I feel so much un- 
 
 * Ad 6rut. 2 2o 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 253 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 ** easiness and indignation, that I neither can nor 
 " ought to write more fully to you : for if, in a case 
 " so important and so necessary, there could be any 
 " occasion for words to excite and confirm you, there 
 " is no hope that you will do what I wish, and what 
 *' is proper. Do not expect therefore any long 
 " prayers from me : consider only what I am : and 
 ** that 1 ought to obtain it ; either from Cicero, a 
 " man the most intimately united with me; or, with- 
 " out regard to our private friendship, from a consu- 
 ** lar senator of such eminence : pray send me word 
 " as soon as you can what you resolve to do. July 
 " the first* " 
 
 Cicero, perceiving from this letter, what he had 
 no notion of before, how great a stress Brutus laid 
 on procuring this favour for his nephews, prevailed 
 with the senate to suspend the execution of their 
 act, as far as it related to them, till the times were 
 more settled f. 
 
 Lepidus and Antony were no sooner joined, thaa 
 a correspondence was set on foot between them and 
 Octavius ; who, from the death of the consuls, shew- 
 ed but little regard to the authority of Cicero or the 
 senate ; and wanted only a pretence for breaking 
 with them. He waited however a while, to see what 
 became of Antony ; till, finding himself received and 
 supported by Lepidus, he began to think it his best 
 scheme to enter into the league with them; and to 
 
 * Ad Brut. 12. 
 f Sororls tuae filiis quam diligenter consulam, spero te ex ma- 
 tris et ex sotoris Uteris cognituriim^ &c. ib, 15. it. 18, 
 
254 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 concur in what seemed to be more peculiarly his own 
 part, the design of revenging the death of his uncle* 
 Instead therefore of prosecuting the war any farther,- 
 he was persuaded by his friends to make a demand 
 of the consulship, though he w^as not yet above twen- 
 ty years old. This step shocked and terrified the 
 city ; not that the consulship could give him any 
 power which his army had not already given ; but 
 as it indicated a dangerous and unseasonable ambi- 
 tion, grounded on a contempt of the laws and the 
 senate ; and above all raised a just apprehension of 
 some attempt against the public liberty : since, in- 
 stead of leading his army where it w^as wanted and 
 desired, against their enemies abroad, he chose to 
 inarch with it towards Rome, as if he intended to 
 subdue the republic itself. 
 
 There was a report spread in the mean while 
 through the empire, that Cicero was chosen consul : 
 Brutus, mentioning it in a letter to him, says, " If 
 ** I should ever see that day, I shall then begin to 
 " figure to myself the true form of a republic, sub- 
 " sisting b^ its own strength J." It is certain, that 
 he might have been declared consul, by the unani- 
 mous suffrage of the people, if he had desired it ; 
 but, in times of such violence, the title of supreme 
 magistrate, without a real power to support it, would 
 have exposed him only to more immediate danger 
 and insults from the soldiers ; whose fastidious inso- 
 
 X His Uteris scriptis te consulem factum audivimus •, turn 
 vcro incipiam proponere mUn rempub. jjstam et jam suis niten- 
 tem viribus, .si isthuc videro. Ad Brut. 4. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 2$^ 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64, 
 
 lence in their demands, was grown, as he complains, 
 insupportable *. Some old writers say, what the 
 moderns take implicitly from them, that he was 
 duped, and drawn in by Octavius, to favour his pre- 
 tensions to the consulship, by the hopes of being 
 made his colleague, and governing him in the office f. 
 But the contrary is evident from several of his let^ 
 ters ; and that, of all men, he was the most averse to 
 Octavius's design, and the most active in dissuading 
 him from pursuing it. Writing upon it to Brutus : 
 " as to Cassar," says he, " who has been governed 
 " hitherto by my advice, and is indeed of an excel- 
 " lent disposition, and wonderful firmness, some peo- 
 " pie, by most wicked letters, messages, and falla- 
 " cious accounts of things, have pushed him to aa 
 " assured hope of the consulship : As soon as I per- 
 " ceived it, I never ceased admonishing him in ab- 
 " sence, nor reproaching his friends, who are pre- 
 " sent, and who seem to encourage his ambition : 
 " nor did I scruple to lay open the source of those 
 " traitorous counsels in the senate : nor do I ever re- 
 " member the senate and the magistrates to have be» 
 " haved better on any occasion : for it never hap- 
 " pened before, in voting an extraordinary honour to 
 *' a powerful, or rather most powerful man, (since 
 " power is now measured by force and arms) that no 
 " tribune, or any other magistrate, nor so much as a 
 " private senator, would move for it : yet, in the 
 
 * llludimur, Brute, cum milltum deliclis, turn imperatoris 
 insolentia. lb. ic. 
 
 f Plutar. in Cic. 
 
256 The life of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 
 
 " midst of all this firmness and virtue, the city is 
 " greatly alarmed : for we are abused, Brutus, both 
 " by the licentiousness of the soldiers, arid the inso- 
 " lence of the general. Everyone demands to have 
 " as much power in the state, as he has means to ex- 
 " tort it : no reason, no moderation, no law, no cus- 
 ♦• tom, no duty is at all regarded, no judgment or 
 " opinion of the citizens, no shame of posterity *," 
 &c. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 What Cicero says in this letter, is very remarkable, 
 " that, in all this height of young Caesar's power, 
 ** there was not a magistrate, nor so much as a single 
 " senator, who would move for the decree of his con- 
 " sulship :" the demand of it therefore was made by 
 a deputation of his officers ; and, when the senate 
 received it more coldly than they expected, Corne- 
 lius, a centurion, throwing back his robe, and shew- 
 ing them his sword, boldly declared, that, if they 
 would not make him consul, that should. But Oc- 
 tavius himself soon put an end to their scruples, by 
 marching with his legions in a hostile manner to 
 the city f ; where he was chosen consul, with Q^Pe- 
 
 * Ad Brut. 10. 
 f Consulatum vigesimo setatis anno invasit, admotls hostlli- 
 ter ad urbem legionibus, missisque, qui sibi exercitus nomine de- 
 poscerent. Cum quidem, cuoctante senatu, Cornelius centurio, 
 princeps legationis, rejccto sagulo, ostendens gladii capulum, non 
 dubitassct in curia dicerc; hie faciet, si vos non feceritis. Sueton. 
 Aug. c. 26. 
 
BkCT. XI. CICERO. 257 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. (.sesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 dius, his kinsman, and co-heir in part of his uncle's 
 estate, in the month of SextiHs, which, on the ac- 
 count of this fortunate beginning of his honours^ 
 was called afterwards from his own surname, Augus- 
 tus J. 
 
 The first act of his magistracy was, to secure all 
 the public money which he found in Rome, and 
 make a dividend of it to his soldiers. He complain- 
 ed loudly of the senate, *' that, instead of paying his 
 " army the rewards which they had decreed to them, 
 " they were contriving to harrass them with perpe- 
 ** tual toils, and to engage them in fresh wars against 
 " Lepidus and Antony : and likewise, that, in the 
 " commission granted to ten senators, to provide 
 " lands for the legions after the war, they had not 
 ** named him*." But there was no just ground for 
 any such complaints ; for those rewards w^ere not 
 decreed, nor intended to be distributed, till the war 
 was quite ended ; and the leaving Caesar out of the 
 commission, was not from any particular slight, but 
 a general exception of all who had the command of 
 armies, as improper to be employed in such a charge; 
 though Cicero indeed was of a different opinion, and 
 pressed for their being taken in. D. Brutus and 
 Plancus wevQ excluded as well as Caesar ; and both 
 of them seem likewise to have been disgusted at it ; 
 so that Cicero, who Vv^as one of the number, in order 
 
 J Sextilem mensem e suo cognomine nominavit, magis quani 
 Septembrem, in quo erat natus, quia hoc sibi ct primus consuls" 
 tus, &.C. Suet. Aug. 31. 
 
 * Appian. 3. 581. 
 
 Vol, III. R 
 
25B The life of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 to retrieve the imprudence of a step which gave 
 such offence, would not suffer his colleagues to do 
 any thing of moment, but reserved the whole affair 
 to the arrival of Caesar and the rest f . 
 
 But Caesar, being now wholly bent on changing 
 sides and measures, was glad to catch at every occa- 
 sion of quarrelling with the senate : he charged them 
 W'ith calling him a hoy, and treating him as such % ; 
 and found a pretext also against Cicero himself, 
 whom, after all the services received from him, his 
 present views obliged him to abandon : for some busy 
 informers had told him, '* that Cicero had spoken of 
 " him in certain ambiguous terms, which carried a 
 " double meaning, either of advancing, or taking 
 
 " him off:" which Octavius was desirous to have 
 
 reported every where, and believed in the worst 
 sense. D. Brutus gave Cicero the first notice of it 
 in the following letter : 
 
 D. Brutus, Emperor, Consul-Elect, to M. T. Ci- 
 
 CEKO. 
 
 " What I do not feel on my own account, my 
 " love and obligations to you make me feel on yours; 
 
 f Cum ego sensissem, de iis qui exercitus haberent, senten- 
 tiam ferri oportere, iidem iili. qui solent, reclamarunt, Itaque 
 excepti etiam estis, me vehementer repugnante — itaque cum qui- 
 dam de collegis nostris agrariam curationem ligurirent, disturbavi 
 rem, totamque integram vobis reservavi. Ep. fam. xi. 2i. it. 
 20, 23. 
 
 % Dio. 1^ 46, 318. Suet. Aug. 12. 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 259 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Csesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " that is, fear. For, after I had been often told, 
 " what I did not wholly slight, Labeo Segulius, a 
 " man always like himself, just now informs me, that 
 " he has been with Caesar, where there was much 
 " discourse on you : that Cssar himself had no other 
 " complaint against you, but for a certain saying, 
 " which he declared to have been spoken by you ; 
 " that the young man was to be praised, adorned, taken 
 " off^ ; but he would not be so silly, he said, as to 
 " put it into any man's power to take him off. This, 
 " I dare say, was first carried to him, or forged by 
 " Segulius himself, and did not come from the young 
 " man. Segulius had a mind likewise to persuade 
 " me, that the veterans talk most angrily against 
 " you ; and that you are in danger from them ; and 
 " that the chief cause of their anger is, because nei- 
 " ther Csesar nor I am in the commission of the ten, 
 " but all things transacted by your will and plea- 
 " sure : upon hearing this, though I was then upon 
 " my march, I did not think it proper to pass the 
 " Alps, till I could first learn how matters were go^ 
 " ing amongst you f ," 8tc. 
 
 To this Cicero answered : 
 
 " The Gods confound that Segulius, the greatest 
 " knave, that is, or was, or ever will be. What, do 
 " you imagine, that he told this story only to you, 
 " and to Caesar ? he told the same to every soul that 
 
 * Laudandum, adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum. Whiclr 
 last word signifies, either to raise to honours, or take a%vay /ifc\ 
 \ Ep. fam. xi. 20. 
 
 R 2 
 
2^0 The. LIFE OF Sect. Xt 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pediws. 
 
 * 
 
 " he could spe^tk with : I love you, however, my 
 " Brutus, as I ought, for acquainting me with it, hov^^ 
 *' trifling soever it be : 'tis a sure sign of your afFec- 
 '* tion. For, as to what Segulius says, of the com- 
 " pteint of the veterans, because you and Cse'sar were 
 " not in the commission, I wish that 1 was not in it 
 " myself; for vi'hat can be more troublesome? but, 
 " when I proposed, that those who had the command 
 " of armies should be included in it, the same men, 
 " who used to oppose every thing, remonstrated a- 
 " gainst it ; so that you were excepted wholly a- 
 " gainst my vote and opinion t," &c. 
 
 As for the story of the wordSy he treats it, we see, 
 as too contemptible to deserve an apology, or the 
 pains of disclaiming it; and it seems indeed incredi. 
 ble, that a man of his prudence could ever say them. 
 If he had harboured such a thought, or had beea 
 tempted on any occasion to throw out such a hint, 
 we might have expected to find it in his letters to 
 Brutus ; yet, on the contrary, he speaks always of 
 Octavius in terms highly advantageous, even where 
 he was likely to give disgust by it. But nothing 
 was more common, than to have sayings forged for 
 his, which he had never spoken ; and this was one 
 of that sort ; contrived to instil a jealousy into Qc- 
 tavius, or to give him a handle at least for breaking 
 with Cicero, which, in his present circumstances, he 
 was glad to lay hold of : and, when the story was 
 once become public, and supposed to have gained 
 
 t Ep. fam. 21. 
 
Sect. XT. CICERO. 26x 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cxsar Octavianu3. Q^Pedius. 
 
 credit with Ocrtavius, it i? not strange to find it taken 
 up by the writers of the following ages, Velleius and 
 Suetonius ; though not without an intimation from 
 the latter of its suspected credit *. 
 
 While the city was in the utmost consternation on 
 Caesar's approach with his army, two veteran legions 
 from Afric happened to arrive in the Tiber, and 
 were received as a succour sent to them from hea- 
 ven : but this joy lasted not long ; for, presently af- 
 ter their landing, being corrupted by the other sol- 
 diers, they deserted the senate, who sent for them, 
 and joined themselves to Czesar. Poiiio likewise, 
 about the t-ame time, with two of his best legions 
 from Spain, came to the assistance of Antony ,and 
 Lepidus : so that all the veterans of the western 
 part of the empire were now plainly forming them- 
 selves into one body, to revenge the death of their 
 old general. The consent of all these armies, and 
 the unexpected turn of Antony's affairs, staggered 
 the "fidelity of Plancus, and induced him also at last 
 to desert his colleague D. Brutus, with whom he had 
 hitherto acted with much seeming concord : Pollio 
 made his peace, and good terms for him with Antony 
 and Lepidus ; and soon after brought him over to 
 their camp with all his troops. 
 
 D. Brutus being thus abandoned, and left to shift 
 for himself, with a needy, mutinous army ; eager to 
 desert, and ready to give him up to his enemies, had 
 no other way to save himself, than by flying to his 
 
 * Veil. Pat. 2. 62. Sueton. Aug. c. 12. 
 
 R3 
 
262 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Czsar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 namesake in Macedonia : but the distance was so 
 great, and the country so guarded, that he was often 
 forced to change his road, for fear of being taken ; 
 till, having dismissed all his attendants, and wander- 
 ed for some time alone in disguise and distress, he 
 committed himself to the protection of an old ac~ 
 quaintance and host, whom he had formerly obliged; 
 where, either through treachery or accident, he was 
 surprised by Antony's soldiers, who immediately 
 killed him, and returned with his head to their ge- 
 neral*. 
 
 Several of the old writers have reproached his me- 
 mory with a shameful cowardice in the manner of 
 suffering his death ; unworthy of the man who had 
 killed Caesar, and commanded armies. But their 
 accounts are so various, and so inconsistent with the 
 character of his former life, that we may reasonably 
 suspect them to be forged by those who were dis- 
 posed to throw all kinds of contumely on the mur- 
 derers of Caesar f . 
 
 But what gave the greatest shock to the whole 
 republican party, was a law contrived by Caesar, and 
 published by his colleague Pedius, " to bring to trial 
 " and justice all those who had been concerned, 
 " either in advising, or effecting Caesar's death :" in 
 consequence of which, all the conspirators were pre- 
 sently impeached in form by different accusers; and, 
 as none of them ventured to appear to their citations, 
 
 * Veil. Pat. 2. 64. App. 1. 3. 588. Max. 9. i- 
 f Scnec. Ep. 82. 543. Dio. 1. 46. 32c. Val« 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 263 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic 64. Coss~...C. Cassar Octavianus. Q^Pediui. 
 
 they were all condemned of course ; and, by a se- 
 cond law, interdicted from fire and water : Pompey 
 also, though he had born no part in that act, was 
 added to the number, as an irreconcileable enemy to 
 the Caesarian cause : after which, Caesar, to make 
 amends for the unpopularity of his law, distributed 
 to the citizens the legacies which his uncle had left 
 them by will *. 
 
 Cicero foresaw that things might possibly take this 
 turn, and Plancus himself prove treacherous ; and, 
 for that reason, was constantly pressing Brutus and 
 Cassius to hasten to Italy, as the most effectual means 
 to prevent it : every step that Caesar took confirmed 
 his apprehensions, and made him more importunate 
 with them to come, especially after the union of An- 
 tony and Lepidus. In his letters to Brutus, *' Fiy to 
 *' us," says he, " I beseech you, and exhort Cassius to 
 " the same ; for there is no hope of liberty but from 
 " your troops f . If jo^a have any regard for the re- 
 " public, for which you were born, you must do it 
 " instantly ; for the war is renewed by the incon- 
 " stancy of Lepidus ; and Caesar's army, which was 
 " the best, is not only of no service to us, but even 
 " obliges us to call for your's : as soon as ever you 
 " touch Italy, there is not a man, whom we can call 
 " a citizen, who will not immediately be in your 
 ** camp. We have D. Brutus indeed happily united 
 
 * App. 1. 3. 586. Dio. 46. 322. 
 f Quamobrem advola, obsefcro — hortare idem per litteras Cas* 
 sium. Spes libertatis nusquam nisi in vestrorum castrorum prin- 
 cipiis est. Ad Brut. iq. 
 
 R4 
 
164 The life of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cssar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " with Plancus : but you are not ignorant how 
 " changeable mens minds are, and how infected 
 *' with party, and how uncertain the events of war : 
 *' nay, should we conquer, as I hope we shall, there 
 " will be a want of your advice and authority to 
 " settle all affairs. Help us therefore, for God's sake; 
 " and as soon as possible : and assure yourself, that 
 " you did not do a greater service to your country 
 " on the Ides of March, when you freed it from sla- 
 " very, than you will do by coming quickly *." 
 
 After many remonstrances also of the same kindj 
 he wrote also the following letter : 
 
 Cicero to Brutus. 
 
 " After I had often exhorted you by letters, to 
 ♦* come as soon as possible to the relief of the repub- 
 ♦* lie, and bring your army into Italy, and never 
 ** imagined that your own people had any scruples 
 " about it ; I was desired by that most prudent and 
 " diligent woman, your mother, all whose thoughts 
 " and cares are employed on you, that I would come 
 " to her on the twenty-fourth of July ; which I did, 
 " as I ought, without delay. When I came, I found 
 " Casca, Labeo, and Scaptius with her. She pre- 
 ** sently entered into the affair, and asked my opi- 
 
 * Subveni igitur, per Deos, idque quam primum : tibique per- 
 suade, non te Idibus Martiis, quibus servitutem a tuis civibus rc- 
 pulisti, plus profuisse patriae, quam, si mature veneris, profutu- 
 rum, lb. 14. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 265 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^ Pedius. 
 
 ** nion, whether we should send for you to It?Jy ; 
 " and whether I thought it best for you to come, or 
 ^* to continue abroad. I declared, what I took to be 
 *' the most for. your honour and reputation, that, 
 " without loss of time, you should bring present help 
 " to the tottering and declining state. For what 
 " mischief may not one expect from that war, where 
 " the conquering armies refused to pursue a flying 
 " enemy ? where a general, unhurt, unprovoked, 
 " possessed of the highest honours, and the greatest 
 " fortunes, with a wife, children, and near relation 
 " to you, has declared war against the common- 
 " wealth ? I may add, where, in so great a concord 
 " of the senate and people, there resides stiliso much 
 " disorder within the walls; but the greatest grief 
 *' which I feel, while I am now writing, is to reflect, 
 ■* that, when the republic had taken my word for a 
 " youth, or rather a boy^ I shall hardly have it in my 
 " power to make good what I promised for him. 
 " For, it is a thing of much greater delicacy and 
 " moment, to engage one's self for another's senti- 
 " ments and principles, especially in affairs of im- 
 *' portance, than for money : for money may be paid, 
 *' and the loss itself be tolerable : but how can you 
 " pay what you are engaged for to the republic, un- 
 " less he, for whom you stand engaged, will suffer it 
 " to be paid ? yet, I am still in hopes to hold him ; 
 " though many are plucking him away from mt : 
 *' for his disposition seems good, though his age be 
 " flexible, and many always at hand to corrupt him; 
 ^' who, by throwing in his way the splendour of false 
 
 R4 
 
266 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " honour, think themselves sure of dazzling his good 
 " sense and understanding. Wherefore, to all my 
 *' other labours, this new one is added, of setting all 
 " engines at work to hold fast the young man, lest I 
 " incur the imputation of rashness. Though what 
 " rashness is it after all ? for, in reality, I bound him 
 " for whom I was engaged more strongly than my- 
 " self: nor has the republic as yet any cause to re- 
 " pent, that I was his sponsor: since he has hitherto 
 ** been the more firm and constant in acting for us, 
 " as well from his own temper, as for my promise. 
 " I'he greatest diiiiculty in the republic, if I mistake 
 " not, is the want of money : for honest men grow 
 " every day more and more averse to the name of 
 " tribute ; and what was gathered from the hun- 
 " dredth penny, where the rich are shamefully rated, 
 " is all spent in rewarding the two legions. There 
 " is an infinite expence upon us, to support the ar* 
 " mies which now defend us ; and also yours ; for 
 " our Cassius seems likely to come sufficiently pro* 
 " vided. But I long to talk over this, and many 
 " other things with you in person ; and that quick- 
 " ly. As to your sister's children, I did not wait, 
 " Brutus, for your writing to me : the times them- 
 " selves, since the war will be drawn into length, 
 " reserve the whole affair to you: but, from the first, 
 " when I could not foresee the continuance of the 
 " war, I pleaded the cause of the children in the se- 
 " nate, in a manner, which you have been informed 
 " of, I guess, by your mother's letters : nor can there 
 ^* ever be any case, where I will not both say aad 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 267 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64 — Coss. C Caefar Octavianus, Q^Pedius. 
 
 *' do, even at the ha^^ard of my life^ whatever I think 
 " agreeable either to your inclination or to your in- 
 " terest. The twenty-sixth of July*." 
 
 In a letter likewise to Gassius, he says, ** we wish 
 " so see you in Italy as soon as possible ; and shall 
 " imagine that we have recovered the republic when 
 '* we have you with us. We had conquered nobly, 
 " if Lepidus had not received the routed, disarmed, 
 ** fugitive, Antony : wherefore Antony himself was 
 *' never so odious to the city as Lepidus is now ; for 
 " he began a war upon us from a turbulent state of 
 " things ; this man from peace and victory. We 
 ** have the consuls elect to oppose him ; in whom in- 
 " deed we have great hopes ; yet not without an 
 " anxious care for the uncertain events of battles- 
 " Assure yourself therefore that all our dependance 
 ** is on you and your Brutus ; that you are both ex- 
 *' pected, but Brutus immediately*. &.c. 
 
 But, after all these repeated remonstrances of Ci- 
 cero, neither Brutus nor Cassius seem to have enter- 
 tained the least thought of coming with their armies 
 to Italy. Cassius, indeed, by being more remote, 
 could not come so readily, and was not so much ex- 
 pected as Brutus ; who, before the battle of Mode- 
 na, had drawn down all his legions to the sea-coast, 
 and kept them at Apollonia and Dyrrhachium, wait- 
 ing the event of that action, and ready to embark 
 for Italy if any accident had made his assistance ne- 
 
 * Ep. fam. 12. 10. f Ad Brut. 18. 
 
268 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 7I0. Cic.64. — Co5s. C. Caspar Octavlanas. Q^Pedlus. 
 
 cessary ; for which Cicero highly commends him*. 
 But upon the news of Antony's defeat, taking all 
 the danger to be over, he marched away directly to 
 the remotest parts of Greece and Macedonia, to op- 
 pose the attempts of Dolabella ; and from that time 
 seemed deaf to the call of the senate, and to all Ci- 
 cero's letters, which urged him so strongly to come 
 to their relief. It is difficult at this distance to pe- 
 netrate the motives of his conduct ; he had a better 
 opinion of Lepidus than the rest of his party had ; 
 and being naturally positive, might affect to slight 
 the apprehensions of Lepidus's treachery, which v/as 
 the chief ground of their calling so earnestly for him. 
 But he had other reasons also, which were thought 
 to be good : since some of his friends at Rome, as we 
 may collect from Cicero's letter, were of a different 
 mind from Cicero on the subject of his coming. 
 They might suspect the fidehty of his troops ; and 
 that they were not sufficiently confirmed and at- 
 tached to him, to be trusted in the field against the 
 veterans in Italy ; whose example and invitation, 
 when they came to face each other, might possibly 
 induce them to desert, as the other armies had done, 
 and betray their commanders. But whatever was 
 their real motive, D. Brutus, who was the best judge 
 of the state of things at home, was entirely of Cice- 
 ro's opinion : he saw himself surrounded with vete- 
 
 * Tuum consilium vehementer laudo, quod non prius cxercl- 
 tum ApoUonia Dyrrhachioque movisti, quam de Antonii fug« 
 ^udisti, Bruti cruptione, populi Romani victoria. Ad Brut. 2(* 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. l6g 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. — Coss. C. Cicsar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 ran armies, disaffected to the cause of liberty ; knew 
 the perfidy of Lepidus ; the ambition of young Cae- 
 sar ; and the irresolution of his colleague Plancus ; 
 and admonished Cicero therefore in all his letters, to 
 urge his namesake to hasten his march to them*. 
 So that on tiie whole it seems reasonable to believe, 
 that if Brutus and Cassius had marched xvith their 
 armies towards Italy, at the time when Cicero first 
 pressed it, before the defection of Plancus and the 
 death of Decimus, it must have prevented the im- 
 mediate ruin of the Republic, 
 
 The want of money, of w^hich Cicero complains 
 at this time, as the greatest evil that they had 
 to struggle with, is expressed also very strongly in 
 another letter to Cornificius, the proconsul of Afric, 
 who was urging him to provide a fund for the sup- 
 port of his legions : ** As to the expence," says he, 
 *' which you have made, and are making, in your 
 " military preparations, it is not in my power to 
 *' help you ', because the senate is now without a 
 •* head, by the death of the consuls, and there is an 
 '* incredible scarcity of money in the treasury ; 
 ** W'hich Vv^e are gathering however from all quarters^ 
 " to make good our promises to the troops that have 
 ** deserved it of us ; which cannot be done in my 
 " opinion without a tribute f." This tribute w^as a 
 
 * De Bruto autem nihil adbuc certi. Quero ego, queraadmo- 
 dum prsecipis, privatis literis ad bellum coramune vocare non d^- 
 sino. Ep. tarn. xi. 25. it. 26. 
 
 f De sumptu, quern te in rem militarem facerc at fecisse dicis, 
 nihil sane possum tibi opitulari, propterea quod et orbus senatuSj, 
 consulibui. amissis, et incredibiles angustiae pecunign publico, &t, 
 Ep, fatn. i2. 50. 
 
270 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic 64, — Coss. C. Caesar Octavianus, Q^Pedius. 
 
 sort of capitation- tax, proportioned to each man's 
 substance, but had been wholly disused in Rome 
 from the conquest of Macedonia by Paulus ^milius, 
 which furnished money and rents sufficient to ease 
 the city ever after of that burthen, till the necessity 
 of the present times obliged them to renew it*. But 
 from what Cicero intimates of the general aversion 
 to the revival of it, one cannot help observing the 
 fatal effects of that indolence and luxury which had 
 infected even the honest part of Rome: who, in this 
 utmost exigency of the repubhc, were shocked at 
 the very mention of an extraordinary tax, and would 
 not part with the least share of their money for the 
 defence even of their liberty : the consequence of 
 which was, uhat it must always be in the like case, 
 that, by starving the cause, they found not only their 
 fortunes, but their lives also soon after at the mercy 
 of their enemies. Cicero has a reflection in one of 
 his speeches, that seems applicable also to the pre- 
 sent case, and to be verified by the example of these 
 times. " The repubhc," says he, *' is attacked al- 
 ** ways with greater vigor than it is defended : for 
 " the audacious and profligate, prompted by their 
 " natural enmity to it, are easily impelled to act up- 
 " on the least nod of their leaders ; whereas the ho- 
 *' nest, I know not why, are generally slow and un- 
 ** wiUing to stir ; and, neglecting always the begin- 
 " nings of things, are never roused to exert them- 
 
 * At Perse rege devicto Paulus, cum iVIacedoiiicis opibus ve- 
 terem atque hereditariam urbis nostrae paupertatem eo usque sa- 
 tiasset, ut illo tempore prlmum populus Romanus tributi praestan- 
 di onere se liberaret.— Val. Max. 4. 3. it. Plin. Hist. N. 33. 3. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 271 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Casar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " selves but by the last necessity : so that, through 
 " irresolution and delay, when they would be glad 
 " to compound at last for their quiet, at the expence 
 " even of their honour, they commonly lose them 
 " both*." 
 
 This observation will serve to vindicate the con- 
 duct of Cassius from that charge of violence and 
 cruelty, which he is said to have practised, in exacting 
 money and other necessaries from the cities of Asia. 
 He was engaged in an inexpiable war, where he must 
 either conquer or perish, with the republic itself, 
 and where his legions were not only to be supported 
 but rewarded : the revenues of the empire were ex- 
 hausted ; contributions came in sparingly ; and the 
 states abroad were all desirous to stand neuter, as 
 doubtful of the issue, and unwilling to offend either 
 side. Under these difficulties, where money was ne- 
 cessary, and no w^ay of procuring it but force, extor- 
 tion became lawful; the necessity of the end justi- 
 fied the means ; and when the safety of the empire, 
 and the liberty of Rome were at stake, it was no 
 time to listen to scruples. This was Cassius's way 
 of reasoning, and the ground of his acting ; who ap- 
 plied all his thoughts to support the cause that he 
 had undertaken ; and kept his eyes, as Appian says, 
 wholly fixt upon the war, as a gladiator upon his an- 
 tagonistf. 
 
 * Pro Sextio 47. 
 j- 'O fcit Kota-a-ioi a, f^irecqr^iTf]]^ Koc^uTTt^ h tod uyuH^tii « /AovofAst^Sf' 
 «5i U f*oift TOif TFoMfcot ^(pia^a,, App. 1. 4. 667* 
 
272 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A, Urb. 710. Cic, 64.-HC:os?, C.Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 Brutus, on the other hand, being of a temper more 
 mild and scrupulous, contented himself generally 
 with the regular methods of raising money ; and, 
 from his love of philosophy and the politer studies, 
 having contracted an affection for the cities of 
 Greece, instead of levying contributions, used to di- 
 vert himself wherever he passed with seeing their 
 games and exercises, and presiding at their philoso- 
 phic-al disputations^ as if travelling rather for curio- 
 sity than to provide materials for a bloody war^'. 
 When he and Cassius therefore met, the difference 
 of their circumstances shewed the different effects of 
 their conduct. Cassius, without receiving a penny 
 from Rome, came rich and amply furnished with 
 all the stores of war : Brutus, who had received 
 large remittances from Italy, came empty and poor, 
 and unable to support himself without the help of 
 Cassius, who was forced to give him a third part of 
 that treasure which he had been gathering with so 
 much envy to himself for the common service*. 
 
 While Cicero was taking all these pains, and strug- 
 gling thus gloriously in the support of their expiring 
 liberty, Brutus, who was natCirally peevish and que- 
 rulous, being particularly chagrined by the unhap^ 
 py turn of affairs in Italy, and judging of counsels 
 by events, wa^ disposed at last to throw all the blame 
 upon him ; charging him chiefly, that, bv a profu- 
 
 * 'O 2e Bp5t65 oVjj y/fvciTo, koci (piX^keif^uv j^v Keti (pi?4K00Sf ciTixxk (p'« 
 ?LOir9{pr,o-cC5 iSK uyivvo^^. A pp. 1- 4. 067. 
 
 f Plutatch, in Bruto. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 273 
 
 A. Urb. 710. CIc. 64. — Coss. C. Caesar Octavianus, Q^Pedius. 
 
 sion of honours on young Caesar, he had inspired 
 him with an ambition incompatible with the safety 
 of the repubhc, and armed him with that power 
 which he was now employing to oppress it: whereas 
 the truth is, that by those honours Cicero did not in- 
 tend to give Caesar any new power, but to apply 
 that which he had already acquired by his own vi- 
 gour, to the public service and the ruin of Antony ^ 
 in which he succeeded even beyond expectation ; 
 and would certainly have gained his end, had he 
 not been prevented by accidents which could not 
 be foreseen. For it is evident, from the facts above- 
 mentioned, that he was always jealous of Caesar, and^ 
 instead of increasing, was contriving some check to 
 his authority, till, by the death of the consuls, he 
 slipt out of his hands, and became too strong to be 
 managed by him any longer. Brutus, by being at 
 such a distance, was not well apprized of the parti- 
 cular grounds of granting those honours ; but Deci- 
 nius, who was all the while in Italy, saw the use and 
 necessity of them, and seems to hint, in some of his 
 letters, that they ought to have decreed still great- 
 er ■*. 
 
 But whatever Brutus, or any one else, may have 
 said, if we reflect on Cicero's conduct, from the time 
 of Caesar's death to his own, we shall find it, in all 
 respects, uniform, great, and glorious ; never deviat- 
 
 * Mirabiliter, rai Brute, laetor, mea consilla, measque sen- 
 tentlas a te piobari, de decemviri's, de ornando adolescente. Ep, 
 fam. xi. 14. it. 20. 
 
 Vol. Ill, S 
 
274 The LIFE of S^ct. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. CsesarOctavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 ing from the grand point which he had in view, 
 the hberty of his country : whereas, if we attend to 
 Brutus's, we cannot help observing in it something 
 strangely various and inconsistent with itself. In 
 his outward manners and behaviour, he affected the 
 rigour of a Stoic, and the severity of an old Roman; 
 yet, by a natural tenderness and compassion, was oft 
 betrayed into acts of an effeminate weakness. To 
 restore the liberty of his country, he killed his friend 
 and benefactor; and declares, that, for the same 
 cause, he would have killed even his father * : yet 
 he would not take Antony's life, though it was a ne- 
 cessary sacrifice to the same cause. When Dolabella 
 had basely murdered Trebonius, and Antony openly 
 approved the act, he could not be persuaded to make 
 reprisals on C. Antony : but, through a vain osten- 
 tation of clemency, suffered him to live, though with 
 danger to himself. When his brother-in-law Lepi- 
 dus was declared an enemy, he expressed an absurd 
 and peevish resentment of it, for the sake of his ne- 
 phews, as if it would not have been in his power to 
 have repaired their fortunes, if the republic was ever 
 restored ; or, if not, in their father's. How contrary 
 is this to the spirit of that old Brutus, from whom he 
 derived his descent, and whom, in his general con- 
 duct, he pretended to imitate ? He blames Cicero 
 for dispensing honour^i too largely, yet claims an in- 
 
 * -Non concesserim, quod in illo non tuli, sed nc patri 
 quidem meo, si reviviscat, ut, patiente me, plus legibus ac scnatu 
 possit. (i^d Brut. 16.) sed dominum, ne parentcm quidem, ma- 
 jores nostri voluerunt esse. (lb. 17.) 
 
>ECT. 
 
 Xt. CICERO. ^75 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic, 64. Coss.— C. Casar Octavlanus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 finite share of them to himself; and, when he had 
 seized, by his private authority, what the senate, at 
 Cicero's motion, confirmed to him, the most extra- 
 ordinary command which had been granted to any 
 man ; he declares himself an enemy to all extraor- 
 dinary commissions, in what hands soever they w^ere 
 lodged f . This inconsistency in his character v, ould 
 tempt us to believe, that he was governed in many 
 cases by the pride and haughtiness of his temper, 
 l*ather than by any constant and settled principles of 
 philosophy, of which he is commonly thought so strict 
 an observer. 
 
 Cicero, however, notwithstanding the peevishness 
 of Brutus, omitted no opportunity of serving and 
 "supporting him to the very last : As soon as he per- 
 ceived Caesar's intention of revenging his uncle's 
 death, he took all imaginable pains to dissuade him 
 from it, and never ceased from exhorting him by 
 letters to a reconciliation with Brutus, and the ob- 
 servance of that amnesty, which the senate had de- 
 creed, as the foundation of the public peace. This 
 was certainly the best service which he could do, 
 either to Brutus or the republic ; and Atticus, ima- 
 gining that Brutus would be pleased with it, sent 
 him a copy of what Cicero had written on that sub- 
 ject : but, instead of pleasing, it provoked Brutus 
 only the more : he treated it as base and dishonour- 
 
 f E^o certe — cum ipsa re bellunr. geram, hoc est cum regno, 
 et imperils cxtraordinariis et dominatione et potentia— Ad 
 Brut. 17. 
 
 S 2 
 
t^6 The LIFE of Sect. XI, 
 
 A, Urb. 710, Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. C^Pedius. 
 
 able, to ask any thing of a boy, or to imagine the 
 safety of Brutus to depend on any one but himself: 
 and signified his mind upon it, both to Cicero and 
 Atticus, in such a stile, as confirms what Cicero had 
 long before observed, and more than once declared 
 of him, " that his letters were generally churlish, 
 *' unmannerly, and arrogant ; and, that he regarded 
 " neither what, or to whom he was writing *. But 
 their own letters to each other will be the best 
 vouchers of what I have been remarking, and enable 
 us to form the surest judgment of the different spirit 
 and conduct of the men. After Brutus therefore 
 had frequently intimated his dissatisfaction and dis- 
 like of Cicero's management, Cicero took occasion, 
 in the following letter, to lay open the w^hole pro- 
 gress of it, from the time of Caesar's death, in or- 
 der to shew the reasonableness and necessity of each 
 step. 
 
 Cicero to Brutus. 
 
 *' You have Messala now with you. It is not pos- 
 " sible therefore for me to explain by letter, though 
 " ever so accurately drawn, the present state of our 
 " affairs so exactly as he, who not only knows them 
 " all more perfectly, but can describe them more 
 ^* elegantly than any man : for I would not have 
 " you imagine, Brutus, (though there is no occasion 
 " tf) tell you, what you know already yourself, but 
 
 * Ad An. 6. 1,3. 
 
Sect. XT. CICERO. 277 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Casar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " that I cannot pass over in silence such an excel- 
 " lence of all good qualities :) I would not have you 
 " imagine, I say, that, for probity, constancy, and 
 ** zeal for the republic, there is any one equal to 
 " him ; so that eloquence, in which he wonderfully 
 " excells, scarce finds a place among his other praises: 
 " since, even in that, his wisdom shines the most 
 " eminent, by his having formed himself with so 
 " much judgment and skill to the truest manner of 
 " speaking. Yet his industry all the while is so re- 
 " markable, and he spends so much of his time in 
 " study, that he seems to owe but little to his parts, 
 " which still are the greatest. But I am carried too 
 " far by my love for him : for it is not the purpose 
 " of this epistle to praise Messala, especially to Bru- 
 " tus, to whom his virtue is not less known, than to 
 ** myself; and these very studies, which I am prais- 
 " ing, still more : whom, when I could not part with 
 ** w^ithout regret, I comforted myself with reflecting, 
 " that, by his going away to you, as it were, to my 
 " second self, he both discharged his duty, and pur- 
 " sued the surest path to glory. But so much for 
 ** that *. I come now, after a long interval, to con- 
 
 * Publlus Valerius Messala Corvinus, of whom Cicero here 
 gives so fine a character, was one of the noblest, as well as the 
 most accomplished persons of his age, who lived long afterwards 
 the general favourite of all parties, and a principal ornament of 
 Augustus's court. Being in arms with Brutus, he was proscrib- 
 ed of course by the Triumvirate, yet was excepted soon after by 
 a special edict j but refused the benefit of that grace, and adher- 
 ed to the cause of liberty, till he saw it expire with his friend. 
 After the battle of Philippi, the troops that remained, freely of- 
 
 fcred 
 
 S3 
 
278 The life of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos*;. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 ** sider a certain letter of yours, in which, while you 
 " allow me to have done well in m^ny things, you 
 " find fault with me for one ; that, in conferring ho- 
 *^ nours, I was too free, and even prodigal. You 
 " charge me with this; others, probably, with being 
 " too severe in punishing, or you yourself perhaps 
 " with both : if so, I desire that my judgment and 
 " sentiments on each may be clearly explained to 
 
 fcred themselves to his command -, but he chose to accept peace, 
 to which he was invited by the conquerors, and surrendered him- 
 self to Antony, with whom he had a particular acquaintance. 
 When Caesar was defeated not long after by S. Pompey on the 
 coast of Sicily, beingf in the utmost distress and danger of life, 
 he committed himself, with one domestic, to the fidelity of Mes- 
 sala ; who, instead of revenging himself on one w^ho had so late- 
 ly proscribed and set a price on his head, generously protected, 
 and preserved him. He continued still in the friendship of An- 
 tony, till the scandal of Antony's life, and slavish obsequiousness 
 to Cleopatra, threw him wholly into the interests of Caesar, by 
 whom he was declared consul in Antony's place, greatly intrust- 
 ed in the battle of Actium ^ and honoured at last with a triumph, 
 for reducing the rebellious Gauls to their obedience. He is ce, 
 lebrated by all writers, as one of the first orators of Rome : and, 
 having been the disciple of Cicero, was thought by some to ex- 
 cel even his master in the sweetness and correctness of his stile j 
 preserving always a dignity, and demonstrating his nobility, by 
 the very manner of his speaking. To the perfection of his elo- 
 quence, h^' had added all the accomplishments of the other libe- 
 ral arts 5 was a great admirer of Socrates, and the severer studies 
 of philosophy, yet an eminent patron of all the wits and poets of 
 those times. Tibullus was the constant companion of all his fo- 
 reign expeditions, which he celebrates in his elegies ; and Ho^ 
 race, in one of his odes, calls for his choicest wines, for the en- 
 tertainment of so noble a guest. Yet this polite and amiable 
 man. impaired by sickness, and worn out at last by age, is said 
 to have outlived his senses and memory, till he had forgotteix 
 even his very name. See App. p. 611, 736. Tacit. Dial. 18, 
 Quintil. X. I. Tibul. Eleg. lib. i. 7. Hor. C^rm. 3. 2i. Piin, 
 Hist. N. 7, 24. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 279 
 
 A. Urb. 7I0. Cic. 64. Coss, — C, Caesar Octavianus. Q. Petllus, 
 
 " you : not that I mean to justify myself by the 
 " authority of Solon, the wisest of the seven, and the 
 " only legislator of them ail ; who used to say, that 
 " the public weal was comprised in two things, rcr 
 ** wards and punishments ; in which, however, as in 
 " every thing else, a certain m.edium and tempera- 
 " ment is to be observed. But it is not my design 
 " at this time to discuss so great a subject : I think 
 " it proper only, to open the reasons of my votes 
 " and opinions in the senate, from the beginning of 
 " this war. After the death of Caesar, and those 
 " your memorable Ides of March, you cannot forget, 
 " Brutus, what I declared to have been omitted by 
 " you, and what a tempest I foresaw hanging over 
 " the republic : you had freed us from a great plague ; 
 " wiped off a great stain from the Roman people ; 
 " acquired to yourselves divine glory : yet all the 
 " equipage and furniture of kingly power w^sJeft 
 " still to Lepidus and Antony ; the one inconstant, 
 " the other vicious ; both of them afraid of peace, 
 '' and enemies to the public quiet. While these 
 " men v;ere eager to raise fresh disturbances in the 
 " republic, we had no guard about us to oppose 
 " them ; though the whole city was eager and una- 
 " nimous in asserting it's liberty : I was then thought 
 " too violent ; while you, perhaps more wisely, with- 
 " drew yourselves from that city Vvhich you had de- 
 " livered, and refused the help of all Italy, which 
 " offered to arm itself in your cause. Wherefore, 
 " when I saw the city in the hands of traitors, op- 
 *' pressed by the arms of Antony, and that neithei' 
 
 S4 ' 
 
28o The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic.64. — Coss. C. Casar Octavlanus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 *^ you nor Cassius could be safe in it ; I thought it 
 *' time for nie to quit it too : for a city overpowered by 
 *' traitors, without the means of reheving itself, is a 
 '* wretched spectacle : Yet my mind, always the 
 " same, and ever fixed on the love of my country, 
 " could not bear the thought of leaving it in its dis- 
 *' tress : in the midst therefore of my voyage to 
 *' Greece, and in the very season of the Etesian winds, 
 " when an uncommon south wind, as if displeased 
 ** with my resolution, had driven me back to Italy, 
 '' I found you at Veha, and was greatly concerned at 
 *' it : for you were retreating, Brutus; were retreating, 
 " I say; since your Stoics will not allow their wise man 
 " to fly. As soon as I came to Rome, I exposed myself 
 " to the wickedness and rage of Antony ; and when I 
 *' had exasperated him against me, began to enter 
 *' into measures in the very manner of the Brutuses, 
 *' (for such are peculiar to your blood) for dehver- 
 " ing the republic. I shall omit the long recital of 
 ** what followed, since it all relates to myself; and 
 " observe only, that young Cassar, by whom, if we 
 ^* will confess the truth, we subsist at this day, flow- 
 *' ed from the source of my counsels; I decreed him 
 " no honours, Brutus, but what were due ; none but 
 " what were necessary : for as soon as we began to 
 " recover any liberty, and before the virtue of D. Bru- 
 " tus had yet shewn itself so far that we could know 
 " it's divine force; and while our whole defence was 
 ** in the boy who repelled Antony from our necks ; 
 " what honour was not really due to him? though I 
 V gave him nothing yet but the praise of words, and 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 28r 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.~-C. Cxsar Octavianus. Q^Pcdiin. 
 
 " that but moderate. I decreed him mdeed a legal 
 " command : which, though it seemed honourable to 
 " one of that age, was yet necessary to one who had 
 " an army : for what is an army without the command 
 " of it ? Philip voted him a statue ; Servius the privi- 
 " lege of suing for offices before the legal time ; 
 " which was shortened still by Servilius : nothing 
 " was then thought too much : but we are apt, I 
 " know not how, to be more liberal in fear, than 
 " grateful in success. When D. Brutus was deli- 
 " vered from the siege, a day of all others the most 
 " joyous to the city, which happened also to be his 
 " birth-day, I decreed that his name should be as- 
 " cribed for ever to that day in the public kalen- 
 " dars. In which I followed the example of our an- 
 " cestors who paid the same honour to a woman, 
 " Larentia ; at whose altar your priests perform sa- 
 " cred rites in the Velabrum : by giving this to D. 
 " Brutus, my design was to fix in the kalcndars a 
 " perpetual memorial of a most acceptable victory : 
 " but I perceived on that day, that there was more 
 " malevolence than gratitude in many of the senate. 
 " During these same days, I poured out honours 
 " (since you will have it so) on the deceased Hir- 
 *' tius, Pansa, and Aquila ; and who can find fault 
 " with it but those who, when fear is once over, for- 
 " get their past danger ? But besides the grateful 
 " remembrance of services, there was an use in it 
 " which reached to posterity : for I was desirous that 
 " there should remain an eternal monument of the 
 '' public hatred to our most cruel enemies. There 
 
2S2 The life of Sect, XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Casar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " is one thing, I doubt, which does not please you ; 
 ^' for it does not please your friends here ; who, 
 " though excellent men, have but little experience 
 *' in public affairs ; that I decreed an ovation to C^- 
 *' sar : but for my part, (though I may pehaps be 
 *^ mistaken, for I am not one of those who approve 
 ■* nothing but what is my own), I cannot but think 
 " that I have advised nothing more prudent during this 
 ** war. Why it is so, is not proper to be explained, lest 
 " I be thought to have been more provident in it 
 " than grateful : but even this is too much : let us 
 " therefore pass to other things. I decreed honours 
 " to D. Brutus ; decreed them to Plancus : they 
 " must be men of great souls who are attracted by 
 ** glory : but the senate also is certainly wise in try- 
 " ing every art that is honest, by which it can en- 
 " gage any one to the service of the repubhc. But 
 " I ani blamed in the case of Lepidus; to whom, 
 *' after I had raised a statue in the rostra, I present- 
 " ly threw it down. My view in that honour was 
 " to reclaim him from desperate measures ; but the 
 *• madness of an inconstant man got the better of 
 " my prudence ; nor was there yet so much harm in 
 " erecting as good in demolishing the statue. But 
 ** I have said enough concerning honours; and must 
 " say a word or two about punishments : for I have 
 ** often observed from your letters that you are fond 
 ** of acquiring a reputation of clemency, by your 
 *' treatment of those whom you have conquered in 
 *' war. I can imagine nothing to be done by you 
 " but what is wisely done: but to omit the punish^ 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 283 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Csesar Octavlanus, (^ Pcdius. 
 
 " ing of wickedness (which we call paidoning), 
 *' though it be tolerable in other cases, I hold to be 
 *' pernicious in this war. Of all the civil wars that 
 ** have been in my memory, there was not one 
 ** in which, what side soever got the better, there 
 " would not have remained some form of a common- 
 " wealth : yet in this, what sort of a republic we are 
 *' like to have if we conquer, I would not easily af- 
 " firm ; but if we are conquered we are sure to have 
 *' none. My votes therefore were severe against 
 " Antony ; severe against Lepidus ; not from any 
 " spirit of revenge, but to deter wicked citizens at 
 *' present from making war against their country ; 
 " and to leave an example to posterity, that none 
 " hereafter should imitate such rashness. Yet this very 
 " vote was not more mine than it was every body's : 
 *' in which there seems, I own, to be something cru- 
 " el, that the punishment should reach to children 
 *' who have done nothing to deserve it: but the con- 
 " stitution is both ancient and of all cities ;*for The- 
 *' mistocles's children were reduced to want : and 
 *' since the same punishment falls upon citizens con^ 
 *' demned of public crimes,.how was it possible for us 
 *' to be more gentle towards enemies ? But how^ can 
 " that man complain of me, who, if he had conquer- 
 *' ed, must needs confess that he would have treat- 
 " ed me even with more severity ? You have now 
 ** the motives of my opinions in the case of rewards 
 " and punishments : for as to other points you have 
 *' heard, I imagine, what my sentiments and votes 
 ^' have been. But to talk of these things now is not 
 
284 The life of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.--C. Caesar Octavianas. Q^Pedius. 
 
 *' necessary : what I am going to say is extremely so, 
 *' Brutus ; that you come to Italy with your army as 
 " soon as possible. We are in the utmost expectation 
 *' of you : whenever you set foot in Italy all the world 
 " will fly to you : for whether it be our lot to con- 
 " quer (as we had already done if Lepidus had not 
 " been desirous to overturn all, and perish himself 
 ** with his friends) there will be a great want of 
 •* your authority, for the setthng some state of a ci- 
 " ty amongst us ; or, if there be any danger and 
 '* struggle still behind, hasten to us for God's sake : 
 ** for you know how much depends upon opportu- 
 ** nity, how much on dispatch. What diligence I 
 " shall use in the care of your sister's children you 
 " will socn know, I hope, from your mother's and 
 '* sister's letters ; in whose cause I have more regard 
 " to your will, which is ever most dear to me, than, 
 ** as some think, to my own constancy : but it is 
 " my desire both to be and to appear constant in 
 " nothing so much as in loving you *." 
 
 Brutus to Cicero. 
 
 ** I have read a part of your letter which you sent 
 *' to Octavius, transmitted to me by Atticus. Your 
 •* zeal and concern for my safety gave me no new 
 ** pleasure ; for it is not only common but our daily 
 " news, to hear something which you have said or 
 *' done with your usual fidelity in the support of 
 
 * Ad Brut, ijc 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 285 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. — Coss. C. Cxsar Octavianus, Q. Pedlus. 
 
 " my honour and dignity. Yet that same part of 
 " your letter affected me with the most sensible grief 
 " which my mind could possibly receive. For you 
 " compHment him so highly for his services to the 
 " republic ; and in a strain so suppliant and abject ; 
 
 " that what shall I say ? 1 am ashamed of 
 
 ** the wretched state to which we are reduced — ^yet 
 
 *' it must be said you recommend my safety to 
 
 " him ; to which what death is not preferable ? and 
 
 *' plainly shew that our servitude is not yet abolish- 
 
 " ed, but our master only changed. Recollect your 
 
 " words, and deny them if you dare, to be the pray- 
 
 " ers of a slave to his king. There is one thing, 
 
 " you say, which is required and expected from him, 
 
 " that he would allow those citizens to live in safe- 
 
 ** ty, of whom all honest men and the people of 
 
 " Rome think well. But what if he will not allow 
 
 *' it ? Shall we be the less safe for that ? It is better 
 
 " not to be safe, than to be saved by him. For my 
 
 " part, I can never think all the gods so averse to 
 
 " the preservation of the Roman people, that Octa- 
 
 *' vius must be intreated for the life of any one citi- 
 
 " zen ; much less for the deliverers of the world. It 
 
 " is a pleasure to me to talk thus magnificently ; 
 
 *' and it even becomes me to those who know not 
 
 *' either what to fear for any one, or what to ask of 
 
 " any one. Can you allow Octavius to have this 
 
 ** power, and yet be his friend? or, if you have any 
 
 " value for me, would you wish to see m.e at Rome, 
 
 " when I must first be recommended to the boy, 
 
 ** that he would permit me to be there ? what rea- 
 
285 Th]^ life of SkcT. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710, Cic. 64. — Coss. C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " son can you have to thank him, if you think it 
 " necessary to beg of him that he would grant and 
 " suffer us to life with safety ? or is it to be reckoned 
 " a kindness, that he chuses to see himself, rather 
 " than Antony, in the condition to have such peti- 
 " tions addressed to him ? One may supplicate in- 
 " deed the successor, but never the abolisher of a 
 " tyranny, that those who have deserved well of the 
 " republic may be safe. It was this weakness and 
 " despair, not more blameable indeed in you than in 
 " all, which first pushed Cassar to the ambition of 
 " reigning ; and after his death encouraged Antony 
 " to think of seizing his place, and has now raised 
 " this boy so high that you judge it necessary to ad^ 
 " dress your prayers to him for the preservation of 
 " men of our rank ; and that we can be saved only 
 " by the mercy of one scarce yet a man ; and by no 
 " other means. But if we had remembered our- 
 " selves to be Romans, these infamous men would 
 *• not be more daring to aim at dominion, than wc 
 " to repel it : nor v/ould Antony be more encou- 
 ** raged by Caesar's reign, than deterred by his fate. 
 " How can you, a consular senator, and the avenger 
 ** of so many treasons (by suppressing which you 
 ** have but postponed our ruin, I fear, for a time) 
 *' reflect on what you have done, and yet approve 
 " these things, or bear them so tamely as to seem at 
 *' least to approve them ? for what particular grudge 
 " had you at Antony ? no other, but that he assum- 
 " ed all this to himself; that our lives should be beg- 
 J* ged of him ; our safety be precarious, from whom 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. ^S; 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 *' he had received his liberty ; and the republic de- 
 " pend on his will and pleasure. You thought it 
 " necessary to take arms to prevent him from tyran- 
 " nizing at this rate : but was it your intent that, by 
 ** preventing him, we might sue to another who 
 " would suffer himself to be advanced into his place ; 
 " or that the republic might be free and mistress of 
 " itself? as if our quarrel was not perhaps to slavery, 
 " but to the conditions of it. But we might have 
 *' had, not only an easy master in Antony, if w^e would 
 " have been content with that, but whatever share 
 " with him we pleased, of favours and honours. For 
 " what could he deny to those, whose patience, he 
 " saw, was the best support of his government? but 
 " nothing was of such value to us, that we should 
 " sell our faith and our liberty for it. This very boy, 
 *' whom the name of Caesar seems to incite against 
 " ine destroyers of Caesar, at what rate would he 
 " value it (if there was any room to traffic with him) 
 ** to be enabled, by our help, to maintain his present 
 " power; since we have a mind to live, and to be 
 *' rich, and to be called consulars ? but then Caesar 
 " must have perished in vain : for what reason had 
 " we to rejoice at his death, if, after it, we were still 
 *' to continue slaves ? Let other people be as indo- 
 *• lent as they please ; but may the Gods and God- 
 ** desses deprive me sooner of every thing, than the 
 " resolution, not to allow to the heir of him, whom 
 " I killed, what I did not allow to the man himself: 
 " nor would suffer, even in my father, were he hv- 
 " ing, to have more power than the laws and the 
 
^88 The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. . Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus, Q^Pedius. 
 
 " senate. How can you imagine, that any one can 
 " be free under him, without whose leave there is no 
 " place for us in that city ? or, how is it possible for 
 *' you, after all, to obtain what you ask ? You ask, 
 " that he would allow us to be safe. Shall we then 
 " receive safety, think you, when we receive life ? 
 *' but how can we receive it, if we first part with our 
 " honour and liberty ? Do you fancy, that to live at 
 " Rome is to be safe ? It is the thing, and not the 
 " place, which must secure that to me : for I was 
 ** never safe, while Caesar lived, till I had resolved 
 " on that attempt : nor can I in any place live in 
 " exile, as long as I hate slavery and affronts above 
 " all other evils. Is not this to fall back again into 
 " the same state of darkness ; when he, who has 
 " taken upon him the name of the tyrant, (though 
 " in the cities of Greece, w^hen the tyrants are des- 
 ** troyed, their children also perish with them), must 
 " be entreated, that the avengers of tyranny may be 
 " safe ? Can I ever wish to see that city, or think 
 *' it a city, which would not accept hberty when 
 " offered, and even forced upon it, but has more 
 *' dread of the name of their late king, in the person 
 " of a boy, than confidence in itself; though it has 
 *' seen that very king taken off in the height of all 
 " his power by the virtue of a few ? As for me, do 
 ** not recommend me any more to yout Cassar, nor 
 " indeed yourself, if you will hearken to me. You 
 ** set a very high value on the few years which re- 
 *' main to you at that age, if, for the sake of them, 
 'J* you can supplicate that boy. But take care, after 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. ■ 291 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos*.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 " ail, lest what you have done and are doing so 
 " laudably against Antony, instead of being praised, 
 " as the effect of a great mind, be charged to the 
 " account of your fear. For, if you are so pleased 
 " with Octavius, as to petition him for our safety, 
 " you will be thought not to have disliked a master, 
 " but to have wanted a more friendly one. As to 
 " your praising him for the things that he has hither- 
 " to done, I entirely approve of it : for they deserv- 
 " ed to be praised, provided that hje undertook them 
 " to repel other mens power, not to advance his 
 " own. But, w^hen you adjudge him not only to 
 " have this power, but that you ought to submit to 
 " it so far, as to entreat him that he would not des- 
 " troy us ; you pay him too great a recompense : 
 " for you ascribe that very thing to him, wdiich the 
 " republic seemed to enjoy through him : nor does 
 " it ever enter into your thoughts, that, if Octavius 
 " be worthy of any honours, because he wages war 
 " with Antony ; that those, who extirpated the very 
 " evil, of which these are but the relicks, can never 
 " be sufficiently requited by the Roman people ; 
 " though they were to heap upon them every thing 
 " which they could bestow : but see how much 
 " stronger peoples fears are, than their memories, 
 " because Antony still lives, and is in arms. As to 
 " Caesar, all that could and ought to be done, is past, 
 " and cannot be recalled : is Octavius, then, a per- 
 " son of so great importance, that the people of Rome 
 " are to expect from him what he will determine 
 " upon us ? or are we of so little, that any single 
 Vol. III. T 
 
ig2 The LIF£ of SECT.Xt. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. — ^Coss. C. Caesar Octavianus, Q^Pedius. 
 
 " man is to be entreated for our safety ? As for me, 
 " may I never return to you, if ever I either suppli- 
 " cate any man, or do not restrain those, who are 
 " disposed to do it, from supplicating for themselves: 
 " or I will remove to a distance from all such, who 
 " can be slaves, and fancy myself at Rome, where- 
 " ever I can live free ; and shall pity you, whose 
 " fond desire of life, neither age, nor honours, nor 
 " the example of other mens virtue, can moderate. 
 " For my part, I shall ever think myself happy, as 
 ** long as I can please myself with the persuasion, 
 ** that my piety has been fully requited. For what 
 *' can be happier, than for a man, conscious of vir- 
 " tuous acts, and content with liberty, to despise all 
 " human affairs ? Yet I will never yield to those 
 '* who are fond of yielding, or be conquered by those, 
 ** who are willing to be conquered themselves ; but 
 " will first try and attempt every thing; nor ever 
 *' desist from dragging our city out of slavery. If 
 " such fortune attends, as I ought to have, we shall 
 " all rejoice : if not, I shall rejoice myself. For how 
 " could this life be spent better, than in acts and 
 ** thoughts, which tend to make my countrymen 
 ** free ? I beg and beseech you, Cicero, not to desert 
 " the cause tlirough weariness or difiidence : in re- 
 " peliing present evils, have your eye always on the 
 " future, lest they insinuate themselves before you 
 " are aware. Consider, that the fortitude and cou- 
 " rage with which you delivered the republic, when 
 *^ consul, and now again when consular, are nothing 
 " without constancy and equability. The case of 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 293 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss C. Caesar Octavianiis. (^Pedius. 
 
 " tried virtue, I own, is harder than of untried : we 
 " require services from it, as debts; and, if any thing 
 " disappoints us, we blame with resentment, as if we 
 " had been deceived. Wherefore, for Cicero to with- 
 *' stand Antony, though it be a part highly com- 
 " mendable, yet, because such a consul seemed of 
 ** course to promise us such a consular, no body won- 
 " ders at it : but, if the same Cicero, in the case of 
 " others, should waver at last in that resolution, 
 " which he exerted with such firmness and greatness 
 " of mind against Antony, he would deprive himself, 
 " not only of the hopes of future glory, but forfeit 
 " even that which is past : for nothing is great in 
 ** itself, but what flows from the result of our judg- 
 " ment : nor does it become any man, more than 
 " you, to love the republic, and to be the patron of 
 " liberty, on the account either of your natural ta- 
 " lents, or your former acts, or the wishes and ex- 
 " pectation of all men. Octavius, therefore, must 
 " not be entreated to suffer us to live in safety. Do 
 ** you rather rouse yourself so far, as to think that 
 " city, in which you have acted the noblest part, 
 " free and flourishing, as long as there are leaders 
 " still to the people, to resist the designs of trai-^ 
 " tors *." 
 
 * Ad Brut. 16. 
 N. B. — There is a passage, indeed, in Brutus's letter to Atti- 
 cus, where he intimates a reason of his complaint against Cicero, 
 which was certainly a just one, if the fact of which he complains 
 had been true j *' that Cicero had reproached Casca with the 
 ** murder of Caesar, and called him an assassin. I do not know," 
 says he, " what I can write to you but this, that the ambition 
 
 T 2 *« and 
 
194 The LIFE of Sect. XL 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. CxsarOctavlanus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 If we compare these two letters, we shaii perceive 
 in Cicero's an extensive view and true judgment of 
 things, tempered with the greatest politeness and 
 affection for his friend, and an unwillingness to dis- 
 gust, where he thought it necessary even to blame. 
 In Brutus's, a churlish and morose arrogance, claim- 
 ing infinite honours to himself, yet allowing none to 
 any body else ; insolently chiding and dictating to 
 one, as much superior to him in wisdom as he was 
 in years ; the whole turning upon that romantic 
 maxim of the Stoics, enforced without any regard to 
 times and circumstances : that a wise man has a suf- 
 
 *' and licentiousness of the boy has been inffamed, rather than 
 *' restrained by Cicero, who carries his indulgence of him to such 
 *' a length, as not to refrain from abuses i-pon Casca, and such, 
 *' as must return doubly upon himself, tvho has put to death more 
 ** citizens than one, and must first own himself to be an assassin, 
 ** before he can reproach Casca with what he objects to him." 
 (Ep. ad Brut. 17.) Manutlus professes himself unable to con- 
 ceive, how Cicero should ever call Casca a murderer; yet can- 
 not collect any thing less from Brutus's words. But the thing is 
 impossible, and inconsistent with every word that Cicero had been 
 saying, and every act that he^ad been doing, from the time of 
 Caesar's death : and, in relation particularly to Casca, we have 
 seen above, how he refused to enter into any measures with Oc- 
 tavius, but upon the express condition of his suffering Casca to 
 take quiet possession of the Tribunate : it is certain, therefore, 
 that Brutus had either been misinformed, or was charging Cicero 
 with the consequential meaning of some saying, which was never 
 intended by him ; in advising Casca perhaps to manage Octavius, 
 in that height of his power, with more temper and moderation, 
 lest he should otherwise be provoked to consider him as an as- 
 sassin, and treat him as such : for an intimation of that kind 
 would have been sufficient to the fierce spirit of Brutus, for tak- 
 ing it as a direct condemnation of Casca's act of stabbing Caesar,, 
 to which Cicero had always given the highest applause. 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 295 
 
 A. Urb, 710. CIc. 64, — CosB. C. Caifar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 ficiencj of all things within himself. There are in- 
 deed many noble sentiments in it worthy of old 
 Rome, which Cicero, in a proper season, would have 
 recommended as warmly as he ; yet they were not 
 principles to act upon in a conjimcture so critical; 
 and the rigid apphcation of them is the less excusa- 
 ble in Bratus, because he himself did not always 
 practise what he professed ; but was too apt to for- 
 get both the Stoic and the Roman. 
 
 Octavius had no sooner settled the affairs of the 
 city, and subdued the senate to his mind, than he 
 inarched back towards Gaul, to meet Antony and 
 Lepidus., who had already passed the Alps, and 
 brought their armies into Italy, in order to have a 
 personal interview with him ; v;hich had been pri- 
 vately concerted, for setthng the terms of a triple 
 league^ and dividing the power and provinces of the 
 empire among themselves. All the Three were na- 
 tural enemies to each other; competitors for empire; 
 and aiming severally to possess, what could not be 
 obtained but with the ruin of the rest : their meet- 
 ing therefore was not to establish any real amity or 
 lasting concord, for that was impossible, but to sus- 
 pend their own quarrels for the present, and, with 
 common forces, to oppress their common enemies, 
 the friends of liberty and the repubhc ; without 
 which, all their several hopes and ambitious views 
 must inevitably be blasted. 
 
 The place appointed for the interview, was a small 
 island, about two miles from Bononia, formed by the 
 
 T3 
 
29^ The LIFE of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic.64. Goss. — C. Csesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 river Rhenus, which runs near to the city * : here 
 they met, as men of their character must necessarily 
 meet, not without jealousy and suspicion of danger 
 from each other, being all attended by their choicest 
 troops, each with five legions, disposed in separate 
 camps within sight of the island. Lepidus entered 
 it the first, as an equal] friend to the other two, to 
 see that the place was clear, and free from treach- 
 ery; and, when he had given the signal agreed upon, 
 Antony and Octavius advanced from the opposite 
 banks of the river, and passed into the island by 
 bridges, which they left guarded on each side by 
 three hundred of their own men. Their first care, 
 instead of embracing, was to search one another, 
 whether they had not brought daggers concealed 
 under their cloaths ; and, when that ceremony was 
 over, Octavius took his seat betwixt the other two, 
 in the most honourable place, on the account of his 
 being consul. 
 
 In this situation, they spent three days in a close 
 conference, to adjust the plan of their accommoda- 
 tion ; the substance of which was, that the nree 
 should be invested jointly with supreme power for 
 the term of fwe. years, with the title of Triumvirs, 
 for settling the state of the republic: that they should 
 act in all cases by common consent, nominate the 
 magistrates and governors both at home and abroad, 
 and determine all affairs relating to the pubhc by 
 their sole \vill and pleasure : that Octavius should 
 
 * Vid. Cluver. Ital. Antiq. 1. i. c. 28. p. 187, 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 297 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. CjE,sar Octavianiis. Q^Pedius. 
 
 have for his peculiar province, Afric and Sicily, Sar- 
 dinia, and the other islands of the Mediterranean ; 
 Lepidus, Spain, with the Narbonese Gaul; Antony, 
 the other two Gauls, on both sides of the Alps: and, 
 to put them all upon a level, both in title and autho- 
 rity, that Octavius should resign the consulship to 
 Ventidius for the remainder of the year : that An- 
 tony and Octavius should prosecute the war against 
 Brutus and Cassius, each of them at the head of 
 twenty legions ; and Lepidus with three legions be 
 left to guard the city : and, at the end of the war, 
 that eighteen cities or colonies, the best and richest 
 of Italy, together with their lands and districts, 
 should be taken from their owners, and assigned to 
 the perpetual possession of the soldiers, as the reward 
 of their faithful services. These conditions were 
 published to their several armies, and received by 
 them with acclamations of joy, and mutual gratula- 
 tions for this happy union of their chiefs ; which, at 
 the desire of the soldiers, was ratified likewise by a 
 marriage, agreed to be consummated between Oc- 
 tavius and Claudia, the daughter of Antony's wife 
 Fulvia, by her first husband P. Clodius. 
 
 The last thing that they adjusted, was the list of 
 a Proscription^ which they were determined to make 
 of their enemies. This, as the writers tell us, occa- 
 sioned much difficulty and warm contests amongst 
 them ; till each of them in his turn consented to sa- 
 crifice some of his best friends to the revenge and 
 resentment of his colleagues. The whole list is said 
 to have consisted 0/ three hundred senators, and two 
 
298 The life of S£gt. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cxszr Octavianus. Q^Pedius, 
 
 thousand knights ; all doomed to die for a crime the 
 most unpardonable to tyrants, their adherence to the 
 cause of liberty. They reserved the publication of 
 the general list to their arrival at Rome, excepting 
 only a few of the most obnoxious ; the heads of the 
 republican party, about seventeen in all ; the chief 
 of whom was Cicero. These they marked out for 
 immediate destriictivn ; and sent their emissaries a- 
 way directly to surprise and murder them, before 
 any notice could reach them of their danger : four 
 of this number were presently taken and killed in 
 the company of their friends ; and the rest hunted 
 out by the soldiers in private houses and temples ; 
 which presently filled the city with an universal ter- 
 ror and consternation, as if it had been taken by an 
 enemy : so that the consul Pedius was forced to run 
 about the streets all the night, to quiet the minds, 
 and appease the fears of the people ; and, as soon tis 
 it was light, published the names of the seventeen who 
 were principally sought for, with an assurance of safe- 
 ty and indemnity to all others : but he himself was sq 
 shocked and fatigued by the horror of this night's 
 work, that he died the day following *, 
 
 We have no hint from any of Cicero's letters (for 
 none remain to us of so low a date) what his senti- 
 ments were on this interview of the Three Chiefs^ or 
 what resolution he had taken in consequence of it. 
 He could not but foresee, that it must needs be fatal 
 
 * App. 1. 4. init. Dio. p. 326. Plut. in Anton, et Cicero. 
 Yell. Pat. 2. 6^. 
 
Sect. XL CICERO. 299 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Co?8. — C. Csesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 to him, if it passed to the satisfaction of Antony and 
 Lepidus; for he had several times declared, that he 
 expected the last severity from them, if ever they 
 got the better. But, whatever he had cause to ap- 
 prehend, it is certain that it was still in his power to 
 avoid it, by going over to Brutus in Macedonia : hut 
 he seems to have thought that remedy worse thm 
 the evil ; and had so great an abiiOrrcnce of ente.rng 
 again, in his advanced age, into a civil war, and so 
 little value for the few years of life which remained 
 to him, that he declares it a thousand times better to 
 die, than to seek his safety from camps ^\ and he was 
 the more indifferent about what might happen to 
 himself, since his son was removed from all imme- 
 diate danger, by being already with Brutus. 
 
 The old historians endeavour to persuade us, that 
 Caesar did not give him up to the revenge of his -col- 
 leagues without the greatest reluctance, and after a 
 struggle of two days to preserve himf : but all ihat 
 tenderness was artificial, and a part assumed, to give 
 the better colour to his desertion of him. For Cice- 
 ro's death was the natural eff-ct of their union, and 
 a necessary sacrifice to the common interest of the 
 Three : Those who met to destroy hberty, must come 
 determined to destroy him; since his authority was 
 too great to be suflfered in an enemy, and experience 
 
 * Reipub. vicem dekbo, quae immortalls es^e debet : mihl 
 
 quidem quantulura reliqin est ? (Ad Brut, x.) mov ero-o in castra? 
 
 millles mori melius, buic prassertim aetati : (Ad Att. 14. 22.) sed 
 
 abesse banc aetatem longe a sepulchro ne^ant oporcere. lb. i6-*». 
 
 f Plutar. in Cicer. Veil. Pat. 2, 66. ' 
 
30O 
 
 The life of Sect. XI. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic.64.— Coss. C. Cxsar Octavlanus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 had shewD, that nothing could make him a friend to 
 the oppressors of his country. 
 
 Ca:sar therefore was pleased with it undoubtedly, 
 as much as the rest ; and when his pretended squea- 
 mishness was over-ruled, shewed himself more cruel 
 and bloody in urging the proscription than either ot 
 the other two*. Nothing, says Velleius, was so shame- 
 ful on this occasion, as that Caesar should be forced 
 to proscribe any man, or that Cicero especially should 
 be proscribed by himf. But there was no force in 
 the case ; for though, to save Caesar's honour, and to 
 extort, as it were, Cicero from him, Lepidus gave up 
 his own brother, Paulus, and Antony his uncle, L. 
 Caesar, who were both actually put into the list, yet 
 neither of them lost their Hves, but were protected 
 from any harm by the power of their relations J. 
 
 If we look back a little, to take a general view of 
 the conduct of these Triumvirs, we shall see Antony 
 roused at once by Caesar's death from the midst of 
 pleasure and debauch, and a most abject obsequious- 
 ness to Caesar's power, forming the true plan of his 
 interest, and pursuing it with a surprising vigour and 
 address ; till, after many and almost insuperable dif- 
 ficulties, he obtained the sovereign dominion, w^hich 
 he aimed at. Lepidus w^as the chief instrument that 
 he made use of, whom he employed very successful- 
 
 * Restitlt aliquandlu Collegis, ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed in- 
 ceptam utroque acerbius exercuit, &c. Suet. Aug. 27. 
 
 -f- Nihil tarn indignum illo tempore fuit, quam quod aut Cicsar 
 aliquem proscribere coactus est, aut ab illo Cicero proscriptus es^. 
 Veil. Pat. 2. fs6. 
 
 X Appian. 1. 4. 610. Dio. L 47. 33c. 
 
Sect. XT. CICERO. 301 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. — Coss. C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 Ij at home, till he found himself in condition to sup- 
 port his pretensions alone, and then sent to the other 
 side of the Alps, that, in case of any disaster in Ita- 
 ly, he might be provided with a secure resource ia 
 his army. By this management, he had ordered his 
 affairs so artfully, that, by conquering at Modena, he 
 would have made himself probably the sole master of 
 Rome ; while the only difference of being conquered 
 was, to admit two partners with him into the empire, 
 the one of whom at least he was sure always to go- 
 vern. 
 
 Octavius's conduct was not less politic or vigorous : 
 He had great parts and an admirable genius, with a 
 dissimulation sufficient to persuade that he had good 
 inclinations too. As his want of years and authori- 
 ty made it impossible for him to succeed immediate- 
 ly to his uncle's power, so his first business was, to 
 keep the place vacant till he should be more ripe for 
 it, and to give the exclusion in the mean while to eve- 
 ry body else. With this view, he acted the republic 
 can with great gravity, put himself under the direc- 
 tion of Cicero, and was wholly governed by his ad- 
 vice, as far as his interest carried him ; that is, to de- 
 press Antony, and drive him out of Italy, who was 
 his immediate and most dangerous rival. Here he 
 stopt short, and paused a while, to consider what new 
 measures this new state of things would suggest ; 
 when, by the unexpected death of the two consuls, 
 finding himself at once the master of every thing at 
 home, and Antony, by the help of Lepidus, rising a^ 
 
302 The LIFE of Sect. XT, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Csesar Octavianus. Q^ Pedius. 
 
 gain the stronger from his fall, he saw presently that 
 his best chance for empire was, to content himself 
 with a share of it, till he should be in condition to 
 seize the whole ; and, from the same policy with 
 which he joined himself with the republic to destroy 
 Antony, he now joined with Antony to oppress the 
 republic, as the best means of securing and advan- 
 cing his own power. 
 
 Lepidus was the dupe of them both; a vain, weak, 
 inconstant man, incapable of empire, yet aspiring to 
 the possession of it ; and abusing the most glorious 
 opportunity of serving his country, to the ruin both 
 of his country and himself. His wife was the sister 
 of M. Brutus, and his true interest lay in adhering to 
 that alhance ; for if, by the advice of Laterensis, he 
 had joined with Plancus and D. Brutus, to oppress 
 Antony and give liberty to Rome, the merit of that 
 service, added to the dignity of his family and for- 
 tunes, would necessarily have made him the first ci- 
 tizen of a free republic. But his weakness deprived 
 him of that glory: He flattered himself, that the first 
 share of power, which he seemed at present to pos- 
 sess, would give him likewise the first share of em- 
 pire ; not considering, that mihtary power depends 
 on the reputation and abilities of him who possesses 
 it; in which, as his colleagues far excelled him, so 
 they would be sure always to eclipse, and whenever 
 they thought it proper, to destroy him. This he found 
 afterwards to be the case, when Caesar forced him to 
 beg his life upon his knees, though at the head of 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. — Coss. C. Cxsar Octavianus. Q__Pediu3. 
 
 twenty legions, and deposed him from that dignity 
 which he knew not how to sustain *. 
 
 Cicero was at his Tusculan villa, with his brother 
 and nephew, when he first received the nevvs of the 
 proscription, and of their being included in it. It 
 was the design of the Triumvirate to keep it a secret, 
 if possible, to the moment of execution, in order to 
 surprise those whom they had destined to destruc- 
 tion, before they were aware of the danger, or had 
 time to escape. But some of Cicero's friends found 
 means to give him early notice of it, upon which he 
 set forw^ard presently, with his brother and nephew, 
 towards Astura, the nearest villa which he had upon 
 the sea, with intent to transport themselves directly 
 out of the reach of their enemies. But Quintus, be- 
 ing wholly unprepared for so sudden a voyage, re- 
 solved to turn back with his son to Rome, in confi- 
 dence of lying concealed there, till they could pro- 
 vide money and necessaries for their support abroad. 
 Cicero, in the mean while, found a vessel ready for 
 him at Astura, in which he presently embarked ; but 
 the winds being cross and turbulent, and the sea 
 wholly uneasy to him, after he had sailed about two 
 leagues along the coast, he landed at Circasum, and 
 spent a night near that place in great anxiety and ir- 
 resolution : The question was, what course he should 
 steer, and whether he should fly to Brutus or to Cas- 
 sius, or to S. Pompeius; but, after all his dehberations^ 
 none of them pleased him so much as the expedient 
 
 J Spoliata, quam tueri uon poterat. dignitas.* Veil. Pat. 3. 8^ 
 
304 The LIFE of Sect. Xl. 
 
 A. Urb, 71C, Cic, 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q^Pedius. 
 
 of dying * : So that, as Plutarch says, he had some 
 thoughts of returning to the city, and killing himself 
 in CcBsar's house, in order to leave the guilt and curse 
 of his blood upon Caesar's perfidy and ingratitude ; 
 but the importunity of his servants prevailed with him 
 to sail forwards to Cajeta, where he went again on 
 shore, to repose himself in his Formian villa, about a 
 mile from the coast, weary of life and the sea, and 
 declaring, " that he would die in that country which 
 •' he had so often saved f ." Here he slept soundly 
 for several hours, though, as some writers tell us, " a 
 " great number of crows were fluttering all the while, 
 " and making a strange noise about his windows, as 
 *' if to rouse and warn him of his approaching fate ; 
 ** and that one of them made its way into the cham- 
 ** ber, and pulled away his very bed-cloaths, till his 
 " slaves, admonished by this prodigy, and ashamed 
 ** to see brute creatures more solicitous for his safety 
 " than themselve, forced him into his litter, or por« 
 ** table chair," and carried him away towards the ship, 
 through the private ways and walks of his woods, ha- 
 ving just heard that soldiers were already come into 
 ihe country in quest of him, and not far from the vil- 
 la. As soon as they were gone, the soldiers arrived 
 at the house, and perceiving him to be fled, pursued 
 
 * Cremutius Cordus ait, Ciceroni, cum cogitasset, unumne Bru» 
 turn an Cassium, an S. Pompeium peteret, omnia displicuisse pias- 
 ter mortem. Senec. Suasor. 6. 
 
 -j- Tsedium tandem eum & fugoe & vitae cepit 5 regressusque ad 
 superiorem villam. quse paulo plus mille passibus a mari abest, 
 moriar inquit in patria^ sccpe servata, Liv. Fragm. apud Sencc. 
 Suasor. i. vid. it. Plutar. Cic. 
 
Sect. XI. CICERO. 30^ 
 
 A. Urb, 710. Cic. 54. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. (^Pedius. 
 
 immediately towards the sea, and overtook him in 
 the wood. Their leader was one Popilius Leenas, a 
 tribune, or colonel of the army, whom Cicero had for- 
 merly defended and preserved in a capital cause. As 
 soon as the soldiers appeared, the servants prepared 
 themselves to fight, being resolved to defend their 
 master's life at the hazard of their own ; but Cicero 
 commanded them to set him down, and to make no 
 resistance *; then looking upon his executioners with 
 a presence and firmness which almost daunted them, 
 and thrusting his neck as forwardly as he could out 
 of the litter, he bade them do their work, and take 
 what they wanted ; upoQ which they presently cut 
 off his head, and both his hands, and, returned with 
 them, in all haste and great joy, towards Rome, as 
 the most agreeable present which they could possibly 
 carry to Antony. Popihus charged himself with the 
 conveyance, without reflecting on the infamy of car- 
 rying that head which had saved his own f : He found 
 Antony in the Forum, surrounded with guards and 
 crouds of people ; but, upon shewing from a distance 
 the spoils which he brought, he was rewarded upon 
 the spot with the honour of a crown, and about eight 
 thousand pounds sterling. Antony ordered the head 
 to be fixed upon the Rostra, between the two hands ; a 
 
 * Satis constat servos fortlter fidellterque paratos fuisse ad de- 
 micandum ; ipsam deponi lecticam, et quietos pati, quod sors ini- 
 qaa cogeret, jussisse. Liv. Fraoment. ibid. 
 
 •f- Ea Sarcina, tanquam opimis spoliis alacer in urbem reversus 
 est. Nequi ei scelestum portanti onus succarrit, iilud se caput 
 ferre, quod pro capite eiub- quondam peroraverat. Val. Max, 
 5^3' 
 
3o6 The LIFE of Sect. XI, 
 
 A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64.- Coss. — C Caesar Octavianas. Q^Pcdius. 
 
 sad spectacle to ihe city, and what drew tears from 
 every eye, to see those mangled members, which u- 
 sed to exert themselves so gloriously from that place, 
 in defence of the lives, the fortunes, and the lib(^rties 
 of the Roman people, so lamentably exposed to the 
 scorn of sycophants and traitors. The deaths of the 
 rest, says an historian of that age, caused only a pri- 
 vate aid particular sorrow, bu: Ccero's an universal 
 one * : It was a triumph over the repubhc itself, and 
 seemed to confirm and establish the perpetual slave- 
 ry of Rome, Antony considered it as such, and, sa- 
 tiated with Cicero's blood, declared the proscription 
 at an end. 
 
 He was killed on the seventh of December, about 
 ten days from the settlement of the triumvirate, af- 
 ter he had lived sixty-three years, eleven months, 
 and five daysf. 
 
 * C.rterorumque csedes privates luctus excitaverunt 5 ilia una 
 communem. [Cremutlus Cordus, apud Senec] Civitas lacrymas 
 tenere non potuit, quum recisum Ciceronis caput in illis suis ros- 
 tris videretur. L. Flor. 4. ',. 
 
 4- Vid. Plutar. in Cic. Vtll. Pat. 2. 64. Liv. Fragm. apud Se- 
 nec. Apoian, 1. 4. 610. Dio. 1. 47. p. 330. Pighii Annal. ad 
 A. U. 710. 
 
Sect.XH. CICERO. 3^7 
 
 SECTION XL 
 
 HE Story of Cicero's death continued fresh on 
 the minds of the Romans for many ages ; and was 
 dehvered down to posterity, with all its circumstan- 
 ces, as one of the most affecting and memorable e- 
 vents of their history ; so that the spot on which it 
 happened seems to have been visited by travellers 
 with a kind of religious reverence *. The odium of 
 it fell chiefly on Antony ; yet it lefc a stain of perfi- 
 dy and ingratitude also on Augustus, which explains 
 the reason of that silenccj which is observed about 
 him by the writers of that age ; and why his name is 
 not so much as mentioned either by Horace or Vir- 
 gil. For, though his character would have furnished 
 a glorious subject for many noble lines, yet it was no 
 subject for court poets^ since the very mention of him 
 must have been a satire on the prince, especially 
 while Antony lived; among the sycophants of whose 
 court, it was fashionable to insult his memory by all 
 the methods of calumny that wit and malice could 
 invent : Nay, Virgil, on an occasion that could hard- 
 ly fail of bringing him to his mind, instead of doing 
 justice to his merit, chose to do an injustice rather to 
 Rome itself, by yielding the superiority of eloquence 
 
 * Saepe Clodio Ciceronem expellentl et Antonio occidenti, vi- 
 demur irasci. Sen. de ira. 2. 2. 
 
 App. p. 6oo. 
 Vol, IIL U 
 
o' 
 
 8 ' The Lllf'fi of Sect. XIL 
 
 to the Greeks, which they themselves had been for- 
 ced to yield to Cicero*. 
 
 Livy, however, whose candour made Augustus call 
 him a Pompeian f , while, out of complaisance tq the 
 times, he seems to extenuate the crime of Cicero's 
 murder, yet, after a high encomium of his virtues^de- 
 dares, '* that to praise him as he deserved, required 
 " the eloquence of Cicero himself J." Augustus too, 
 as Plutarch tells us^ happening one day to catch his 
 grandson reading one of Cicero's books, which, for 
 fear of the em.peror's displeasure, the boy endeavour- 
 ed to hide under his gown, took the book into his 
 hands, and turning over a great part of it, gave it 
 back again, and said, " this was a learned man, mj 
 " child, and a lover of his country ||." 
 
 In the succeeding generation, as the particular en- 
 vy to Cicero subsided, by the death of those whom 
 private interests and personal quarrels had engaged 
 to hate him when living, and defame him when dead, 
 so his name and memory began to sMne out in its 
 
 * Orabunt causas melias, &c. ^n. 6. 849. 
 
 f T. Livlus — Cn. Pompeium tantis laudlbus tulit, ut Pompeia- 
 num eum Augustus appcllaret. Tacit. Ann. 4. 34. 
 
 ;|; Si quis tanoen virtutibus vltia pensarit, vir magnus, acer, me- 
 morabilis fuit, et in cujus laudes sequendas Cicerone laudatore 0- 
 pus fuerit, Liv. Fragment, apud Senec. Suasor. 6. 
 
 II Plutar. Vit. Cicer. There is another story of the same kind, 
 recorded by Macrobius, to shew Augustus's moderation with re- 
 gard also to Cato : That Augustus being one day in the house 
 which had belonged to Cato, where the master of it, out of com- 
 pliment to his great guest, took occasion to reflect on Cato's per- 
 verseness, he stopped him short by saying, that he who would suf- 
 ftr no change in the ccjustitiition of his city, was a good citizen , and 
 honest man: But, by this character of Cato's honesty, he gave a 
 severe wound to his awu, who not only changed but usurped the 
 . government of his country. Macrob. Saturn^ 2. 4. 
 
SfiCT.XII. CICERO. jcp 
 
 proper lustre ; and, in the reign even of Tiberius, 
 when an eminent senator and historiail, Cremutius 
 Cordus, was condemned to die for praising Brutus, 
 yet Paterculus could not forbear breaking but into 
 the following warm e:^postulation with Antony, on 
 the subject of Cicero's death : '* Thou hast done no- 
 " thing, Antony; hast done nothing, I say, by setting 
 '* a price on that divine and illustrious head, and, b}' 
 *' a detestable reward, procuring the death of so great 
 " a consul and preserver of the republic. Thou hast 
 " snatched from Cicero a troublesome being ; a de- 
 " dining age ; a life more miserable under thy domi- 
 *' nion than death itself; bu% so far from diminish- 
 ** ing the glory of his deeds and sayings, thou hasC 
 " encreased it. He hves, and will live in the memo- 
 *' ry of all ages; and, as long as this system of nature, 
 '* whether by chance or providence, or what way so- 
 " ever formed^ which he alone, of all the Romans, 
 ** comprehended in his mind, and illustrated by his 
 *' eloquence, shall remain entire, it will draw the prai- 
 ** ^es of Cicero along with it ; and all posterity will 
 ** admire his writings against thee ; — curse thy act 
 
 *' against him ■^." 
 
 From this periodj all the Rorrian writers, whether 
 poets or historians, seem to vie with each other in ce- 
 lebrating the praises of Cicero^ as the most illustrious 
 of all their patriots, and the parent of the Roman wit 
 and eloquence ; who had done more honour to his 
 country by his writings than all their conquerors by 
 their arms, and extended the bounds of his learning' 
 
 Veil. P?.t. 2. 66. 
 
 U2 
 
310 The LIFE or Sect. XIl 
 
 beyond those of their empire *, So that their very 
 emperors, near three centuries after his death, began 
 to reverence him in the class of their inferior deitiesf : 
 A rank which he would have preserved to this day, 
 if he had happened to live in papal Rome, where he 
 could not have failed, as Erasmus says, from the in- 
 nocence of his life, of obtaining the honour and title 
 of a saint f. 
 
 As to his person, he was tall arid slender, with a 
 neck particularly long ; yet his features were regu- 
 lar and manly ; preserving a comehness and dignity 
 to the last, vvith a certain air of chearfulness and se- 
 renity, that imprinted both affection and respect §. 
 His constitution was naturally weak, yet was so con- 
 firmed by his management of it, as to enable him to 
 support all the fatigues of the most active, as well as 
 the most studious life, with perpetual health and vi- 
 gour. The care that he employed upon his body, 
 consisted chiefly in bathing and rubbing,- with a few 
 turns every day in his gardens, for the refreshment 
 of his voice from the labour of the bar l| : yet, in the 
 
 * Facundi£e,latiarumque llterarum parens — atque — omnium tii- 
 umphorum laurcara adepte m^jorem, quanto plus est in^enii Ro- 
 mani terminos in tantum promovkse, quara imperii. Plin. Hist. 
 
 Qui cffecit, ne quorum arma viceramus, eorum ingenio vincere- 
 mur. Veil. Pat. 2. 34. 
 
 f Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Sever, c. 31. 
 
 X Quem arbitror, si Christianam phllosopliiam didiclsset, in eo- 
 rum numero censendum fuisse, qui nunc ob vitam innocenter pie- 
 que transactam, pro divis honorantur. Erasm. Ciceronian, vers, 
 finem. 
 
 § Ei quidem facies decora ad senectutem, prosperaque per- 
 mansit vialetudo. Asin. Poll, npud Senec. Suasor. 6. 
 
 II Cum recreandce voculie causa, niihi necesse csset ambulare. 
 Ad Att. 2. 2^. Plutar. in vir. 
 
Sect.XIL CICERO. 311 
 
 summer, he generally gave himself the exercise of a 
 journey, to visit his several estates and villas in diffe- 
 rent parts of Italy. But his principal instrument of 
 health, was diet and temperance : by these, he pre- 
 served himself from all violent distempers ; and, 
 when he happened to be attacked by any slight in^ 
 disposition, used to enforce the severity of his absti- 
 nence, and starve it presently by fasting i. 
 
 In his clothes and dress, which the wise have usu- 
 ally considered as an index of the mind, he observed, 
 what he prescribes in his book of offices, a modesty 
 and decency, adapted to his rank and character : a 
 perpetual cleanliness, without the appearance of 
 pains ; free from the affectation of singularity ; and 
 avoiding the extremes of a rustic negligence, and 
 foppish delicacy § : both of which are equally con- 
 trary to true dignity ; the one implying an igno- 
 rance, or ilhberal contempt of it ; the other a child- 
 ish pride and ostentation of proclaiming our preten- 
 sions to it. 
 
 In his domestic and social life, his behaviour was 
 very amiable : he was a most indulgent parent, a 
 sincere and zealous friend, a kind and generous mas- 
 ter. His letters are full of the tenderest expressions 
 of his love for his children ; in whose endearing con- 
 versation, as he often tells us, he used to drop all his 
 cares, and relieve himself from all his struggles in 
 
 :|: Cum quidem biduum Ita jejunis fulssem, ut ne aquam qul- 
 dem gustaram. Ep. fam. 7. 26. vid. Platar. 
 
 § Adhibenda munditia non odiosa, neque exquisita nimis ; tan- 
 turn quce fugiat agrestem et inhumanam negligentlam. Eadem 
 ratio est habenda vestitus : in quo, sicut in plerisque rebus, me- 
 diocritas optima est. De offic. i. 36. 
 
 u 3 
 
312 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 the senate and the forum ||. The same affection, in 
 an inferior degree, was extended also to his slaves; 
 when, by their fidelity and services, they had re- 
 commended themselves to his favour. We have seen 
 a remarkable instance of it in Tiro ; whose case was 
 no otherwise different from the rest, than as it was 
 distinguished by the superiority of his merit. In one 
 of his letters to Atticus, ** I have nothing more," 
 says he, " to write ; and my mind indeed is some- 
 " what rufHed at present, for Sositheus, my reader, 
 " is dead, a hopeful youth ; which has afflicted mc 
 ** more than one would imagine the death of a slave 
 ** ought to do *.*' 
 
 He entertained very high notions of friendship; 
 and of its excellent use and benefit to human life; 
 which he has beautifully illustrated in his entertain- 
 ing treatise on that subject ; where he lays down no 
 other rules than what he exemplified by his prac- 
 tice. For, in all the variety of friendships, in which 
 bis eminent rank engaged him, he was never charg- 
 ed with deceiving, deserting, or even slighting any 
 one, whom he had once called his friend, or esteemed 
 an honest man. It was his delight to advance their 
 prosperity, to relieve their adversity ; the same friend 
 to both fortunes; but more zealous only in the bad, 
 where his help was the most wanted, and his ser- 
 vices the most disinterested ; looking upon it not as 
 a friendship, but a sordid traffic and merchandize of 
 
 jj Ut tantum requietis habeam, quanium cum uxore, et filiola> 
 et mellito Cicerone consumitur. Ad Alt. i. i8. 
 
 * Nam puer festivus, anagnostes noster, Sosithgeus decesserat, 
 ;neqae plus quam servi mors debere videbatur, coramoverat. Ad 
 Att. I. 12. 
 
Sect.XIL CICERO. 313 
 
 benefits, where good offices are to be weighed by a 
 nice estimate of gain and lossf. He calls gratitude 
 the mother of virtues \ reckons it the most capital of* 
 ail duties ; and uses the words, grateful and good, as 
 terms synonimous, an-d inseparably united in the same 
 ^qharacter. His writings abound with sentiments of 
 this sart, as his life did with the examples of them J; 
 so that one of his friends, in apologizing for the im- 
 portunity of a request, obsjerves to him with great 
 truth, that the te^ooj- of his hfe would be a sufficient 
 excuse for it ; since he had established such a cus- 
 tom, " of doing every thing for his friends, that they 
 *' no longer requested, but claimed a right tp com- 
 *' mand him §." 
 
 Yet he was not more generous to his friends, than 
 placable to his enemies ; readily pardoning the great- 
 est injuries, upon the slightest submission ; and, 
 though no man ever had greater abilities or oppor- 
 tunities of revenging himself, yet, when it was in his 
 power to hurt, he sought out reasons to forgive ; and, 
 whenever he was invited to it, never declined a re- 
 conciliation with his most inveterate enemies ; of 
 
 f UbI ilia sancta amicitia >. si non ipse amicus per se amatur 
 tGito pectore. (de leg. i. i8.) quam si ad fructum nostrum refe- 
 remus, non ad illius commoda, quern diligimu?, non erat ista 
 amicitia, sed mercatura qua^dam utilitatum suarum. De Nat. 
 Deor. I. 44. 
 
 X Cum qronibus virtutibus me afTectum esse cupiam, tamea 
 jniHil est quod malim, quam me et gratum esse et videri. Est 
 enim haec una virtus non solum maxima, sed etiam mater virtu- 
 tem omnium — qua: potest esse jucun^Itas vitae sublatis amicitiis ? 
 quae porro amicitia potest esse inter ingratos ? Pro Plane. 33. de 
 Fin. 2. 22. 
 
 ^ Nam quod ita consuesti pro amicis laborare, non jam sic 
 sperant abs te, sed etiam sic imperant tibi familiarcs. En. fam. 
 
 «. 7. . 
 
 ,U4 
 
314 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 which there are numerous instances in his history. 
 He declared nothing to be " more laudable and wor- 
 *' thy of a great man, than placability ; and laid it 
 ♦' down for a natural duty, to moderate our revenge, 
 " and observe a temper in punishing ; and held re- 
 ** pentance to be a sufficient ground for remitting 
 " it :" and it was one of his sayings, delivered to a 
 public assen^bly, " that his enmities were mortal, 
 *' his friendships immortal ||." 
 
 His manner of living was agreeable to the dignity 
 of his character ; splendid and noble : his house was 
 open to all the learned strangers and philosophers of 
 Greece and Asia ; several of whom were constantly 
 entertained in it, as part of his family, and spent 
 their whole lives with him ^. His levee was perpe- 
 tually crowded with multitudes of all ranks ; even 
 Pompey himself not disdaining to frequent it. The 
 greatest part came, not only to pay their compli-^ 
 ments, but to attend him on days of business to the 
 senate or the forum ; w^here, upon any debate or 
 transaction of moment, they constantly waited to 
 conduct him home again : but, on ordinary days, 
 
 II Est enim ulciscendi et puniendi modusj. Atque hand scio, 
 an satis sit, eum, qui lacessierit, injurige suse pcenitere. (de off. 
 I. xi.) nihil enim laudabilius, nihil magno viro dignius, placabi- 
 litate et dementia. Ibid. 25^. 
 
 Cum parcere vel laedere potuissem, ignoscendi qucerebam cau- 
 sas, non puniendi occasiones. — Fragment. Cic. ex Marcellino. 
 
 Neque vero mc pcsnitet mortales inimicitias habere. Pro C, 
 Rabir. Post 11. 
 
 * Doctissimurum hominum familiaritates, quibus semper domus 
 r.ostra floruit, et Principes illi, Diodotus, Philo, Antiochus, Po- 
 sidouius, a quibus instituti sumus. De Nat. Deor. i. 3. 
 
 Eram cum Diodoto Stcico ; qui cum habitavissent apud mc, 
 iT-ccumquc vix'ssct, nuper est dor.u mt?c; mortuu5. Brut. 433, 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 315 
 
 when these morning visits were over, as they usually 
 were before ten, he retired to his books, and shut 
 himself up in his library, without seeking any other 
 diversion, but what his children afforded to the short 
 intervals of his leisure f . His supper was his great- 
 est meal ; and the usual season with all the great, of 
 enjoying their friends at table, which was frequent- 
 ly prolonged to a late hour of the night : yet he was 
 out of his bed every morning before it was light ; 
 and never used to sleep again at noon, as all others 
 generally did, and as it is commonly practised in 
 Rome to this day J. 
 
 But though he was so temperate and studious, yet 
 when he was engaged to sup with others, either at 
 home or abroad, he laid aside his rules, and forgot 
 the invalid ; and was gay and sprightly, and the 
 very soul of the company. When friends w^ere met 
 together, to heighten the comforts of social life, he 
 thought it inhospitable not to contribute his share to 
 their common mirth, or to damp it by a churlish re- 
 servedness. But he was really a lover of chearful 
 entertainments, being of a nature remarkably face- 
 tious, and singularly turned to raillery § : a talent 
 
 f Cum bene completa domus est tempore matutino, cum ad 
 forum stipati gregibus amicorum descendimus. — Ad Att. i. i8. 
 
 Mane salutamus domi bonos viros multos — ubi salutatio de- 
 fluxit, Uteris me involvo — Ep. fam. 9. 20, Cum salutatloni nos 
 dedimus amicorum — abdo me in Bibliothecam. Ep. fam. 7. 28. 
 
 Post horam quartam molesti caeteri non sunt. Ad Att. 2. 14, 
 
 X Nunc quidem propter intermissionem forensis operas, et lu- 
 cubrationes detraxi et meridiationes addidi, quibus uti antea non 
 solebam. De Div. 2. 58. 
 
 § Ego autem, existimes quod lubet, mirifice capior facetlis, 
 maxime ncstratibus. (Ep. fam. 9. 15.) Nee id ad voluptatem 
 refero, sed ad communitatem vitte atque victus, rcmlssionemque 
 
 animorum. 
 
y,i6 The LIFE of Sect. Xn. 
 
 which was of great service to him at the bar, to cor- 
 rect the petulance of an adversary ; relieve the sa- 
 tiety of a tedious cause ; divert the minds of the 
 judges ; and mitigate the rigour of a sentence, by 
 making both the bench and audience merry at the 
 expence of the accuser ||. 
 
 This use of it was always thought fair, and greatly 
 applauded in public trials ; but in private conversa- 
 tions, he was charged sometimes with pushing his 
 raillery too far; and, through a consciousness of his 
 superior wit, exerting it often intemperately, with- 
 out reflecting what cruel wounds bis lashes inflicted*. 
 Yet, of all his sarcastical jokes, which are transmitted 
 to us by antiquity, we shall not observe any, but 
 what were pointed against characters either ridicu- 
 lous or profligate ; such as he despised for their fol- 
 lies, or hated for their vices ; and, though he might 
 provoke the spleen, and quicken the malice of ene- 
 mies, more than was consistent with a regard to his 
 own ease, yet he never appears to have hurt or lose 
 a friend, or any one whom he valued., by the levity 
 of jesting. 
 
 aHimorum, quae maximc sermone efficltur famillaii, qui est in 
 conviviis dulcissimus — (lb. 24.) convivlo delector. Ibi loquor 
 quod in solum, ut dicitur, et gemitum etiam in risus maximos 
 transfero. lb. 26. 
 
 )| Suavis est et vehementcr ssepe utilis jocus et facetiae — mul- 
 tum in causis persaepe Icpore et facetiis profici vidi. De On 
 
 2. 54, 
 
 Quae risum judicis movendo et illos tristes solvit affectus, et 
 animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit, et aliquando e- 
 tiam reficit, et a satletate vel a fatigatione renovat. Quintii. 1. 6. 
 
 ^•3' ...... 
 
 * Noster vero non solum extra jadicia, sed in ipsjs etiam ora- 
 
 tioDibus habitus est nimius ilsus affectator — ibid. vid. Plutar. 
 
Sect. XII. >CICERO. 317 
 
 It is certain, that the fame of his wit was as cele- 
 brated as that of his eloquence ; and that several 
 spurious collections of his sayings were handed about 
 in Rome in his life-time * ; till his friend Trebonius, 
 after he had been consul, thought it worth while to 
 publish an authentic edition of them, in a volume 
 which he addressed to Cicero himself f. Caesar like- 
 wise, in the height of his power, having taken a 
 fancy to collect the apothegms, or memorable say- 
 ings of eminent men, gave strict orders to all his 
 friends, who used to frequent Cicero, to bring him 
 -every thing of that sort, which happened to drop 
 from him in their company J. But Tiro, Cicero's 
 freedman, who served him chiefly in his studies and 
 literary affairs, pubhshed, after his death, tlie most 
 perfect collection of his sayings, in three books: 
 where Quintilian however wishes that he had beea 
 more sparing in tbe number, and judicious in the 
 choice of them §. None of these books are now re- 
 maining, nor any other specimen of the jests, but 
 what are incidentally scattered in different parts of 
 his own and other people's writings; which, as the 
 
 * AIs enim, ut ego discesserim, omnia omnium dicta — in me 
 conferri. £p. fam. 7. 32. it. 9. 16. 
 
 f Liber iste, qucm mihi misisti, quantum In.bet declRr-^tia- 
 cem amoris tui? primum, quod tibi facetum videtur ouicquid €g« 
 dixi, quod aliis fortasse non item : deinde, quod ilia," siv'e faceta 
 sunt, sive sic fiunt, narrante te, venustissima. Ep. fam. 15. 21. 
 
 :|: Audio Csssarem, cum volumnia jam confecerit u:T9:pB-/iyu.xT<»p^ 
 
 si quod affcratur pro meo, quod meum non sit, rejicere solere 
 
 liaec ad ilium cum reliquis actis perferuntur 5 ita enim ipse man- 
 davit. Ep. fam. 9. 16. * 
 
 § Utinam libertus ejus Tiro, aut alius nuisquis fult, qui trcs 
 
 hac de re libros edidit, parcius dictorum numero induKisset e*: 
 
 plus JLidicii in eligendis, quam in congerendis studii adhibuisset, 
 Quintil. ], 6. c. 3. 
 
3i8 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 same judicious critic observes, through the change 
 of taste in different ages, and the want of that ac- 
 tion or gesture, which gave the chief spirit to many 
 of them, could never be explained to advantage, 
 though several had attempted it. How much more 
 cold then, and insipid, must they appear to us, who 
 are unacquainted with the particular characters and 
 stories to which they relate, as well as the peculiar 
 fashions, humour, and taste of wit in that age ? Yet 
 even in these, as Quintilian also tells us, as well as 
 in his other compositions, people would sooner find 
 what they might reject, than what they could add 
 to them ■*. 
 
 He had a great number of fine houses in different 
 parts of Italy ; some writers reckon up eighteen ; 
 which, excepting the family-seat at Arpinum, seem 
 to have been all purchased or built by himself. 
 They were situated generally near to the sea, and 
 placed at proper distances along the lower coast, 
 between Rome and Pompeii, which was about four 
 leagues beyond Naples, and, for the elegance of 
 structure, and the dehghts of their situation, are cal- 
 led by him the eyes or the beauties of Italy f. 
 Those in which he took the most pleasure, and usu- 
 ally spent some part of every year, v\^ere his Tuscu- 
 lum, Antium, Astura, Arpinum; his Formian, Cu- 
 man, Pateolan and Pompeian villas ; all of them 
 
 * Qui tamen nunc quoque, ut in omni ejus ingenio, facilius 
 quid rejici, quam quid adjici possit, invenient. Ibid, vid etiam 
 Macrob. Sat. 2. i. 
 
 f Quodque tcmporis in praediolis nostris, et belle sedlficatis, 
 et satis aniccais consumi potuit, in peregrinatione consumimus -- 
 [ad Att. 16. 3.] cur ocellos Iialiae^ viiluUs meas non video ? il;. 6. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 319 
 
 large enough for the reception, not only of his own 
 family, but of his friends and numerous guests, ma- 
 ny of whom of the first quahty used to pass several 
 days with him in their excursions from Rome. But 
 besides these that may properly be reckoned seats, 
 with large plantations and gardens around them, he 
 had several httle inns, as he calls them, or baiting 
 places on the road, built for his accommodation ia 
 passing from one house to another*. 
 
 His Tusculan house had been Sylla's, the dicta- 
 tor; and in one of its apartments had a painting of 
 his memorable victory near Nola, in the Marsic war, 
 in which Cicero had served under him as a volun- 
 teer f: it was about four leagues from Rome, on the 
 top of a beautiful hill, covered w^ith the villas of the 
 nobihty, and affording an agreeable prospect of the 
 city and the country around it > with plenty of wa- 
 ter flowing through his grounds in a large stream or 
 canal, for which he paid a rent to the corporation of 
 Tuscuium |. Its neighbourhood to Rome gave him 
 the opportunity of a retreat at any hour from the 
 fatigues of the bar or the senate, to breathe a httle 
 fresh air, and divert himself with his friends or fami- 
 ly : so that this was the place in which he took most 
 delight, and spent the greatest share of his leisure ; 
 and for that reason improved and adorned it be^ 
 yond all his other houses jj. 
 
 * Ego accepi in Diversoriolo Sinuessano, tuas literas. Ad 
 
 Att. 14. 8. r • o- 
 
 f Idque etiam in villa sua Tusculana, quDC postea tuit Licera- 
 
 nis, Sylla pinxit. Plin. Hist. Nat. 22. 6. 
 
 t Ego Tusculanis pro aqua Crabra vectlgal pendam, quia a 
 
 municipio fundum accepi — Con. RuU. 3. 2. ^ ^ 
 
 H Quce mihi antea signa misisti — ea omnia in Tusculanuna ac» 
 
320 
 
 The life of Sect. XII, 
 
 When a greater satiety of the city, or a longer 
 vacation in the foram, disposed him to seek a calmer 
 scene and more undisturbed retirement, he used to 
 remove to Antium or Astura. At Antium he placed 
 iiis best collection of book?, and as it was not above 
 thirty miles from Rome, he could have daily intelli- 
 gence there of every thing that passed in the city. 
 Astura was a little island at the mouth of a river of 
 the same name, about two leagues farther towards 
 the south, between the promontaries of Antium and 
 Circa^um, and in the view of them both; a place 
 peculiarly adapted to the purposes of solitude and a 
 severe retreat ; covered with a thick wood, cut out 
 into shady walks, in which he used to spend the 
 gloomy and splenetic moments of his life. 
 
 In the heighth of summer, the mansion-house at 
 Arpinum, and the little island adjoining, by the ad- 
 vantage of its groves and cascades^ afforded the best 
 defence against the inconvenience of the heats ; 
 where, in the greatest that he had ever remember- 
 
 portabo. — J] Ad Att. I. 4.] Kos ex omnibus laborlbus et moles- 
 tils uno illo in laco conquiescimus. — [ib. 5.] Nos Tusculano ita 
 dclectamur, ut nobismet ipsis tvim denique, cum illo venimus, pla- 
 ccamus. — [ib 6.] 
 
 The situation of this Tusculan house, which had been built 
 perhaps by Sylla, confirms what Seneca has observed of the vil- 
 las of all the other great captains of Rome, Marius, Pompey,- 
 Csesar *, that they were placed al-.vays on hills, or the highest 
 ground that they could find ; it being thought iriore military to 
 command the view of the country beneath them, and that houses 
 so situated had the appearance of a camp rather than ?. villa.— ^ 
 [Sencc. Epist- 51.] But this delightful spot is now possessed 
 by a convent of Monks, called Grotta Ferrata, where they stiri 
 shew the remains of Cicero's colun^.ns and fine buildings, and the 
 ducts of water that flowed through his gardens^ 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 32 x 
 
 ed, we find him refreshing himself, as he writes to 
 his brother, with the utmost pleasure, in the cool 
 stream of his Fibrenus*. 
 
 His other villas were situated in the more public 
 parts of Italy, where all the best company of Rome 
 had their houses of pleasure. He had two at For- 
 mice, a lower and upper villa ; the one near to the 
 port of Cajeta, the other upon the mountains adjoin- 
 ing : he had a third on the shore of Baiae, between 
 the lake Avernus and Puteoli, which he calls his 
 Puteolan : a fourth on the hills of old Cumae, called 
 his Guman villa ; and a fifth at Pompeii, four leagues 
 beyond Naples, in a country famed for the purity of 
 its air, fertility of its soil, and delicacy of its fruits. 
 His Puteolan house was built after the plan of the 
 academy at Athens, and called by that name, being 
 adorned with a portico and a grove for the same use 
 of philosophical conferences. Some time after his 
 death, it fell into the hands of Antistius Vetus, who 
 repaired and improved it, w^hen a spring of warm 
 water, which happened to burst out in one part of 
 it, gave occasion to the following epigram, made by 
 Laurea TuUius, one of Cicero's freed-nien. 
 
 Quo tua Romante vindex clarisslme Ungues 
 
 Sylva loco melius surgere jussa viret, 
 Atque academlie celebratam nomine villain 
 
 Nurx reparat cultu sub potiore Vetus, 
 Hie etiam apparent lympiioe non ante repertar, 
 
 Languida quae infuso lumina rore levaat. 
 
 * Ego ex magnis caloribus non enira meminimus m-ij )res, in 
 Arpinati, summa cum amoenitate flumini^, me rt-feci ludorum di- 
 ebus. Ad Quint. 3. !. 
 
322 The LIFE of Sect. XIT. 
 
 Nimirum locus ipse sui Ciceronis honori 
 
 Hoc dedit, hac fontes cum patefecit ope. 
 Ut quoniam totum legitur sine fine per orbem, 
 
 Sint plures, oculis quse medeantur, aquae*. 
 
 Where groves once thine, now with fresh verdure bloom, 
 
 Great parent of the eloquence of Rome, 
 
 And where thy academy, favourite seat, 
 
 Now to Antistius yields its sweet retreat, 
 
 A gushing stream bursts out, of wondrous power. 
 
 To heal the eyes, and weaken'd sight restore. 
 
 The place, which all its pride from Cicero drew, 
 
 Repays this honour to his memory due, 
 
 That since his works throughout the world are spread^ 
 
 And with such eagerness by all are read. 
 
 New springs of healing quality should rise. 
 
 To ease the encrease of labour to the eyes. 
 
 The furniture of his houses was suitable to the 
 elegance of his taste and the magnificence of his 
 buildings ; his galleries were adorned with statues 
 and paintings of the best Grecian masters ; and his 
 
 * Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. 31. 2. 
 
 This villa was afterwards an imperial palace, possessed by the 
 emperor Hadrian, ivho died and was buried in it, where he is 
 supposed to have breathed out that last and celebrated adieu to 
 his little, pallid, frightened, fluttering soul[i]; which would 
 have left him with less regret, if, from Cicero's habitation on 
 earth, it had known the way to those regions above, where Cice- 
 ro probably still lives, in the fruition of endless happiness [23. 
 
 [ij Animula vagula, blandula, 
 Hospes, comesque corporis, 
 QuE£ nunc abibis in ioca, 
 PalJidula, I'igida, nudula. 
 Nee, ut soles, dabis jocos, 
 
 ^lil Spartian. Vit, Hadr. 25. 
 
 [a] Ilbi nunc agat anima Ciceronis, fortasse non est humani judicii pronnrti- 
 are : me certe non admodum adversum habituri sint in ferendis calculis, qui spe- 
 rant ilium apud superos qnletam -vitam agere. — Erasm, Prooem. in Tosc, Q'.ixjf^ 
 ad Joh. TJJatteti. "" 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 323 
 
 vessels and moveables were of the best work and 
 choicest materials. There was a cedar table of his 
 remaining in PHny's time, said to be the first which 
 was ever seen in Rome, and to have cost him eighty 
 pounds*. He thought it the part of an eminent 
 citizen, to preserve an uniformity of character in 
 every article of his conduct, and to illustrate his dig- 
 nity by the splendor of his life. This was the rea- 
 son of the great variety of his houses, and of their 
 situation in the most conspicuous parts of Italy, a- 
 long the course of the Appian road, that they might 
 occur at every stage to the observation of travellers, 
 and lie commodious for the reception and entertain- 
 ment of his friends. 
 
 The reader, perhaps, when he reflects on what the 
 old writers have said of the mediocrity of his pater- 
 nal estate, will be at a loss to conceive whence all his 
 revenues flowed, that enabled him to sustain the vast 
 expence of building and maintaining such a number 
 of noble houses; but the solution will be easy, when 
 we recollect the great opportunities that he had of 
 improving his original fortunes. The two principal 
 funds of wealth to the leading men of Rome were, 
 first, the public magistracies and provincial commands ; 
 secondly, the presents of kings, princes, and foreign 
 states, whom they had obliged by their services and 
 protection : And, though no man was more moderate 
 in the use of these advantages than Cicero, yet, to 
 one of his prudence, oeconomy, and contempt of vi- 
 
 * Extat hodic M. Ciceronis, in ilia paupertate, et quod magis 
 mirum est, illo aevo erapta H. S. X. [Plin. Hist. N. 13, 15.] 
 nuUius ante Ciceronianam vetustior memoria est. ib. 16. 
 
 Vol. Ill, X 
 
3^4 
 
 The life of Sect.XIL 
 
 cious pleasures, these were abundantly sufficient to 
 answer all his expences*: For, in his province of Ci- 
 licia, after all the memorable instances of his genero- 
 sity, by which he saved to the public a full million 
 sterling, which all other governors had applied to their 
 private use, yet, at the expiration of his year, he left 
 in the hands of the publicans in Asia near twenty 
 thousand pounds, reserved from the strict dues of his 
 government, and remitted to him afterwards at Rome f . 
 But there was another way of acquiring money, es- 
 teemed the most reputable of any, which brought 
 large and frequent supplies to him, the legacies of de- 
 ceased friends. It was the peculiar custom of Rome, 
 for the clients and dependents of families to bequeath, 
 at their death, to their patrons some considerable part 
 of their estates, as the most effectual testimony of 
 their respect and gratitude ; and the more a man re- 
 ceived in this way, the more it redounded to his cre- 
 dit. Thus Cicero mentions it to the honour of Lu- 
 cuUus, that, while he governed Asia as proconsul, 
 many great estates were left to him by will J : And 
 Nepos tells us, in praise of Atticus, that he succeed- 
 ed to many inheritances of the same kind, bequeath- 
 ed to him on no other account than of his friendly 
 and amiable temper II . Cicero had his full share of 
 
 * Parva sunt, quae desunt nostris quidem moribus, & ea sunt 
 ad explicandum expcditlssima, modo valeamus. Ad. Quint. 2. 15. 
 
 f Ego in cistophoro in Asia habeo ad H. S. bis & vicies, hu- 
 jus pecunise permutatione fidem nostram facile tuebere. Ad Att. 
 xi. I. 
 
 X Maximas audio tibi, L. Luculle, pro tua eximla llberalitate, 
 maximisque beneficiis in tuos, venisse hereditates. Pr. Flacc. 34. 
 
 II Multas enim hereditates nulla alia re, quam bonitate est con- 
 secutus. Vit, Attic. 21. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 325 
 
 these testamentary donations, as we see from the ma- 
 ny instances of them mentioned in his letters*; and 
 when he was falsely reproached by Antony, with be- 
 ing neglected on these occasions, he declared in his 
 reply, that he had gained from this single article a- 
 bout two hundred thousand pounds, by the free and 
 voluntary gifts of dying friends, not the forged wills 
 of persons unknown to him, with which he charged 
 Antony f. 
 
 His moral character was never blemished by the 
 stain of any habitual vice, but was a shining pattern 
 of virtue to an age, of all others the most licentious 
 and profligate J. His mind was superior to all the 
 sordid passions which engross little souls — avarice, en- 
 vy, mahce, lust. If we sift his familiar letters, we 
 cannot discover in them the least hint of any thing 
 base, immodest, spiteful, or perfidious ; but an uni- 
 form principle of benevolence, justice, love of his 
 friends and country, flowing through the whole, and 
 inspiring all his thoughts and actions. Though no 
 man ever felt the effects of other people's envy more 
 severely than he, yet no man was ever more free from 
 it : This is allowed to him by all the old writers, and 
 is evident indeed from his works, where we find him 
 perpetually praisingand recommending whatever was 
 laudable, even in a rival or an adversary ; celebrating 
 merit wherever it was found, whether in the ancients 
 
 * Ad Att. 2. 20. xi. 2. Pr. Mil. i8. 
 •f- Heredltates mihi negasti venire — ego enim amplius H. S. du- 
 
 centies acceptum hereditatibus retuli me nemu nisi amicus, 
 
 fecit heredem te is, quem tu vidisti nunquam. Phil. 2. i6. 
 
 X Cum vita fuerit Integra, nee Integra solum scd etiam casta. 
 Erasm. Epist. ad Jo. Ullaten. 
 
326 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 or his contemporaries — whether in Greeks or Ro- 
 mans; and verifying a maxim which he had declared 
 in a speech to the senate, " That no man could be 
 " envious of another's virtue, who was conscious of 
 " his own*." 
 
 His sprightly wit would naturally have recommend- 
 ed him to the favour of the ladies, whose company 
 he used to frequent when young, and with many of 
 whom, of the first quality, he was oft engaged in his 
 riper years, to confer about the interests of their hus- 
 bands, brothers, or relations^ who were absent from 
 Rome : Yet we meet with no trace of any criminal 
 gallantry, or intrigue with any of them. In a letter 
 to Paetus, towards the end of his life, he gives a jo- 
 cose account of his supping with their friend Volum- 
 nius, an Epicurean wit of the first class, when the 
 famed courtesan, Cytheris, who had been Volum- 
 nius's slave, and was then his mistress, made one of 
 the company at table ; where, after several jokes on 
 that incident, he says, " That he never suspected 
 *' that she would have been of the party; and, though 
 " he was always a lover of chearful entertainments, 
 *' yet nothing of .that sort had ever pleased him when 
 *' young, much less now when he was oldf." There 
 was one lady, however, called Caerellia, with whom 
 he kept up a particular familiarity and correspondence 
 of letters, on which Dio, as it has been already hint- 
 ed, absurdly grounds some little scandal, though he 
 owns her to have been seventy years old. She is fre- 
 
 * Declarasti verum esse id, quod ego semper sensi, neminem al- 
 terius^ qui nice conjideret^virtuti invidere. Phil. x. I. vid. Plutar. 
 
 f Me vero nihil istorum ne juvenem quidera movit unquam, ne 
 nunc senem. Ep. Fam. 9. 26. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 
 
 327 
 
 quently mentioned in Cicero's Letters, as a lover of 
 books and philosophy, and, on that account, as fond 
 of his company and writings ; but while, out of com- 
 pjaisance to her sex, and a regard to her uncommon 
 talents, he treated her always with respect ; yet, by 
 the hints which he drops of her to Atticus, it appears 
 that she had no share of his affections, or any real au- 
 thority with him*. 
 
 His failings were as few as were ever found in 
 any eminent genius ; such as flowed from his con- 
 stitution, not his will ; and w^ere chargeable rather 
 to the condition of his humanity, than to the fault 
 of the man. He was thought to be too sanguine in 
 prosperity, too desponding in adversity ; and apt to 
 persuade himfelf in each fortune, that it would never 
 have an end f . This is Pollio's account of him : 
 which feems in general to be true ; Brutus touches 
 the first part of it in one of his letters to him, and 
 when things were going prosperously against Antony, 
 puts him gently in mind, that he seemed to trust too 
 much to his hopes J ; and he himself allows the se- 
 cond, and says, that if any one was timorous in great 
 and dangerous events, apprehending always the 
 worst rather than hoping the best, he was the man ; 
 
 * Mirifice Caerellia, studio videlicet philosophise flagrans, des- 
 cribit a tuls : Istos ipsos de finlbus habet — [ad Att. 13. 21.] Caj- 
 relliae facile satisfeci j nee valde laborare visa est : &. si ilia, ego 
 certe non laborarem. lb. 15. I. it, J2. $1. 14. 19. Fam. 13. 72. 
 Quintil. 6. 3. Dio. 303. 
 
 f Utinam moderatius secundas res, & fortius adversas ferre 
 potuisset! namque utiaeque cum venerant ei, mutarl eas non posse 
 rebatur. Asin. Pol. apud Sen. Suasor. 6. 
 
 X Qua in re, Cicero, vir optime ac fortisslme, mlhique merito 
 & meo nomine & reipub. carissime, minis credere videris spei 
 tuse — Brut, ad Cic. 4. 
 
328 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 and if that was a fault, confesses himfelf not to be 
 free from it*; yet in explaining afterwards the na- 
 ture of this timidity, it was fuch he tells us, as shewed 
 itself rather in foreseeing dangers, than in encoun- 
 tering them ; an explication which the latter part of 
 his life fully confirmed, and above all his death, 
 which no man could sustain with greater courage 
 and refolution f . 
 
 But the most confpicuous and glaring passion of 
 his soal was, the love oi glory and thirst o^ praise y 
 a passion, that he not only avowed, but freely in- 
 dulged ; and sometimes, as he himself confesses, to a 
 degree even of vanity J. This often gave his ene- 
 mies a plausible handle of ridiculing his pride and 
 arrogance || ; while the forwardness that he shewed 
 to celebrate his own merits in alibis public speeches, 
 feemed to justify their censures : and since this is 
 generally considered as the grand foible of his life, 
 and has been handed down implicitely from age to 
 age, without ever being fairly examined, or rightly 
 understood, it will be proper to lay open the fource 
 
 * Nam si quisquam est timidus in magnis periculosisque rebus 
 semperque magis adversos rerum exitus metuens, quam sperans fe- 
 cundos, is ego sum : & si hoc vitium est, eo me non carere con. 
 fiteor. Ep. fam. 6. 14. 
 
 f Parum fortis videbatur quibusdam : quibus optime respondit 
 ipse, non se timidum in suscipiendis, sed in providendis periculis: 
 quod probavit morte quoque ipsa, quam pracstantissimo suscepit 
 animo. Quintil, 1. 12. 1. 
 
 X Nunc quoniam laudis avidissimi semper fuimus. [Ad Att. 
 I. i^S^ Quia etiam quod est subinane in nobis. & non u^iXo^o^^i, 
 helium est enim sua vitia nosse [ib. 2. 17.] Sum etiam avidior 
 ctiam, quam satis est, gioriae. Ep. fam. 9. 14. 
 
 II Et quoniam hoc reprehendis, quod solere toa dicas de me ip- 
 so gloriosius praedicare— Pro Dom. 35. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 329 
 
 from which the passion itself flowed, and explain the 
 nature of that glory, of which he professes himself 
 fo fond. 
 
 True glory, then, according to his own definition 
 of it, is " a wide and illustrious fame of many and 
 " great benefits conferred upon our friends, our coun- 
 ** try, or the whole race of mankind * : it is not, (he 
 " says,) the empty blast of popular favour, or the 
 ** applause of a giddy multitude, which all wife men 
 " had ever despised, and none more than himself, but 
 " the consenting praise of all honest men, and the 
 ** incorrupt testimony of those who can judge of ex- 
 " cellent merit, which resounds always to virtue, as 
 " the echo to the voice ;" and since it is the general 
 companion of good actions, ought not to be rejected 
 by good men. That thofe who aspired to this glory, 
 were not to expect " ease or pleasure, or tranquillity 
 " of life for their pains ; but must give up their own 
 ** to fecure the peace of others, must expofe them- 
 " felves to storms and dangers for the public good ; 
 «* fustain many battles with the audacious and the 
 " wicked, and fome even with the powerful : in short, 
 *' must behave themselves so, as to give their citizens 
 *• caufe to rejoice that they had ever been born f ." 
 
 * Si quidem gloria est illustris ac pervagata multorum & mag- 
 norum vel in suos, vel in patriam, vel in omne genus hominum 
 fama meritorum. — Pro Marcel. 8. 
 
 f Siquisquam fuit unquam remotus & natura, & magis etiam, 
 ut mihi quidem sentire videor, rationc atque doctrina, ab inani 
 laude & sermonlbus vulgi, ego profecto is sura. — Ep. fam. 15. 4. 
 
 Est enim gloria — consentiens laus bonorum j incorrupta vox 
 bene judicantium de excellentc virtute : ea virtuti resonat tan- 
 quam imago : quae quia rede factorum plerumque comes est, non 
 est bonis viris repudianda. Tusc. quiust. 3. 2. _ 
 
 Qui autcm bonam famam bonorum, qu* sola vera gloria nomi- 
 
 H4 
 
330 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 This is the notion that he inculcates every where of 
 true glory : which is surely one of the noblest prin- 
 ciples that can inspire a human breast ; implanted 
 by God in our nature, to dignify and exalt it ; and 
 always found the strongest in the best and most ele- 
 vated minds ; and to which we owe every thing great 
 and laudable, that history has to offer to us. through 
 all the ages of the heathen world. There is not an 
 instance, says Cicero, of a man's exerting himself 
 ever with praife and virtue in the dangers of his 
 country, who was not drawn to it by the hopes of 
 glory, and a regard to posterity *. *' Give me a boy," 
 says Quintilian, *' whom praise excites, whom glory 
 " warms : " for such a scholar was sure to anfwer all 
 his hopes, and do credit to his discipline f . " Whe- 
 " ther posterity will have any respect for me," fays 
 Pliny, ** I know not ; but am fure that I have de- 
 " served some from it : I will not say by my wit, for 
 *' that would be arrogant; but by the zeal, by the 
 " pains, by the reverence, which I have always paid 
 " to it J. 
 
 nari potest, expetunt, aliis otium quaerere debent &r^ voluptates, 
 non sibi. Sudandum est his pro communibos coramodis, adeundae 
 iniraicitlge, fubeundae s epe pro repub. terapestates. Cum multis 
 audacibus, improbis, non nunquam etiara potentibus dimicandum. 
 Pro. Sext. 66. 
 
 Carum esse civem, bene de repub. mereri, laudari, coli, diligi, 
 gloriosum est — quare ita guberna rempub, ut natum esse te cives 
 tui gaudeant : sine quo nee beatus, nee clarus quisquam esse po- 
 test. Phil. 1. 14. 
 
 * Neque quisquam nostrum in reipub. periculis, cum laude ac 
 virtute versatur, quin spe posteritatis, fructuque ducatur. Pro. 
 C. Rabir. x. 
 
 -j- Mihi detur ille f uer, qucm gloria juvet. Hie erit alendus 
 ambitu — in hoc desidiam nunquam verebor. Quintil. i. 3. 
 
 X Posteris an aliqua cura nostri, nescio. Nos certe meremur, 
 ut s't aliqua: non dico, in.enio j sed studio, std labore, sed reve- 
 rentia posterum. Plin. Lp. * 
 
Sect.XII. CICERO. 331 
 
 It will not seem strange, to observe the wisest of 
 the ancients pushing this principle to fo great a 
 length, and considering glory as the amplest reward 
 of a well fpentlife*; when we reflect, that the 
 greatest part of them had no notion of any other 
 reward or futurity ; and even thofe who believed a 
 state of happinefs to the good, yet entertained it 
 with so much diffidence, that they indulged it rather 
 as a wish, than a well grounded hope ; and were 
 glad therefore to lay hold on that which feemed to 
 be within their reach, a futurity of their own creat- 
 ing ; an immortality of fame and glory from the ap- 
 plause of posterity. This, by a pleasing fiction, they 
 looked upon as a propagation of life, and an eternity 
 of existence ; and had no small comfort in imagining, 
 that, though the sense of it should not reach to them- 
 selves, it would extend at least to others ; and that 
 they should be doing good still w^hen dead, by leav- 
 ing the example of their virtues to the imitation of 
 mankind. Thus Cicero, as he often declares, never 
 looked upon that to be his hfe, which was confined 
 to this narrow circle on earth, but considered his 
 acts as seeds sown in the immense field of the uni- ' 
 verse, to raife up the fruit of glory and immortality 
 to him through a succession of future ages ; nor has 
 he been frustrated of his hope, or disappointed of his 
 end; but as long as the name oi Rome subsists, or as 
 long as learning, virtue, and hberty, preserve any 
 
 * Sed tamen ex omnibus prsemiis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio, 
 prEemiorum, amplissimum esse praemium gloriam. Esse banc 
 unam, quae brevitatem vitse posteritatis memoria consolaretur, 
 — Pro Mil. ^^. 
 
332 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 credit in the world, he will be great and glorious in 
 the memory of all posterity. 
 
 As to the other part of the charge, or the proof of 
 his vanity, drawn from his boasting fo frequently of 
 himself in his speeches both to the fenate and peo- 
 ple, though it may appear to the common reader to 
 be abundantly confirmed by his writings ; yet if we 
 attend to the circumstances of the times, and the 
 part which he acted in them, we shall find it not 
 only excusable, but in fome degree even necessary. 
 The fate of Rome was now brought to a crisis ; and 
 the contending parties were making their last efforts, 
 either to oppress or preserve it : Cicero was the head 
 of those who stood up for its liberty ; which entirely 
 depended on the influence of his councils : he had 
 many years therefore been the common mark of the 
 rage and malice of all those who were aiming at ille- 
 gal powers, or a tyranny in the state ; and while 
 these were generally supported by the military pow- 
 er of the empire, he had no other arms or means of 
 defeating them, but his authority with the senate 
 -and people, grounded on the experience of his ser- 
 vices, and the persuasion of his integrity : fo that, to 
 obviate the perpetual calumnies of the factious, he 
 was obliged to inculcate the merits and good effects 
 of his councils ; in order to confirm the people in 
 their union and adherence to them, against the in- 
 trigues of those who were employing all arts to sub- 
 vert them. " The frequent commemorsnon of his 
 " acts, fays Quintilian, was not made so much for 
 •' glory, as for defence ; to repel calumny, and vin- 
 " dicate his meafares when they were attacked f " : 
 
 f Vigesimus annus est, cum omnes scelerati me unam petunt. 
 
 Phil. 12. X. 6. 6. 
 
 At 
 
Sect. XIL CICERO. 333 
 
 and thi.^ is what Cicero himself declared in all his 
 speeches ; '* that no man ever heard him speak of 
 " himself but when he was forced to it: that when 
 " he was urged with fictitious crimes, it was his cus- 
 " torn to answer them with his real services : and if 
 " ever he said any thing glorious of himself, it was 
 •* not through a fondness of praise, but to repel an 
 ** accusation * : that no man who had been conver- 
 '* sant in great affairs, and treated with particular 
 *' envy, could refute the contumely of an enemy, 
 " without touching upon his own praises ; and, after 
 ** all his labours for the common safety, if a just in- 
 " dignation had not drawn from him at any time 
 " what might feem to be vain-glorious, it might rea^ 
 " sonably be forgiven to him f : that when others 
 " were silent about him, if he could not then forbear 
 " to speak of himself, that indeed would be shame- 
 " ful ; but when he was injured, accused, exposed to 
 *' popular odium, he must certainly be allowed to 
 " assert his hberty, if they would not suffer him to 
 " retain his dignity J". This then was the true state 
 
 At plerumque illud quoque none sine aliqua ratione fecit. — 
 Ut illorura,^ quae egerat in consulatu frequens commemoratio, 
 possit videri non glorite magis quam defensioni data — plerumque 
 contra inimicos atque obtrectatores plus vindicat sibi j erant enim 
 tuenda, cam objicerentur. Quintil. xi. i. 
 
 * Quis unquam audivit, cum ego de me nisi coactus ac neces- 
 sario dicerem ? — dicendum igitur est id, quod non dicerem nisi 
 coactus : nihil enim unquam de me dixi subiatius asciscenda lau- 
 dis causa potius, quam criminis depellendi — pro Dom. 35, 36. 
 
 f Potest quisquam vir in rebus magnis cum invidia versatis, fatis 
 graviter contra inimici contumeliam, sine sua laude respondere ? 
 
 Quanquam si me tantis laboribus pro communi salute perfunc- 
 tum efferret aliquando ad gloriam in refutandis maledictis impro- 
 borum hominum animi quidam dolor, quis non ignosceret ?— .de 
 Harus. resp. 8. 
 
 X Si, cum cacteri de nobis silent, non etiam nosmet ipsi tace- 
 
334 
 
 The life of Sect. XIL 
 
 of the case, as it is evident from the facts of his his- 
 tory; he had an ardent love of glory, and an eager 
 thirst of praise : was pleased, when living, to hear his 
 acts applauded ; yet more still with imagining, that 
 they would ever be celebrated when he was dead : 
 a passion which, for the reasons already hinted, had 
 always the greatest force on the greatest souls : but 
 it must needs raise our contempt and indignation, to 
 see every conceited pedant, and trifling declaimer, 
 who know little of Cicero's real character, and less 
 still of their own, presuming to call him the vainest 
 of mortals. 
 
 But there is no point of hght, in which we can 
 view him with more advantage or satisfaction to our- 
 selves, than in the contemplation of his learning, and 
 the surprizing extent of his knowledge. This shines 
 so conspicuous in all the monuments which remain 
 of him, that it even lessens the dignity of his general 
 character ; while the idea of the scholar absorbs that 
 of the senator; and, by considering him as the great- 
 est writer, we are apt to forget that he was the 
 greatest magistrate alfo of Rome. We learn our 
 Latin from him at school; our stile and sentiments 
 at the college ; here the generality take their leave 
 of him, and seldom think of him more, but as of 
 an orator, a moralist, or philosopher of antiquity. 
 But it is with characters as with pictures ; we can- 
 not judge well of a single part, without surveying 
 the whole; since the perfection of each depends on 
 
 mus, grave. Scd si laedimur, si accusamur, si in invidiam voca- 
 niur, profecto concedetis, ut nobis libertatem retinere liceat, si 
 minus liceat dignitatem. Pro SvU. 29. 
 
Sect. Xir. CICERO. 335 
 
 its proportion and relation to the rest ; while in view- 
 ing them all together, they mutually reflect an ad- 
 ditional grace upon each other. His learning, con- 
 sidered separately, will appear admirable ; yet much 
 more so, when it is found in the possession of the 
 first statesman of a mighty empire : his abilities as a 
 statesman are glorious ; yet surprize is still more, 
 when they are observed in the ablest scholar and 
 philosopher of his age : but an union of both these 
 characters exhibits that sublime specimen of perfec- 
 tion, to which the best parts with the best culture 
 can exalt human nature *. 
 
 No man, whose life had been wholly spent in stu- 
 dy, ever left more numerous or more valuable fruits 
 of his learning, in every branch of science and the 
 politer arts ; in oratory, poetry, philosophy, law, his- 
 tory, criticism, politics, ethics ; in each of which he 
 equalled the greatest masters of his time — in some of 
 them excelled all men of all times f. His remaining 
 works, as voluminous as they appear, are but a small 
 part of what he really published ; and, though many 
 of these are come down to us maimed by time, and 
 the barbarity of the intermediate ages, yet they are 
 justly esteemed the most precious remains of all an- 
 tiquity ; and, like the Sibylline books, if more of them 
 
 * Cum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem accesserlt ratio 
 quaedam, conformatloque doctrin^e, turn illud nescio quid praecla- 
 rum ac singulare solere exsistere. Pro Arch. 7. 
 
 + M. Cicero in libro, qui inscriptus est de jure civili in artem 
 redlgendo, verba haec posuit — (A. Gell. i. 22.) M. Tullius non 
 modo inter agendum nunquam est destitutus scientia juris, sed e- 
 tiam componere aliqua de co coeperat. (Quintil. 12. 3 ) At M. 
 Tullium, non ilium habemus Euphranorem, circa pluriura artium 
 species praestantem, sed in omnibus, quae in quoque laudantur, e- 
 mincntissimum. lb. c. x. 
 
33^ The tiFE of Sect. XII, 
 
 had perished, would have been equal still to any 
 price. 
 
 His industry was incredible, beyond the example, 
 or even conception of our days : This was the secret 
 by which he performed such wonders, and reconciled 
 perpetual study with perpetual affairs. He suffered 
 no part of his leisure to be idle, or the least interval 
 of it to be lost ; but what other people gave to the 
 public shews, to pleasures, to feasts, nay, even to 
 sleep, and the ordinary refreshments of nature, he 
 generally gave to his books, and the enlargement of 
 his knowledge*. On days of business, when he had 
 any thing particular to compose, he had no other 
 time for meditating but when he was taki g a few 
 turns in his walks, where he used to dictate his thoughts 
 to his scribes who attended him f . We find many 
 of his letters dated before day-hght ; some from the 
 senate, others from his meals and the crowd of his 
 morning levee J. 
 
 * Quantum caeteris ad suas res obeundas, quantum ad festos di- 
 es ludorum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates, et ipsam re- 
 quiem ammi &- corporis conceditur temporum; quantum alii tri- 
 buunt tempestivis conviviis 5 quantum denique aleae quantum pi- 
 la:, t ntum mihi egomet ad hsec studia recolenda sumsero — Pro 
 Arch, 6. 
 
 Cui fuerit ne otium quidem unquam otiosum. Nam quas tu 
 commemoras legerc te solere orationes, cum otiosus sis, Ijas ego 
 
 scripsi ludis & feriis, ne omnino unquam essem otiosus. Pro 
 
 Plane. 27. 
 ( f Ita quicquid conficio aut cogito, in ambulationis tempus fere 
 confero. (A.d Quint. 3. 3.) Nam cum vacui temporis nihil ha- 
 fcercm, &c cum recreandae voculae causa mihi necesse esset ambu- 
 lare, hsec dictavi ambulans. Ad. Att. 2. 23. 
 
 X Cum haec scribebam ante lucem. (Ad Quint. 3. 2. 7.) An- 
 te lucem cum scriberem contra Epicureos, dc eodera oleo & opera 
 cxaravi nescio quid ad t-. & ante lucem dedi. Deinde cum, som- 
 no repetito, simul cum sole experrectus essem. Ad Att. J3. 38, 
 
Sect.XII. CICERO. 337 
 
 No compositions afford more pleasure than the e- 
 pistles of great men : They touch the heart of the 
 reader, by laying open that of the writer. The let- 
 ters of eminent wits, eminent scholars, eminent states- 
 men, are all esteemed in their several kinds ; but there 
 never was a collection that excelled so much in every 
 kind as Cicero's, for the purity of stile, the impor- 
 tance of the matter, or the dignity of the persons 
 concerned in them. We have about a thousand still 
 remaining, all written after he was forty years old, 
 which are but a small part, not only of what he wrote, 
 but of what were actually published after his death 
 by his servant Tiro. For we see many volumes of 
 them quoted by the ancients, which are utterly lost ; 
 as the first book of his Letters to Licinius Calvus; the 
 first also to (^ Axius ; a second book to his son ; a 
 second also to Corn. Nepos ; a third book to J. Cae- 
 sar ; a third to Octavius ; and a third also to Pansa ; 
 an eighth book to M. Brutus ; and a ninth to A. Hir- 
 tius. Of all which, excepting a few to J. Caesar and 
 Brutus, we have nothing more left than some scat« 
 tered phrases and sentences, gathered from the cita- 
 tions of the old critics and grammarians |j. What 
 makes these letters still more estimable is, that he 
 had never designed them for the public, nor kept a- 
 ny copies of them ; for, the year before his death, 
 when Atticus was making some inquiry about them, 
 
 HaEc ad te scrips! apposita secunda mensa. (lb. 14. 6. 21. 15. 13.) 
 Hoc paullulum exaravi ipsa in turba matutinae salutationis. Ad 
 Brut. 1. 2. 4. 
 
 Ij Sec the fragments of his letters in the editions of his worbr. 
 
33B TrtE LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 he sent him word, that he had made no collection, 
 and that Tiro had preserved only about seventy*. 
 Here then we may expect to see the genuine man, 
 without disguise or affectation, especially in his let- 
 ters to Atticus, to whom he talked with the same 
 frankness as to himself, opened the rise and progress 
 of each thought, and never entered into any affair 
 without his particular advice ; so that these may be 
 considered as the memoirs of his times, containing the 
 most authentic materials for the history of that age, 
 and laying open the grounds and motives of all the 
 great events that happened in it f : And it is the 
 want of attention to them that makes the generality 
 of writers on these times so superficial, as well as er- 
 roneous, while they chuse to transcribe the dry and 
 imperfect relations of the latter Greek historians, ra- 
 ther than take the pains to extract the original ac- 
 count of facts from one who is a principal actor in 
 them. 
 
 In his familiar letters he affected no particular e- 
 legance or choice of words, but took the first that 
 occurred from common use and the language of 
 conversation |. Whenever he was disposed to joke, 
 his wit was easy and natural ; flowing always from 
 the subject, and throwing out what came upper- 
 most ; nor disdaining even a pun, when it served to 
 
 * Mearum epistularum nulla est cwxyuyvi* Sed habet Tiro 
 instar septuaginta. Ad Att. i6. 5. 
 
 f Quse qui legal non multum desideret historiam contextam eo» 
 rum temporum j sic enim omnia de studiis principum, vitiis du- 
 cura, ac mutationibus Reipub. perscripta sunt, ut nihil in his non 
 apparet. Corn. Nep. vitt. Att. 16. 
 
 :|: Epistolas vero quotidianis verbis texere solemus. Ep. fam. 
 9. 21. 
 
SscT. XIL CICERO. 339 
 
 make his friends laugh f . In letters df complin:ient, 
 some of which were addressed to the greatest men 
 who ever lived, his inchnation to please is expressed 
 in a manner agreeable to nature and reason, with 
 the utmost delicacy both of sentiment and diction^ 
 yet without any of those pompous titles and lofty 
 epithets which modern custom has introduced into 
 our commerce with the great, and falsely stamped 
 with the name of politeness, though they are the 
 real offspring of barbarism, and the effect of our de- 
 generacy both in taste and manners. In his politi- 
 cal letters, all his maxims are drawn from an inti- 
 mate knowledge of men and things ; he always 
 touches the point on which the affair turns, foresees 
 the danger, and fortells the mischief^ which never 
 failed to follow upon the neglect of his counsels, of 
 which there were so many instances, that, as an e- 
 minent writer of his own time observed of him, his 
 prudence seemed to be a kind of divination, which 
 foretold every thing that afterwards happened with 
 the veracity of a prophet ^. But none of his letters 
 do him more credit than those of the recommenda- 
 tory kind : the others shew his wit and his parts,, 
 these his benevolence and his probity : he solicits 
 the interest of his friends with all the warmth and 
 
 * Qi^icquid in buccam venerit. Ad. Att. 7. x, 14. 7. In re- 
 proaching Antony for publishing one of his letters to him, 
 " How many jests," says he, " are often found in private letters, 
 " which, if made public, might be thought foolish and imperti- 
 "nent?" Phil. 2. 4. 
 
 f Ut facile existimari possit pruclentlam quodammodo esse di- 
 vinationem. Non enim Cicero ea solum, quae vivo se acci4erunt, 
 futura pr^edixit, sed ctiam, quse nutic usu veniunt, cecinit ut va- 
 les. Corn. Nep. ,16. 
 
 You III. *Y 
 
34^ The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 force of words of which he was master, and alleges 
 generally some personal reason for his peculiar zeal 
 in the cause, and that his own honour was concern- 
 ed in the success of it*. 
 
 But his letters are not more valuable on any ac- 
 count, than for their being the only monuments of 
 that sort which remain to us from free Rome. They 
 breathe the last words of expiring liberty, a great 
 part of them having been written in the very crisis 
 of its ruin, to rouse up all the virtue that was left in 
 the honest and the brave, to the defence of their 
 country. The advantage which they derive from 
 
 * An objection may possibly be made to my character of these 
 letters, from a certain passage in one of them, addressed to a pro- 
 consul of Afric, wherein he intimates, that there was a private 
 mark agreed upon between them, which, \vhen affixed to his let- 
 ters, would signify what real stress he himself laid upon them, 
 and what degree of influence he desired them to have with hi^ 
 friend. [Ep. fam. 13. 6.j| But that seems to relate only to the 
 particular case of one man, who, having great affairs in Afric, 
 was likely to be particularly troublesome both to Cicero and the 
 proconsul 5 whose general concerns, however, he recommends in 
 that letter with the utmost warmth and affection. But if he had 
 used the same method with all the other proconsuls and foreign 
 commanders, it seems not only reasonable, but necessary, that a 
 man of his character and authority, whose favour was perpetual- 
 ly solicited by persons of all ranks, should make some distinction 
 between his real friends, whom he recommended for their own 
 sake, and those whose recommendations were extorted from him 
 by the importunity of others, which was frequently the case, as 
 he himself declares in these very letters, '* Your regard for 
 '* me," says he, ** is so publicly known, that I am importuned 
 •' by many for recommendations to you. But though I give 
 ** them sometimes to men of no consequence, yet, for the mokt 
 *• part, it is to my real friends.^' Again, *' Our friendship, and 
 ** your affection to me, is so illustrious, that I am under a necessity 
 " of recommending many people to you : but, though it is my 
 *' duty to wish well to all whom I recommend, yet I do not live 
 «* upon the same foot of friendship with them all," &c. Ep. 
 fam. 13. 70. 71. 
 
Sect. XIT. CICERO. 341: 
 
 this circumstance will easily be observed by com- 
 paring them with the epistles of the best and great- 
 est who flourished afterwards in imperial Rome. 
 Pliny's letters are justly admired by men of taste ; 
 they shew the scholar, the wit, the fine gentleman ; 
 yet we cannot but observe a poverty and barrenness 
 through the whole, that betrays the awe of a mas- 
 ter. All his stories and reflections terminate in pri- 
 vate hfe, there is nothing important in politics ; no 
 great affairs explained ; no account of the motives 
 of public counsels : he had borne all the same of- 
 fices with Cicero, whom in all points he affected to 
 emulate*; yet his honours were in effect but nomi- 
 nal, conferred by a superior power, and administer- 
 ed by a superior will ; and, with the old titles of 
 consul and proconsul, we want still the statesman, 
 the politician, and the magistrate. In his provin- 
 cial command, where Cicero governed all things 
 with supreme authority, and had kings attendant on 
 his orders, Pliny durst not venture to repair a bath, 
 or punish a fugitive slave, or incorporate a company 
 of masons, till he had first consulted and obtained 
 the leave of Trajan f . 
 
 His historical works are all lost : " the Commenta- 
 ries of his Consulship," in Greek ; " the history of his 
 own affairs, to his return from exile," in Latin 
 
 * Laetaris, quod honoribus ejus insistam, quem semulari in stu- 
 diis cupio. Plin. Ep. 4. 8. 
 
 f Prusenses, Domine, balneum habent et sordJdum et vetus, 
 id itaque indulgentia tua restltuere deslderant. Ep. 1. x. 34. 
 
 Quorum ego suppllcium distuli, ut te conditorem disciplincc 
 militaris, firmatoremque, consulerem de modo poen£e. lb. 38. 
 
 Tu, domine, despice an insiituendum putes collegium Fabro- 
 i-um, duntaxat hominum cl. lb. 42. 
 
 y2 
 
34^ Tfl£ LIFE OF Sect. XII. 
 
 " verse ; and his Anecdotes ;'* as well as the pieces, 
 that he published on natural history, of which Pliny 
 quotes one, upon the wonders of nature \ and ano- 
 ther upon perfumes'^. He was meditating likewise 
 a general history of Rome, to which he was fre- 
 quently urged by his friends, as the only man ca- 
 pable of adding that glory also to his country ; of 
 excelling the Greeks in a species of writing, which, 
 of all others, was at that time the least cultivated by 
 the Romans f. But he never found leisure to exe- 
 cute so great a task ; yet has sketched out a plan of 
 it, which, short as it is, seems to be the best that 
 can be formed, for the design of a perfect history. 
 
 '* He declares it to be the first and fundamental 
 " law of history, that it should neither dare to say 
 " any thing that was false, or fear to say any thing 
 *' that was true ; nor give any just suspicion either 
 " of favour or disaffection : that, in the relation of 
 " things, the writer should observe the order of time, 
 *' and add also the description of places : that in all 
 **' great and memorable transactions, he should first 
 " explain the councils, then the acts, lastly, the e- 
 *' vents : that in the councils, he should interpose 
 " his own judgment on the merit of them : in the 
 " acts, should relate not only what was done, but 
 *' how it was done : in the events, should shew what 
 
 * Cicero in admirandis posuit, &c. Plin. Hist. N. 31. 2. 
 Quod admirandis suis inseruit M. Cicero. Ibid. c. 4. In monu- 
 mentis M. Ciceronis iuvenitur 5 unguenta gratiora esse, quce ter- 
 rara, quara quae crocum sapiant. Hist. N. 13. 3. 17. 5. 
 
 f Postulatur a te jamdiu, vel flagitatur potius Historia ; sic 
 enim putant, te illam iractante, cffici posse, ut in hoc etiara ge- 
 nere Grceciae nihil cedamus — ab est enim historia literis nostris — 
 de \.^g. I. %, 3, 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 343 
 
 " share, chance, or rashness, or prudence had in them : 
 *' that in regard to persons, he should describe, not 
 '* only their particular actions, but the lives and cha- 
 ** racters of all those who bear an eminent part in 
 " the story : that he should illustrate the whole in a 
 ** clear, easy, natural stile ; flowing with a perpetaal 
 ** smoothness, and equability ; free from the affecta- 
 ** tion of points and sentences, or the roughness of 
 <*' judicial pleadings*,** 
 
 We have no remains likewise of his poetry, except 
 some fragments occasionally interspersed through his 
 •Other writings ; yet these, as I have before observed, 
 ^re sufficient to convince us, that his poetical genius, 
 if it had been cultivated with the same care, would 
 not have been inferior to his oratorial. The two arts 
 are so nearly allied, that an excellency in the one 
 seems to imply a capacity for the other; the same 
 qualities being essential to them both ; a sprightly 
 fancy, fertile invention, flowing and numerous dic- 
 tion. It was in Cicero's time, that the old rusticity 
 of the Latin muse first began to be polished by the 
 ornaments of dress, and the harmony of nurribers; 
 but the height of perfection, to which it was carried 
 after his death by the succeeding generation, as it 
 left no room for a mediocrity in poetry, so it quite 
 eclipsed the fame of Cicero, For the world always 
 judges of things by comparison, and because he was 
 jiot so great a poet as Virgil and Horace, he was 
 decried as none at all ; especially in the courts of 
 Antony and Augustus ; where it was a compliment 
 to the sovereign, and a fashion consequently among ' 
 
 * De Orator 2. 15. 
 
344 The LIFE of Sect. XII, 
 
 their flatterers,* to make his character ridiculous, 
 whereever it lay open to them : hence flowed that 
 perpetual raillery, which subsists to this day, on his 
 famous verses ; 
 
 Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea linguae. 
 O fortunatam natam me consule Romam. 
 
 and two bad lines picked out by the malice of ene- 
 mies, and transmitted to posterity, as a specimen of 
 the rest, have served to damn many thousands of 
 good ones. For Plutarch reckons him among the 
 most eminent of the Roman poets ; and Pliny the 
 younger was proud of emulating him in his poetic 
 character f; and Quintilian seems to charge the ca- 
 vils of his censures to a principle of malignity J. 
 .But his own verses carry the surest proof of their 
 merit ; being written in the best manner of that age 
 in which he lived, and in the stile of Lucretius ; 
 whose poem he is said to have revised and corrected, 
 for its publication, after Lucretius's death ||. This 
 however is certain, that he was the constant friend 
 and generous patron of all the celebrated poets of 
 his time ^[ ; of Accius, Archias, Chilias, Lucretius, 
 
 * Postea vero quam triumvirali proscriptione consumptus est, 
 passim que oderant, qui invidebant, qui aemulabantur, adulatores 
 etiam pratsentis potentiae, non responsuram invaserunt. Quin. 
 
 12. 10. 
 
 f Sed ego verear, ne me non satis dcceat, quod decuit M. 
 Tullium — Ep. 1. 5. 3. 
 
 J In carminibus utinam pepercisset, quae non desierunt carpere 
 maligni. Quint, xi. 1. 
 II Eufeb. Chronic. 
 
 ^ Adjicis M. Tullium mira benignitate poetarum ingenia fo- 
 Tisse. Plin, Ep. 3. 15. Ut ex farailiari ejus L. Accio poeta au- 
 dire sum solitus. (Brut. 197.) Lucretii poemata, ut scribis, li- 
 ta sunt multis luminibus ingenii, ut raultce tamen artis. Ad Qyin!:, 
 2. xi, Vid. ad Att. i. 0, 16. 
 
Sect.XH. CfCERO. 345 
 
 Catullus ; who pays his thanks to him in the follow- 
 ing lines, for some favour, that he had received from 
 him. 
 
 Tully, most eloquent by far 
 
 Of all, who hare been, or who are, 
 
 Or who in ages still to come 
 
 Shall rise of all the sons of Rome, 
 
 To thee Catullus grateful sends 
 
 His warmest thanks, and recommends 
 
 His humble muse, as much below 
 
 All other poets, he as thou 
 
 All other patrons dost excel, 
 
 In power of words and speaking well *. 
 
 But poetry was the amusement only, and relief of 
 his other studies : eloquence was his distinguishing 
 talent, his sovereign attribute: to this he devoted all 
 the faculties of his soul, and attained to a degree of 
 perfection in it, that no mortal ever surpassed : so 
 that, as a pohte historian observes, Rome had but 
 few orators before him, whom it could praise; none 
 whom it could admire f . Demosthenes was the pat- 
 tern by which he formed himself; whom he emulat- 
 ed with such success, as to merit, what St Jerom 
 calls that beautiful eloge ; " Demosthenes has snatch- 
 
 * Disertissime Romuli nepotum, 
 
 Quod sunt, quotque fuere, Marce TuUi, 
 Quotque post aliis erunt in annis j 
 Gratias tibi maximas Catullus 
 Agit, pessimus omnium poeta 
 Tanto pessimus omnium poeta 
 C^anto tu optimus omnium patronus. 
 
 f At oratio — ita universa sub principe opens sui erupit Tul- 
 lio J ut delectari ante eum paucissimis, mirari veronemlnem pos. 
 sis. Veil. Pat. i. 17. 
 
 Y 4 
 
346 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 " ed from thee the glory of being the first } thoa 
 ^' from Demosthenes, that of being the only orator f.'* 
 The genius, the capacity, the stile and manner of 
 them both were much the same; their eloquence of 
 that great, sublime, and comprehensive kind, which 
 dignified every subject, and gave it all the force and 
 beauty of which it was capable : it was that round- 
 ness of speaking, as the ancients call it, where there 
 was nothing either redundant or deficient ; nothing 
 either to be added or retrenched : their perfections 
 were, in all points, so transcendent, and yet so simi- 
 lar, that the critics are not agreed on which side to 
 give the preference : Quintilian indeed, the most 
 judicious of them, has given it on the whole to Ci- 
 cero : but if, as others have thought, Cicero had not 
 all the nerves, the energy, or, as he himself calls it, 
 the thunder of Demosthenes; he excelled him in 
 the copiousness and elegance of his diction, the va- 
 riety of his sentiments; and, above all, in the viva- 
 city of his wit, and smartness of his raillery : De- 
 mosthenes had nothing jocose or facetious in him ;, 
 yet, by attempting sometimes to jest, shewed, that 
 the thing itself did not displease, but did not belong 
 to him : for, as Longinus says, whenever he affected 
 to be pleasant, he made himself ridiculous ; and, if 
 he happened to raise a laugh, it was chiefly upon 
 himself. Whereas Cicero, from a perpetual fund of 
 wit and ridicule, had the power always to please, 
 
 f Demosthenem igitur imitemur. O Dii boni ! quid quasi 
 nos aliud agiinus, aut quid aliud optamu^ ? Brut. 417. 
 
 M. i ullius, ir quern pulcherrimum illud elogiuiu est 5 De-, 
 jptiosthenes tibi prgeripuit. ne esses primus oratory tu illi, ne solus* 
 Ad Nepotian, de vita Clericor. Tom. 4. Edit. Bened. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 347 
 
 when he found himself unable to convince ; and 
 could put his judges into good humour, when he had 
 -cause to be afraid of their severity ; so that, by the 
 opportunity of a well-timed joke, he is said to have 
 preserved many of his chents from manifest ruin J. 
 
 Yet, in all this height and fame of his eloquence, 
 there was another set of orators at the same time in 
 Rome; men of parts and learning, and of the first 
 quality ; who, while they acknowledged the superi- 
 ority of his genius, yet censured his diction, as not 
 truly Attic or classical ; some calling it loose and 
 languid; others tumid and exuberant §. These mea 
 affected a minute and fastidious correctness; pointed 
 sentences, short and concise periods, without a sylla- 
 ble to spare in them ; as if the perfection of oratory 
 consisted in a frugality of w^ords, and in crowding 
 our sentiments in the narrowest compass j). The 
 chief patrons of this taste were, M. Brutus, Licinius, 
 Calvus, Asinius Pollio, and Sallust ; whom Seneca, 
 seems to treat as the author of the obscure, abrupt. 
 
 t Huic diversa virtus, qaae rlsum judicis movendo — pleriquc 
 Demostheni facultatem hujus rei defuisse credunt, Ciceroni mo- 
 dam — nee videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cujus pauca admo- 
 dum dicta — ostendunt iion displicuisse illi jocos, sed non conti- 
 gisse — mihi vero-r— mira qusedam videtur in Cicerone fuisse urba- 
 nitas. (Quintil. 1. 6.3. ib. X. I Longin de Sublim. c. 34.) Ut 
 pro L. Flacco, quem reputundaium reum joci opportunitate de 
 manifestissimis criminibus exemit, &c. Macrob. Sat. 2. i. 
 
 ^ Constat nee Ciceroni quidem obtrectatores defuisse, quibus 
 inflatus et tumens, nee satis pressus, supra modum exultans, et 
 superfiuens, et parum Atticus videretur, &.c. Tacit. Dialog. 18. 
 Vid. Quintil. 12. i. 
 
 II Mihi falli multum videntur, qui solos esse Atticos credunt, 
 tenues et lucidos et significantes, sed qu-^dam eloquentije frugali- 
 tate contentos, ac manuin semper intra pallium contiaentes, 
 Quintil. xii. c. x. 
 
343 The LIFE of StCT.XH. 
 
 and sententious stile *. Cicero often ridicules these 
 pretenders to Attic elegance ; as judging of elo- 
 quence, not by the force of the art, but their own 
 weakness ; and resolving to decry what they could 
 not attain ; and to admire nothing, but what they 
 could imitate f: and, though their way of speaking, 
 he says, might please the ear of a critic or a scholar, 
 yet it was not of that sublime and sonorous kind, 
 whose end was not only to instruct, but to move an 
 audience : an eloquence^ born for the multitude ; 
 whose merit was always shewn by it*s effects, of ex- 
 citing admiration, and extorting shouts of applause ; 
 and on which there never was any difference of 
 judgment between the learned and the populace J. 
 
 This was the genuine eloquence that prevailed in 
 Rome as long as Cicero lived '^ his were the only 
 speeches that were relished or admired by the city ; 
 while those Attic orators, as they called themselves, 
 were generally despised, and frequently deserted by 
 the audience in the midst of their harangues §. But, 
 after Cicero's death and the ruin of the republic, 
 
 * Sic Sallustio vigente, amputatae sententiae, ct verba antfc 
 expectatum cadentia, et obscura brevitas, fuerc procultu. L. 
 Sen. Epist. 114. 
 
 f Itaque nobis monendi sunt ii, — qui aut #<iici se desiderant 
 Atticos, aut ipsi Attice volunt dicere, ut mirentur Demosthenem 
 maxime — eloquentiamque ipsius viribus, non imbecilitate sua, me* 
 tiantur. Nunc enim tantum quisque laudat, quantum se posse 
 sperat imitari. Orator. 248. vid. Tusc. Quaest. 2. t. 
 
 X Sed ad Calvum revertamur: qui — metuens ne vitiosum col- 
 ligerit, etiam verum sanguinem deperdebat. Itaque ejus oratio 
 fiimia religione attenuata, doctis et attente audientibus eraj; il- 
 lustris ; a multitudine autem et a foro, cui nata eloquentia est, 
 devorabatur. Brut. 41Q. 
 
 Itf.que ttunquam de bono oratore et non bono dictis hominibus 
 cum populo dissensio fait, &c. Ibid. 297. 
 
 j At cum isti Attici dicant, non modo a corona, quod est 
 ipsum ralscrabile, sed etiam ab advocatis relinquuntur, lb. 417* 
 
Sect. Xn. CICERO. 349 
 
 the Roman oratory sunk of course with itjs liberty, 
 and a false species universally prevailed : w^hen, in- 
 stead of fhat elate," copious, and flowing eloquence, 
 which launched out freely into every subject, there 
 succeeded a guarded, dry, sententious kind ; full of 
 laboured turns and studied points ; and proper only 
 for the occasion on which it was employed ; the 
 making panegyrics, and servile compliments to their 
 tyrants. This change of stile may be observed in 
 all their writers from Cicero's time, to the younger 
 Phny ; who carried it to its utmost perfection in his 
 celebrated panegyric on the Emperor Trajan : which, 
 as it is justly admired for the elegance of diction, 
 the beauty of sentiments, and the delicacy of its 
 compliments, so is become, in a manner, the standard 
 of fine speaking to modern times : where it is com- 
 mon to hear the pretenders to criticism descanting 
 on the tedious length and spiritless exuberance of 
 the Ciceronian periods. But the superiority of Ci- 
 cero's eloquence, as it was acknowledged by the po- 
 litest age of free Rome ; so it has received the most 
 authentic confirmation, that the nature of things can 
 admit, from the concurrent sense of nations ; which, 
 neglecting the productions of his rivak and contem- 
 poraries, have preserved to us his inestimable re- 
 mains, as a specimen of the most perfect manner of 
 speaking, to which the language of mortals can be 
 exalted : so that, as Quintilian declared of him even 
 in that early age, he has acquired such fame with 
 posterity, that Cicero is not reckoned so much the 
 name of a man, as of eloquence itself jj. 
 
 jl Apud posteros vero id consecutus, ut Cicero jam non ho- 
 Minis, sed eloquentiae nomen habeatur. Quintil, ;c. i. 
 
350 The life: OF Sect,X1L 
 
 But we h^ve hitherto been considering chiefly the 
 exterior part of Cicero's character, and shall now au 
 tempt to penetrate the recesses of his mind, and dis- 
 cover the real source and principle of his actions, 
 from a view of that philosophy, which he professed 
 to follow as the general rule of his life. This, as he 
 often declares, was drawn from the Academic sect ; 
 which derived its origin from Socrates, and its name 
 from a celebrated Gy?nnasium, or place of exercise in 
 the suburbs of Athens, called the Acaderjiy ; where 
 the professors of that school used to hold their lec- 
 tures and philosophical disputations ^. Socrates was 
 the first who banished physics out of philosophy, 
 which till his time had been the sole, object of it ; 
 and drew it off from the obscure and intricate in- 
 quiries into nature, and the constitution of the hea- 
 venly bodies, to questions of morality ; of more im^- 
 mediate use and importance to the happiness of 
 man ; concerning the true notions of virtue and vice^ 
 
 * Illi -autem, qui Platonis instltuto in Academia, quod est 
 alterum gymnasium, coetus erant et sermones habere soliti, e loci 
 vocabulo nomen habuerunt. Academ. I. 4. 
 
 N. B. This celebrated place, -which Serv. Sulpicius calls 
 the noblest Gymnasium of the ivorld^ took its name from Acade- 
 mus, an ancient hero, who possessed it in the time of the Tyn- 
 daridae. But, famous as it^was, it was purchased afterxvards for 
 about one hundred pounds, and dedicated to the public, for the 
 convenience of walks and exercises for the citizens of Athens^ 
 and was gradually improved and adorned by the rich, who had 
 received benefit or pleasure from it, with plantations of groves, 
 stately porticos, and commodious apartments, for the particular 
 use of the professors or masters of the Academic school j where 
 several of them are said to have spent their lives, and to have re- 
 sided so strictly, as scarce ever to have come within the city. 
 Ep. fam. 4. 12. Plut. in Theseo. 15. Diog. Laert. in Plato. 
 § 7. Plutar. de Exil. 603. 
 
Sect.XIL CICERO. 35^ 
 
 and the natural difference of good and ill f : and, as 
 he found the world generally prepossessed with false 
 notions on those subjects, so his method was, not t» 
 assert any opinion of his own, but to refute the opi- 
 nions of others, and attack the errors in vogue; as 
 the first step towards preparing men for the recep- 
 tion of truth, or what came the nearest to it, proba- 
 hilityX, While he himself therefore professed to 
 know nothing, he used to sift out the several doc- 
 trines of all the pretenders to science ; and then 
 teize them with a series of questions, so contrived, 
 as to reduce them, by the course of their answers, to 
 an evident absurdity, and the impossibility of de- 
 fending what they had at first aflirmed §, 
 
 But Plato did not strictly adhere to the method 
 of his master vSocrates ; and his followers wholly de- 
 serted it : for, instead of the Socratic modesty af af- 
 firming nothing, and examining every thing, they 
 turned philosophy, as it were, into an art; and form- 
 ed a system of opinions, which they delivered to their 
 disciples, as the pecuhar tenets of their sect ||. Plato's 
 
 f Socrates id quod constat Inter omnes, primus a rebus 
 
 (Jccultis, et ab ipsa natura involutis — avocavisse philosophiam, et 
 ad vitam communem adduxisse, ut de virtutibus et vitils, omni- 
 noque de bonis rebus et malis qusereret, &c. Ibid. vid. it. Tusc. 
 Quacst. 5. 4. 
 
 :j: E quibus nos id potissimum consecuti sumus, quo Socratem 
 usum arbitrabamur ; ut nostram ipsi sententiam tegcremus, errorc 
 alios levaremus 5 et in omni disputatione, quid esset simillimuoi 
 vcri qu£ereremus. Tusc. Quaest. 5. 4. it. i. 4. 
 
 J ' Socrates enim percunctando atque interrogando elicere so- 
 lebat opiniones eorum, quibuscum disserebat— »de Fin. 2. i. 
 
 II Illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de omnibus rebus, et 
 nulla adfirmatione adhibita consuetudinem disserendi reliquerunt. 
 Ita acta est, quad minime Socrates probabat, ars qusedam philo- 
 sophise, et rerum ordo et descriptio discinlinae, Academ. i. 4, 
 
352 The LIFE of Sect.XII. 
 
 nephew, Speusippus, who was left the heir of his 
 school, continued his lectures, as his successors also 
 did, in the Academy, and preserved the name of 
 Academics ; whilst Aristotle, the most eminent of 
 Plato's scholars, retired to another Gymnasium, call- 
 ed the Lyceum ; where, from a custom which he 
 and his followers observed, of teaching and disputing 
 as they walked in the porticos of the place, they ob- 
 tained the name of Peripatetics^ or the walking phi- 
 losophers. These two sects, though differing in name, 
 agreed generally in things, or in all the principal 
 points of their philosophy : they placed the chief 
 happiness of man in virtue, with a competency of 
 external goods ; taught the existence of a God, a 
 Providence, the Immortality of the Soul, and a Fu- 
 ture State of Rewards and Punishments*. 
 
 This was the state of the Academic school under 
 five successive masters, who governed it after Plato ; 
 Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo, Crates, Grantor ; 
 till Arcesilas the sixth discarded at once all the sys- 
 tems of his predecessors, and revived the Socratic 
 way, of affirming nothing, doubting of all things, and 
 exposing the vanity of the reigning opinions f. He 
 alleged the necessity of making this reformation, 
 from, that obscurity of things, which had reduced 
 Socrates, and all the ancients before him, to a con- 
 fession of their ignorance : he observed, as they had all 
 
 * Sed idem fons crat utrisque, et eadera rerum expetendarura, 
 fuglendarumque partitlo. ("Acad. I, 4, 6, 8.) Peripateticos et 
 Acaderaicos, nominibus diflFerentes, re congmentes. lb. 2. 5. 
 
 f Arcesilas priraum, ex varlis Platonis libris, sermonibusque 
 Socraticis hoc maxime erjpuit, nihil esse certi, quod aut sensibus 
 aut aninio percipi possit — de Orat. 3. i8» 
 
Sect.XIT, CICERO. 353 
 
 likewise done, " that the senses were narrow, reason 
 " infirm, life short, truth immersed in the deep, opi- 
 *' nion and custom everywhere predominant ; and 
 " all things involved in darkness J." He taught, 
 therefore, ** That there was no certain knowledge 
 ** or perception of any thing in nature ; nor any in- 
 *' falhble criterion of truth and falsehood ; that no- 
 " thing was so detestable as rashness ; nothing so 
 " scandalous to a philosopher, as to profess, what was 
 *• either false or unknown to him ; that we ought to 
 ** assert nothing dogmatically ; but in all cases to 
 " suspend our assent ; and, instead of pretending to 
 *' certainty, content ourselves with opinion, grounded 
 " on probabiUty ; which was all that a rational mind 
 *' had to acquiesce in.'* This was called tbe blew 
 Academy, in distinction from the Platonic, or the Oldz 
 which maintained its credit down to Cicero's time, 
 by a succession of able masters ; the chief of whom 
 was Carneades, the fourth from Arcesiias ; who car- 
 ried it to its utmost height of glory, and is greatly 
 celebrated by antiquity for the vivacity of his wit 
 and force of his eloquence 5. 
 
 X Ndn pertinacia sed earum rerura obscuritate, quae ad con- 
 fessionem ignorantise adduxerant Socratem, et — omnes poene ve- 
 teres •, qui nihil cognosci, nihil pe'rcipi, nihil sciri posse dlxerunt; 
 angustos sensus j imbecillos animos j brevia curricula \i\.dd j. in 
 profundo veritatem demersam ; opinionibus et institutis omnia te- 
 neri j nihil vtritati relinqui : deinceps omnia tenebris circumfusa, 
 esse dixerunt. Acad. i. 13. 
 
 § Hanc Academiam novam appellant 5 — quae usqiie ad Car- 
 r.eadenn perducta, qui quartus ab Arcesila fait, in eadem Arce- 
 silse ratione pcrmansit. (Acadetn. i. 13.) Ut haec in philoso- 
 phia ratio contra omnia disserendl, nullamque rem aperte judi- 
 candi, profecta a Socrate, repetita ab Arcesila, confirmata a Car- 
 heade, usque £id nostram viguit aetatem. (de Kat. Deor. 3.3.) 
 Hinc haec recentior Academia emanavit, in qua exstitit divina 
 quadam celeritate ingenii, dicendlque copia Carneades. De Orat, 
 3, 18. 
 
354 Thet Life of SEcf.XIL 
 
 We must not however imagine, that these acade- 
 demies continued doubting and fluctuating all their 
 lives in scepticism and irresolution, without any pre- 
 cise opinions, or settled principle of judging and act- 
 ing*: No, their rule was as certain and consistent as 
 as that of any other sect i as it is frequently explain- 
 ed by Cicero in many parts of his' works. " We are 
 *' not of that sort'* fays he " whose mind is perpetu- 
 ** ally wandering in error, without any particular end " 
 " or object of its pursuit : for what would fuch a 
 *' mindj or such a life indeed be w^orth, which had 
 *' no determinate rule or method of thinking and 
 " acting? but the difference between us and the rest 
 ** is, that w^hereas they call fome things certain, and 
 " others uncertain ; we call the one probable, the 
 " other improbable. For what reason then should 
 *' not I pursue tbe probable, reject the contrary, and^ 
 '' declining the arrogance of affirming, avoid the im- 
 ^' putation of rashness ; which of all things is the 
 " farthest removed from wisdom f ? Again ; we do 
 ** not pretend to say, that there is no such thing as 
 *' truth ; but that all truths have some falsehoods an- 
 " nexed to them, of so near a resemblance and si- 
 ** militude, as to afford no certain note of distinction, 
 ** whereby to determine our judgment and assent: 
 '* whence it follows also of course, that there are 
 " many things probable ; which, though not perfectly 
 ** comprehended, yet, on account of their attractive 
 ** and specious appearance, are .-uflicient to govern 
 " the life of a wise man J. In another place, there 
 
 * Neque enim accdemicl, cum in utraivque disserunt partem^ 
 non secundum alteram vivunt. Qiiintil. 1. i.. i. 
 f De Offic. 2. 2. t i^e Nat.peor. i. 5, 
 
Sect. XIL GIGERO. 355 
 
 *' is no difference, fays he, between us and these 
 " who pretend to know things; but that they never 
 ** doubt of the truth of what they maintain; where^ 
 *' as we have many probabilities-^ which we readily 
 " embrace, but dare not affirm. By this we preserve 
 *' our judgment free and unprejudiced, and are un- 
 " der no necessity of defending what is prefcribed 
 " and injoined to us : whereas, in the other sects, 
 " men are tied down to certain doctrines, before 
 ** they are capable of judging Vv'hat is the best; and, 
 ** in the most infirm part oFhfe, drawn either by the 
 *' authority of a friend, or charmed with the first 
 " master whom they happen to hear, they form a 
 " judgment of things unknown to them; and to 
 ** whatever school they chance to be driven by the 
 " tide, cleave to it as fast as the oyster to the rock */* 
 
 * Academ. 2. 3. — N. B. This sketcli of the principles of the 
 Academy, may enable us to decide that famous contest among the 
 critics, about the reading of the following passage in Clcero'si 
 treatise on the nature of the gods. [1. i. i ] " De qua tarn varia^, 
 *' sunt doctissimorum homlnum, tamque discrepantes seatentlce, 
 •* ut magno argumento esse debeat, causam, id est, principiuni 
 ** philofophise esse, scientlam •, (inscientlam) ; prudenterque aca- 
 ** demicos a rebus incertis assensionem cohibuisse.'' The ques - 
 tlon is, whither we should read sciehtiam or insclentiam : the 
 greatest part of the editions and MSS. gives us the first j but Al- 
 dus Manutius and Dr Davits prefer the second ; which 1 take to 
 be the true reading. For Cicero's meaning in this place is, from 
 the dissensions of the learned on a subjeft of so great importance, 
 to illustrate a fundamental maxim of his sect, that '< the natural 
 *' obscurity of things, and man's consciousness of his ignorance, 
 •* was the first cause ot incitement to the study of philosophy." 
 Plato had expressed the fame sentiment before him, where he. 
 says, ** that to wonder at things was the common affection of a 
 " philosopher, and what alone gave rise, or a beginning to philoso- 
 " phy itself:" (in Thaet. p. 155. Edit. Serr.) whence Cicero draws 
 this inference, which he frequently inculcates in other parts of 
 •Works, that the ac^idemy therefore acted prudently, in with- 
 holding 
 
 Vol. hi. Z 
 
356 The LIFE of Sect.XIL 
 
 Thus the Academy held the proper medium be- 
 tween the rigour of the stoic and the indifference of 
 the sceptic : the stoics embraced all their doctrines 
 as so many fixed and immutable truths, from which 
 it was infamous to depart ; and, by making this their 
 point of honour, held all their disciples in an in- 
 violable attachment to them. The sceptics, on the 
 other hand, observed a perfect neutrality towards all 
 opinions; maintaining all of them to be equally un- 
 certain ; and that we could not affirm of any thing, 
 that it was this or that, since there was as much rea- 
 son to take it far the one as for the other, or for nei- 
 ther of them; and wholly indifferent which of them 
 "we thought it to be : thus they lived, without ever 
 engaging themselves on any side of a question; di- 
 recting their lives in the mean time by natural af- 
 fections, and the laws and customs of their country*. 
 But the academics, by adopting the probable instead 
 of the certain, kept the balance in an equal poise be- 
 tween the two extremes ; making it their general 
 principle, to observe a moderation in all their opini- 
 ons ; and as Plutarch, who was one of them, tells us, 
 paying a great regard always to that old maxim ; 
 
 h/iii^h uyxv J ne quid nimis. f 
 
 holding it's assent, and maintaining, that there was no such thing 
 as science, or absolute certainty within the reach of man. If this 
 then be the sense of the passage, as it appears evidently to be, it 
 necessarily requires inscientiam to make it consistent — See the 
 translation of L'Abbe D'Olivet, and his notes on the place, and 
 lidit. Davis. Cantab. 
 
 * Vid. Sext. Erapirici, Pyrrhon. Hypotyp, A. Gell. xi, 5. 
 •f- ■■ ■ ' ■ f^ihhm «<5 'TfdyreCi rif^Kd-fiv to ^oj^jv tiyccv, lu AKX^n(Aiic yi« 
 B()^{^ J « %^y, in lib. de ei apud Delph. 387. it. lib. de primo fri- 
 gid© fin. 
 
Sect. Xll. CICERO. 357 
 
 As this school then was in no particular opposi- 
 tion to any, but an equal adversary to all, or rather 
 to dogmatical philosophy in general ; so every other 
 sect, next to itself, readily gave it the preference to 
 to the rest : which universal concession of the second 
 place, is commonly thought to infer a right to the 
 first* : and if we reflect on the state of the Heathen 
 world, and what they themselves fo often complain 
 of, the darkness that surrounded them, and the in- 
 finite dissensions of the best and wisest on the funda- 
 mental questions of religion and morality f; we must 
 necessarily allow, that the academic manner of phi- 
 losophizing was of all others the most rational and 
 modest, and the best adapted to the discovery of 
 truth : whose peculiar character it was, to encourage 
 inquiry ; to sift every question to the bottom ; to 
 try the force of every argument, till it had found its 
 real moment, or the precise quantity of its weight J. 
 This it was that reduced Cicero, in his advanced life 
 and ripened judgment, to desert the old academy^ and 
 declare for the new ; when, from a long experience of 
 tJie vanity of those sects, who called themselves the 
 proprietors of truth, and the sole guides of life, and, 
 through a despair of finding any thing certain^ he was 
 glad, after all, to take up with iht probable^. But 
 
 * Academico sapienti ab omnibus caeterarura sectarum — secun- 
 dse partes dantur — ex quo potest probabiliter confici, eum recte 
 prlmuTi esse suo judicio, qui omnium catterorum judicio sit se- 
 cundus. Fragment. Acadfm. ex Augustin* 
 
 f De Nat. Deor. i. i. 3. Academ. 2. 3. t. 13. 
 
 :j: Neque nostrae disputationes quicquam aliud agunt, nisi ut, in 
 utramque partem disserendo, eliciaiit CC tanquam exprimant ali« 
 quid, quod aut verum sit, aut ad id quam proxime accedat, Aca- 
 dem. 2. 3. 
 
 jl Relictam a te, inquit, veterem jam, tractari autem ncvam— » 
 
 (ib, 
 
 Z ^ 
 
358 The LIFE or Sect. XIL 
 
 the genius and general character of both the aca- 
 demies was in sonrie measure still the same : for the 
 old, though it professed to teach a pecuhar system 
 of doctrines, yet was ever diffident and cautious of 
 affirming ; and tbe new only the more scrupulous and 
 sceptical of the two ; this appears from the writings 
 of Plato, the first master of the old ; in which, as 
 Cicero observes, nothing is abfolutely affirmed, no- 
 thing delivered for certain, but all things freely in- 
 quired into, and both sides of the question impartially 
 discussed *. Yet there was another reason that re- 
 commended this philosophy in a peculiar manner to 
 Cicero ; its being, of all others, the best suited to the 
 profession of an orator : since, by its practice of dis- 
 puting for and against every opinion of the other 
 sects, it gave him the best opportunity of perfecting 
 his oratorial faculty, and acquiring a habit of speak- 
 ing readily upon all subjects, He calls it, therefore, 
 " the parent of elegance and copiousness ;" and de- 
 clares, '' that he owed all the fame of his eloquence, 
 *' not to the mechanic rules of the rhetoricians, but 
 *' to the enlarged and generous principles of the a- 
 " cademy f ." 
 
 (ib. 4.) IJltra enim quo progrediar, qiiam ut verisimilia videam, 
 non habeo : certa dicent hi, qui &. percipi ea posse dicunt, & se 
 .''Spientes profitentur (Tusc. Queest. J. 9.) Sed ne in maximisqu!- 
 dem rebus, quidquam adhuc inveni firmius, quod tenerem, aut 
 quo judiciam meum derigerem, quam id, quodcumque mihi simil- 
 limum veri videretur, cum ipsum illud verum in occulto lateret. 
 Orator, fin. 
 
 * Cujus in llbris nihil affirmatur, & in utramque paitem multa 
 disseruntur, de omnibus quaeritur, nihil certe dicllur. Aca- 
 dem. I. 13. 
 
 f Itnque mihi semper academi?e consuetude, de omnibus rebu? 
 in contrarias partes disserendi, non ob earn causam solum placuit, 
 quod aliter non posset quid in quaque re verisimile sit inveniri, 
 
 sed 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 359 
 
 This school however was ahiiost deserted in Greece. 
 
 and had but few disciples at Rome, when Cicero un- 
 dertook its patronage, and endeavoured to revive its 
 dfooping credit. The reason is obvious : It imposed 
 a hard task upon its scholars, of disputing against e- 
 very sect and on every question in philosophy ; and, 
 if it was difficult, as Cicero says, to be master of any 
 one, how much more of them all? which was incum- 
 bent on those who professed themselves academics'*. 
 No wonder then that it lost ground every where, in 
 proportion as ease and luxury prevailed, which natu- 
 rally disposed people to the doctrine of Epicurus; in 
 relation to which, there is a smart saying recorded of 
 Arcesilas, who being asked, " Why so many of all 
 " sects v/ent over to the Epicureans, but none ever 
 '* came back from them? replied, That men might 
 " be made eunuchs, but eunuchs could never become 
 " men again f ." 
 
 s€d etiam quod esset ea maxima dicendi exercitatio (Tusc^ 
 
 C^yeft. 2. 3. vid Quintil. 12. 2.) Ego autem fateor j meoratorem, 
 si modo sim, aut etiam quicumque sim, non ex rhetorum OiTicinIs, 
 sed ex academiye spatiis extitisse. (Orator, sub. inlt.) Nos ea 
 philosophia plus utiraur, quce peperit dicendi copiam. ProaeiTi. 
 Paradox. 
 
 * Quam nunc propemodura orbam esse in Grcecia intelligo — 
 nam si singulas discipliaas percipere magnum est, quanto majus 
 omnes ? quod facere iis necesse est, quibus propositum est, veri 
 reperiendi causa, & contra omnes philosoplujs, Sc pro omnibus di- 
 cere, De Nat. Deor. i. 5. 
 
 f Diog. Laert. de ArcesiU. — 
 
 Diogenes Laertius, and some later writers, speak of a third or 
 middle academy between the old and the neiu^ in which they are 
 commonly followed by the moderns, who make " Plato the foun- 
 *^ der of the old, Arcesilas of the middle, Carneades of the new.^* 
 (See Stanley's Lives of Philosoph. in Carneades.) But there was 
 110 real ground for such a distinction, since Cicero never mentions 
 any other but the old and the new j and expressly declares the 
 idriiX, to haye subsisted under that denomination down to his owi^. 
 
 Z 3 
 
360 The life of Sect. XH. 
 
 This general view of Cicero's philosophy will help 
 us to account, in some measure, for that diffic^ltj'' 
 which people frequently complain of, in discovering 
 his real sentiments, as well as for the mistakes which 
 they are apt to fall into in that search ; since it was 
 the distinguishing principle of the academy, to refute 
 the opinions of others rather than declare any of their 
 own. Yet the chief difficulty does not lie here ; for 
 Cicero was not scrupulous on that head, nor affected 
 ^ny obscurity in the delivery of his thoughts, when 
 it was his business to explain them; but it is the va- 
 riety and different character of his several writings 
 that perplexes the generality of liis readers, for where- 
 ever they dip into his works, they are apt to fancy 
 themselves possessed of his sentiments, and to quote 
 them indifferently as such, whether from his Orations, 
 his Dialogues, or his Letters, without attending to the 
 peculiar nature of the work, or the different person 
 that he assumes in it. 
 
 His Orations are generally of the judicial kind, or 
 the pleadings of an advocate, whose business it was 
 to make the best of his cause, and to deliver, not so 
 much what was true, as what was useful to his client; 
 the patronage of truth belonging in such cases to the 
 judge, and not to the pleader J. It would be absurd, 
 
 days, as well under Carneades as Arcesilas; and, so far from split- 
 ting them into three academies^ Cicero's master, Philo, maintain- 
 ed constantly, in his books, that there never was in reality any 
 mere than one, grounding his argument on what 1 have obserred 
 above, the si:nUar nature and genius of the two. Acad. i. 4.-— 
 Pertu h.nricem satem haram omnium rerum academiam, banc ab 
 Arcesila 5c Carneade recenttm, exoremus ut sileat. De Le|[* 
 
 + judicis esc semper in causis verum sequi ; Patroni, nonnun- 
 (juam verisimile, etiara si minus sit veruln, defendere ; quod bcri- 
 
Sect.XII. CICERO. 361 
 
 therefore, to require a scrupulous veracity, or strict 
 declaration of his sentiments in them : The thing does 
 not admit of it, and he himself forbids us to expect 
 it; and, in one of those orations, frankly declares the 
 true nature of them all — " That man," says he, " is 
 " much mistaken, who thinks that, in these judicial 
 " pleadings, he has an authentic specimen of our opi- 
 " nions : They are the speeches of the causes and the 
 " times, not of the men or the advocates : If the cau- 
 " ses could speak for themselves, no body vt^ould em- 
 *' ploy an orator ; but we are employed to speak, not 
 *' what we would undertake to affirm upon our au- 
 *' thority, but what is suggested by the cause and the 
 " thing itself Ij." Agreeably to this notion, Quinti- 
 lian tells us, " that those who are truly wise, and have 
 ** spent their time in public affairs, and not in idle 
 '' disputes, though they have resolved with them- 
 " selves to be srictly honest in all their actions, yet 
 ** will not scruple to use every argument that can be 
 " of service to the cause, which they have underta- 
 " ken to defend §." In his Orations, therefore, where 
 we often meet with the sentences and maxims of phi- 
 losophy, we cannot always take them for his own, 
 but as topics applied to mov^e his audience, or to add 
 an air of gravity and probability to his speech"*. 
 
 berc, prsesertim cum de philosophia scriberem, non auderem, nisi 
 idem placeret gravissimo Stoicorum Panaetio. De Offic. 2. 14. 
 
 II Sed errat vehementer, si quls in ovationibus nostris, qaas in 
 judiciis habuimus, auctoritates nostras consignataS se habere, arbi- 
 tratur. Pro A. Cluent. 50. 
 
 § Quintil. 1. xi. i. 
 
 * Though his Orations are not always the proper vouchers of 
 his opinions, yet they are the best testimonies that can be alleged 
 for the truth of facts *, especially those which were spoken to the 
 senate or the people, where he refers to the acts and characters 
 
 7.4 
 
q62 The LIFE of Sect. XII. 
 
 
 
 His Letters indeed to familiar friends, and especi- 
 ally those to Atticus, place the real man before us, 
 and lay open his very heart ; yet, in these, some dis- 
 tinction must necessarily be observed, for, in letters 
 of compliment, condolence, or recommendation, or 
 where he is soliciting any point of importance, he a- 
 dapts his arguments to the occasion, and uses such as 
 would induce his friend the most readily to grant what 
 he desired. But, as his letters in general seldom touch 
 upon any questions of philosophy, except slightly and 
 incidentally, so they will afford very little help to us 
 in the discovery of his philosophical opinions, which 
 are the subject of the present inquiry, and for which 
 we must wholly recur to his philosophical works. 
 
 Now, the general purpose of these works was, to 
 give a history rather of the ancient philosophy, than 
 any account of his own, and to explain to his fellow- 
 citizens, in their own language, whatever the philo- 
 sophers, of all sects and in all ages, had taught on e- 
 very important question, in order to enlarge their 
 minds and reform their morals, and to employ him- 
 self the most usefully to his country, at a time when 
 arms and a superior force had deprived him of the 
 power of serving it in any other wayf. This he de- 
 
 of persons then living, before an audience that was generally as 
 well acquainted with them as himself 5 and it is in such cases chief- 
 ly, that J lay any great stress upon them. 
 
 f Nam cum otio langueremus, & is esset reipub. status, ut e. 
 am unius consillo atque cura gubernari necesse esset, primum ip- 
 sius Reipub, causa phllosophiam nostris hominibus explicandam 
 putavi J magni existimans interesse ad decus & ad laudem civita- 
 tis, res tam graves, taraque prseclaras Latinls etiam litteris conti- 
 reri. De Nat. Deor. I. 4. iu Acad, i. 5, Tusc. QlLS^st. i. I. 
 De Finib. i- 3, 4» 
 
Sect. XH. CICERO. ^6^ 
 
 clares in his treatise called de Finibus, or on the chief 
 good or ill of man -^ in that upon the Nature of the 
 Gods ; in his Tusculan Disputations ; and in his book 
 on the Academic Philosophy : in all which, he some- 
 times takes upon himself the part of a Stoic ; some- 
 times o^ an Epicurean-, sometimes of a Peripatetic % 
 for the sake of explaining, with more authority, the 
 different doctrines of each sect : And, as he assumes 
 the person of the one to confute the other, so, in his 
 proper character of an Academic, he sometimes dis~ 
 putes against them all, while the unwary reader, not 
 reflecting on the nature of dialogues, takes Cicero 
 still for the perpetual speaker, and, under that mis- 
 take, often quotes a sentiment for his, that was deli- 
 vered by him only in order to be confuted. But, in 
 these dialogues, as in all his other works, wherever 
 he trears any subject professedly, or gives a judgment 
 upon it deliberately, either in his own person, or that 
 of an Academic, there he delivers his own opinions : 
 And where he himself does not appear in the one 
 scene, he takes care usually to inform us, to which of 
 the characters he has assigned the patronage of his own 
 sentiments; who was generally the principal speaker 
 of the dialogue ; as Crassus, in his treatise on the 0- 
 rator ; Scipio, in that on the Republic ; Gato, in his 
 piece on Old Age, This key will let us into his real 
 thoughts, and enable us to trace his genuine notions 
 through every part of his writings, from which I shall 
 now proceed to give a short abstract of them. 
 
 As to Physics, or natural philosophy, he seems to 
 have had the same notion with Socrates, that a mi- 
 nute and particular attention to it^ and the making 
 
364 The LIFE OF Sect. XII. 
 
 it the sole end and object of our inquiries, was a stu- 
 dy rather curious than profitable, and contributing 
 but little to the improvement of human life J. For 
 though he was perfectly acquainted with the various 
 systems of all the philosophers of any name, from the 
 earliest antiquity, and has explained them all in his 
 works, yet he did not think it worth while, either to 
 form any distinct opinions of his own, or, at least, to 
 declare them. From his account, however, of those 
 systems, we may observe^ that several of the funda- 
 mental principles of the modern philosophy, which 
 pass for the original discoveries of these later times^ 
 are the revival rather of ancient notions, maintained 
 by some of the first philosophers of whom we have 
 any notice in history ; as, *' the motion of the earth ; 
 *' the Antipodes ; a vacuum ; and an universal gra- 
 " vitation, or attractive quality of matter;" which 
 holds the world in its present form and order ||. 
 
 But, in all the great points of religion and morali- 
 ty, which are of more immediate relation to the hap- 
 piness of man, " the being of a God ; a providence ; 
 " the immortality of the soul ; a future state of re- 
 <* wards and punishments, and the eternal difference 
 *' of good and ill f — he has largely and clearly de- 
 clared his mind in many parts of his writings. He 
 maintained, that there was " one God, or supreme 
 ** Being, incorporeal, eternal, self-existent; who ere- 
 *' ated the world by his power, and sustained it by 
 ** his providence." This he inferred from " the con- 
 
 X Ut enim modo dixl, omnibus fere in rebus, & maxime in phy- 
 sicis, quid non sit, citius, quam quid sit, dixerira. De Nat, De- 
 or, I, 21. Acad. 2. 39. 
 
 ]| De Nat. Deor. 2. 45. Acad. 2. 38, 39* 
 
Sect. XIl. CICERO. 365 
 
 " sent of all nations; the order and beauty of the hea- 
 " venly bodies ; the evident marks of counsel, wis- 
 *' dom, and a fitness to certain ends, observable in 
 ** the whole, and in every part of the visible world;" 
 and declares that person " unworthy of the name of 
 ** man, who can believe all this to have been made 
 ^* by chance, when, with the utmost stretch of hu- 
 "4Tian wisdom, we cannot penetrate the depth of that 
 '* wisdom which contrived it §." 
 
 He believed also a divine Frovidence constantly 
 presiding over the whole system, and extending it^ 
 care to all the principal members of it, with a pecu- 
 liar attention to the conduct and actions of men-^ buL 
 leaving the minute and inferior parts to the course of 
 his general laws. This he collected from the nature 
 and attributes of the Deity ; bis omniscience, 07nn(-~ 
 presence, and infinite goodness ; that could never de- 
 sert or neglect what he had once produced into be- 
 
 J Nee Deus ipse-^ alio modo intelligl potest, nisi mens soluta 
 quaedam et libera, se^egata ab omni concretione raovtaii, omnia 
 sentiens &. movens, ipsaque preedita motu senipiterno, (Tusc, 
 Qu£cst. I. 27.) Sed omnes gentes, una lex & sempiterna &. im- 
 mortalis continebit, unusque erit quasi Magister, & Imperator 
 omnium Deus. Fragm, lib. 3. de Repub. 
 
 Ut porro firmissimum hoc adferri videtur, cur Deos esse creda« 
 muS; quod nulla gens tam fera, cujas mentem non imbuerit Deo- 
 rum opinio— -omni aurem in re consensio omnium gentium lex na- 
 turae putandse est. (Tusc. Quaest. i. 14.) Haec igltur & talia 
 jnTiumerabilia cum cerniraus ; possumusne dubitare. quin his praj- 
 sit aliquis vel effector, (si hcec nata sunt, ut Platoni videtur,) vel, 
 (si semper fuerunt, ut Aristoteli placet,) moderator tanti operl^ 
 & muneris. [lb. iS.J Id est primum, quod inter omces, nisi 
 admodum impios, convenit, mihi quidem ex anirao exuri non po- 
 test, esse Beos. [Nat. Deor. 3. 3,] Esse prsestantem aliquam, 
 aternamque naturam, et earn sujpiciendam, admirandamque horai- 
 num generi, pulch.itudo mundi ordoque rcum coeiesrium cogit 
 confiteri. ^De Divin. 2 72.] Qjaequanto ccrsiiio gerantur, ni;' 
 lo consilio assequi possuraas. De Nat. Deoi;. 2. 38. 
 
366 The LIFE or Sect. XIL 
 
 ing; and declares that, without this belief, there 
 could be no such thing as piety or rehgion in the 
 world '*. 
 
 He held likewise " the immortality of the soul, and 
 " its separate existence after death in a state of hap- 
 '* piness or misery." This he inferred from that ar- 
 dent thirst of immortality, which was always the most 
 conspicuous in the best and most exalted minds, from 
 xvhich the truest specimen of their nature must needs 
 be drawn ; from its unmixed and indivisible essence, 
 which had nothing separable or perishable in it; from 
 its wonderful powers and faculties ; " its principle of 
 ** self-motion ; its memory, invention, wit, compre- 
 *' hension, which were all incompatible with sluggish 
 "matter f." 
 
 The Stoics fancied that the soul was a subtilized 
 fiery substance, which survived the body after death, 
 and subsisted a long time, yet not eternally, but was 
 to perish at last in the general conflagration. In 
 which they allowed, as Cicero says, ** the only thing 
 
 * De maxima autem re, eodem modo > divina mente atque na- 
 tura mundum universum atque maximas ejirs paites adminlstraii. 
 fDe Fin. 4. 5.] Quam vim animum esse dicunt mundi, eandem- 
 que esse mentem sapientlamque perfectam 5 qaem Deum appel- 
 lant, omniumque rerum, quae sunt ei subjecta% quasi prudentiam 
 quandam, procurantem coelestia maxime, deinde in terris ea, quae 
 pertinent ad homines. Academ. 1. 8. Vid. Nat. Deor. i, 2. 44. 
 2. 66. 3. 36. ^ 
 
 f Quod quidcm ni ita se haberet, nt animi immortales essent, 
 haud optimi cujusque animus maxime ad imraortalitatem niteretur. 
 |[Cato. 23.3 Num dubitas, quin specimen naturae capi debeat ex 
 c ptima quaquc natura ? [Tui-c. Quaest. i. 14.] Sic milu persua- 
 si, sic sentio, cum tanta celcritas animorum sit, tanta memoriji 
 praeteritorura, futuroruraque prudentia, tot artes, tot scientiae, tot 
 inventa, non posse earn naturam, qu'je res eas contineat, esse mor- 
 valem : Cumqae semper agitetur animus, £cc, Cato. 21. Tusc» 
 QuKst. I. 23, 25, 26, ^^z. Dc x\ruiclt» 4- 
 
Sect. XIL CICERO. 367 
 
 ** that was hard to conceive, its separate existence 
 ** from the body ; yet denied what was not only easy 
 ** to imagine, but a consequence of the other, its e- 
 " ternai duration J. Aristotle taught, that, besides 
 the four elements of the material -worlds whence all o- 
 ther things WTre supposed to draw their being, there 
 was " a fifth essence or nature, peculiar to God and 
 " the soul," which had nothing in it that was com- 
 mon to any of the rest ||. This opinion Cicero fol- 
 lowed, and illustrated with his usual perspicuity in 
 the following passage : 
 
 " The origin of the human soul," says he, " is not 
 *' to be found any where on earth ; there is nothing 
 ** mixed, concrete, or earthly ; nothing of water, air, 
 " or fire in it. For these natures are not susceptible 
 " of memory, intelligence or thought; have nothing 
 *' that can retain the past, foresee the future, lay 
 *' hold on the present; which faculties are purely 
 ** divine, and could not possibly be derived to man, 
 " except from. God. The nature of the soul there- 
 ** fore is of a singular kind; distinct frop.i these knowa 
 *' and obvious natures -: and whatever it be that feels 
 " and tastes, that lives and moves in us, it must be 
 " heavenly and divine, and for that reason eternal. 
 *' Nor is God indeed himself, whose existence u^e 
 " clearly discover, to be co.iiprehended by us in any 
 " other manner, but as a nee and pure mind, clear 
 
 X Zenoni Stoico animus i^nis vidctur. [Tns". Qvicest. i. n."] 
 Stoici autem usuram nobis largiuntur, tanqaam cornicibus 3 diu 
 rnan^uros ?iunt animos, semper negant — qui, quod in tota hac 
 causa difiicJllirn'im est, suscipiunt, posse aiiimum manere corpore 
 vacaniem : Illud autem^ quod non raodo facile ad credendum est, 
 sed, eoconcesso quod volunt, consequens idcirrc. non dant, ut cum 
 diu pernian.Sfjrit ne iqtereat. Jb. i. ;^i, 32. 
 
SCS The LIFE or Sect. XII. 
 
 •' from all mortal concretion ; observing and moving 
 '* all things ; and indued with an eternal principle 
 " of self motion : of this kind, and of the same na- 
 '' ture, is the human soul. * 
 
 As to a future state of rewards and punishments^ he 
 considered it as a consequence of -the soul's immor- 
 tality ; deducible from the attributes of God, and 
 the condition of man's life on earth ; and thought it 
 so highly probable, *' that we could hardly doubt of 
 '* it," he says, '* unless it should happen to our minds, 
 " when they look unto themselves, as it does to our 
 " eyes, when they look too intensely at the sun, that 
 •* finding their sight dazzled, they give over look- 
 " ing at all." f In this opinion he followed Socrates 
 and Plato, for whose judgment he professes so great 
 a reverence, that " if they had given no reasons, 
 ** where yet they had given many, he should have 
 ** been persuaded,'^ he says, *' by their sole authori- 
 " ty." :|: Socrates, therefore, as he tells us, declared 
 in his dying speech, " that there were two ways ap- 
 " pointed to human souls at their departure from 
 '^ the body : that those who had been immersed in 
 ** sensual pleasures and lusts, and had polluted them- 
 " selves with private vices or public crimes against 
 '* their country, took an obscure and devious road, 
 " remote from the seat and assembly of the gods ; 
 '* whilst those who had preserved their integrity, and 
 ** received little or no contagion from the body, 
 
 * lb. 27. 
 
 f Nee vero de hoc quisquam dubitare posset, nisi idem nobis 
 accideret diligenter de animo cogitantibus, quod his ssepe usu ve- 
 nit, qui acriter oculis deficientem solem intuerenturj ut aspectum 
 onjnino araitterent, &c. Tusc. Quest. I. 30. 
 
 % lb. 21. de Amicit. 4. 
 
SectXH. CICERO, 369 
 
 ** from which they had constantly abstracted them-- 
 ** selves, and in the bodies of men imitated the life 
 *' of the gods, had an easy ascent lying open before 
 " them to those gods from whom they derived their 
 *' being. * 
 
 From what has already been said, the reader will 
 easily imagine what Cicero's opinion must have been 
 concerning the religion of his country : for a mind 
 -enlightened by the noble principles just stated, could 
 not possibly harbour a thought of the truth or divi- 
 nity of so absurd a worship : and the liberty, which 
 not only he, but all the old writers take, in ridicu- 
 ling the characters of their gods, and the fictions of 
 of their infernal torments \, shews, that there was 
 not a man of liberal education, who did not consider 
 it as an engine of state, or political system ; contrived 
 for the uses of government, and to keep the people 
 in order: in this light, Cicero always commends it, 
 as a wise institution ; singularly adapted to the ge- 
 nius of Rome ; and constantly inculcates an adhe- 
 raiice to its rites, as the duty of all good citizens. J 
 
 * lb. 30. 
 
 f Die, quteso, num te ilia terrent ? triceps apud inferos Cerbe- 
 »us ? Cocyti fremitus ? transvectio Acherontis ? — adeone me deli- 
 rare censes ut ista credam? — (ib. i. 5, 6, 21.) (Hige anus tain ex- 
 cors inveniri potest, quae ilia, quce quondam credebantur, apud 
 inferos portenta extimescat ? de Nat. Deor. 2. 2. 
 
 X Ordiar ab haruspicina, quam ego reipub. causa, communisque 
 religionis, colendara censeo. (de divin. 2. 12.) Nam et majorun*. 
 instituta tueri sacris caerimonisque retinendis sapientis est. lb. 72. 
 de Leg. 2. 12, 13.— N. B. There is a reflection in Polybius, ex- 
 actly conformable to Cicero's sentiments on this subject. ** The 
 " greatest advantage," fays he, «« which the Roman governmeut 
 '* seems to have over other states, is in the opinion pubilckly en- 
 *' tertained by them about the gods j and that very thing, whic'n 
 " is so generally decried by other mortals, sustained the repub- 
 '* lie of Rome ; I nean, superstition. For this wis carried bv 
 
 '• ihepi 
 
370 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 Their religion consisted of two principal branches; 
 the ohfervation of the anfpices, and the worship of the 
 ^qods : the first was instituted bj Romulus; the se- 
 cond by his successor, Numa ; who drew up a ritual, 
 or order of ceremonies to be observed in the different 
 sacrifices of their several deities : to these a third part 
 was afterwards added ; relating to divine admoni- 
 tions from portents ; monstrous births ; the entrails 
 of beasts in sacrifice ; and the prophecies of the si- 
 byls. ^ The college of augurs presided over the 
 auspices, as the supreme interpreters of the will of 
 Jove ; and determined what signs were propitious, 
 and what not : the other priests were the judges of 
 all the other cases relating to religion ; as well of 
 what concerned the public worship, as that of pri- 
 vate families, f 
 
 " them to such a height, and introduced so effectually both into 
 *' the private lives of the citizens, and the public affairs of the ci- 
 ** ty, that one cannot help being surprised at it. But I take it all 
 *' to have been contrived for the sake of the populace. For if a 
 " society could be formed of wise men only, such a scheme would 
 ** not be necessary : but since the multitude is always giddy, and 
 ** agitated by illicit desires, wild resentments, violent passions; 
 " there was no way left of restraining them, but by the help of 
 •* such secret terrors, and tragical fictions. It was not, therefore, 
 " without great prudence and foresight, that the ancients took 
 ** care to instil into them these notions of the gods and infernal 
 ** punishments, which the moderns, on the other hand, are now 
 " rashly and absurdly endeavouring to extirpate." Polyb. 
 1. 6. p. 497. 
 
 * Cum omnis populi Roman! rellgio in sacra & in ausplcia di- 
 visa sit, tertium adjunctum sit, si quid predictlonis causa ex por- 
 tentis et monstris Sibyllce interpretes, haiuspicesve monucrunt. 
 de Nat. Deor. 3,2. 
 
 j. — Cur sacris pcntlfices, cur auspiciis augures prcesunt? (ib. i. 
 44.) Est autem boni auguris, meminisse maximis reipub. tempo- 
 ribus prsesto esse debere, Jovique optimo maximo se consiliarum 
 3ique admlnistrum datum de Leg. 3. 19. 
 
Sect.XIL CtCERO. 37r 
 
 Now the priests of all denominations were of the 
 first nobihty of Rome ; and the augurs especially 
 were commonly senators of consular rank, who had 
 passed through all the dignities of the repubhc, and, 
 by their power over the auspices, could put an im- 
 mediate stop to ail proceedings, and dissolve at once 
 all the assemblies of the people convened for pub- 
 lic business. The interpretation of the sibyPs pro^^ 
 phecies was vested in the decemviri^ or guardians of 
 the sibylline books ; ten persons of distinguished rank 
 chosen usually from the priests : And the province 
 of interpreting prodigies, and inspecting the entrails, 
 belonged to the banispices ; who were the servants 
 of the public, hired to attend the Magistrates in all 
 their sacrifices ; and who never failed to accommo- 
 date their answers to the views of those who em- 
 ployed them, and to whose protection they owed their 
 credit and their livelihood. 
 
 This constitution of a religion, among a people na- 
 turally superstitious, necessarily threw the chief in^ 
 fluence in affairs into the hands of the senate, and 
 the better sort; who by this advantage frequently 
 checked the violences of the populace, and the fac- 
 tious attempts of the tribunes* : so that it was per- 
 petually applauded by Cicero, as the main bulwark 
 of the repubhc ; though considered all the while by 
 men of sense, as merely political, and of human in- 
 vention. The only part that admitted any dispute 
 
 * Omnibus raagistratibus auspicia — dantur, ut raultos inutiles 
 comitiatus, probabiles impedlrent morae : ssepe enim populi rm- 
 petum injustum auspiciis Dli immortales represserunt. De Leg. 
 3. 12. 
 
 Vol. III. A a 
 
572 Th^ life of Sect. XII. 
 
 concerning its origin, was augury, or their Method 
 of divining by auspices. The Stoics held, that God, 
 out of his goodness to man, had imprinted on the 
 nature of things '' certain marks or notices of future 
 ** events ; as on the entrails of beasts, the flight of 
 " birds, thunder, and other celestial signs," which, 
 by long observation, and the experience of ages, 
 were reduced to an art, by which the meaning of 
 each sign might be determined, and applied to the 
 event that was signified by it. This they called 
 artificial divination^ in distinction from the natural, 
 which they supposed to flow from an instinct or na- 
 tive power, implanted in the soul, w^hich it exerted 
 always with the greatest efficacy, when it was the 
 most free and disengaged from the body, as in dreams 
 and madness \. But this notion w^as generally ridi- 
 culed by the other philosophers ; and of all the col- 
 lege af Augurs, there was but one at this time who 
 maintained it, Appius Claudius ; who was laughed 
 at for his pains by the rest, and called the Pisidian J: 
 it occasioned, however, a smart controversy between 
 him and his colleague Marcellus, who severally pub- 
 lished books on each side of the question ; wherein 
 Marcellus asserted the whole affair to be the con- 
 trivance of statesmen ; Appius, on the contrary, that 
 
 f Duo sunt enim divinandi genera, quorum alterum artis est, 
 alterum naturae— est enim vis et natura qusedam, quK cum obser- 
 vatis longo tempore signlficationibus, turn allquo instinctu, infla- 
 tuque divino futura praenunciat. De Div. i. 6. Vid. it. ib. 18. 
 
 X Quern irridebant coUegee tui, eumque turn Pisidani, turn 
 Soranum augurum esse dicebant. Ib. 47. 
 
 The Pisidians v;ere a barbarous people of the lesser Asia ; 
 famous for their superstitious observance of the Auspices, or theit 
 divination by thejiight of birds* De Divin. i. 41, 42. 
 
SscT.XII. CICERO. 373 
 
 there was a real art and power of divining, subsist* 
 ing in the Augural discipline, and taught by the 
 Augural books §. Appius dedicated this treatise to 
 Cicero 1| : who, though he preferred Marcellus's no- 
 tion, yet did not wholly agree with either, but be- 
 lieved, *' that Augury might probably be instituted 
 ♦* at first upon a persuasion of its divinity ; and 
 *' when, by the improvement of arts and learning, 
 " that opinion was exploded in succeeding ages, yet 
 ** the thing itself was wisely retained, for the sake of 
 ** its use to the republic *." 
 
 But whatever was the origin of the religion of 
 Rome, Cicero's religion was undoubtedly of heaven- 
 ly extraction ; built, as we have seen, on the foun- 
 dation of a God, a Providence^ an Immortality » He 
 considered this short period of our life on earth as a 
 sta,te of trial, or a kind of school ; in which we were 
 to improve and prepare ourselves for that eternity of 
 existence, which was provided for us hereafter ; that 
 we were placed therefore here by the Creator, not 
 so much to inhabit the earth, as to contemplate the 
 heavens ; on which were imprinted, in legible cha- 
 racters, all the duties of that nature which was given 
 to us. Ke observed, that this spectacle belonged 
 
 § Sed est in Collegio vestro inter Marcellum ct Appiura, op. 
 timus Augures, magna dissensio: cucn alteri placeat, auspicia ista 
 ad utilitatem Reipub. composita 5 altera disciplina vestra quas^ 
 divinare prorsus posse videatar. De Leg. 2. 13. 
 
 II lUo libro Aug^urali, quem ad me amantissimc scriptum, 
 suavissimum misisti. Ep. fam. 3. 4. 
 
 * Ni)n cnim sumas ii nos Augures, qiii avium, reliquorumque 
 signorum observatione futura dicamus: et tamen credo Romuluna, 
 qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse cpInionsLm, esse in provi. 
 dendis rebus augurandl scientiam. Errabat multis in rebu$ An* 
 tlquitas, &c. De Divin. 2. 33. 
 
 A a 2 
 
3i4 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 to no other animal but man; to whom God, for 
 that reason, had given an erect and upright form ; 
 with eyes not prone or fixed upon the ground, 
 like those of other animals, bat placed on high and 
 sublime, in a situation the most proper for this ce- 
 lestial contemplation ; to remind him perpetually of 
 his task, and to acquaint him with the place from 
 which he sprung, and for which he was finally de- 
 signed f. He took the system of the world, or the 
 visible works of God, to be the pro77iulgation of God's 
 law, or the declaration of his will to mankind ; 
 whence, as we might collect his being, nature, and 
 attributes, so we could trace the reasons also and 
 motives of his actings till, by observing^ what he had 
 done, we might learn what we ought to do, and, by 
 the operations of the divine reason, be instructed how 
 to perfect our own ; since the perfection of man con- 
 sisted in the imitation of God. 
 
 From this source, he deduced the origin of all 
 duty, or moral obligation ; from the will cf God, ma- 
 nifested ifi bis works ; or from that eternal reason, 
 fitness, and relation of things, which is displayed in 
 every part of the creation. This he calls " the ori- 
 *' ginal, immutable law ; the criterion of good and 
 *' ill; of just and unjust;" imprinted on the nature 
 of things, as the rule by which all human laws are 
 
 f Sed credo Deos sparsisse anjmos in corpora humana, ut ei- 
 sent qui terras tuerentur, qulqiie ccelestium ordinem contemplantes, 
 imitarentur eum vitee niodo et constantia, Sfc. (Cato 21.) Nam 
 cum cseteras animantes adjecisset ad pastum, solum hominem 
 erexit, ad coeiique quasi cognationis, domicililque pristini con- 
 spectum excitavit. (De Leg. 3. 9.) Ipse autem homo ortus e>l 
 ad mundum contemplandum et imitandum, nuUo modo perfcciu: , 
 sed est qufcedara parlicula peufecti. Nat. Dear. 2. 14, S^' 
 
Sject. XII. CICERO. 375 
 
 to be formed ; '' which, whenever they deviate from 
 *' this pattern, ought," he says, " to be called anything 
 " rather than laws ; and are, in effect, nothing but 
 •* acts offeree, violence, and tyranny : that to ima- 
 " gine the distinction of good and ill not to be found- 
 *' ed in nature, but in custom, opinion, or human in- 
 " stitution, is mere folly and madness;" which would 
 overthrow all society, and confound all right and 
 justice amongst menf : that this was the constant 
 opinion of the wisest of all ages ; who held, " that 
 *' the mind of God, governing all things by eternal 
 " reason, was the principal and sovereign law ; whose 
 ** substitute on earth was the reason or mind of the 
 " wise :" to which purpose, there are many strong 
 and beautiful passages scattered occasionally through 
 every part of his works §. 
 
 J S.ed etiam modestiam quandam cognitlo rerum ccElcsti'um. 
 adfert iis, qui videant, quanta sit etiara apud Deos moderatio, 
 quantus ordo ; et magnitudinem animi, Deorum opera et facta 
 cernentibus j justitiam. etiam, cum cognitum habeas, quid sit 
 summi Rectoris et Domini immen, quod consilium, quae volun- 
 tas ; cujus ad naturam apta ratio vera ilia et summa lex a philo- 
 soplils dicitur. De Fin. 4. 5. 
 
 Nos legem bonam a mala, nulla alia nisi nature norma divi- 
 dere possumus. Nee solum jus et injuria natura dijudicantur, sed 
 omnino omnia honesta ac turpia j nam et communis inteiiigentia 
 nobis notas res efEcit, easque in animis nostris inchoat, ut honesta 
 in virtute ponantur. In vitiis turpia. £a autem in opjnione exis- 
 timare, non in natura posita, dementis est. (De Leg. i. 16.) 
 Erat enim ratio profecta a rerum natura; et ad recte faciendum 
 impellens, et a delicto avocans •, quoe non turn demum iiicipit lex 
 esse, cum scripta est, sed turn, cum orta est I orta autem simul 
 est cum menta divina : quamobrem lex vera, atque princeps, apta 
 ad jubendum et ad vetandum, recta est ratio summi Jovis, &c. 
 De Le^. 2. 4,_ 5. &c. ^ ^^ 
 
 J Hanc igitur video saplentlssimorum fulsse sententiam, legem 
 neque hominum ingeniis excogltatam, nee scltum aliquod esse po- 
 pulorum, sed teternum quiddam, quod universum mundumregeret^ 
 ipnperandi, prohibendique sapientia, &c. lb. &ic. 
 
 A a 3 
 
37^ The LIFE of Sect. XH, 
 
 ** The true law," says he, " is right reason, con- 
 *' formable to the nature of things ; constant, eter- 
 " nal, diffused through all; which calls us to duty 
 " by commanding, deters us from sin by forbidding; 
 " which never loses its influence with the good ; 
 ** nor ever preserves it with the wicked. This can- 
 *' not possibly be over-ruled by any other law ; nor 
 *' abrogated in the whole or in part : nor can we be 
 " absolved from it either by the senate or the peo- 
 ** pie : nor are we to seek any other comment or in- 
 " terpreter of it, but itself: nor can there be one 
 " law at Rome, another at Athens ; one now, ano- 
 " ther hereafter ; but the same eternal immutable 
 " law, comprehends all nations, at all times, under 
 " 0ne common Master and Governor of all, God. 
 ** He is the inventor, propounder, enactor of this 
 *' law: and whosoever will not obey it, must first re- 
 ^* nounce himself, and throw off the nature of man: 
 " by doing which, he will suffer the greatest punish- 
 " ment, though he should escape all the other tor- 
 " ments which are commonly believed to be pre- 
 *' pared for the wicked ||," 
 
 In another place, he tells us, that the study of this 
 law was the only thing which could teach us that 
 most important of all lessons, said to be prescribed 
 by the Pythian Oracle, to know ourjehes; that is, 
 to know our true nature and rank in the universal 
 system; the relation that we bear to all other things; 
 and the purposes for which we were sent into the 
 world. ** When a man," says he, " has attentively 
 " surveyed the heavens, the earth, the sea, and all 
 
 jl Fragment. lib. 3. de Repub. ex Lactantio. 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 37; 
 
 *' things in them ; observed whence they sprung, 
 ** and whither they all tend ; when and how they 
 ** are to end ; what part is mortal and perishable, 
 " what divine and eternal : when he has almost 
 " reached and touched, as it were, the governor and 
 " ruler of them all, and discovered himself not to be 
 ** confined to the walls of any certain place, but a 
 " citizen of the world, as of one common city ; in 
 " this magnificent view of things ; in this enlarged 
 " prospect and knowledge of nature 3 good Gods, 
 " how will he learn to know himself? How will he 
 " contemn, despise, and set at nought all those things, 
 " which the vulgar esteem the most splendid and 
 ** glorious * ?" 
 
 These were the principles on which Cicero built 
 his religion and morality, which shine indeed through 
 all his writings, but were largely and explicitly il- 
 lustrated by him in his treatises on government and 
 laws ; to which he added afterwards his book of offi- 
 ces, to make the scheme complete : volumes which, 
 as the elder Phny says to the emperor Titus, ought 
 not only to he read, hut to he got hy heart, f The 
 first and greatest of these works is lost, excepting a 
 few fragments, in which he had delivered his real 
 thoughts so professedly, that in a letter to Atticus, 
 he calls those six books on the republic, so many 
 pledges given to his Country, for the integrity of his 
 life ; from which, if ever he swerved, he could never 
 have the face to look into them again. % I^i his 
 
 * De Leglb. i. ^3. 
 f Quae voluraina ejus ediscenda non modo in manibus habendi 
 C[Uotidie, nosti. Praef ad Hist. Nat. 
 
 J Prassertim cum sex libris, tanquam praedibus, meipsum ob- 
 
 strinxcrcmi 
 
378 The LIFE of Sect, XIL 
 
 Boole of Laws, he pursued the same argument, and 
 deduced ihe origin of law from the will of the su- 
 preaie God. These two pieces therefore contain hi& 
 belief, and the Book of Offices his practice : where he 
 has traced out all the duties of man, or a rule of life 
 conformable to the divine principles which he had 
 established in the other two ; to which he often re- 
 fers, as to the foundation of his whole system.* This 
 work was one of the last that he finished, for the use 
 of his son, to whom he addressed it; being desirous, 
 in the decline of a glorious life, to explain to him 
 the maxims by which he had governed it; and teach 
 him the way of passing through the world with in- 
 nocence, virtue, and true glory, to an immortahty of 
 of happiness : where the strictness of his morals, 
 adapted to all the various cases and circumstances 
 of human life, will serve, if not to instruct, yet to re- 
 proach the practice of most Christians. This was 
 that law, which is mentioned by St, Paul, to be taught 
 by nature, and 'written on the hearts of the Gentiles ^ 
 to guide them through that state of ignorance and 
 darkness, of which they themselves complained, till 
 they should be blessed with a more perfect revela- 
 tion of the divine will: and this scheme of it profes- 
 sed by Cicero, was certainly the most complete that 
 the Gentile world had ever been acquainted with; 
 the utmost effort that human nature could make to- 
 wards attaining its proper end; or that supreme good 
 for which the Creator had designed it : upon the con- 
 
 obstrinxerem ; quos tibi tarn valde probari gaudeo. (ad Att. 6. lo) 
 E^o audebo Icgere unquam, aut attingerc eos libros, quos tu di- 
 laiidqc, si tale quid fecero ? ibid. 2. 
 * Offic, 3. s,^y 17- 
 
Sect. Xn, CICERO. 37^ 
 
 templation of which subUme truths, as dehvered by 
 a heathen, Erasmus could not help persuading him- 
 self, '* that the breast from which they flowed must 
 " needs have been inspired by the Deity,"* 
 
 But after all these glorious sentiments that we have 
 been ascribing to Cicero, and collecting from his 
 writings, some have been apt to consider them as 
 the flourishes rather of his eloquence, than the con- 
 clusions of his reason ; since, in other parts of his 
 works, he seems to intimate not only a diffidence, but 
 a disbelief of the immortality of the soul, and a fu- 
 ture state of rewards and punishments; and especi- 
 ally in his letters, where he is supposed to declare 
 his mind with the greatest frankness, f But in all 
 
 * Quid aliis accidat nesrio •, me legentem sic afficere solet M. 
 TuUius, prsesertim abi de bene vivendo dlsserlt, ut dubitare non 
 possim, quin illud pectus, unde ista prodierunt, aliqua divinitas 
 occuparit. Erasm. Ep ap Job. Ulattenum. 
 
 f Ssepissime & legi & aadivi, nihil mali esse in morte i in qua 
 si resideat sensas ^mmortalitas ilia potius, quam mors ducenda 
 est: sin sit amissns. nulia videri miseria debeat, quae non sentiar_ 
 atur. (Ep. fam. 5. 16.) Ut hoc saltern in maximis malis boni 
 constquamur, ut mortem, quam etiam beati contemnere debeamus, 
 propterea quod nullum sensum esset habitura, nunc sic affecti, 
 non mode contemnere debeamus, sed etiam optare. (lb. 21.) Sed 
 hsKC consolatio levis j ilia gravior, qua te uti spero, ego certe utor, 
 nee enira dum ero, angar ulla re, cum omni vacem culpa 5 et si 
 non ero, sensu omnino carebo. (ib. 6. 3.) Deinde — si jam vocer 
 ad exitum vitee, non ab ea rep. avellar, qua carendum esse dole- 
 am, piaesertira cum id sine uUo sensu futurum sit. (ib. 4.) Una 
 -ratio videtur, quicquid evenerit, ferre moderate, prossertim cum 
 omnium rerum mors sit extremum. (ib. 2i.) Sed de ilia— fors 
 viderit, aut si quis est, qui curet Deus. Ad Att. 4. x. N. B. By 
 this illustration of Cicero's moral principles, we learn the force of 
 that rule, which he frequently prescribes, al following nature^ as 
 the sitre and unerring guide of life, (de Legib. i. 6. de Senect. 2. 
 de Amic. 5.) by which he means that law or will of God, dis- 
 played in the nature of things ; not, as some are apt to interpret 
 bim, the dictates of our unruly passions, which are falsely called 
 patural j being the motions only of vitiated appetites, and the 
 
 creatures 
 
3&0 The LIFE of Sect. XII 
 
 the passages brought to support this objection, where 
 he is imagined to speak of death as the end of all 
 things to man, as they are addressed to friends in dis- 
 tress by Xvay of consolation, so some commentators 
 take them to mean nothing more, than that death is 
 the end of all things here below, and without any 
 farther sense of what is done upon earth : yet should 
 they be understood to relate, as perhaps they tnay, 
 to an utter extinction of our being -^ it must be obser- 
 ved, that he was writing in all probabiHty to Epicu- 
 reans, * and accommodating his arguments to the 
 men; by offering such topics of comfort to them, 
 from their own philosophy, as they themselves held 
 to be the most effectual. But if this also should 
 seem precarious, we must remember always, that 
 Cicero was an academic ; and though he beheved a 
 future state, was fond of the opinion, and declares 
 himself resolved never to part with it,-^yet he be- 
 lieved it as probable only, not as certain f : and as 
 probability implies some mixture of doubt, and ad- 
 mits the degrees of more and less, so it admits also 
 
 creatures of habit not of nature ; the gratification of which, as he 
 tells us, is more contrary to nature, and consequently more to be 
 avoided, X\^2lv\ poverty, pain, or even death itself. Jfi^c. 3. 5, 6.) 
 
 f This will appear to be a very probable supposition, when 
 we recollect, that the generality of the Roman nobility, and of 
 Cicero's friends, were of the Epicurean sect j and particularly the 
 family of Torquatus, to whom two of these very letters were addres- 
 sed.— Accurate quondam aL.Torquato,homine omni doctrina eru- 
 dito, defcnsa est Epi<:uri sentcntia de voluptate, a mequc ei respon- 
 sum. De Fin. i. 5. 
 
 f Quod si in hoc erro, quod animos horalnum immortales esse 
 credam, lubcnter erro. Nee mihi hunc crrorem, quo delector,, 
 dum vivo, extorqueri volo. Cato. 23. Geram tibi morem, & ea, 
 qune vis, ut potero, explicabo : nee tamen quasi Pythius Apollo, 
 certa ut sint & fixa quse dixero : sed ut homunculus unus e mul- 
 tis^ probabilia conjectura sequens. Tusc, Quaest. i. (>. 
 
Sect.XII. CICERO. 38r 
 
 some variety in the stability of our persuasion : thus, 
 in a melancholy hour, when his spirits were depres- 
 sed, the same argument would not appear to him 
 with the same force; but doubts and difficulties get 
 the ascendant, and what humoured his present cha- 
 grin, find the readiest admission. The passages alleged 
 were all of this kind, written in the season of his de- 
 jection, when all things were going wrong with him, 
 in the height of Caesar's power; and though we al- 
 low them to have all the force that they can possibly 
 bear, and to express what Cicero really meant at 
 that time, yet they prove at last nothing more, than 
 that, agreeably to the character and principles of the 
 academy, he sometimes doubted of what he generally 
 believed. But, after all, whatever be the sense of 
 them, it cannot surely be thought reasonable to op- 
 pose a few scattered hints, accidentally thrown out, 
 when he was not considering the subject, to the vo- 
 lumes that he had deliberately written on the other 
 side of the question.* 
 
 * From this general view of Cicero's religion, one cannot help 
 observing, that the most exalted state of human reason is so far 
 from superseding the use, that it demonstrates the benefit, of a 
 more explicit Revelation : for though the natural laiv, in th£ per- 
 fection to which it was carried by Cicero, might serve for a suf- 
 fic^ent guide to the few, such as himself, of enlarged minds and 
 happy dispositions, yet it had been so long depraved and adulte- 
 rated by the prevailing errors and vices of mankind, that it was 
 not discoverable even to those few, v/ithout great pains and study j 
 and could not produce in them at last any thing more than a hope, 
 never a full persuasion j whilst the greatest part of mankind, even 
 of the virtuous and inquisitive, lived *' without the knowledge of' 
 ** a God, or the expectation of a futurity;"'* and the multitude in 
 every country was left to the gross idolatry of the popular wor- 
 ship. When we reflect on all this, we must needs see abundant 
 reason to be thankful to God, for the dtvi.ie iight of his gospel y 
 which has re'vealed at last to babes ^ 'xhat ivas hidden from tbe wise; 
 
 a-id 
 
^82 The LIFE or Sect. XII. 
 
 As to his political conduct, no man was ever a 
 more determined patriot, or a warmer lover of his 
 country, than he: his whole character, natural tem- 
 per, choice of life and principles, made its true inte- 
 rest inseparable from his own. His general view 
 therefore was always one and the same : to support 
 the peace and hberty of the republic, in that form 
 and constitution of it which their ancestors had de- 
 livered down to them. "* He looked upon that as 
 the only foundation on which it could be supported; 
 and used to quote a verse of old Ennius, as the dic- 
 tate of an oracle, which derived all the glory of 
 B.ome from an adherence to its ancient manners and 
 discipline. 
 
 Moribus antlquis stat res Romana vinsque. f 
 
 It is one of his maxims, which he inculcates in his 
 Vv/ritings, " that as the end of a pilot is a prosperous 
 *' voyage ; of a physician, the health of his patient ; 
 ** of a general, victory ; so that of a statesman is, to 
 *' make his citizens happy ; to make them firm in 
 " power, rich in wealth, splendid in glory, eminent 
 *' in virtue : which he declares to be the greatest and 
 " best of all works among men :" J and as this can- 
 not be eflected, but by the concord and harmony of 
 
 and, without the pains of searching, or danger of mistaking, has 
 given us not only the hope, but the assurance of happiness j and 
 made us not only the believers, but the heirs of immortality, 
 
 * Sic tlbi, mi Fcete, persuade, me dies & noctes nihil aliud a- 
 gere, nihil curare, nisi ut mei cives salvis liberique sint. Ep, 
 fam. I. 24. 
 
 f Quern quidem ille versum vel brevitate vel vetitate, tanquam 
 ex oraculo mihi quodam eftatus videtur, &.c. vid. Fragm. de 
 repub. L 5. 
 
 X Ut gubernatori cursus secuodus — sic huic tnoderatori reip,, 
 bea:a civium vita proposita est, -Sec. vid. ibid.— 
 
8idT. XIL CIdERO. 383 
 
 fl cityf ; so it v/as his constant aim to unite the dif-* 
 ferent orders of the state into one common interesr, 
 and to inspire them with a mutual confidence in 
 each other; so as to balance the supremacy of the 
 people, by the authority of the senate; that the one 
 should evact, but the other advise \ the one have the 
 last resort, the other the chief influence %, This was 
 the old constitution of Rome, by which it had raised 
 itself to all its grandeur ; whilst all its misfortunes 
 were owing to the contrary principle, of distrust and 
 dissension between these two rival powers : it was 
 the great object therefore of his policy, to throw the 
 ascendant in all affairs into the hands of the senate 
 and the Magistrates, as far as it was consistent with 
 the rights and liberties of the people : which will al- 
 ways be the general view of the wise and honest ia 
 all popular governments. 
 
 This was the principle which he espoused froni 
 the beginning, and pursued to the end of his hfe : 
 and, though in some passages of his history, he may 
 be thought perhaps to have deviated from it, yet, up- 
 on an impartial review of the case, we shall find, that 
 his end was always the same, though he had chang- 
 ed his measures of pursuing it ; when compelled to 
 it by the violence of the times, and an over-ruling 
 force, and a necessary regard to his own safety : so 
 
 •^ Qu£« harmonia a musicls dicitur in cantu, ea est In civitate 
 Concordia, arctissimum atque optimum onini in repub. vincalaiii 
 incolumitatis, Sec. ibid. 1. 2. 
 
 X Nam — si senatLis domlniis sit publici consilii — possit, ex tem- 
 peratione juris, cum potestas m populo, auctoritas in senatu nt, 
 teneri ille moderatus §c concors civitatis status. Ds Leg. j. iz. 
 it. ib. IT. 
 
.384 T^E LIFE OP Sect. XII. 
 
 that he might say, with great truth, what an Athe- 
 nian orator once said, in excuse of his inconstancy ; 
 that he had acted, indeed, on some occasions, con- 
 trary to himself, but never to the repubhc "* : and 
 here also his academic philosophy seems to have 
 shewed its superior use in practical, as well as in 
 speculative life ; by indulging that Uberty of acting, 
 which nature and reason require ; and, when the 
 times and things themselves are changed, allowing 
 a change of conduct, and a recourse to new means, 
 for the attainment of the same end. 
 
 The three Sects, which at this time chiefly en- 
 grossed the philosophical part of Rome, were, the 
 Stoic, the Epicurean, and the Academic ; and the 
 chief ornament of each were, Cato, Atticus, and Ci- 
 cero ; who lived together in strict friendship, and a 
 mutual esteem of each other's virtue : but the difFe- 
 lent behaviour of these three will shew, by fact and 
 example, the ditlerent merit of their several princi- 
 ples, and which of them was the best adapted to 
 promote the good of society. 
 
 The Stoics were the bigots or enthusiasts in philo- 
 sophy ; who held none to be truly wise or good but 
 themselves ; placed ** perfect happiness in virtue, 
 " though stript of every other good ; affirmed all 
 " sins to be equal ; all deviations from right equally 
 *' wicked ; to kill a dunghill cock without reason, 
 " the same crime as to kill a parent ; that a wise 
 *' man could never forgive ; never be moved by an- 
 *' ger, favour, or pity; never be deceived; never re- 
 
 * Plut. dc Demade. in vlt. Demcst. p. 851, Edit. Par. 
 
Sect.XII, CICERO. 385 
 
 " pent; never change his mindf ." With these prin- 
 ciples C^tQ entered public hfe ; and acted in it, as 
 Cicero says, as if he had hved in the poUty of Plato, 
 not in the dregs of Romulus J. He made no dis- 
 tinction of times or things; no allov.^ance for the 
 weakness of the republic, and the power of those 
 who oppressed it : it was his maxim, to combat all 
 power not built upon the laws; or to defy it at least, 
 if he could not controul it : he knew no way to his 
 end, but the direct ; and, whatever obstructions he 
 met with, resolved still to rush on, and either to sur- 
 mount them, or perish in the attempt ; taking it for 
 a baseness and confession of being conquered, to de- 
 cline a tittle from the true road. In an age there- 
 fore of the utmost libertinism, when the pubKc disci- 
 pline was lost, and the government itself tottering, 
 he struggled with the same zeal against all corrup- 
 tion, and waged a perpetual war with a superior force ; 
 whilst the rigour of his principles tended rather to 
 alienate friends, than reconcile enemies ; and, by 
 provoking the power that he could not subdue, help- 
 ed to hasten that ruin which he was striving to a- 
 vert § : so that, after a perpetual course of disappoint- 
 
 f Sapientem gratia nunquam moveri, nunquam ctjjusquam de- 
 licto ignoscere : neminem misericordem esse, nisi stultumj viri 
 Bon esse, neque exorari, neque placari j omnia peccata esse paria 
 —nee minus delinquere eum, qui gallum gallinaceum, cum opus 
 non fuerit, quam eum, qui patrem sufFocaverit ; sapientem nihil 
 opinari, nuUius- rei poenitere, nulla in refalli, sententiam mutare 
 nunquam. Pro Muran. 29. 
 
 X Dich enim tanquam in Platonis wtAiTe/*, non tanquam ia 
 Romuli ikce, sententlam. Ad Att. 2. i- p. iyS. 
 
 J Pompelum et Gaesarem, quvrua aecao alterum offendere 
 audebat, nisi ut aU'^rum dcmeicretur, (Cato) si;nu: provocavit. 
 Sen. Ep. 104- 
 
3$6 The LIFE 05 Sect-XH. 
 
 ments and repulses, finding himself unable to pursue 
 his old way any farther, instead of taking a new one, 
 he was driven by his philosophy to put an end to his 
 life. 
 
 But, as the Stoics exalted human nature too high, 
 so the Epicureans depressed it too low ; as those 
 raised it to the heroic, these debased it to the brutal 
 state : they held ** pleasure to be the chief good of 
 ** man ; death the extinction of his being ;" and 
 placed their happiness consequently in the secure 
 enjoyment of a pleasurable life: esteeming virtue on 
 no other account, than as it was a handmaid to plea- 
 sure ; and helped to ensure the possession of it, by 
 preserving health and conciliating friends. Their 
 wise man, therefore, had no other duty but to pro- 
 vide for his own ease ; to decline all struggles ; to 
 retire from public affairs; and to imitate the life of 
 their Gods ; by passing his days in a calm, contem- 
 plative, undisturbed repose ; in the midst of rural 
 shades and pleasant gardens. This was the scheme 
 that Atticus followed : he had all the talents that 
 could qualify a man to be useful to society ; great 
 parts, learning, judgment, candour, benevolence, ge- 
 nerosity; the same love of his country, and the same 
 sentiments in politics with Cicero || ; whom he was 
 always advising and urging to act, yet determined 
 never to act himself; or never, at least, so far as to 
 disturb his ease, or endanger his safety. For, tho' 
 he was so strictly united with Cicero, and valued 
 
 {{ In Repub. ita est versatus, ut semper optimarum partium 
 et esset, et existiraaretur 5 neque tamen sc civilibus fluctibus 
 committeret. Corn, Nep. vit. Att. 6. 
 
Sect. XII CICERO. 387 
 
 him above all men, yet he managed an interest all 
 the while with the opposite faction, and a friendship 
 even with his mortal enemies, Clodius and Antony ; 
 that he might secure, against all events, the grand 
 point which he had in view, the peace and tranquil- 
 lity of his hfe. Thus, two excellent men, by their 
 mistaken notions of virtue, drawn from the principles 
 of their philosophy, were made useless in a manner 
 to their country ; each in a different extreme of life; 
 the one always acting and exposing himself to dan- 
 gers, without the prospect of doing good ; the other, 
 without attempting to do any, resolving never to act 
 at all. 
 
 Cicero chose the middle way between the obstina- 
 cy of Cato and the indolence of Atticus : He pre- 
 ferred always the readiest road to what was right, if 
 it lay open to him ; if not, took the next that seem- 
 ed likely to bring him to the same end ; and, in po- 
 litics, as in morality, when he could not arrive at the 
 true, contented himself with the probable. He oft 
 compares the statesman to the pilot, whose art con- 
 sists in managing every turn of the winds, and apply- 
 ing even the most perverse co the progress of his voy- 
 age, so as, *' by changing his course, and enlarging 
 " his circuit of sailings to arrive with safety, thougii 
 " later, at his destined port *." He mentions like- 
 wise an observation, which long experience had con- 
 
 * Nunquam enim praestantibus In repub. gubernanda viris lau- 
 data est in una sententia perpetua permansio : Sed ut in navigan- 
 do tempestati obsequi artis est, etiamsi portum tenere non qaeas ^ 
 Cum vero id possis mutata velificatione assequi, stultum est eum 
 tenere cursum cum perlculo quern ceperis, potius quam, eo com* 
 mutato, quo velis tandem pervenire, &c. Sp. Fain. j. 9, 
 
 Vox. in. B b 
 
388 The LIFE OF S£cr. XII. 
 
 firmed to him, that " none of the popular and ambi- 
 " tious, who aspired to extraordinary commands, and 
 " to be leaders in the republic, ever chose to obtaia 
 ** their ends from the people, till they had first been 
 " repulsed by the senate f ." This was verified by 
 all their civil dissensions, from the Gracchi down to 
 Cassar ; so that, when he saw men of this spirit at the 
 head of the government, who, by the splendour of 
 their lives and actions, had acquired an ascendant 
 over the populace, it was his constant advice to the 
 senate, to gain them by gentle comphances, and to 
 gratify their thirst of power by voluntary grants of 
 it, as the best w^ay to moderate their ambition, and 
 reclaim them from desperate counsels. He declared 
 contention to be no longer prudent, than while it ei- 
 ther did service, or, at least, no hurt ; but, when fac- 
 tion was grown too strong to be withstood, that it 
 was time to give over fighting, and nothing left but 
 to extract some good out of the ill, by mitigating that 
 power by patience, which they could not reduce by 
 force, and conciliating it, if possible, to the interests 
 of the state J. This was what he advised, and what 
 he practised ; and it will account, in a great measure, 
 
 f Nemlncm unquam est hie ordo amplexus lionoribus et benefi- 
 ciis suis, qui ullam dignitatem prsestabiliorem ea, quara per vos 
 esset adeptus, putarit. Nemo unquam hie potult esse princeps, 
 qui maluerit esse popularis. De Provin. Consular. i6. it. Phil. 
 
 5- '8- ... 
 
 4: Sed eontentio tamdiu sapiens est, quamdiu aut proficit ali- 
 
 quid, aut si non proficit, non obest civitati ; Voluimus qugedam, 
 
 contendimus, cxperti sumus, non obtenta sunt. Pro Corn, Bal- 
 
 bo. 27. 
 
 Sic ab hominibus doctis accepimus, non solum ex malis eligere 
 
 minima oportere 5 sed eti^m cxcerperc ex his ipsis si quid inesset 
 
 boni. Dc Off. i. i. 
 
StctXII. CICEP.O. 389 
 
 for those parts of his conduct which are the most li- 
 able to exception, on the account or that complai- 
 sance which he is supposed to have paid, at different 
 timeSj to the several usurpers of illegal power. 
 
 He made a just distinction between ** bearing what 
 " we cannot help, and approving what we ought to 
 " condemn 11 ;" and submitted, therefore, yet never 
 consented to those usurpations ; and, when he was 
 forced to comply with them, did it always with a re- 
 luctance that he expresses very keenly in his letters 
 to his friends. But, whenever that force was remo*. 
 ved, and he was at liberty to pursue his principles, and 
 act without controul, as in his consulship, in his pro- 
 vince, and after Caesar's death, the only periods of his 
 life in which he was truly master of himself, there we 
 see him shining out in his genuine character, of an 
 excellent citizen, a great magistrate, a glorious patri- 
 ot : There we see the man who could declare of him^ 
 self, with truth, in an appeal to Atticus, as to the best 
 witness of his conscience, " that he had always done 
 *' the greatest services to his country, when it was in 
 " his power ; or, when it v/as not, had never harbour-^ 
 " ed a thought of it but what was divine §." If we 
 must needs compare him therefore with Cato, as some 
 writers affect to do, it is certain that, if Cato's virtue 
 seem more splendid in theory, Cicero's will be found 
 superior in practice : The one was romantic, the 0- 
 ther rational ; the one dravv^n from the refinements 
 
 II Non enim est idem, ferre s'l quid ferendum est, et probare si 
 (juid probandum non est. Ep. Fam. 9. 6. 
 
 § Praeclara igitur conscientia sustentor, cum cogito me de re- 
 pub, aut meruisse optimc cum potuerim , aut ceite nunquara nW" 
 divine cogitasse. Ad Att. x. 4. 
 
39^ 
 
 The life ot Sect. XlL 
 
 of the schools, the other from nature and social hfe ; 
 the one always unsuccessful, often hurtful, the other 
 always beneficial, often salutary to the repubhc. 
 
 To conclude : Cicero's death, though violent, can- 
 not be called untimely, but was the proper end of 
 such a life, which must have been rendered less glo- 
 rious, if it had owed its preservation to Antony. It 
 was therefore what he not only expected, but, in the 
 circumstances to which he was reduced, what he 
 seems even to have wished *. For he, who before 
 had been timid in dangers, and desponding in distress, 
 yet, from the time of Caesar's death, roused by the 
 desperate state of the repubhc f , assumed the forti- 
 tude of a hero ; discarded all fear ; despised all dan- 
 ger ; and, when he could not free his country from a 
 tyranny, provoked the tyrants to take that life which 
 he no longer cared to preserve. Thus, like a great 
 actor on the stage, he reserved hiaiself as it were for 
 the last act, and, after he had played his part with 
 dignity, resolved to finish it with glory. 
 
 The character of his son Marcus has been deliver- 
 ed down to us in a very disadvantageous light ; for 
 he is represented generally, both by the ancients and 
 moderns, as stupid and vicious, and a proverb even 
 of degeneracy J : Yet, when we come to inquire in- 
 
 * Nullum locum pr;ieteniiitto monendi, agendi. providendi*, 
 lioc denique animo sum, ut si in hac cura atqae administratione, 
 vita mihi ponenda sit, prttclare actum mecum pulem. Ep. Fam. 
 
 f Sed plane animus, qui dubiis rebus forsltan fuerit infirmior, 
 de'jperatis, confirmatus est multum Ep. Fam. 5. 21. 
 
 % Clceronem filium quyc res consukm fecitj nisi pater ? Senec- 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 391 
 
 to the real state of the fact, we shall find but little 
 ground for so scandalous a tradition. 
 
 In his early youth, while he continued under the 
 €ye and discipline of his father, he gave all imagi- 
 nable proofs both of an excellent temper and genius; 
 was modest, tractable, dutiful; diligent in his studies, 
 and expert in his exercises, so that, in the Pharsalic 
 war, at the age of seventeen, he acquired a great re- 
 putation in Pompey's camp, by his dexterity of riding, 
 throwing the javelin, and all the other accomplish- 
 ments of a young soldier ||. Not long after Pompey's 
 death, he was sent to Athens, to spend a few years 
 in the study of philosophy and polite letters under 
 Cratippus, the most celebrated philosopher of that 
 time, for whom Cicero afterwards procured the free- 
 dom of Rome §. Here, indeed, upon his first sally 
 into the world, he was guilty of some irregularity of 
 conduct, and extravagance of expence, that made his 
 father uneasy; into which he was supposed to have 
 been drawn by Gorgias, his master of rhetoric, a lo- 
 ver of wine and pleasure, whom Cicero, for that rea- 
 son, expostulated with severely by letter, and dis- 
 charged from his attendance upon him. But the 
 young man was soon made sensible of his folly, and 
 recalled to his duty by the remonstrances of his friends, 
 and particularly of Atticus ; so that his father readi- 
 ly paid his debts, and enlarged his allowance, which 
 
 de Eenef. 4. 30. Nam virtutcs omnes aherant ; stupor h' vitia adc- 
 rant, Lips'ii Not, ad locum, 
 
 II Qlio in bello cum te, Pompeius alte alterl priefecisset, mao;- 
 nam laudem et a summo viro, et ab exercitu conseqaebare, equi- 
 i'ando, jaculando, omni militari labore tolerando. OfRc. 1. \\, 
 % Plutar. in Vit. Cicer. 
 
 ' Bb Q 
 
392 The tIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 seems to have been about seven hundred pounds per 
 annum ^. 
 
 From this time, all the accounts of him from the 
 principal men of the place, as well as his Roman 
 friends who had occasion to visit Athens, are constant 
 and uniform in their praises of him, and in terms so 
 particular and explicit, that they could not proceed 
 from mere compliment, or a desire of flattering Cice- 
 ro, as he often signifies with pleasure to Atticusf, 
 Thus, Trebonius, as he was passing into Asia, writes 
 to him from Athens : ** I came hither on the twen- 
 " ty-first of May, where I saw your son ; and saw 
 ** him, to my great joy, pursuing every thing that 
 " was good, and in the highest credit for the modes- 
 " ty of his behaviour. — Do not imagine, my Cicero, 
 " that I say this to flatter you, for nothing can be 
 " more beloved than your young man is by all who 
 " are at Athens, nor more studious of all those arts 
 ** which you yourself delight in, that is, the best. I 
 " congratulate with you therefore very heartily, 
 ** which I can do with great truth, and not less also 
 '* with myself, that he, w^hom we were obliged to love, 
 *' of what temper soever he had happened to be^ 
 ** proves to be such an one as we should chuse to 
 *' love t" 
 
 But the son's own letters gave the most solid com- 
 fort to his father, as they were WTitten not only with 
 
 * Ad CIceronem ita scrlpsisti, ulli ut neque severius, neque 
 tempcratius scribi potuerit, nee magis quam quemadmodum ego 
 maxima vellern. Ad Att. i^» i. It. ib. l$. i, 15. Plutar. in 
 Cicer. 
 
 f Cateri praeclara scribunt. Leonldastamen retinet illud suum- 
 adhuc, summis vero laudibus Herodes. [Ad Att. 15. 16.] Gra- 
 tissiirum; quod polliceris Ciceroni nihil defuturum ; deque mira- 
 bilia Messala. lb. 17. J Ep, Fam. 12. 16. Vid. It. 14, 
 
Sect. XII. CICERO. 393 
 
 great duty and affection, but with such elegance al- 
 so and propriety, " that they were fit, (he says,) to 
 " be read to a learned audience; and, though in o- 
 ** ther points he might possibly be deceived, yet, in 
 " these, he saw a real improvement both of his taste 
 •* and learning ||/' None of these letters are now ex- 
 tant, nor any other monument of young Cicero's ta- 
 lents, but two letters to Tiro ; ono of which I have 
 chosen to transcribe, as the surest specimen both of 
 his parts and temper, written, as we may imagine, 
 to one of Tiro's rank, without any particular care, 
 and in the utmost familiarity, from his residence at 
 Athens, when he was about nineteen yeari old. 
 
 Cicero the Son to Tiro. 
 
 " While I was expecting everyday with impatience 
 " your messengers from Rome, they came at last on 
 " the forty-sixth day after they left you. Their ar- 
 *' rival was extremely agreeable to me, for my father's 
 *' most indulgent and affectionate letter gave me an 
 ** exceeding joy, which was still highly increased by 
 " the receipt also of yours; so that, instead of being 
 " sorry for my late omission of writing, I was rather 
 " pleased that my silence had afforded me so particu- 
 *' lar a proof of your humanity. It i^ a great pleasure 
 " therefore to me, that you accepted my excuse so rea- 
 " dily. I do not doubt, my dearest Tiro, but that the 
 
 II A Cicerone mihi literae sane Trixivc^yAvsccy et bene longae. — 
 Caetera autem vel fingi possunt : ttivo^ literarum signlticat doctio- 
 rem. [Ad Att. 14. 7.] Mehercule ipsius literae sic et (pixo^o^. 
 ytj^, Sx, ivrtvag scriptye, ut eas vel in acroasi audeam legere : Quo- 
 magis illi indulgendum puto. lb. 15. 17. Vid. ib. i5. 
 
 B b 4 
 
394 
 
 The life of Sect. XIL 
 
 <* reports which are now brought of me give youa real 
 *' satisfaction. It shall be my care and endeavour, that 
 ** this growing fame of me shall every day come more 
 " and more confirmed to you; and since you promise 
 *' to be the trumpeter of my praises, you may ven- 
 " ture to do it with assurance ; for the past errors of 
 " my youth have mortified me so sensibly, that my 
 *' mind does not only abhor the facts themselves, but 
 ** my ears cannot even endure the mention of them, 
 "lam perfectly assured that, in all this regret and soli- 
 ** citude, you have borne no small share with me; nor 
 " is it to be wondered at ; for, though you wish me 
 " all success for my sake, you are engaged also to 
 *' do it for your own : since it was always my resolu- 
 " tion to make you the partner of every good that 
 " may befal me. As I have before therefore been 
 *' the occasion of sorrow to you, so it shall now be 
 " my business to double your joy on my account. 
 '* You must know that I live in the utmost intimacy 
 " with Cratippus ; and like a son, rather than a scho- 
 " lar : for I not only hear his lectures with pleasure, 
 " but am infinitely delighted with his conversation. 
 *' I spend whole days with him, and frequently also 
 " a part of the night : for I prevail with him, as 
 " often as I can, to sup with me ; and, in our fami- 
 ** liar chat, as we sit at table, the night steals upon 
 *' us without thinking of it, whilst he lays aside the 
 •' severity of his philosophy, and jokes amongst us 
 •' with all the good humour imaginable. Contrive, 
 ** therefore, to come to us as soon as possible, and 
 " see this agreeable and excellent man. For what 
 V need I tell you of Bruttius I whom I nevec part 
 
Sect.XU. CICERO, 3^5 
 
 " with out of my sight. His life is regular and ex- 
 
 " emplary, and his company the most entertaining : 
 
 '* he has the art of introducing questions of hterature 
 
 " into conversation, and seasoning philosophy with 
 
 " mirth. I have hired a lodging for him in the next 
 
 " house to me ; and support his poverty, as well as I 
 
 " am able, out of my narrow income. 1 have begun 
 
 " also to declaim in Greek under Cassius ; but chuse 
 
 " to exercise myself in Latin with Bruttius. I live 
 
 " likewise in great familiarity, and the perpetual 
 
 " company of those, whom Cratippus brought with 
 
 ** him from Mitylene; who are men of learning, and 
 
 " highly esteemed by him. Epicrates also, the lead- 
 
 " ing man at Athens, and Leonidas, spend much of 
 
 " their time with me; and many others of the same 
 
 " rank. This is the manner of my life at present. 
 
 ** As to what you write about Gorgias, he was useful 
 
 ** to me indeed in my daily exercise of declaiming ; 
 
 " but I gave up all considerations for the sake of 
 
 ** obeying my father ; who wrote peremptorily that 
 
 " I should dismiss him instantly, I complied there- 
 
 ** fore without hesitation ; lest, by shewing any re- 
 
 ** luctance, I might raise in him some suspicion of 
 
 " me. Besides, I reflected, that it would seem inde- 
 
 *' cent in me to deliberate upon the judgment of a 
 
 *' father. Your zeal, however, and advice upon it, 
 
 " are very agreeable to me. I admit your excuse of 
 
 " want of leisure, for I know how much your time 
 
 " is commonly taken up. I am mightily pleased 
 
 " with your purchase of a farm, and heartily wish 
 
 " you joy of it. Do not wonder at my congratulate 
 
 ■* ing you in this part of my letter, for it was the 
 
394 
 
 The LIFE of Sect. XU* 
 
 <* reports which are now brought of me give youa real 
 *' satisfaction. It shall be my care and endeavour, that 
 ** this growing fame of me shall every day come more 
 *' and more confirmed to you; and since you promise 
 *' to be the trumpeter of my praises, you may ven- 
 " ture to do it with assurance ; for the past errors of 
 " my youth have mortified me so sensibly, that my 
 *' mind does not only abhor the facts themselves, but 
 *' my ears cannot even endure the mention of them. 
 " lam perfectly assured that, in all this regret and soli- 
 ** citude, you have borne no small share with me; nor 
 " is it to be wondered at ; for, though you wash me 
 *' all success for my sake, you are engaged also to 
 " do it for your own : since it was always my resolu- 
 " tion to make you the partner of every good that 
 *• may befal me. As I have before therefore been 
 *' the occasion of sorrow to you, so it shall now be 
 *' my business' to double your joy on my account, 
 ** You must know that I live in the utmost intimacy 
 " with Cratippus ; and like a son, rather than a scho- 
 " lar : for I not only hear his lectures with pleasure, 
 " but am infinitely delighted with his conversation. 
 " I spend whole days with him, and frequently also 
 " a part of the night : for I prevail with him, as 
 " often as I can, to sup with me ; and, in our fami- 
 ** har chat, as we sit at table, the night steals upon 
 " us without thinking of it, whilst he lays aside the 
 *' seventy of his philosophy, and jokes amongst us 
 ■' with all the good humour imaginable. Contrive, 
 *' therefore, to come to us as soon as possible, and 
 ♦* see this agreeable and excellent man. For what 
 ^.* need I tell yon, of Eruttius I whom I nevec pare 
 
Sect. XU. CICERO. 3^5 
 
 " with out of my sight. His life is regular and cx- 
 
 " emplary, and his company the most entertaining : 
 
 '* he has the art of introducing questions of hterature 
 
 " into conversation, and seasoning philosophy with 
 
 " mirth. I have hired a lodging for him in the next 
 
 " house to me ; and support his poverty, as well as I 
 
 " am able, out of my narrow income. 1 have begun 
 
 " also to declaim in Greek under Cassius ; but chuse 
 
 " to exercise myself in Latin with Bruttius. I live 
 
 " likewise in great familiarity, and the perpetual 
 
 " company of those, whom Cratippus brought with 
 
 ** him from Mitylene; who are men of learning, and 
 
 " highly esteemed by him. Epicrates also, the lead- 
 
 " ing man at Athens, and Leonidas, spend much of 
 
 " their time with me; and many others of the same 
 
 " rank. This is the manner of my life at present, 
 
 ** As to what you write about Gorgias, he was useful 
 
 " to me indeed in my daily exercise of declaiming; 
 
 " but I gave up all considerations for the sake of 
 
 " obeying my father ; who wrote peremptorily that 
 
 " I should dismiss him instantly, I complied there- 
 
 ** fore without hesitation ; lest, by shewing any re- 
 
 ** luctance, I might raise in him some suspicion of 
 
 " me. Besides, I reflected, that it would seem inde- 
 
 *' cent in mc to deliberate upon the judgment of a 
 
 " father. Your zeal, however, and advice upon it, 
 
 ** are very agreeable to me. I admit your excuse of 
 
 " want of leisure, for I know how much your time 
 
 " is commonly taken up. I am mightily pleased 
 
 " with your purchase of a farm, and heartily wish 
 
 " you joy of it. Do not wonder at my congratulat- 
 
 " ing you in this part of my letter, for it was the 
 
396 The LIFE of Sect.XH, 
 
 ** same part of yours, in which you informed me of 
 ** the purchase. You have now a place, where you 
 " may drop all the forms of the city, and are become 
 " a Roman of the old rustic stamp. I please myself 
 " with placing your figure before my eyes, and ima- 
 " gining that I see you bartering for your country 
 " wares, or consulting with your bailiff, or carrying 
 ** off from your table, in a corner of your vest, the 
 •' seeds of your fruits and melons for your garden. 
 " But to be serious ; I am as much concerned as you 
 ** are, that I happened to be out of the way, and 
 " could not assist you on that occasion : but depend 
 " upon it, my Tiro, I will make you easy one time 
 " or other, if fortune does not disappoint me : espe- 
 " cially since I know that you have bought this farm 
 '* for the common use of us both. I am obliged to 
 " you for your care in executing my orders ; but beg 
 *' of you, that a librarian may be sent to me in all 
 *• haste, and especially a Greek one : for I waste 
 " much of my time in transcribing the lectures and 
 *' books that are of use to me. Above all things, 
 *' take care of your health, that we may live to hold 
 " many learned conferenees together. I recommend 
 " Antherus to you. Adieu ^'J^ 
 
 This was the situation of young Cicero when Bru- 
 tus arrived at Athens : who, as it has been already 
 said, was exceedingly taken with his virtue and good 
 principles ; of which he sent a high encomium to 
 his father ; and entrusted him, though but twenty 
 years old, with a principal command in his army : 
 in which he acquitted himself with a singular repu- 
 
 * Ep. fam. i6. 21. 
 
Sect. XIL CICERO. 397 
 
 tation both of courage and conduct ; and in several 
 expeditions and encounters with the enemy, where 
 he commanded in chief, always came off victorious. 
 After the battle of Phihppi, and the death of Brutus, 
 he escaped to Pompey, who had taken possession of 
 Sicily with a great army, and fleet superior to any 
 in the empire. This was the last refuge of the poor 
 republicans : where young Cicero was received again 
 with particular honours ; and continued fighting still 
 in the defence of his country's liberty; till Pompey, 
 by a treaty of peace with the Triumvirate, obtained, 
 as one of the conditions of it, the pardon and resto- 
 ration of all the proscribed and exiled Romans, who 
 were then in arms with him f . 
 
 Cieero therefore took his leave of Pompey, and 
 returned to Rome with the rest of his party : where 
 he hved for some time in the condition of a private 
 nobleman ; remote from affairs and the court of the 
 emperor ; partly through the envy of the times, a- 
 verse to his name and principles ; partly through 
 choice, and his old zeal for the republican cause, 
 which he retained still to the last. In this uneasy 
 state, where he had nothing to rouse bis virtue, or 
 excite his ambition, it is not strange that he sunk 
 into a life of indolence and pleasure, aiul the intem- 
 perate love of wine ; which began to be the fashion- 
 able vice of this age, from the example of Antony, 
 who had lately published a volume on the triumphs' 
 of his drinking. Young Cicero is said to have prac* 
 tised it to great excess ; and to have been famous for 
 the quantity that he used to swallow at a draught : 
 
 f Appian. p. 619. 713. 
 
393 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 " as if he had resolved," says Pliny, " to deprive An- 
 *' tony, the murderer of his father, of the glory of 
 ** being the first drunkard of the empire f." 
 
 Augustus however paid him the compliment in 
 the mean while, to make him a priest or augur §, as 
 well as one of those magistrates who presided over 
 the coinage of the public money ; in regard to which 
 there is a medal still extant, with the name of Cicero 
 on the one side, and Appius Claudius on the other ; 
 who was one of his colleagues in this office 1|. But, 
 upon the last breach with Antony, Augustus no 
 sooner became the sole master of Rome, than he took 
 iiim for his partner in the consulship : so that his 
 letters, which brought the news of the victory at 
 Actium, and conquest of Egypt, were addressBed to 
 
 X Nimirum hanc ,£rloriam auferre Cicero voluit interfectori 
 patris sui, Antonio. Is enlm ante eum avidissime apprehenderat 
 iianc palmamj edito etiam volumine de sua ebrietate. Plin. Hist. 
 Nat. 14. 22, 
 
 § Appian. p. 619. V 
 
 II Vid. And. Morell. Thesaur. Numism. inter Numm. Con- 
 ful. Gollzii. Tab. 33. 4. 
 
 These superintendents of the public coinage were called Tre- 
 ^in\ or Triumviri Moneta/es; and in medals and old inscriptions 
 are described thus; HI. VIR. A. A. A. F. F. that is, /^uro, 
 Argento^ JEre F/ando, Feriundo, Their number had always been 
 three, till J. Csesar, as it appears from several medals, enlarged 
 it to four : whence in the coin of Cicero, just mentioned, we find 
 him called, III I. VIR. There was another magistrate also of 
 lower rank at Rome, called Trcviri CapitaleSf who tried and 
 juds^ed all capital crimes among foreigners and slaves, or even 
 citizens of inferior condition : in allusion to which, Cicero has a 
 pleasant joke, in one of his letters to Trebatius, when he was at- 
 tending Caisar in his wars against the Treviri, one of the most 
 tieice and warlike nations of Gaul : " I admonish you," says he, 
 " to keep out of the way of those Treviri: they are of the capj- 
 "" tal kind, 1 hear : I wish rather, that they were the coiners of 
 *' gold and ?llver. Ep. fam, 7. 13. 
 
StcT. XIL CICERO. 399 
 
 Cicero the consul, who had the pleasure of publish- 
 ing them to the senate and people ; as well as ot 
 making and executing that decree, which ordered 
 all the statues and monuments of Antony to be de- 
 molished, and that no person of his family should 
 ever after bear the name of Marcus. By paying this 
 honour to the son, Augustus made some atonement 
 for his treachery to the father ; and, by giving the 
 family this opportunity of revenging his death upon 
 Antony, fixed the blame of it also there ; while the 
 people looked upon it as divine and providential, that 
 the final overthrow of Antony's name and fortunes 
 should, by a strange revolution of affairs, be reserved 
 for the triumph of young Cicero*. Some honours 
 are mentioned likewise to have been decreed by Ci- 
 cero, in this consulship, to his partner Augustus ; 
 particularly an obsidional crown ; which, though 
 made only of the common grass that happened to be 
 found upon the scene of action, yet, in the times of 
 ancient discipline, was esteemed the noblest reward 
 of military glory ; and never bestovv'cd but for the 
 deliverance of an army, when reduced to the last 
 distress f . This crown therefore had not been given 
 above eight times from the foundation of Rome : but 
 with the oppression of its liberty, ail its honours were 
 servilely prostituted to the will of the reigning mo- 
 narch. 
 
 * Pli^ar. in Clc. Dio. p. 456. Appian. p. 619. 672. 
 •f- Corona quidem nulla i*iit graminea nobilior — nunquam nisi 
 in desperatlone suprema contigit ulli ; nisi ab iiniverso exercitii 
 servato dec: eta — eadcni vocatur obsidionalis — dabatur haec viridi 
 e gramine, Jecerpto inde ubi obsessos servasset aiiquis. — Ipsuni 
 Augustum M. Cicerone consulera, idibus Septembribus senatus 
 ebsidionali donavit, 6<:c. Vid. Piin. Hist. N. :::. c. 3, 4, 5, 6. 
 
400 
 
 The life of Sect.XU. 
 
 Soon after Cicero's Consulship, he was made Pro- 
 consul of Asia ; or, as Appian says, o^ Syria; one of 
 the most considerable provinces of the empire : from 
 which time we find no farther mention of him in his- 
 tory. He died probably soon after, before a matu- 
 rity of age and experience had given him the oppor- 
 tunity of retrieving the reproach of his intemperance, 
 and dillinguishing himself in the councils of the state : 
 but, from the honours already mentioned, it is evi- 
 dent that his life, though blemished by some scan- 
 dal, yet was not void of dignity : and amidst all the 
 vices with which he is charged, he is allowed to have 
 retained his father's Vvdt and poHteness. ^ 
 
 There are two stories related of him, which shew 
 that his natural courage and high spirit were far from 
 being subdued by the ruin of his party and fortunes: 
 for being in company with some friends, where he 
 drunk very hard; in the heat of v^ine and passion, 
 he threw a cup at the head of Agrippa ; who, next 
 to Augustus, bore the chief sway in Rome, f He 
 was provoked to it probably by some dispute in po- 
 litics, or insult on the late champions, and vanquished 
 cause of the RepubUc. At another time, during his 
 government of Asia, one Cestius, who was afterwards 
 Praetor, a flatterer of the times, and a reviler of his 
 father, having the assurance to come one day to his 
 table, Cicero, after he had inquired his name, and 
 understood that it was the man that used to insult 
 his father, and declare that he knew nothing of po- 
 
 * Qui nihil ex paterno ingenio habuit, practer urbanitatem. M. 
 Senec. Suasor. 6. 
 
 f Marcoque Agrippae a temulento scyphum impaflum. Plin, 
 Hist. N. 14. 22. 
 
Sect. XU. CICERO. 431 
 
 lite letters, ordered him to be taken away, and pub- 
 licly whipt. * 
 
 His nature seems to have been gay, frank, and ge- 
 nerous; peculiarly turned to arms and martial glory: 
 to which, by the unhappy fate of his country, h^ 
 had been trained very young ; and at an age that is 
 commonly dedicated to the arts of peace and il- i Jies 
 of learning, had served v^ith much honour to him- 
 self, in three successive wars, the most considerable 
 in all history; of Pharsalia, Philippi, and Sicily. If 
 his life, therefore, did not correspond with the splen- 
 dour of his father's, it seems chargeable to his mis- 
 fortune, rather than his fault ; and to the miserable 
 state of the times, which allowed no room for the at- 
 tainment of his father's honours, or the imitation of 
 his virtues : but if he had hved in better times, and 
 a free republic, though he would not have been so 
 eminent a scholar, or orator, or statesman as his fa- 
 ther, yet he would have excelled him probably in 
 that charader, which conferred a more substantial 
 power and dazzling glory, the fame of a brave and 
 accomplished general. 
 
 The characters of Q^ Cicero the brother, of his son 
 Quintus, and of Atticus, have been so frequently 
 touched in the course of this history, that there is 
 but little occasion to add any thing more about them. 
 The two first, as we have already said, upon the news 
 of their being proscribed, took their leave of Cicero 
 in his flight towards the sea, and returned to Rome ; 
 in order to furnish themselves with money and other 
 necessaries for a voyage to Macedonia, They hoped 
 
 * M. Senec. Suasor. 6. 
 
402 The LIFE of Sect. XIL 
 
 to have executed this, before the proscription could 
 take effect, or to lie concealed at least for a 
 short time in the city, without the danger of a dis- 
 covery : but the diligence of Antony's emissaries, 
 and the particular instrudlions, that they had received 
 to make sure of the Ciceros, eluded all their caution 
 and hopes of concealment. The son was found out 
 the first ; who is said to have been more solicitous 
 for,the preservation of his father, than to provide for 
 his own safety : upon his refusal to discover where 
 his father lay hid, he was put to the rack by the sol- 
 diers ; till the father, to rescue his son from torture, 
 came out from his hiding place, and voluntarily sur-. 
 rendered himself; making no other request to his 
 executioners, than that they would dispatch him the 
 first of the two. The son urged the same petition 
 to spare him the misery of being the spectator of his 
 father's murder ; so that the assassins, to satisfy them 
 both, taking each of them apart, killed them by a- 
 greement at the same time."* 
 
 As to Atticus, the difficulty of the times, in which 
 he liv^ed, and the perpetual quiet that he enjoyed in 
 them, confirm what has been already observed of 
 him, that he was a perfect master of the principles 
 of his sect, and knew how to secure that chief good 
 of an Epicurean life, his private ease and safety. 
 One would naturally imagine, that his union with 
 Cicero and Brutus, added to the fame of his wealth, 
 would have involved him of course in the ruin of the 
 proscription : he himself was afraid of it, and kept 
 himself concealed for some time ; but without any 
 great reason ; for, as if he had foreseen such an event 
 
 * Dio p. 333. Applan* 601. Plutar. in Cic, 
 
Sect.XH. CICERO. 403 
 
 and turn of things, he had always paid a particular 
 court to Antony ; and, in the time even of his dis-- 
 grace, when be was driven out of Italy, and his af- 
 fairs thought desperate, did many eminent services 
 to his friends at Rome ; and above all^ to his wife 
 and children ; whom he assisted, not only with his 
 advice, but with his money also^ on all occasions of 
 their distress : so that when Antony came to Rome^ 
 in the midst of the massacre, he made it his first care 
 to find out Atticus ; and no sooner learnt where he 
 was, than he wrote him word with his own hand, to 
 lay aside all fears, and come to him immediately ; 
 and assigned him a guard, to protect him from any 
 insults of the soldiers. * 
 
 It must be imputed likewise to the same principle 
 of Atticus's caution, and a regard to his safety, that 
 after so long and intimate a correspondence of letters 
 with Cicero, on the most important transactions of 
 that age, of which there are sixteen books of Cicero's 
 still remaining, yet not a single letter of Atticus's 
 was ever published : which can hardly be charged 
 to any other cause, but his having withdrawn theni 
 from Tiro, after Cicero's death, and suppressed them 
 with singular care; lest in that revolution of affairs, 
 and extindion of the pubhc liberty, they should ever 
 be produced to his hurt, or the diminution of his ere-, 
 dit with his new masters. 
 
 X Atticus, cum Ciceronis intima farailiaritate uteretur, ami'cis- 
 simus esse Bruto ; non modo nihil iis indulsit ad Antoniuin vio- 
 Jandum, sed e contrario familiares ejus ek urbe profutjientes, 
 quantum potult, texit— ipsi autem Fulviae, cum litibus destlnere- 
 
 tar sponsor omnium rerum fuerit-— itaque ad adventum Im- 
 
 peratorum de foro decesserat, timens proscriptionem — Antonius 
 autem — ei, cum requislsset, ubinam esset, sua manu sciipsit, ne 
 tjmcret, statimque ad se veniret — ac ne quid periculum inciderep 
 — praesldium ei misit. Corn. Nep. in vit. Attici x. 
 
 Vol. III. C c 
 
404 .The LIFE of Sect. Xlh 
 
 But his interest with the reigning powers was soon 
 established on a more sohd foundation, than that 
 of his personal merit, by the marriage of his only 
 daughter with M, Agrippa ; which was first propos- 
 ed and brought about by Antony, This introduced 
 him into the friendship and familiarity of Augus- 
 tus, whose minister and favourite Agrippa was; 
 and to whom he himself became afterwards nearly 
 allied, by the marriage of his grand-daughter with 
 his successor Tiberius."* Thus he added dignity to 
 his quiet ; and lived to a good old age, in the very 
 manner in which h^ wished ; happy and honourable; 
 and remote from all trouble, or the apprehension of 
 danger. But that he still lives, in the fame and me- 
 mory of ages, is entirely owing to the circumstance 
 of his having been Cicero's friend : for this, after all, 
 was the chief honour of his life : and, as Seneca truly 
 observed, " it was the epistles of Cicero which pre- 
 *' served him from oblivion ; and neither his son A- 
 *' grippa, nor grand-son Tiberius, nor great-grand- 
 •• son Drusus, would have been of any service to him, 
 " if Cicero's name, by drawing Atticus's along with 
 " it, had not given him an immortality, f 
 
 * Atque harum nuptiarum, non enim est celandum, conciliator 
 fuit Antonius. (ibid. 12.) Nata est autem Attico r.eptis ex A- 
 grippa. Hanc Csesar vix anniculara, Tibero Claudio ^eroni 
 Drusilla nato, privigno suo despondit. Qaae conjunctio necessi- 
 tudinem ecrum sanxit, lb. 19. 
 
 f Nomen Attici perlre Ciceronis Epistolaa non sinunt. Nihil 
 lUe ^rofuisset gencr Agrippa, Sc Tiberius progener, & Drusus 
 pronepos : inter tarn magna nomina tacerelur, nisi Cicero ilium 
 applicuisset. Senec. Ep. 21. 
 
 THE END. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A 
 
 -Academy, a school of Philosophy at Athens : an account 
 of its name, origin, and situation, Note, Vol. III. Page 
 350, its doctrines, 351. New Academy ; its distinction 
 from the Old, 353, its principles and method of philoso- 
 phizing, 354, kept the proper medium between the Stoic 
 and the Sceptic, 356, the most rational of all sects, 357, 
 best adapted to the profession of an Orator, 358, almost 
 deserted in Cicero's time ; — why, 359, the notion of a 
 third or middle Academy, groundless. Note, ibid, the 
 Academic principles the best calculated for practical life j 
 compared with those of the Stoics, and the Epicureans, 
 
 384, &c. 
 
 Actileo, C. married Cicero's aunt I. 2 
 
 His two Sons bred up with Cicero I. 9 
 
 Adoption^ the conditions and effects of it I. 323 
 
 JLdiles, the nature and duties of their ofllce, I. 123, often 
 ruined themselves by the expence of their shews 124 
 
 JEdikship, or Tribunate, a necessary step to the superior 
 dignities I. 83 
 
 JEschillus, of Cnidos, an eminent Rhetorician, attended Ci- 
 cero in his travels I. 49 
 
 JEsopus, the Tragedian, applies several passages cf his parts 
 in acting to the case of Cicero I. 437 
 
 Afranius, Z. Consul, his character I. 301 
 
 /jgraricm Laws, some account of them I. 169 
 
 Agriculture, the most liberal employment in old Rome I. 7 
 
 Ahenoharhus, Z. Domitius, repulsed from the Consulship by 
 the Triumvirate II. 77 
 
 Alaudce, the name of a Legion raised by Caesar ; an account 
 of it Note, III. IC2 
 
 Alhinovanus, M. Tullius, a friend of Clodius, accuses P. Sex- 
 tius of public violence IL 50 
 
 AUohroges, their Ambassadors solicited to enter into Cati- 
 line's plot, I. 217, are examined in the Senate 220 
 
 AmanuSj a mountainous part of Cilicia, subdued by Cicero 
 
 II. 208 
 Cc 2 
 
il INDEX. 
 
 Antiochus, a Philosopher of the Old Academy, with whom 
 Cicero lodged at Athens !• 47 
 
 Antiochus, King of Comagene ; his petition to the Senate 
 rejected by Cicero's influence, II. 99, sends notice to 
 Cicero that the Parthians had passed the Euphrates, 195 
 
 Antonius, C» candidate for the Consulship ; guilty of open 
 bribery — supported by Crassus and Caesar, I. 157, 162, 
 chosen Consul with Cicero, and wholly managed by him, 
 167, sent out with an army against Catiline, 207, is un- 
 willing to fight, 244, condemned to exile for his oppres- 
 sions in Macedonia, 321, defeated and taken prisoner by 
 young Cicero, III. 189, raises a sedition in Brutus'a 
 camp, confined by him on ship-board 235 
 
 Antottius, M. Grandfather of the Triumvir ; his head fixed 
 upon the Rostra by C. Marius I. 25 
 
 Antoniiis, M. the Father of the Triumvir, invades Crete, 
 but is defeated, and dies with disgrace I. 76 
 
 Antonius^ M. Tribune, makes an Invective Oration against 
 Pompey, II 251, opposes all decrees against Csesar, 
 253, flies to Caesar's camp, ibid, his character, 254, 
 his flight the pretext of the war, 257, excludes all the 
 Pompeians from Italy, except Cicero, 330, declared 
 Master of the Horse to Caesar, 340, his luxurious man- 
 ner of living ; — compelled by Caesar to pay for his pur- 
 chase of Pompey's houses, 431, made Consul with Cae- 
 sar ; quarrels with Dolabella, 441, offers a Regal Dia- 
 dem to Caesar, 444, preserved by the two Brutuses, 
 when Csesar was killed, 458, dissembles his real views; 
 manages Lepidus to his interests; deludes the conspira- 
 rators. III. 9, contrives the tumult at Caesar's funeral, 
 15 makes a progress through Italy, to solicit the vete- 
 ran soldiers, 26, his pernicious use of the decree for con- 
 firming Csesar's acts, 5c, seizes the public treasure, ^"^^ 
 bribes Dolabella to his interests, and treats Octavius with 
 contempt, 69, recommends an accommodation with S. 
 Pompey to the senate, 76, endeavours to extort the 
 Provinces of Macedonia and Syria from Brutus and 
 Cassius, 88, threatens Cicero, 89, answers his first Phi- 
 lippic, 94, erects a statue to Caesar, 99, puts three hun- 
 dred Centurions to death, 105, is enraged agaihst Octavi- 
 us, and Q^ Cicero the son, ibid, resolved to possess him- 
 self of Cisalpine Gaul, and make war against D. Brutus, 
 107, besieges Decimus in Modena, 114, receives an em- 
 bassy from the senate, 1 26, refuses to comply with their 
 
INDEX. iU 
 
 Remands, 134, reduces Modena to great straits, 17c, 
 tries to bring over Hirtius and Octavius to his mea- 
 sures, 177, gains an advantage against Pansa, but is de- 
 feated by Hirtius, 213, entirely routed in a second bat- 
 tle by Octavius and Hirtius, flies to the Alps, 222, is re-, 
 ceived by Lepidus, 245, forms the league of the Second 
 Triumvirate with Caesar Octavianus and Lepidus, pro- 
 scribes his uncle, 300, a summary view of his conduct 
 from Csesar'g death, ibid, gives 8gocL for Cicero s head, 
 and orders it to be fixed upon the Rostra 305 
 
 Appiauy a copier of Plutarch Preface xxiii 
 
 Appius, Cicero's predecessor in his Government, displeased 
 with Cicero's proceedings in it, H. 219, impeached by 
 Dolabella, and acquitted, 225, exercises the Censorship 
 with rigour, 227, asserted the reality of Divination as 
 an Augur, and was laughed at for it HI. 372 
 
 Appuleiusy Tribune, makes a speech in defence of Cicero's 
 measures HI. 209 
 
 Aquiliusy M, delivered up to Mithridates by the city of 
 Mitylene I. 53 
 
 Aratus^s Phenomena, translated by Cicero, I. 17, and also 
 his Prognostics I. 307 
 
 ArcesilaSy the sixth successor of Plato, in the Academic 
 School, iounAQd. tht New Academy HI. 352 
 
 Archias, an eminent Poet, the Master of Cicero, lived with 
 LucuUus, I. 12. defended by Cicero 285 
 
 Ariohar^anes, King of Cappadocia, recommended to Cicero, 
 begs his assistance upon the discovery of a plot, H. 106, 
 197, drained of his money by the Roman Governors 
 
 109, 2CO 
 
 AbISTOTLE, his works first brought into Italy by Sylla, I. 
 32, the scholar of Plato, and founder of the Peripatetic 
 Sect, HI. 352, held the nature of God, and the Soul, to 
 be a fifth essence 367 
 
 Arpi7iti7n, the native city of Cicero and C. Marius, — admit- 
 ted to the freedom of Rome, its territory rude and moun- 
 tainous T. 4 
 
 Ateius, Trib. declares the expedition of Crassus prohibited 
 by the Auspices, H. 92, turned out of the Senate for it 
 by Appius ibid. 
 
 Atticus, a surname given to T. Pomponius, of the Epi- 
 curean sect, I. 46. purchases for Cicero at Athens seve- 
 ral statues and curiosities of Grecian sculpture, 149, em- 
 ploys his slaves in copying all the best Greek writer?. 
 
iv INDEX. 
 
 1 51, refuses to follow Cicero In his exile, 391,' chides him 
 for his dejection, 399, supplies him with money, 414, is 
 thought too cold by him, 415, visits him at Dyrrhachium, 
 422, marries Piiia, II. 59, complains to Cicero of Quin- 
 tiis's usage of his sister Pomponia, iB^, labours to recon- 
 cile Cicero to Caesar's administration, 425, his tenderness 
 at parting from Cicero, III. 71, his good nature sometimes 
 got the belter of his philosophy, 72, his political conduct 
 and principles compared with Cicero's and Cato's, 386, 
 his life a tru.^ pattern of the Epicurean schem.e, 402, why 
 none of his letters to Cicero were ever published, 403, his 
 daughter nir.rried to Agrippa, his grand-daughter to Ti- 
 berius ; but his chief glory was Cicero's friendship 404 
 
 Augurs, their college, an account of it, II. 151, presided over 
 tiie yJuspices, as the interpreters of the will of Jove, III, 
 370, their dignity and powers 371 
 
 Auspices^ often forged by Marius and Sylla, to animate their 
 soldiers 56 
 
 Autronius, P. Pcetus, convicted of bribery, forfeits the con- 
 sulship, I. 145, banished, for conspiring with Catiline, 267 
 
 B 
 
 Balhis, Corn, defended by Cicero ; his character, II. 69, begs 
 of Cicero to act the mediator between Caesar and Pompey, 
 and to stand neuter 282 
 
 Bayle, Mr, a mistake of his corrected, Note^ II. 393 
 
 Besticij L. his character ; defended by Cicero II. 46 
 
 Bihulus, chosen consul with Caesar, I. 314, opposes Clodius's 
 adoption, 321, injuriously treated by Caesar, 324, shuts 
 himself up in his house, 326, provokes the Triumvirate 
 by his edicts, 340, account of him by Cicero 246 
 
 Bona T)ea, her mysteries polluted by P. Clodius I. 274 
 
 Brutus, D. one of the conspirators against Caesar, his cha- 
 racter, II. 455, seizes the province of Cisalpine Gaul, 
 III. 18, forbids Antony the entrance of it, 108, defends 
 Modena against him with great vigour, 209, assists in the 
 defeat of Antonj^, 222, pursues him, 241, joins his army 
 with Plancus, 246, is deserted by Plancus, 261, and killed 
 by Antony's soldiers 262 
 
 Brutus, M. father of him who stabbed Caesar, surrenders 
 liimself to Pompey, and is killed by his order, I. 59 
 
INDEX. t 
 
 BruiVS, M. one of the conspirators against Caesar ; lends 
 money to king Arlobarzanes and to the Salaminians, at 
 an exorbitant interest ; presses Cicero to solicit the pay- 
 ment of it, II. 199, &Lc. joins with Pompey against Caesar, 
 and acts with a particular zeal, 316, writes the Life of Ca- 
 to, 368, puts away his wife Claudia, and marries Porcia, 
 Cato's daughter, 408, makes an oration to Coesar in favour 
 of king Deiotarus, 315, chief of the conspiracy against Cte- 
 sar, — his character, 448, his descent* from old L. Brutus 
 asserted, and the story of his being Caesar's son confuted, 
 
 ' ibid, Note, speaks to the people in the Capitol after Cse- 
 sar's death, III. 8. driven out of the city by Anthony's 
 management," retires with Cassius to Lanuvlum, 18, ex- 
 postulates with Antony by letter, ^6, holds a select coun- 
 cil, 61, his shews and plays received v;Ith applause by the 
 city, 74, prepares to seize Macedonia by force, 88, sends 
 an account of his success in that expedition, 146, takes C. 
 Antony prisoner, 189, treats him with lenity, 190, dis- 
 pleased with the Ovatiofi decreed to Octavius, 229, secures 
 C. Antony on shipboard, 235, cannot be persuaded to come 
 to Italy, 267, his behaviour m Greece^ 272, displeased with 
 Cicero's measures, 273, his conduct compared with Cice- 
 ro's ; inconsistent with itself 274 
 
 Brutusy Z. a medal with his head on one side, and Ahala on 
 the other ; a conjecture on the reason of it. Note, 111. 4 
 
 Bursa, T. Munatius Plancus. accused by Cicero, and con- 
 demned to banishment II. 1-2 
 
 Ccelius, M. his character; defended by Cicero, II. 71, send^ 
 the news of Rome to Cicero, 189, chosen ^diie, and de- 
 sires Cicero to supply him with wild beasts for his shews, 
 232, presses Cicero to remain neuter in the civil war, 297, 
 his death and character ^22 
 
 C^yellia, a learned lady, and correspondent of Cicero, HI. 
 
 326 
 
 CjesAr, y. nearly allied to C. Marius ; marries Ccrnelia, 
 Cinna's daughter, refuses to put her awaj ; is deprived of 
 her fortune and the priesthood by Sylla, I. 35, retires in- 
 to the country ; is discovered by Sylla's soldiers ; obtains 
 his life with difficulty ; Sylla's prediction of liim, ibid, 
 gains a civic crown at the siege of Mitylene, 5 ;;, zealous 
 to restore the power of the tribunes^ 120, made use of 
 
vi INDEX 
 
 them to overturn the republic, 121, excelled all men in 
 the magnificence of his shews, 125, a zealous promoter 
 of the Manilian law, 142, suspected of a conspiracy a- 
 gainst the state, 146, revives the Marian cause; prose- 
 cutes the agents of Sylla's cruelty ; but spares Catiline, 
 160, suborns T. Labienus to accuse C. Rabirius, 180, 
 whom he condemns, 181, elected high-priest, 184, votes 
 for saving the lives of Catiline's accomplices, 230, in dan- 
 ger of being killed for it, 246, supports Metellus against 
 Cicero ; his attempts against Catulus, 256, suspended 
 from his office, 257, his suspension reversed, 258, im- 
 peached by L. Vettius and Q^ Curius,. of Catiline's plot, 
 266, takes his revenge on them both, 267, puts away his 
 vi'ife, 276, his behaviour on the trial of Clodius, 279, 
 invites Pompey to make himself master of the republic, 
 286, supports Clodius against Cicero, 308, returns with 
 glory from Spain, 313, chosen consul with Bibulus, 314, 
 forms a triple league with Pompey and Crassus, 
 315, procures Clodius's adoption, 320, carries an Ag- 
 rarian law by violence, 324, gains the favour of the 
 knights ; sends Cato to prison, 326, ratifies Pompey's 
 acts in Asia, and humbles Lucullus, ibid, feigns a quarrel 
 with Clodius, 329, provoked by the edicts of Bibulus, 
 340, suborns Vettius to swear a plot upon young CuriO;* 
 and the nobles of the opposite party, 344, strangles Vet- 
 tius in prison, 346, endeavours to force Cicero to a de-» 
 pendance upon him, offers to make him his lieutenant in 
 Gaul, 350, provoked by Cicero's refusal, assists Clodius, 
 and throws the blame on Cicero, ibid, reconciles Piso to 
 Clodius, 357, condemns the proceedings of Cicero against 
 Lentulus and the rest, 366, the legality of his acts ques- 
 tioned in the senate, 374, goes to his province of Gaul, 
 ibid, congratulates Clodius upon his management of Ca- 
 to, 387, consents to Cicero's restoration upon certain 
 conditions, 416, has his province prolonged to him by 
 Cicero's assistance, U. 47, has an interview with Pom-* 
 pey at Lucca, 54, reconciles Pompey and Crassus, 76, his 
 second expedition into Britain, no, extremely kind to 
 Q^ Cicero, 115, presses Cicero to defend Vatinius, 124, 
 and also Gabinius, 130, bears the loss of his daughter Ju- 
 lia with firmness, and prepares himself for a breach with 
 Pompey, 138, 139, alarms the city with the prospect of 
 a civil war, 178, pleased with the coldness between Ci- 
 
INDEX. vli 
 
 cero and Cato, labours to increase it) 214, pub an end 
 to the Gallic war, 228, bribes PauUus and Curio to his 
 interests, 235, ordered by the Senate to dismiss his ar- 
 my, 253, passes the Rubicon, 259, offers terins of 
 peace, 262, is not sincere in it, 264, the nature of his 
 attempt considered, 265, takes Corfinium^ and treats 
 his prisoners with generosity, 274, presses Cicero to 
 stand neuter, 284, seizes upon the public treasure, 301, 
 marches into Spain, and defeats Pompey's Lieutenants, 
 318, created Dictator, makes himself Consul, goes after 
 Pompey, 319, besieges him at Dyrrhachlum, without 
 success, quits the siege, 321, gains a complete victory at 
 Pharsalia, 326, his conduct and Pompey's compared, 
 ibid, declared Dictator a second time, 34c, writes kindly 
 to Cicero, 348, has an interview with him, 349, disgusts 
 the city by his manner of creating Consuls, 350, em- 
 barks for Afric, ibid, the time of his embarkment 
 deared from a seeming contradiction between Cicero and 
 Hirtius, 351, Note, he returns victorious, is extrava** 
 gantly flattered by the Senate, 357, his regard for Cice- 
 ro, 368, answers Cicero's Cato, 370, grants the petition 
 of the Senate in favour of Marcellus, 373, reforms the 
 Kalendar, 379, pardons Ligarius, 384; goes into Spain 
 against Pompey's sons, 388, sends Cicero an account of 
 his success, 423, publishes his Anti-Cato, 431, tri- 
 umphs, 433, inclined to ruin King Deiotarus, whom 
 Cicero and Brutus defended, 435, startled by Brutus's 
 freedom in that cause, ibid, shortens the terms of the 
 Consulship, to oblige the more friends with it, 44T, open 
 to all kinds of flattery, and desirous of the title of King, 
 443, his death and character, 460, &:c. v/orshipped as a 
 Deity by the meaner sort III. 28 
 
 Cakfius, the head of Antony's party, III. 130, carries se- 
 veral points against Cicero 135 
 
 Carlo, Cn, Papiriiis, driven out of Italy by Sylla, killed 
 by Pompey I. 33 
 
 Carneade?, a Professor of the New Academy, whifch he 
 carried to its highest glory III. 353 
 
 Cassius, C. blocked up in Antioch by the Parthians, gain^ 
 an advantage oves them, II. 205, 2c6, conspires against 
 Caesar's life, his character, 451, retires with M. Brutus 
 Vol. TIL Dd 
 
viii INDEX* 
 
 to Lanuvium, III. i8, chosen Patron of Puteoli with 
 the two Brutus's, 54, expostulates bj letter with An- 
 tony, 5 5, prepares for an attempt upon Syria 88., his 
 success in Sjria, 168, defeats Dolabella, 240, his pre- 
 parations for the war, and conduct vindicated, 271, com- 
 pared with Brutus's ' 272 
 
 Cassius^ ^. the Tribune, opposes all motions against Cae- 
 sar, II. 253, flies to Caesar's camp ibid. 
 
 Catiline, disappointed of the Consulship, enters into a 
 conspiracy against the state, I. 145, 146, accused for his 
 ofjpressions in Afric, solicits Cicero to undertake his 
 cause, 154, bribes his accuser P. Clodius to betray it, 
 155, bribes openly for the Consulship, supported by 
 Crassus and Caesar, 157, cuts off the head of C, Marius 
 Gratidianus, and presents it to Sylla, Accused by L. 
 Paulus of murdering citizens in Sylla's prescription, 
 suspected of an incestuous commerce with Fabia, the 
 Vestal, 160, 161, sues for the Consulship a second time, 
 184, forms a design against Cicero's life, 185, his cha- 
 racter, 186, the plan of his conspiracy, 188, fails in a de- 
 sign against Praeneste, 194, leaves the city, 2or, is de- 
 clared a public enemy, 207. blocked up by Q^ Metellus, 
 and C. Antonius, 244, defeated and killed 245 
 
 Cato, C. Trib. his character, II. 31, declares himself a- 
 gainst the restoration of King Ptolemj, 32, treats Pom- 
 pey roughly, 43, makes himself ridiculous by the sale of 
 his gladiators, 61, hinders the Consuls from choosing 
 Magistrates 77 
 
 CATOy M. ForciuSy his speech for putting Catiline's Ac- 
 complices to death, I. 239, obtains a decree for that 
 purpose in his own words, 241, declares Cicero, the 
 Father of his Comitry, 247, accepts the commission 
 granted by Clodius's law to depose Ptolemy King of 
 Cyprus, 386, maintains the legality of Clodius^s Tri- 
 bunate, 368, repulsed from the Prsetdrship, II. 89, Au- 
 gustus's moderation with regard to his character. Note, 
 III. 308, his political principles and conduct compared 
 with Cicero's 384, 390 
 
 Censorsy an account of them, I. 122, their office restored, 
 after an intermission of 17 years, and exercised with se- 
 verity f23 
 
 Centuries, the division of the people into Centuries, I. 137 
 
 Cethegusy one of Catiline's Conspirators, his character, I. 
 19 r, put to death 241 
 
INDEX. im 
 
 Characters of persons, in what manner to be drawn. Prey, 
 
 xviii 
 
 Character of Mithridates, I. 23, of C. Marius, 27 of Sjl- 
 la, 54, ofRoscius, the comedian, 60, of Sertorius, 78, 
 of M. Crassus, 82, of Catiline, 186, ofLentulus, 190, 
 of Cethegus, 191, of LucuUus, 249, of P. Clodius, 274, 
 of M. Pup. Piso, 284, of L- Calp. Piso, ^^6, of A. Ga- 
 binius, 358, of Piso, Cicero's son-in-law, 446, ofTre- 
 batius, II. ic6, of P. Crassus, 149, of Q^ Hortensius, 
 240, of M.Antony, 254, of Pompey, 33 c, of Curio, 
 342, of Ligarius, 388, of Tuliia, 392, of M. Marcelhis, 
 411, of Mamurra, Note, 437, of M. Brutus, 448, of 
 C. Cassius, 451, of D. Brutus, 455, of Trebonius, 456, 
 of J. Caesar, 461, of Matins, III. 44, and Note, 49, of 
 Servilia, 67, of Sulpicius, 141, 144, Note, of Hirtius, 
 223, of Pansa, 224, of Messala, 276, of Octavius, 3CI, of 
 Lepidus, 302, of Atticus, 70, 386, 402, of Cato, 384, 
 &c. V 
 
 Cicero M. the grandfather ; some account of him ; liad 
 two sons, Marcus and Lucius Ip 8 
 
 Cicero, M. the father ; a man of letters and politeness ; 
 educates his children with great care, under the direction 
 of L. Crassus, I. 9, had a house in Rome, 10, saw his 
 son consul 163 
 
 Cicero, L. the cousin of Cicero ; an account of him, 1. 129 
 
 Cicero, ^ the brother, obtains the government of Asia, 
 and quarrels with Atticus for refusing to be his lieuten- 
 ant, I. 294, proposes to visit his brother at Tliessaloni- 
 ca, in his return from Asia, but is disappointed, 397, 
 arrives at Rome, 404, saves his life in a tumult bj hid- 
 ing himself under the bodies of the dead, 430, driven 
 from his house by Clodius, 25, made one of Caesar's 
 lieutenants in Gaul and Britain, 103, projects a poem on 
 Caesar's British expedition 112 
 
 CICERO, M- T. when born, I. i, an account of his fa- 
 mily, 4, called a fiew man, and why ; his family-seat, 5, 
 now possessed by Dominican Friars, 6, received the 
 name of his father and grandfather, Marcus ; the name 
 of Cicero, whence derived, 7, educated with his cousins, 
 the young Aculeo's, under the direction of L. Crassus, 
 9, placed in a public school under a Greek master, 1 1, 
 committed to the poet Archias ; much addicted to poe- 
 try ; publishes a poem while a boy, 1 2, takes the man- 
 ly gown, 13, put under the care of Q. Muc. Scsevola^ 
 
INDEX. 
 
 the augur ; afterwards of Scaevok the high-priest ; ac- 
 quires a complete knowledge of the laws, 14, his man- 
 ner of improving himself, 15, he translates Aratus's 
 Phenomena into Latin verse j publishes a poem in ho- 
 nour of C. Marius ; another, called Limon ; his poetical 
 genius scarce inferior to his oratorial, 18, studies philo- 
 sophy ; is fond of Pha?drus the Epicurean , deserts the 
 principles of that sect, 1 9, makes a campaign with the 
 consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo, in the Marsic war ; is 
 present at a conference between the consul and the ge- 
 neral of the Marsi, 20, serves as a volunteer under Syl- 
 la, relates a remarkable action, at which he was present, 
 22, sees the entry of C. Marius into Rome, 25, writes 
 his rhetorical pieces, 29, scholar to Philo the Academic ; 
 resumes his oratorial studies under Molo the Rhodian, 
 30, studies logic with Diodotus the Stoic ; declaims in 
 Latin and Greek with M. Piso and Q^ Pompeius, 31, 
 puts himself a second time under Molo, 37, improves 
 his language by the conversation of the ladies, 39, offers 
 himself to the Bar, ibid, undertakes the cause of P. 
 Quinctius, 40, defends S. Roscius of Ameria, 41, is ap- 
 plauded for it by the whole city, 42, defends the rights 
 of certain towns of Italy to the freedom of Rome, which 
 Sylla had taken from them, 45, travels into Greece and 
 Asia, 46, lodges at Athens with Antiochus, ibid, meets 
 there with Atticus, pursues his rhetorical studies under 
 Demetrius the Syrian ; is initiated into the Eleusinian 
 mysteries, 47, goes over into Asia, where he is at- 
 tended by the principal orators of that country-, 49, 
 visits Rhodes on his return, where he studies philoso- 
 phy with Posidonius, and declaims in Greek with Mo- 
 lo, 50, comes back to Rome, after an excursion of two 
 years, 51, his travels the only scheme of travelling with 
 credit, ibid, the story of his journey to the Delphic O- 
 racle syspected, 59, is made quicstor, pleads the cause 
 of Roscius the comedian, 60, 61, he marries Terentia, 
 68, enters upon the quasstorship of Sicily, 69, greatly 
 honoured by the Sicilians, pleads for some young offi- 
 cers of quality^ 71, finds out the tomb of Archimedes, 
 unknown to the Syracusans, 72, his return to Italy, 
 •73, resolves to reside constantly in Rome, 74, strict- 
 ly observes the Cincian law, 84, takes all the usual 
 wpys of recoi^imending himself to the people;. 86, v:. 
 
INDEX. xi 
 
 IS elected Curule ^dile ; undertakes the prosecution of 
 Verres, 89^ o-oes to Sicily in search of facts and evi- 
 dence against him ; his reception at Syracuse, 9:^, &,c. 
 and at Messana, 95, defeats all the projects of Verres, 
 by a new way of proceeding, and forces him into exile, 
 ibid, offends the nobility by it, 97, secures the affection 
 of the citizens, is supplied with provisions during his 
 ^dileship by the Sicilians, ? 26, defends Ccecina and 
 Fonteius, 128. declared praetor in three different assem- 
 blies, 136, condemns Licinius Macer, 138, ascends 
 the rostra the first time, in defence of the Manilian 
 law, 140, defends A. Cluentius, 143, frequents the 
 school of Gnipho, 144, defends Manilius, 145, refuses 
 -to accept any province, 147, takes great pains in suing 
 for the consulship, 148, employs Atticus to purchase 
 statues and other curiosities for him at Athens, 149, 
 defends C. Cornelius, 153, inclined to defend Catiline, 
 154, changes his mind, ibid, appears a candidate for 
 the consulship, 156, delivers his speech called z;z Toga 
 Candida; defends Q^ Gallius, 158, proclaimed consul 
 by the acclamation of the whole people, 162, has a sou 
 born to him, 16^^ draws his colleague, C. Antonius, 
 from his old engagements, to the interest of the repub- 
 lic, 166, unites the equestrian order with the senate, 
 168, opposes Ruilus's Agrarian law, 169, appeases the 
 people, in a tumult against Otho, 176, persuades the 
 •sons of the proscribed to bear their condition with pa- 
 tience, 178, defends C. Rabirius, 179, publishes a new 
 law against bribery, 185, charges Catiline with traitor- 
 ous designs, ibid, is ordered to take care that the repub- 
 lic receive no harm, i86, is informed by C a rius of all 
 Catiline's measures, 193, summons the senate to tlic 
 temple of Jupiter ; decrees a reward to the first disco- 
 verer of the plot, 19 s, drives Catiline out of the city by 
 "a resolute speech, j-co^ his second speech against Cati- 
 line, 202, defends L. Ivlurena, 209, and C. Piso, 216, 
 instructs the ambassadors of the Allobroges liow to con- 
 vict the conspirators, 218, has public thanks and a sup- 
 plication decreed to him, for preserving the city, 222^, 
 his third speech against Catiline, 223, publi-jhes copi*.-; 
 of the trial and confession of the conspirators, 227, hia 
 fourth speech against Catiline, 232, stifles the informa- 
 tion against^C^sar, 247, declared the Father of his Coun-> 
 try^ receives honours from all the tov/ns of Italy, 248, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 makes a law to limit the Legatio lH^erci^ 249, helps to 
 procure a triumph for L. Lucullus, 250, decrees a thanks- 
 giving of ten days to Pompej, 251, not suffered by the 
 tribune Metellus to speak to the people, at the expira- 
 tion of his consulship, 252, publishes an oration against 
 Metellus ; writes to Q^ Metellus about his brother's 
 treatment of him, 259, his letter to Pompey, 264, gives 
 evidence against Autronius, 267, defends P. Sylla, 268, 
 buys a house on the Palatine hill^ 271, gives testimo- 
 ny against Clodius, 279, defends the poet Archias, 285, 
 his judgment of Cato, 300, moderates Pompey's Agra- 
 rian law to the satisfaction of both parties, 302, not 
 permitted to leave Rome, v^hen chosen by lot an am- 
 bassador to the Gallic cities, 303, publishes the memoirs 
 of his consulship in Greek, 304, writes a Latin poem 
 on his ovv^n history^ 305, publishes his consular ora- 
 tions ; and Aratus*s prognostics, translated by him into 
 Latin verse, 307, unites himself with Pompey ; justi- 
 fies this step, 309, his conduct with regard to Caesar, 
 and the Triumvirate, 317, defends C. Antonius, his col- 
 league, 321, employs himself in pleading causes, 331, 
 defends L. Valerius Flaccus, ibid, advises Pompey to a 
 breach with Csesar, 343, is alarmed by Clodius's tri- 
 bunate ; presses Atticus to return to Rome, 348, refuses 
 the honours offered by Csesar, 350^^ depends on Pompey, 
 but finds reason to distrust him, 351, expresses an in- 
 clination to the augurate ; but drops it, 353, is vlndi^ 
 cated from an unjust censure on that account, Note, ibid, 
 conceives hopes of Piso and Gibinius, but is soon con- 
 vinced of his mistake, 355, provides L. Ninnius, trib. 
 to oppose Clodius's laws ; but consents to let them pass, 
 360, is reduced to the condition of a criminal, and 
 changes his habit upon it, 361, is defended by the 
 knights, and young nobility, who perpetually attend 
 him, ibid, is deserted by Pompey, 368, submits to a 
 voluntary exile ; and consecrates a statue of Minerva 
 in the temple of Jupiter, 372, repents his quitting the 
 city ; charges the advisers of it with perfidy, 381, ex- 
 plains the motives of his retreat, 383, spends several 
 days at Vibo ; not suffered to enter into Sicily by C. 
 Virgilius the praetor, 39c, honourably received by all the 
 towns through which he passed, 391, presses Atticus to 
 come to him, ibid, lodges with M. Lenius near Brun^ 
 
INDEX. x^ 
 
 \ 
 
 dlsiimi, 392, his drertm, 394, arrives at Dyrrhachiumj 
 is conducted to Thessalonica by Cn. Plancius, 396, de- 
 clines an interview with his brother, 397, his dejection 
 in his exile, 399, uneasy for the publication of one of 
 his invective orations, 410, returns to Dyrrhachium, 
 420, displeased with the management of his friends at 
 Rome, ibid, his restoration decreed in Marius's monu- 
 ment, ^3 c, and confirmed by all the centuries, 445, his 
 progress from Brundisium to Rome, 448, returns thanks 
 to the senate and people, II. 2, proposes a law for grant- 
 ing to Pompey the administration of all the corn and 
 provisons of the republic, 8, pleads for the restitution of 
 his Palatine house, 12, rebuilds his Tusculan villa, 23^ 
 takes down the acts of his banishment from the Capitol, 
 24, is assaulted in the steeets by Clodius, 25, labours to 
 get the commission of restoring king Ptolemy granted to 
 Lentulus, 34, unites himself with Pompey, 44, defends 
 L. Bestia, 40, promotes a decree for prolonging Caesar's 
 , commai-td, 47, defends P. Sextius, 50, moves for recon- 
 sidering Cassar's act^ for the division of the Campanian 
 lands ; but drops that motion, 53, &c. the grounds of 
 Ids conduct towards the Triumvirate, &.c. 57, rebuilds 
 his houses, 59, uneasy in his domestic affairs, ibid, ap- 
 plies the answer of the Haruspices to the violences of 
 Clodius, 64, persuades the senate to recall Piso and Ga- 
 binius from their provinces, 69, defends Corn. Balbus 
 and M. Cgelius, 70, writes a poem in complimeiit td 
 Ccesar, 72, engages Loicceius to write the history of his 
 acts, 74, speaks his invective oration against Piso, 84, is 
 present at Pompey's shews, and defends Gallus Caninius, 
 87, finishes his Palatine house, and prepares an inscrip- 
 tion for it, and for the temple of Tellus, 90, his quarrel 
 and reconciliation with Crassus, 93, finishes his piece ou 
 the Complete Orator, 95, composes a treatise on politics, 
 100, enters into an intimacy with Caesar, 103, writer a 
 series of letters to Trebatius in Gaul, 108. sends a Greek 
 poem on his consulship to Caesar, and writes an Epic 
 poem in honour of him, 114, defends Plancius, 123, -dnd 
 Vatinius, 124, gives evidence against Gabinius, 127, de- 
 fends him in a second trial, 13c, apologizes for that coa-^ 
 duct, 131, defends C. Rabirius, 134, accepts Pompey's 
 lieutenancy in Spain, but resigns it, 140, begins a cor- 
 respondence of letters with Curio. i/,6, elected into thu- 
 
XIV INDEX. 
 
 College of Augurs, 151, uses his utmost endeavours in 
 promoting Milo to the consulship, ^5^, not deterred from 
 undertaking Milo*s defence, 162, accuses the Tribune 
 Bursa, i''^, writes his treatise on laws, 1 73, decides a dis- 
 pute about the inscription prepared by Pompej for his 
 new temple, 176, succeeds to the government of Cilicia 
 against his will, 177, sets forward towards it, 182, sends 
 an accomit to Atticus of Pomponia's behaviour to his 
 brother, 1 83, has an interview with Pompej at Taren- 
 tum, 185, arrives at Athens, and lodges with Aristus, 
 186, writes to C. Memmius, in behalf of the Epicure- 
 ans, 187, rallies Trebatius on his turning Epicurean, 
 188, sets forward towards Asia, 189, lands at Ephesus, 
 
 193, arrives at Laodicea, and enters upon his command, 
 
 194, does not allow any expence to be incurred for him- 
 self or company, by the cities through which he passed, ib. 
 secures his province from the inroads of the Parthians, 
 196, takes king Ariobarzanes under his protection, ibid, 
 refuses to accept any present from him, 2C0, solicits 
 him to pay his debt to Brutus with the money offered to 
 himself, ibid, frees the Salaminians from the oppressions 
 of Scaptius, Brutus's agent, 201, complains of Brutus to 
 Atticus, 203, saluted Emperor by his army, 208, takes 
 Pindenissum, 209, receives hostages from the Tiburani, 
 210, entertains thoughts of a triumph; sends an ac- 
 count of his expedition to Cato, 211, has a public thanks- 
 giving decreed to him, 212, is displeased with Cato, for 
 refusing his vote to it, 214, sends his son and nephew to 
 king Deiotarus's court, 2x5, governs his province with 
 singular moderation and probity, 216, disgusts his pre- 
 decessor Appius by it, 219, resolves to assist Appius, 
 when impeached by his son-in-law Dolabeila, 226, begs 
 of the consuls by letter, not to prolong his government, 
 236, commits his province to his qucestor, 238, calls at 
 Rhodes on his return, 240, is much aifectedwith the news 
 of Hortensius^s death, ibid, arrives r,t Athetis, 242, re- 
 solves to sue for a triumph, 246, has an interview with 
 Pompey, 249, solicits an accommodation between him and 
 Caesar, 251, arrives at Rome, 252, has the command of 
 Capua committed to him, but resigns it, 26c?, has an inter-* 
 
INDEX. XV 
 
 view with Caesar, 29 t, pressed by Caesar, Antony, &:c. 
 liot to follow Pompey, 294, resolves to go after him, 301, 
 has a conference with Servius Sulpiclus, 309^ joins Pom- 
 pey, 314, his behaviour in the camp, and sentiments of 
 the war, 315, some of his jokes upon the management of it, 
 note, 316, he refuses the command at Dyrrachium after 
 the battle at Pharsalia, 3 27, had like to have been killed 
 for it by young Pompey, ibid, returns to Italy, 328^ 
 finis his domestic affairs in great disorder, 330, uneasy 
 in his residence at Brundisium, 341, received kindly by 
 Caesar, returns to Rome, 349, resumes his studies, and 
 enters into a strict friendship with Varro, 352, puts a- 
 way his wife Terentia, 35 s, marries Publilia, 356, his 
 railleries on Caesar's administration, note, 3.'»7, ca- 
 ressed by Caesar and his friends, 363, writes a book 
 in praise of Cato, 368, publishes his Orator, 33, re- 
 turns thanks to Caesar for the pardon of M. Marcel- 
 lus, ibid, defends Ligarius, 382, sends his son to A- 
 thcns, 389, exceedingly afflicted by the death of his 
 daughter, 392, resolves to build a temple to her, 402, 
 his reasons for it, ?iote, 404, applies 'himself closely 
 to the study of philosophy, 416, publishes a piece called 
 Hortensius ; another on the Philosophy of the Academy, 
 417, 418, his Treatise de Fidibus, 419, his Tusculan 
 Disputations, 42 , writes a funeral encomium on Por- 
 cia, Cato's sister 422, is pressed to write something to 
 Cassar ; but discouraged by the difficulty of it, 425, de- 
 fends King Deiotarus, 435, entertains Csesar at his house, 
 436, how far accessary to Caesar's death, III. 3, urges 
 the conspirators to support that act by vigorous measures, 
 IT, leaves Rome, dissatisfied with the indolence of his 
 friends, 19, disgusted by Cleopatra, in an interview with 
 her, 24, endeavours to draw Hirtius and Pansa to the 
 interests of the republic, 34, writes his Treatise on the 
 Nature of the Gods; on Divination, 57, on the Advanta- 
 ges of Old Age ; on Friendship, 58, on Fate, 59, his A- 
 necdote, 60, approaches towards Rome, but is dissuaded 
 from entering it, 61, obtains an honorary lieutenancy; 
 and resolves to visit his son at Athens, 6-^, labours to re* 
 concile Hirtius to the conspirators, (i^, assists at a con- 
 ference with Brutus and his friends, 67, begins to cherish 
 Octavius as a check to Antony, 69, begins his book 
 of Offices, 70, takes his leave of Atticus with great 
 Vol. hi. E e 
 
xvi INDEX, 
 
 tenderness, ibid, sends him his piece on Glory, 71, sonme' 
 account of that piece, note, ibid, sets forward to- 
 wards Athens, 82 writes his Treatise of Topics at sea, 
 83, his manner of writing Prefaces, ?iote, 84, en- 
 couraged by good news from Rome, he drops the pur- 
 suit of his voyage, 85, has an interview with Brutus, 
 86, and arrives at Rome, 89, delivers the first of his 
 Philippics, 90, retires to Naples ; composes his second 
 Philippic, 95, consents to support Octavius on certain 
 conditions, loi, finishes his book of Offi^ses, 104, writes 
 his Stoical Paradoxes, ibid, comes back to Rome, upon 
 Antony's leaving it, IC7, speaks his third Philippic, 110, 
 his fourth, 113, publishes his second Philippic, 114, 
 speaks his fifth, 117, called for by the people, to give 
 them an account of the deliberations of the senate, 
 speaks his sixth Philippic, 127, his seventh, 130, op- 
 posed by Calenus in all his motions against Antony; 
 procures a decree to put on the Sagum, or habit of war, 
 135, speaks his eighth Philippic, 137, his ninth, 141, 
 his tenth, 148, his eleventh, 161, his statue of Miner- 
 va, dedicated in the Capitol, struck by lightning, and 
 repaired by the senate, 170, speaks his twelfth Philip- 
 pic, 171, his thiiteenth, 182, his noble struggle in de- 
 fence of the republic, 193, his pains to engage Lepi- 
 dus, Pollio, and Plancus, in the same cause, 194, mor- 
 tifies Servilius in the senate, 204, disturbed by a re- 
 port of his designing to make himself master of the 
 city, 209, carried in triumph to the Capitol, on the 
 news of Antony's defeat, 214, speaks his fourteenth Phi- 
 lippicj 215, presses Brutus to come into Italy, 228, de- 
 crees an ovation to Octavius, with public honours to 
 Hirtius, Pansa, Aquila, &c. ibid, expostulates with 
 D. Brutus on Antony's escape, ^32, blames M. Bru- 
 tus's clemency to C. Antony, 236, utterly averse to 
 the consulship of Octavius, 255, presses Brutus and 
 Cassius to hasten to Italy, 263, his conduct from the 
 time of Caesar's death vindicated, and compared with 
 Brutus's, 273, his own account of it in a letter to 
 Brutus, 278, cleared from a calumny, intimated in a 
 letter of Brutus, note, 293, proscribed by the Tri- 
 umvirate, 298, might have escaped into Macedonia, 299, 
 had early notice of his danger ; embarks at Astura, 303, 
 preferred death to the ftitigues of camps and the sea ; 
 forced by his slaves to attempt a flight ; overtaken by 
 
I N-D E X. xvii 
 
 his' pursuers, 304, orders his slaves nf)t to resist, — 
 meets his death with the greatest firmness, — ^hishead and 
 hands cut off, — and placed upon the rostra, 305, the 
 spot where he fell visited by travellers, 307, \^^hy Vir- 
 gil and Horace make no mention of him, ibid. Livy's 
 character of him, and Augustus's, 308, V. Paterculus's 
 encomium of him, 309, all the succeeding writers vie 
 with each other in praising him, ibid, of his person, 
 and care of his health, 31c, his clothes and dress, 311, 
 his domestic and social character, ibid, his high no- 
 tions of 'friendship, of gratitude, 312, his placability 
 to enemies, 313, his splendid manner of living, 314, 
 his gay and sprightly temper, 315, thought to affect 
 raillery too much, 316, as famous for wit as for elo- 
 quence, 317, a collection of his sayings published by 
 Trebonius, ibid, a more copious one by Tiro, after his 
 death, ibid, an account of the number, situation, and 
 condition of his several villas, 318, an epigram on hi> 
 Academy, or Puteolan villa, 321, his furniture rich and 
 elegant, a cedar table of his -remaining in Pliny s time, 
 323, the source of his great wealth, ibid, his moral 
 character unblemished,— he had no intrigues with the la- 
 dies, 325, was thought too sanguine in prosperity, de- 
 sponding in adversit}-, 327, the love of glory his chief 
 passion, 328, the nature of that pas&ion cKplamed and 
 vindicated, 329, his great learning in every branch ot 
 science, 334, his works the most precious remains ot" 
 antiquity, 335, his industry incredible, 336, a charac- 
 ter of his letters, familiar, jocose, political, recommen^ 
 datory, 337, preferable to the letters of all who lived 
 after him, compared particularly with Pliny's, 341, his 
 historical w^orks lost, ibid, his plan for a general his- 
 tory, 342, no remains of his poetry, but some scatter- 
 ed fragments, 343, a character of his eloquence, 345, 
 compared with that of Demosthenes, 346, and that ot 
 his contemporaries, who pretended to an Attic taste, 
 347, his philosophy drawn from the Academy, 350, 
 an account of it, as explained by himself, 354, a judg- 
 ment on a various reading in his Treatise on the nature 
 of the Gods, note, 355, he became a convert to the 
 New Academy, 357, the diihculty of discovering his 
 real sentiments stated, 360, w4iy they are not to be 
 nought in his orations, 361, which arc yet good tesU;- 
 F p 2 
 
Xvnl INDEX. 
 
 monies of facts, note, 361, his letters lay open his heart, 
 but with some exceptions, 362, his philosophical works 
 give a history of the ancient philosophy, ibid, the key 
 to his proper sentiments, 363, he has declared no pre- 
 cise opinions in natural philosophy, ibid, yet was ac- 
 quainted with some of the fundamental principles of it, 
 which pass for the discoveries of modern ages, 364, he 
 believed a God, a Providence, the immortality of the 
 soul, and a future state of rewards and punishments, 
 ^S^ — 368, his opinion of the religion of Rome consi- 
 dered, 369, an observation of Polybius upon it, note, 
 ibid, his own religion divine, 373, he deduced the ori- 
 gin of duty, moral obligation, and the eternal difference 
 of good and ill, from the will of God, 374, &c. his 
 system of religion and morality, contained in his books 
 on government, on law^s, and on offices, 377, the no- 
 blest system ever published to the heathen world, 378, 
 ail objection to his belief of it stated and answered, 379, 
 &:c. his rule of following nature explained, note, ibid, 
 his political principles and conduct illustrated, 382, &c. 
 compared with Cato's, and with Atticus's, 384 — 390, 
 his rule of managing men of power, 388, &:c. his true 
 principles always displayed themselves, when he was at 
 liberty to exert them, 389, his death violent, but not 
 •^ntimely, 390, what he seems to have wished, ibid, the 
 last act of his life glorious, ibid. 
 
 Cicero M. the son, invested with the manly gown at Ar- 
 pinum, II. 293, carried by his father to Pompey's camp, 
 314, commands a wing of Pompey's horse, 327, sent 
 to Athens to study under Cratippus, 390, much com- 
 mended and beloved by Brutus, IIJ. 155, entrusted w4th 
 the command of his horse in Macedonia, ibid, defeats C. 
 Antony, and takes him prisoner, 189, his character in- 
 juriously treated by posterity, — a true account of it, — and 
 a summary view of his life, 390 — 401, &c. 
 
 Cicero, J^. attends his brother into Cilicia, as one of hii; 
 lieutenants, II. 182, resolves to follow him into Pom- 
 pey's. camp, 3 '2, obtains pardon from Caesar, ':30, re- 
 viles his brother in his letters and speeches to Caesar's 
 friends, 337, gives a disadvantageous character of the 
 consulj, Pansa and Hirtius, III. 224, is proscribed by 
 the Triuinvirate, 303, conceals himself in Rome, but i^ 
 discovered and killed, tocrether with his son, 402, 
 
INDEX. XIX 
 
 CicerOi J^ the son, gives information to Caesar of his un- 
 cle's disaffection to him, II. 293, reads to his friends an 
 oration against his uncle, 331, abuses both his uncle 
 and father, to please Csesar's friends, 424, deserts An- 
 tony, and is reconciled to his father and uncle. III. '79, 
 is presented to Brutus, 80, undertakes to accuse Antony 
 t9 the people, 8r, is abused by Antony in his edicts, 
 106, is proscribed ; taken in Rome, and killed with his 
 father 4C2 
 
 Cincius, M. V^rih, his law prohibiting patrons to take mo- 
 ney or presents from their clients L 67, 
 Cinnay the consul, driven out of Home, and deposed by 
 his colleague Octavius ; recals Marius ; enters Rome 
 with a superior force, and puts all his enemies to the 
 sword, I. 25, killed in a mutiny of his soldiers 32 
 Ci7i?iay L. Cornelius y praetor, applauds the act of killing 
 Caesar, in a speech to the people. III. 8, in danger of his 
 life from Caesar's veteran soldiers 9 
 Cinnuy Hchius, tribune, mistaken for L. Cornelius Cinna, 
 and torn to pieces by the rabble III. 15 
 CispiuSy tribune, beaten by Clodius I. 430 
 Civic crown, what, &c. I. $'^ 
 Classical writers y why so called I. 137, ?iote 
 Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, flies from Rome upon the 
 death of Caesar, III. 24, her conference there with Ci- 
 cero ibid 
 Clodiusy P. his character, I. 274, profanes the mysteries 
 of the Bona Dea, 276, his trial for it, 277, &c. becometj 
 a declared enemy to Cicero, 283, his project to get him- 
 self chosen tribune, by the means of an adoption, 308, 
 the law of his adoption carried by the assistance of Cae- 
 sar and Pompey, 321, his pretended quarrel with Cae- 
 sar, 329, is elected a tribune, and threatens Cicero, 
 347, promises Pompey to be at his devotion, 351, does 
 not suifer Bibulus to speak to the people on laying down 
 the consulship, 352, bargains with Piso and Gabinius 
 to oppress Cicero, 356, endeavours to gain the people 
 by popular laws, 359, insiults Cicero, -61, produces 
 the consuls to give their opinion on Cicero's consulship, 
 366, repeals the ^lian and Fusian laws, 367, publishes 
 a law for Cicero's banishment, 375, dem.olishes Cicero's 
 houses, 378, persecutes his wife and children, 379, poi- 
 sons Q^ Seius Posthumus, for refusing to sell his house 
 to him, 380, procures a law to depose Ptolemy, King of 
 
XX INDEX. 
 
 Cyprus ; charges Cato with the execution of it, 385, 
 &c. is congratulated upon it by Caesar, 387, affronts 
 Pompey, by seizing Tigranes his prisoner, 405, forms a 
 plot against Pompey's life, 407, attacks the Triumvirate 
 and Gabinius, 424, drives Fabricius and Cispius the 
 tribunes out of the forum, with great slaughter, 430, 
 &c. impeached by Milo ; screened by Metellus, 433, 
 ti-ndeavours to raise fresh tumults against Cicero, II. 6, 
 opposes the restitution of his Palatine house, 12, &.c» 
 commits great outrages against Cicero and Milo, 25, 
 chosen j^dile, 39, impeaches Miio, 41, applies the an- 
 swer of the haruspices to the case of Cicero, 64, im- 
 peaches the tribunes SulFenas, C. Cato, and Procilius, 
 121, killed by Milo 158 
 
 CloduiSy Sext, tried and banished for his violences at Clo- 
 dius's funeral II. 170 
 
 Consuls; the method of chusing them I, 162 
 
 Cornelius^ C. trib. raises great disorders in the city by the 
 publication of new laws, I. 135, accused for practices 
 against the state ; defended by Cicero 152 
 
 Cornificius, proconsul of Afric, receives letters from Cicero, 
 and was the only man who continued firm to the cause of 
 liberty III. 202 
 
 Corj'adus Seb. his life of Cicero, what Pref. xxvi. 
 
 Cotta, an orator of the first character, I. 45, his way of 
 speaking, 62, obtains the consulship, 64, moves the se- 
 nate to recal Cicero 427 
 
 Crassiis, L. the first orator of his time, directed the method 
 of Cicero's education I. 9 
 
 Crassus, M. obtains the decree of an ovation and laurel 
 crown, for putting an end to the Servile war, I. 78, his 
 riches, and manner of raising them, 82, chosen consul 
 with Pompey, 83, supposed to be in a conspiracy with 
 Catiline, Caesar, &.c. supports Piso against Pompey, I46, 
 accused of a correspondence with Catiline, 245, corrupts 
 the judges in Clodius's trial, 281, discomposes Pompey 
 by praising Cicero's acts, 290, prepares for his eastern 
 expedition, in defiance of the Auspices, II. 92, reconcil- 
 ed to Cicero, 94, his death 148 
 
 Crassusy P. the son ; his death and character 149 
 
 Cratippus, the Peripatetic, praeceptor to young Cicero at 
 Athens 11. 390, III, 394 
 
 CremutiuSy CorduSy put to death by Tiberius, fqr praising 
 Brutus lit. 3*^9 
 
INDEX. :»xi 
 
 Crete f subjected to the Romans I. 76 
 
 Crown, Laurel, the ornament of a Triumph I. 7 8 
 
 « Myrtle, of an Ovation ^ ibid. 
 
 Curio, C. Scrihonius, Consul, an Orator of a peculiar ac- 
 tion and manner of speaking ^ I. ^^ 
 Curio, the son, the most active opposer of the Triumvi- 
 rate, I. 340, clears himself from the charge of a plot, 
 345, enters into a correspondence of Letters with Cice- 
 ro, his character, II. 146, obtains the Tribunate, changes 
 his party, and declares for Caesar, II. 234, flies to Cae- 
 sar's camp, 253, drives Cato out of Sicily, is destroyed 
 with his whole army in Afric, 342, his character ibid. 
 Curius, one of Catiline's conspirators, discovers their coun- 
 cils to Cicero by Fulvia his mistress, I. 193, accuses 
 Caesar, and claims the rev/ard decreed to the first disco- 
 verer of the plot 26^ 
 
 D 
 
 J)amasippus, Praetor of the city, kills the principal senators 
 by order of young Marius I* 33 
 
 Becemvirij the guardians of the Sibylline Books, who 
 
 III. 371 
 Leiotarus, King of Galatia, a faithful Ally of Rome, pre- 
 pares to join with Cicero against the Parthians, II. 196, 
 deprived of part of his dominions by Caesar, 515, ac- 
 cused of a design against Ccesar's life, ibid, defended by 
 Brutus and by Cicero, ibid, purchases his dominions 
 again of Antony HI 5 1 
 
 Demetrius, master of Rhetoric to Cicero at Athens I. 47 
 Dictatorships some account of that office 1. 36" 
 
 Dio Cassius, the grounds of his malignity to Cicero, Fref, 
 
 xxiv 
 
 DiodotuSj a Stoic, lived v/ith Cicero 5- 3^ 
 
 Dionysius, of ?v'Iagnesia, a famed PJietorician, attended 
 Cicero in his travels I 49 
 
 Dionysius, Tutor to the two young Ciceros II. 215 
 
 Divination, artificial and natural, v/hat III. 372 
 
 Divination, a speech of Cicero so called, why I. 92. 
 
 Divorce, a custom mentioned on that occasion, II. 356, 
 
 Notii 
 Dolaoella, P. Cornelius, his character, marries Cicero's 
 daughter, II. 224, impeaches Appius, 225, solicits Ci- 
 cero to desert Pompey, 320, raises great tumults in 
 Rome, 333, is divorced from Tullia, 334, makes a 
 
xxfi INDEX. 
 
 speech in the senate against Antony, 442, assumes the 
 Consulship upon Caesar's death, III. 27, demolishes the 
 Altar erected to Caesar, and acts vigorously on the side 
 of liberty 28, bribed by Antony to subvert the Repub- 
 lic, 54, leaves the city to get possession of Syria against 
 Cassius, 158, surprizes Smyrna by stratagem, and puts 
 Treboiiius to death, 159, is declared a public enemy, 
 160, pursued and defeated by Cassius, kills himself, 240 
 DomitiuSft^ken and dismissed by (>aesar at Corfinium, II. 274 
 Drusus, the Tribune, assassinated I. 19 
 
 E 
 
 Eleusinian Mysteries, I. 47. some account of them. Note, 
 
 Emperor, the signification of that title Note, I. 264 
 
 Epicureans y their reverence for the ruins of Epicurus's 
 •walls, II. . 87, many of them highly esteemed by Ci- 
 cero, 188, the greatest part of the Nobility, and of Ci- 
 cero's friends, of that sect Notey III. 38cr 
 Episcopus, a remark on the use of that name Note, 11. 260 
 Equestrian dig?iity, or the order of Knights, what it was. 
 Note, I. 3. the judgment of causes taken from them, 
 and restored to the Senate, 36, recover their right of 
 judicature, 1 20, obtain distinct seats in the Theatres, by 
 Otho's law 134 
 Erana, the capital of Amarus, makes a stout defence against 
 Cicero II. 208 
 Evocati, what they were Note, III. 211 
 
 F 
 
 Fahia, sister to Cicero's wife Terentia, one of the Vestal 
 Virgins, tried for incest with C'atiline, and acquitted 
 
 I. 161 
 
 Fabius, ^. chosen Consul by Caesar, II. 432, triumphs, 
 434, his death , , ^ 43? 
 
 Fabricius Franc, his Life of Cicerd, what Pref, xxvi 
 
 Fabricius, the Tribune, driven out of the Forum by Clo- 
 dius I. 430 
 
 Fathers, Latin, made great use of Cicero's writings. Note, 
 
 II. 418 
 
 Favonius, the Mimic of Cato II. 212 
 
 Fever, pleuritic, probably the common distemper of an- 
 cient and modern Rome Note, I. 27 
 
 Fibrenus, a little river, running thro' Cicero's estate I. 5 
 
INDEX. xxiii 
 
 ,Flaccus, Z. Valerius y accused of mal-administration, defend- 
 ed by Cicero I. 332 
 Flaccusy M, Leniusy entertains Cicero in his exile I. 392 
 Ylamusy the tribune, commits the consul Metellus to pri- 
 son I. 302 
 
 G 
 
 Gabiniusy A. tribune, proposes a law to grant an extraordi- 
 nary commission to Pompej, I. 13c, is chosen consul, 
 355, combines with Clodius to oppress Cicero, 356, his 
 character, 358, rejects the petition of the knights in fa- 
 vour of Cicero ; banishes L. Lamia for his ze-d in Ci- 
 cero's service, 362, boasts of having been the favourite 
 of Catiline, 379, fights for Pompey against Clodius, 407, 
 goes to his province of Syria, 427, sciids an account of 
 his victory over Aristobulus, but is refused the honour 
 of a thanksgiving, II. 62, recalled from his province by 
 the senate, 6(^, restores king Ptolemy, 81, returns to 
 Rome, is impeached of treason, 8ic. is defended by Ci- 
 cero 130 
 
 Gallius, J^ defended by Cicero I. 158 
 
 Gaul Narbonescy the general character of that people by 
 Cicero I. 29 
 
 Gelliusy L, and Cn, Lentulusy exercise the office of censors 
 with rigour I. I2i 
 
 Gniphoy a celebrated rhetorician, kept a school in Kome, 
 
 I- 144 
 Gracchiy said to derive their eloquence from their mother 
 Cornelia I. 11 
 
 Greeksy the best masters of eloquence I. 1 2 
 
 Greek learjiingy in great vogue at Rome I. 38 
 
 Greek writers , to be read v;ith caution on Roman affairs 
 
 Pref. xxii 
 
 H 
 
 HadriaUy died in Cicero's Puteolan villa. Note, III. 322 
 
 HaruspiceSy their answer concerning certain prodigies, II. 
 
 64, their office and character III. 371 
 
 Hehioy Cicero's mother ; rich, and well descended ; never 
 
 once mentioned by Cicero ; a story told of her by Quin- 
 
 tus I. 2 
 
 Hermathenay and HermeraclcSy what sort of figures, I. 150 
 
 Herophilusy an impostor, pretending to be the grandson of 
 
 G. Marius ; banished by Csesar, II. 414, put to death 
 
 by Antony III. 21 
 
 Vol, X- F ' 
 
xxiv INDEX. 
 
 Hirtius writes against Cicero's Cato, II. 3^9, sends Cicero 
 an account of Cesar's success in Spain 423, defends Ci- 
 cero against his nephew Quintus, 424, marches with his 
 army against Antony, III. 132, gains a considerable vie- 
 -tory over him, 213, totally routs him in a second en- 
 gagement, in which he himself was killed, 222, his cha- 
 racter 223 
 
 Histo7'y of the lives of great men the most entertaining, 
 Pref. XV. a plan for a general history, drawn by Cicero, 
 xix. the Author's method of compiling the present His- 
 tory, XX. a general rule of writing it xxv 
 
 Horace^ a passage in him illustrated Note, II. 112 
 
 Hortensius, the reigning, orator at the bar ; a volunteer iii 
 the Marsic war ; commands a regiment, I. 20, raises 
 Cicero's emulation, 3c, his way of speaking, 62, called 
 the Player, for his theatrical action, 84, the king of tho 
 forum, 91, opposes the Gabinian law, 131, suspected by 
 Cicero of treachery towards him, 381, his death and 
 character - II. 240 
 
 Hypstvus, impeached of bribery, and treated with inhuma- 
 nity by Pompey II. 171 
 
 I 
 
 Idolatry, one of its sources intimated Note, II. 404 
 
 Jerusalem, besieged and taken by Pompey I. 287 
 
 ^ews, their number and credit at Rome, I. ^7^^, zealously 
 attached to Csesar ; hated Pompey for his aifront to their 
 temple HI. 17 
 
 7/z/^r-r^Af, what sort of magistrate II. 143 
 
 Interregnum, the longest ever known in Rome II. 146 
 Juha, king, supports the Pompeians in Afric II. 342 
 
 'Julia, Caesar's daughter, and Pompey's wife, dies in child- 
 bed j the unhappy consequences of her death II. 138 
 
 K 
 Kalendar, Roman, reformed by Caesar 11. 379 
 
 L 
 
 Labienus, T. tribune, suborned by Caesar, to accuse C. Ra- 
 birius, I. 179, opens Caesar's way to the high-priest- 
 hood, 184, one of Caesar's lieutenants, revolts to Pompey 
 
 II. 261 
 
 Lcelia, the wife of Scaevola, the augur ; eminent for her e* 
 legance of speaking I. 39 
 
INDEX. XXV 
 
 Laterensis, Lieutenant to Lepidus, informs Plancus of his 
 treacherj. III. 245, lays violent hands upon him- 
 self 246 
 
 Law, raised its professors to the highest honours, I. 15, 
 Cincian, 6^y Gabinian, 130, of L. Otho, J34, Calpur- 
 nian, 135, Manilian, 139, Papian, 153, i^lian and 
 Fusian 367 
 
 Laws ; some new ones occasion disturbances in the citj, 
 I. 13c, two proposed by Cicero 249 
 
 Legacies, usually bequeathed by clients to their patron,^ 
 
 III. 324 
 
 Legatto libera, what I. 249 
 
 Lefttiilus, one of Catiline's conspirators, his character, L 
 190, strangled in prison 241 
 
 LentuluSy P. Cornelius, consul moves the senate for the 
 . restoration of Cicero, I. 409, the chief promoter of Ci- 
 cero's return, II. 3, ambitious of the commission of re- 
 placing King Ptolemy, 3', leaves his affairs to Cicero, 
 and sets out for Cilicia, 34, is refused the privilege of 
 restoring Ptolemy, I. 58, taken at Coriinium, and dis- 
 missed by Caesar 274 
 
 LEPILUS, M. enters into a civil war against his colleague, 
 Q^ Catulus, I. 57, &c. managed by Antony; seizes 
 the high-priesthood after Cesar's death. III. ic, offers 
 honourable terms to S. Pompey, 77, writes to the se- 
 nate to exhort them to a peace with Antony, 181, 
 suspected of a secret understanding w^ith him, 182, ex- 
 cuses his sending succours to him, 229, act^ a treache- 
 rous ^art with Plancus, and joins camps with Antonj^, 
 246, declared a public enemy, 249, forms the league 
 of the second Triumvirate with Ctesar and Antony, 
 295, proscribes his own brother in exchange for Cice- 
 ro, 300, a weak man, — the dupe of his two colleagues, — 
 deserted his true interest, — stript of his dignity by Oc- 
 tavius 302 
 
 Letters of Cicero to Atticus, I. 129, 149, 554, 294, 400, 
 420, 422, II. 72, 182, 20D, 203, 206, 209, 5i8, 219, 
 237, 238, 244, 246, 249, 257, 263, 270, 274, 282, 
 207, 291, 304, 308, 3i2, 346, SS^y Z^9> 394, AOh 
 4»6, 424, 426, 43^ 4..i7, m* Ay ^5y 29, 38, 39, 4?, 
 52, 69, 71, 73, 75, 80, 101. 
 
 Ztf/^^r^of Cicero to Ampius, IF. 365- 
 Appius, II. 222. 
 D. Brutus, III. 232, 258. 
 M.Brutus, III. 189, 19', 20;^, 227, 
 2j6, 237, 250, 255, 26^, 264, 276. 
 F f 2 
 
xxvi INDEX. 
 
 Letters — of Cicero to Caelius, II. 192. 
 
 Caesar, J. II. 106, 285, 332. 
 
 Cassius, III. 95, 99, 136,168,267,429. 
 
 Cato, M. II. 198. 
 
 Celer, Q^Metellus, I. 259, 
 
 Cicero, Q^II. 116, 127, 144, 153. 
 
 Cornificlus, III. 269. 
 
 Curio, II. 147, 154, 234. 
 
 Curius. II. 440. 
 
 Dolabella, III. 30, « 
 
 Gallus, II. 9. 
 
 Ligarius, II. 583. 
 
 Lentulus, II. 55. 
 
 Lepidus, III. 187. 
 
 Lucceius, II. 74. 
 
 Marius, M. II. 87, 172. 
 
 Matius, III. 45. 
 
 Papirius, Paetus, II. 210, 358, 359, 
 362, ^^64. 
 
 Plancus, III. 188, 195, 196. 
 
 Pompey, II. 277. 
 
 Sulplcius, Serv. H. 374, 400, 
 
 Terentia, I. 411. 
 
 Tiro, II. 245. 
 
 Trebatius, II. 108, l88. 
 
 Varro, II. -:?49, 352. 
 Letters to Cicero from 
 Antony,II.29,-,33o,III. 22. Galba, III. 210. 
 Balbus, II. 283, 289. Hirtius, III. 6$, 
 
 Balbus and Oppius, II. 288. Lepidus, III. 229. 
 D. Brutus, III. 233, 241, Matius, III. 45, 
 
 258. Piso, II. 84. 
 
 M. Brutus, m. 155, 252, Plancus, III. 199, 23c, 245, 
 
 ,'^55^ 284. 246, 247. 
 
 Caelius, II. 189, 227, 297. Pollio, III. 200,230. 
 Caesar, II. 275, 285, ^94. Pompey, II. 276. 
 Cassius, III. 205. Serv. Sulpicius, II. -,96,409. 
 
 Cato, II. 21^. Trebouius, III 61, J42. 
 
 Dolabella, II. 320. 
 
 Zettersy^irom Pompey to Domitius, II. 269 Brutus and 
 
 Cassius to Antony. III. ^^^ 96. — Brutus to Pansa and 
 Hirtius III. 147. — Antony to Hirtius and Octavius, 
 III. 78 — Lepidus to the senate, III. 181, 246 — Ci- 
 cero the son to Tiro. III. 39^. 
 letters of Cicero to Atticus, the memoirs of those times, 
 
 Fref. xix. 
 
INDEX. xxvii 
 
 LigariuSf pardoned by Caesar, II. 384, his character, 388 
 
 Livyy called a Pompeian by Augustus, III. 308 
 
 Lollius, M. one of the chiefs in Clodius's mob, II. 6 
 
 LucceiuSy Cicero's friend, a celebrated writer, II. 74, un. 
 
 dertakes the life of Cicero, 76 
 
 LUCCULLUS, L. defeats the violences of the tribune, L. Quine- 
 
 tius, I. 75, obtains the command of the Mithridatic 
 
 war, 77, drives Mithridates out of the kingdom of Pon- 
 
 tus, and gains many glorious victories, 139, his soldiers 
 
 mutiny against him, 144, he triumphs ; retires from 
 
 public affairs ; his character, 249 
 
 Luperci, instituted in honour of Caesar, III. 444 
 
 Lupus, tribune, proposes the annulling of Csesar's act for 
 
 the division of the Campanian lands, II. 32 
 
 Lustrical day ; what it was, 1.6 
 
 LyceuTHy a Gymnasium at Athens where Aristotle opened 
 
 his school III. 352 
 
 M 
 
 Macer, L. accused of oppression, and condemned by Cice- 
 ro ; the story of his death I. 138 
 Mammura, commander of Caesar's artillery, his character 
 
 Idanilius, trib. raises disturbances in the city by a new 
 law ; publishes a law, to transfer the command of the 
 Mithridatic war from Lucullus to Pompey, I. 139, ac- 
 cnsed of corruption, and defended by Cicero 144 
 
 Manlius, raises an army for the service of Catiline, I. 189, 
 declared a public enemy 207 
 
 Manly gown, at what age given. Sec. I. 13 
 
 Marcellinusy consul, a firm opposer of the triumvirate ; 
 treats Pompey roughly, II. 45, endeavours to alarm the 
 city with the danger of Pompey's power 77 
 
 Marcellus, IvL consul, Caesar's great enemy ; moves the 
 senate for several decrees apainst him, IL 229, pardoned 
 by Csesar, after the battle 01 Pharsalia, 376, stabbed by 
 his friend, and client Magius, 409, his character 411 
 
 MarcelluSj (.'. consul, moves for a successor to Ciesar, op- 
 posed ^by Paullus his colleague, and Curio the tribune. 
 
 MARtUS, Ins behaviour in the Marsic war, I. ar, endea- 
 vours to get the command of the Mithridatic war trans- 
 ferred from Sylla to himself.,. — forced to fly, — plunges 
 himself into the Marshes, where he is discovered and 
 preserved by the people of Minturnum, — transports him- 
 self to Afric, 7 r. the storv of the Gallic soldier seat to 
 
xxvni INDEX. 
 
 kill him, thought fabulous, Notg ibid, is recalled and en- 
 ters Rome ; exercises great cruelties, 26, his death and 
 cliaracter, 27, his remains thrown into the river Anio 
 bjSjlla ^ 56 
 
 Mariur, the son, besieged in Praeneste ; puts an end to his 
 own life 33 
 
 Mai sic war, called the Italic and Social, some account of 
 it I. 19 
 
 Marullus and Caesetius, deposed? the tribunate by Caesar 
 
 11.445 
 
 Matius, an intimate friend of Caesar, laments his death, 
 in. 35, undertakes the management of Octavius's shews, 
 in honour of Caesar, 44,' vindicates his conduct in a let- 
 ter to Cicero, 45, his character Note, 49 
 
 Mevimius, C. informs the senate of a strange contract a- 
 mong the consular candidates II. n8 
 
 Mentppusy of Stratonica, an Asiatic orator, accompanies 
 Cicero in his travels 1-49 
 
 Merula, of Anagnia, erects a statue to Clodius I. 389 
 
 Mess ah, P. Valerius, his character III 276 
 
 Metellus subdues Crete, I. 76, baffled by Sertorius, 79, 
 hinders the people from passing judgment on Rabirius, 
 
 184 
 
 Metellus, J^. Nepos, tribune, will not suffer Cicero to 
 speak to the people, on laying down the consulship, I. 
 252, supported by Ct£sar against Cicero, ^^6, suspended 
 from his office, 257, flies to Pompey, 258, elected con- 
 sul, promises to promote Cicero's restoration, 408, acts 
 a double part, 439, consents at last to Cicero's return 
 ibid, attacked by Clodius's mob, II. 6, endeavours to 
 screen Clodius from a trial, 27, makes his peace with 
 Cicero, and sets out for Spain, 34, endeftvours to hinder 
 Caesar from seizing the public treasure II. 301 
 
 Metellus, ^. Ccecilius, consul, his character, I. 301 ; com- 
 mitted to prison by Flavius the tribune, 302, declares 
 his abhorrence of Clodius's adoption, 309, dies suddenly, 
 supposed to be poisoned 352 
 
 Milo, tribune, impeaches Clodius I. 433, buys Gladiators 
 to defend himself against him, 434, endeavours to bring 
 him to a trial, II. 25, is impeached by him, 41, marries 
 Fausta, the daughter of Sylla, 98, kills Clodius, 158, is 
 defended by Cicero, 164, banished, 169, his death and 
 character 322 
 
 Mithridates, king of Pontus, his character, makes war u* 
 pon the Romans, I. 23, conquers Athens, 30, treats M. 
 Aquilius with cruelty, k^^h renews the war against Rome^ 
 
INDEX. xxlx 
 
 77, driven oiit of his kingdom of Pontus, 139, his death, 
 
 251 
 
 Mitylene, a city of Lesbos, destroyed by Q^ Thermus, re- 
 stored by Pompey I. 53 
 
 Modena, sustains a siege against Antony, III. 221 
 
 Moloy the Rhodian, a celebrated teacher of eloquence, gives 
 lectures to Cicero, I. 30, the first who was ever permit- 
 ted to speak to the Roman senate in Greek 3 7 
 
 Mongault, Mr, his translation of the letters to Atticus, 
 recommended > Pref. xxviii 
 
 Mucia, the wife of L. Crassus, famous for a delicacy in 
 the Latin tongue 1-39 
 
 Mureiia, L. Consul-elect, accused of bribery, defended by 
 Cicero L 209 
 
 B 
 
 Names of Roman families, an account of their origin I. 6 
 
 Nimiius, i. tribune, moves the Senate to change their 
 
 habit on Cicero's account, I. 362, makes a motion to re- 
 
 cal him 404 
 
 No77iettclators, their office I. 85 
 
 O 
 
 Ohsidional Croivn, what HI. 399 
 
 OCTJVius, called afterwards Augustus, bom in Cicero's 
 consulship, I. 251, presented to Cicero by Hirtius and 
 Pansa, III. 4c, resolves to assert his rights against the 
 advice of his mother, 41, makes a speech to the people 
 from the rostra, 42, exhibits public shews in h.onour 
 of his uncle, 43, thwarted in his pretensions by Antony, 
 69, forms a design against Antony's life, 98, raisej 
 forces, and promises to be governed by Cicero, loo, 
 espoused by the senate, upon the recommendation of 
 Cicero, 122, joins with the Consuls, and marches against 
 Antony, 133, gains a complete victory over him, 222, 
 suspected of the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, 227, has 
 an Ovation decreed to him, 228, forms the design of 
 seizing the Empire, 231, demands the Consulship, 254, 
 chosen Consul with Q^Pedius, 256, seeks occasion of 
 quarreling with the Senate and Cicero, 258, provides a 
 law to bring to justice all the Conspirators against C^sar, 
 262, forms the league of the second Triumvirate with 
 Antony and Lepidus, 295, his reluctance to sacrifice 
 Cicero, feigned and artificial, 299, more cruel than his 
 
xzx INDEX. 
 
 colleagues, — a summary view of his Conduct from tlie 
 time of Casar's death ^oi 
 
 Octa'vius, i'.n. deposes Cinna, and is killed I, 25 
 
 Oratory his profession, what, I. 16, not mercenary, paid 
 with the public honours and preferments I. 62 
 
 Oratory of Rome sunk with its liberty. III. 349, a false 
 species of it supported by the authority of Pliny ibid. 
 Oratory and Poetry nearly allied III. 343 
 
 Orestinusy L Mudus, the tribune, hinders the promulga- 
 tion of a law against bribery, I. 157, joins with the ene- 
 mies of Cicero, after having been defended by him, 158, 
 Osaces, the Parthian leader, mortally wounded II. 206 
 Otho, L. publishes a law for assigning separate seats in the 
 theatres to the knights, I. 134, his appearance in the 
 theatre occasions a riot I. 176 
 
 P 
 
 Pansa, Consul, brought entirely into Cicero's views. III. 
 116, lays Brutus's Letters before the Senate, 147, op- 
 poses Cicero's motion in favour of C. Cassius, i68, re- 
 commends pacific measures, and a second Embassy to 
 Antony, 170, marches with his army to join with Hir- 
 tius and Octavius against Antony, 177, engages with 
 him, 2 TO, his death and character 222, 224 
 
 Papii-ius Fcetus, an eminent wit and correspondent of Cice- 
 ro II. 210 
 
 Vapiusy C. publishes a law to oblige all strangers to quit 
 the city I. 153 
 
 Parthians pass the Euphrates, II. i8r, block up C. Cas- 
 sius in Antioch, but are routed by him in their retreat 
 
 206 
 
 Patricians y the proper notions of them Note, I. 157 
 
 Paulus, L. JEmilius, Consul, bribed by Csesar II. 235 
 
 Pediufy 4^. Consul, shocked by the terrors of the pro- 
 scription, dies suddenly III. 298 
 
 Peripatetics, why so called, their doctrines the same with 
 those of the Old Academy i < ! . 352 
 
 Perpernuy Lieutenant to Sertorius, whom he kills by 
 treachery, and usurps his place, is taken prisoner, and 
 put to death by Pompey I. 80 
 
 Pctreiusy urges Antony to fight with Catiline, destroys 
 Catiline and liis whole army I. 244 
 
 Phcvdrusy the Epicurean, one of Cicero's first masters in 
 Philosophy ]. 19 
 
INDEX. X3cd 
 
 Philippn^f s6tit Ambassador to Antony, II!". 12^, returns 
 "withr Antony's answer 133 
 
 Philo, an eminent Academic, master to Cicero I. 30 
 
 Pindenissum, besieged and taken by Cicero II. 209 
 
 PisidianSy famous for divining by Auspices Note, III, 
 
 Pisoy Cn. obtains the government of Spain, enters into an 
 engagement against the state with Csesar, is killed, 1. 146 
 
 Piso, M. Puppius, Consul, a favourite of P. Clodius, his 
 character I. 284 
 
 Piso, L. Calpurniiis^ elected Consul, father-in-la\v to Cae- 
 sar, gives Cicero marks of his confidence, I. 353, joins 
 with Clodius against him, his character, 356, is soli- 
 cited by Cicero to espouse his cause, but excuses himself, 
 364, declares his resolution to support Clodius, 370, 
 boasts that he was cousin to Cethegus, 379, lights for 
 Clodius against Pompey, 407, obtains the province of 
 Macedonia, 427, recalled from it by the senate, II. 69, 
 returns to Rome, 82, roughly treated by Cicero in an 
 invective speech, 84, chosen censor with Appius, 226^ 
 sent embassador to Antony, III. 126, returns 133 
 
 Pisoy Cicero's son-in-law, zealously devoted to him, I. 414, 
 his death and character 446 
 
 Pisoy Cn. a young nobleman, charges Pompey with many 
 crimes against the state II. 7^$ 
 
 Plancius, Cn. quaestor of Macedonia, receives Cicero at 
 Dyrrachium, and conducts him to Thessalonica, I. 396, 
 is defended by him II. 124 
 
 Plancusy proconsul of Gaul, recommends a peace with. 
 Antony, III. 188, makes strong professions of his fi- 
 delity to the republic, 196, passes the Rhone w^ith his 
 army, 200, sends repeated assurances to Cicero of his 
 resolution to oppress Antony, 230, receives intelligence 
 of Lepidus's treachery, 245, joins with D. Brutus, 246, 
 deserts him, and goes over to Lepidus and Antony 261 
 
 Plato, the first master of the Academy, did not adhere 
 to the Socratic method, which his followers deserted, 
 
 Pliny, his letters compared with Cicero's, III. 341, his 
 panegyric falsely reckoned the standard of eloquence 
 
 349 
 Plottusy first opened a Latin school at Rome I. 1 1 
 
 Plutarch mentions some prodigies at Cicero's birth, I. i, 
 loves to introduce them into history, 2, a character of 
 him as a writer on Roman affairs— Pre/, xxii 
 
 Vol. hi. G g 
 
xxxii INDEX* 
 
 Pollio promises Cicero to defend the liberty of the fepu^ 
 blic, lit. 200, repeats the same promises, 230, joins 
 with Antony and Lepidus 26 1 
 
 Pompeius, Cn, Straho, consul, father of Pompey the great 
 
 I. 20 
 
 POMPEiUSy Cn. joins Sylla with three legions, 1. ;?2, sends 
 Carbo's head to Sylla, ^"^^ returns victorious from Afric, 
 — saluted by Sylla with the title of MagnuSy — demands a 
 triumph against SyUa's will,-— triumphs to the joy of the 
 people, — the first of the Equestrian order, who had re- 
 ceived that honour, — his triumphal car drawn by ele- 
 phants, 52, joins with Q^ Catulus in the war against 
 M. Lepidus, — orders M. Brutus to be kiMed, 59, joined 
 with Q^MetelJus in the war against Sertorius, 79, or- 
 ders Perperna to be killed, and his papers to be burnt, — 
 triumphs a second time, though still a private citizen, — 
 is elected consul in his absence, and, before the consular 
 agCj 81, restores the tribuniclan power, 120, a great 
 dissembler, 132, finishes the war against the pirates in 
 four months, 134, obtains the command of the Mithri- 
 datic war, by 'the Manilian law, 140, finishes the pi- 
 ratic and Mithridatic wars, and obtains a thanksgiving- 
 of ten days, 251, returns to Rome, slights the oppor- 
 tunity of making himself master of the republic, 286, 
 an account of his conquests and honours, 287, his 
 cautious behaviour, 289, called in raillery Cnseus Ci- 
 cero, — makes L. Africanus consul against the inclina- 
 tion of the city, 291-2, his triumph, 293, solicits the 
 ratification of his acts, and an Agrarian law, 301, se- 
 cretly assists Clodius against Cicero, 308, enters into a 
 league with Caesar and Crassus, 315, presides at the ra- 
 tification of Clodius's adoption, 321, loses the affections 
 of the public, 339, his mistaken policy in entering into 
 the Triumvirate, 342, gives Cicero the strongest as- 
 surances of his protection, 350, is admonished to guard 
 against Cicero, retires to his Alban villa, 369, receives 
 Cicero's friends coldly, who came to implore his protec- 
 tion, 370, refuses his assistance to^Cicero himself, 371, 
 is insulted by Clodius — thinks of recalling Cicero, 405, 
 shuts himself up in his house, 407, is besieged by Damio, 
 one of Clodius's freed men, ibid, proposes to recal Cice- 
 ro, by a law of the people, 428, renews the same motion 
 in the senate, 438, r-ecommends it to the people, 441, 
 has the administration of tlie corn and provisions of 
 
INDEX. x5c}dU 
 
 the empire granted to him at Cicero's motion, II. 9, 
 is desirous to obtain the commission for restoring king 
 Ptolemy, 36, speaks in defence of Milo, 41, is rough- 
 ly handled by Bibulus, Curio, Favonius, and C. Ca- 
 to, — ^joins with Cicero against them, 43, reconciled to 
 Crasaus by Caesar, and extorts the consulship from L. 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, 77, opens his new theatre, 8.5, 
 and exhibits most magnificent shews in it, b6, urges 
 Cicero to defend Gabinius, 128, death of his wife Ju- 
 lia, 138, declared the single consul, and publishes, se- 
 veral new laws, i6c, the enemy of Milo, 163, marries 
 Cornelia, preserves Scipio from an impeachment, treats 
 Hypsaeus with inhumanity, 171, defends Bursa, 172, 
 prepares an inscription for his temple of Venus, 175, 
 ready to break with Caesar, 178, extorts large sums 
 from king Ariobarzanes, 199, his constitution peculiar- 
 ly subject to fevers, 239, publicly prayed for by all the 
 towns of Italy, ibid, confers with Cicero, 249, averse 
 to an accommodation with Caesar, 251, secures Caesar's 
 gladiators at Capua, 260, dissembles his design of q^uit- 
 ting Italy, 267, sensible of his mistake in leaving the pu- 
 blic treasures at Rome a prey to Caesar, 301, his ma- 
 nagement censured by Cicero, 313, 314, the difficult part 
 which he had to act, 324, his conduct compared with Cae- 
 sar's, 326, is defeated at Pharsalia, 328, his death and 
 character 335 
 
 PoTnpejy the son, attempts to kill Cicero, II. 327, Sext\is 
 and Cnaeus put to flight by Caesar, 423, Sextus sends 
 proposals of an accommodation to the consuls III. 76 
 
 PoTitimus, C. triumphs over the Allobroges II. 139 
 
 FopiliuSf Lcenas, preserved by Cicero in a capital cause, is 
 sent by Antony to kill him, III. 305, he cuts off his 
 head and hands ; carries them to Antony, and is reward- 
 ed for it ibid. 
 
 Porcia, Cato's daughter ; Bibulus's widow j married to 
 Brutus, II. 408, dies before him of a lingering illness, 
 
 HI. 237 
 
 Posidionws, a learned stoic, master and friend of Cicero, 1. 
 50, a reflection on the story of his stoical fortitude 
 
 Note, ibij;!. 
 
 Pr^^orj^z^, some account of it I. 136 
 
 Priests, called together to determine the affair of Cicero's 
 
 house, II. 13, the judges in all cases relating to religion ; 
 
 of the first nobility III. 370 
 
 Gg2 
 
,xxiv INBEX. 
 
 J^rocilius, tribune, condemned for killing a citizen, II. I2i 
 
 Prodigies that preceded Catiline's conspiracy, I. 155, a sta- 
 tue of Romulus and Remus struck with lightening ; Ci- 
 cero's and VirgiPs description of it. Note, 156, the story 
 of a prodigy contrived by Cicero andTerentia, 228, pro- 
 digies preceding the death of Caesar, II. 459 
 
 Proscription of citizens, first invented by Sylla !• 34 
 
 ProvijiceSy the government of them eagerly desired by the 
 nobility, XL 179, their oppressive manner of governing 
 them ibid. 
 
 PtoleTJiy, king of Cyprus, deposed by Clodius's law, puts 
 an end to his life I. 387 
 
 Pto!e?ny, king of Egypt, solicits to be restored to his king- 
 dom by a Roman army II. 30 
 
 Puteoli, a considerable port of Italj I. 73 
 
 ^cestors, the nature of the office ; the first step to the pu- 
 blic honours ; gives an admission into the senate, I. 64 
 
 ^uinctius, £, a turbulent tribune, endeavours to get the 
 acts of Sylla reversed I. 74 
 
 ^uinctiusj P, defended by Cicero I. 40 
 
 Rabirius, C. accused by T. Labienus, I. 179, defended by 
 
 Cicero 1 81 
 
 Kahirius, PosthumuSy defended by Cicero II. 135 
 
 Racilius, tribune, moves for the impeacement of Clodius, 
 
 "• 33 
 
 Rebilus, C. Cmiinius, named consul by Caesar, for a few 
 hours III. 439 
 
 Religion of old Rome, an engine of state ; a summary ac- 
 count of it. III. 369, its constitution contrived to sup- 
 port the interests of the senate 371 
 
 Religion, Natural, the most perfect scheme of it does not 
 supersede, but denaonstrate the benefit of a divine re\'c- 
 iation ■ Note, III. 381 
 
 Romans, exact in the education of their cliildren, I. 10. a 
 summary account of their constkution and government, 
 Pref, xxxi. free from bribery, till after the times of the 
 (iraccUi^ xxxv. their corruption in the govermpent of 
 
INDEX. XXXV 
 
 provinces, 89, used to give answers to foreigners in La- 
 tin, Note, 95, seldom used capital punishments \. ^nj 
 
 Roscms, a famed comedian, his cause defended by Cicero, 
 I. 60, a character of him hy Cicero ; his daily pay for 
 acting 62 
 
 Eosciuj, S, of Ameria, accused of the murder of his father ; 
 defended by Cicero, and acquitted I. 41 
 
 Kujus, ^. Pompeius, banished for the disorders of his tri- 
 bunate. II. 172 
 
 Rullusy P. Servilius, tribune, publishes an Agrarian law, 
 I. 169, opposed by Cicero 170 
 
 Ruti/zus, consul, killed in the Marsic war 1,20 
 
 S 
 
 Sallustf the historian, turned out of the senate by Appius 
 the censor, II. 228, his account of the debates on Cati- 
 line's conspiracy probably taken from Brutus's life of 
 Cato Note, 370 
 
 Sanga, ^ Fabius, informs Cicero of the practices of Cati- 
 line's confederates with the AUobroges I. 217 
 
 Sauffeius, M, one of Mile's confidents, twice defended by 
 Cicero, and acquitted II. 170 
 
 Scaptius, Brutus's agent in. Cyprus ; treated the Salamini- 
 ans wijh great cruelty, U. 201, depriv^ed of his command 
 there by Cicero 202 
 
 SccEvola, J^. Mucins, augur, the best lawyer and statesman 
 of his time, takes Cicero under his protection, 1. 14, his 
 house the oracle of the city, 16, wrote an epigram in 
 praise of Cicero's poem on G. Marlus 18 
 
 Scavola, the high-priest, his singular probity, and skill in 
 the law, I. 14, killed by Damasippus 3 ; 
 
 Scipio, accused of bribery, but preserved from a trial by 
 Pompey, II. 171, procures a decree for the dismission ot 
 Cesar's army 253 
 
 Senators, not held complete, till enrolled in the list of the 
 censors, I. 6^, the vacancies supplied yearly by the 
 quaestors ibid. 
 
 Sergiiis, Af. a leader of the mob under Clodlus II. 6 
 
 Sej-ranus, tribune, hinders the decree for Cicero's restora- 
 tion, and opposes the decree for restoring Cicero's house 
 
 IL 21 
 
 Sertorius maintains a war of eight years against the whole 
 
 force of Rome, I. 78, his character and death 79 
 
 S^rmlia, Brutus's mother, her character III. 67 
 
xxxvi INDEX, 
 
 SerijUus prevails with Metellus to drop his opposition ta 
 Cicero's return I. 439 
 
 SewUiuSy P. is opposed by Cicero 215 
 
 Sextius, P. quaestor, joins with Petreius in urging C. An- 
 tony to a battle with Catiline, I. 244, when tribune, 
 procures Caesar's consent to Cicero's restoration, 417, 
 left for dead in the forum by Clodius, 431, accused by 
 M. TuUius Albinovanus, and defended by Cicero IJ. 50 
 
 ^hews and public games, magnificent and expensive L 127 
 
 Sica entertains Cicero in his exile \, '^%^ 
 
 Sicilians, made citizens of Rome by Antony III. 51 
 
 Sicily, the first province of Rome, 1. 69, the granary of the 
 republic, 70, famous for its school of eloquence 71 
 
 Siciniiis, a factious tribune, his jest upon the consuls Cn. 
 Octavius, and G. Scribonius Curio, — raises a sedition, — ^ 
 is slain by the contriva* ce of Curio I. 67 
 
 Silanusy consul-elect, gives the first vote for putting Cati- 
 line's accomplices to death 1. 230 
 
 Socrates, banished physics out of philosophy, and applied it 
 to morality, his method of inculcating his notions III, 350 
 
 Sosige7ies, an astronomer, employed by Caesar to reform the 
 kalendar H- 381 
 
 Spcirtacus, general of the gladiators in the Servile war, kil- 
 led at the head of his troops * I. 78 
 
 Speech of J. Caesar on Catiline's accomplices, I. 230, of 
 M. Cato 239 
 
 Speeches of Cicero for Roscius Amerinus, J. 41, for Rosci- 
 us the comedian, 61, against Caecilius, 91, &.c. for Fon- 
 teius, 128, for the Manilian lav/, 140, for Cluentius, 143, 
 for Gallius,-I58, against the Agrarian law, 170, &c. on 
 the tumult about Otho, 176, to the sons of the proscrib- 
 ed, .78, for Rabirius, 181, against Catiline, first, 196, 
 second, 202, third, 223, fourth, 232, for Murena, 209, 
 for Sylla, 267, for Flaccus, 332, to the senate upon his 
 restoration, 11, 2, to the people, 3, for the restitution of 
 his house, 14, for Sextius, 50, for Balbu3, 7c, for Cae- 
 lius, 71, against Piso, 85, forPlancius, 123, for Rabirius 
 Posthumus, 135, for Milo, 167, for Marcellus, 377, for 
 Ligarius, 385, his first Philippic, III, 90, the third, no, 
 the fourth, 113, the fifth, 117, the sixth, 127, the seventh, 
 130, the eighth, 137, the ninth, 141, the tenth, 148, the 
 eleventh, 161, the twelfth, 171, the thirteenth, 182, tlie 
 fourteenth 215 
 
INDEX. xxxvii 
 
 ^ptusi^pus^ Plato's nephew, and successor In the academy 
 
 111,352 
 
 Stoics, held the soul to be a subtile fiery substance, subsist- 
 ing after the body, but not immortal, III. 366, believed 
 the reality of divination 372 
 
 Sulpicius ServiuSy desires a conference with Cicero, II. 288, 
 sent ambassador to Antony, ill. 126, dies on his jour- 
 ney, 133, has a statue, &.c. decreed to him by Cicero, 
 141, his character, ibid, a story of his skill in the law; 
 erroneously reckoned among Caesar's conspirators by 
 Catrou and Rouille note, 147 
 
 Clipper, the great meal of the Romans III. 291 
 
 ^ylla, P, Corfi. convicted of bribery, and forfeits the con- 
 sulship, — accused of conspiring with Catiline,— defended 
 by Cicero, and acquitted I. 267, &c. 
 
 STLLA, Z. Cornelius, his behaviour in the Marsic war, I. 21, 
 obtains the consulship, — the province of Asia, — the com- 
 mand of the Mithridatic war, 24, drives C. Marius out 
 of Rome, ibid, recovers Greece and Asia from Mithri- 
 dates, — declared a public enemy, — makes peace with 
 Mithridates, 31, brings the works of Aristotle into I- 
 taly, — lands at Brundisium, — is joined by young Pom- 
 ^^j, 32, defeats Norbanus, — draws Scipio's army from 
 him,— -gives Scipio his life, 33, the inventor of a 
 proscription, 34, deprives J. Caesar of the priesthood, 
 unwillingly grants him his life, — his prediction concern- 
 ing him, — declared Dictator, 36, makes great altera- 
 tions in the state, 37, gives Pompey the title of Mag- 
 nus, — is disgusted at Pompey's demand of a triumph, 52, 
 his death and character 54 
 
 Syracuse and Messana refuse to join with the other cities 
 of Sicily in the impeachment of Verres I. 90 
 
 Senate, had the sole prerogative of distributing the pro- 
 vinces, till Caesar obtained them by a grant of the peo- 
 ple 11. 200 
 
 ; T 
 
 ^arquinius, his evidence against Crassus, voted to be false, 
 
 I. 246 
 
 'Terentia, wife of Cicero, rich and noble, I. 68, jealous of 
 Clodius's sister, — urges Cicero to give evidence against 
 him, 280, dragged from the temple of Vesta by Clo- 
 dius's order, 379, bears the misfortunes of her family 
 with great spirit, 411, offers her estate to sale to supply 
 
xxxvUi INDEX. 
 
 their necessities, 413, meets Cicero at Brimdlsium, JL 
 248, divorced from him, ^^^, her character, ibid, lived 
 to a remarkable age, • 7tote, 356 
 
 Theophrastus, his works brought into Italy by Sjlla, I. 3Z 
 ^hermusy §. demolishes Mitylene I. 53 
 
 ^ihurani, give hostages to Cicero II. 210 
 
 TzVo, Cicero's fa'^ourite slave, some account of him, II. 244 
 'Torquatus accuses P. Corn. Sylla of conspiring with Cati- 
 line I. 267 
 Translations of the classic writers, how to be performed 
 
 Pref. xxi 
 Travels of Cicero, the pattern of beneficial travelling 
 
 I- 51 
 
 Trf^flrZ/wj- recommended to Caesar by Cicero, II. io6, his 
 character, &:c. 107, rallied by Cicero for turning Epi- 
 curean 188 
 
 Trehoniusy tribune, publishes a law for the assignment of 
 provinces for five years to the consuls, IL 91, one of the 
 conspirators against Caesar, his character, 456, goes to 
 his government of Asia, III. 1 8, is taken by surprise, 
 and cruelly murdered by Dolabella 159 
 
 Tribunes, their power carried to the greatest excess by the 
 Gracchi, Fref. xxxiv, abridged by Sylla, I. 37, restor- 
 ed by Pompey, 120, the common tools of the ambi- 
 tious ibid. 
 
 Triumphs, the nature and conditions of them, note, II. 179 
 
 Triumvirate f the First, by whom formed, and with what 
 views, I. 315, Second, the place and manner in which 
 the three chiefs met. III. 295, the conditions of their 
 union,— they proscribe Cicero, with sixteen more,— 
 and afterwards three hundred senators, and two thousand 
 knights 297 
 
 Triumviri, or Treviri Monetaks, what they were, note, 
 
 III. 398 
 
 Tubero, J^. prosecutes Ligarius II. 584 
 
 TuLLIAf Cicero's daughter, when born, I. 68, marries C. 
 Piso Frugi, 163, his death and character, 446, meets 
 her father at Brundisium, 447, marries Crassipcs, II. 
 58, parts from him and marries Dolabella, 224, se- 
 parates from Dolabella, 335, her death and character, 
 392, a story of her body being found on the Appian 
 way note. 406 
 
 Tuilius, the name of Cicero's family ; its derivation, I. 7 
 Tusculan villa ; preferred by Cicero to the rest of his vil- 
 las I. 149 
 Tyrannio, a learned Greek, entertained by Cicero IL 59 
 
INDEX. xxxlx 
 
 V 
 
 Fcirro, M. Tercntius, en!ers into a strict union with Cice- 
 ro ; his character U^ 2 ^2 
 
 Varus, P. seizes Afric on the part of the republic IT. 342 
 
 Vattnius, the tribun, Cassar's creature, I. c^^o, heads Ce- 
 sar's mob against Eibulus, 324, attacks the house of Bi- 
 bulus, 340, appears a witness against P. Sextius, and is 
 severely lashed by Cicero, II. 52, made Prsetor, to the 
 exclusion of M. Cato, 89, defended by Cicero, 124, his 
 character ibid» 
 
 Verresy C, Praetor of Sicily ; accused by Cicero of great 
 oppression and cruelty, I. 89, is convicted and banish- 
 ed, 95, a specimen of his crimes, 97, his death 119 
 
 Vettiiis, the general of the Marsi, holds a conference with 
 the Roman consul, Cn. Pompeius I. 20 
 
 Vettius, Z. accuses Caesar of Catiline's plot, I. 266, is im- 
 prisoned and miserably used by him, 267, employed by 
 him to charge Curio, &c. with a design against Pom- 
 pey's life, 344, strangled by him in prison 345 
 
 Victims in sacrificing found sometimes without a heart or 
 liver ; how accounted for Note, IT. 450 
 
 Villas of the Roman generals used to be on hills. Note, III, 
 
 320 
 Virgilius, C. refuses to admit Cicero into Sicily I. 390 
 Vomiting, immediately before, and after dinner ; a custom 
 
 among the Romans Note, II. 438 
 
 Vulturjiius, one of Catiline's conspirators, I. 218, gives 
 
 evidence to the senate against his accomplices 220 
 
 W. 
 
 War ; part of the education of the nobility ; a fame in it 
 the surest way to the highest honours, I. 20, Marsic war, 
 otherwise called Italic, Social, 19, the first civil war a- 
 mong the Romans properly so called, 24, Octavian, 25, 
 Servile, 78, Sertorian, ibid. Mithridatic, 133, Gallic, 303 
 
 Witnesses in trials ; a character of the Gallic, I. 129, and 
 of the Grecian and Roman 3^2 532 
 
 X. 
 
 Xenocles of Adramyttus, a rhetorician of Asia, attended 
 
 Cicero in his travels I 40 
 
 Y. 
 
 Tear, Roman j an account of it 11, 370 
 
 T I N 1 s. 
 
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