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HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Arciiive 
 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/historyofreforma03cook 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REFORMATION 
 
 IN 
 
 SCOTLAND: 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN INTRODUCTORY BOOK, AND AN APPENDIX. 
 
 y 
 
 GEORGE COOK, D. D. 
 
 MINISTER OF LAURENCEKIRK, 
 AND AUTHOR OF AN ILLUSTRATION OF THE GENERAL 
 EVIDENCE ESTABLISHING THE REALITY 
 
 OF Christ's resurrection. 
 
 Periculosae plenum opus aleae. — HoR. 
 
 VOLUME THIRD. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 Printed by George Ramsay and Company, 
 
 POR PETER hill, AND ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COfc 
 
 EDINBURGH ; AND FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, 
 
 ORME, AND BROWN, AND JOHN MURRAY, 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 1811. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 or TUB 
 
 REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 VdL. III. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 CHAPTER NINETEENTH. 
 
 Perilous state of the Reformation in Scotland... .Situation 
 of Mary after the death (f her Husband.. ..She resolves 
 to return to Scotland. ...Convention at Edinbura;h.... 
 jL.mhassy of the Prior to Mary... .Activity of the Popish 
 parii/.... Dispatch Leslie to their Sovereign.... His re- 
 presentations. ...Prudence of the Queen. ...Representa- 
 tions of the Prior. ...Mary disposed to he guided by 
 him. ..France attempts to reneTC the ancient League with 
 Scotland. ...Elizabeth urges the ratification of the 
 treaty of Edinburgh.... Evasive answers of Mary.... Eng- 
 lish Queen sends a confidential Agent into Scotland, 
 to secure her iitfiueme there. ...She renews her request to 
 Mary, that the treaty should be ratified. ...Marys re- 
 ply. ...Elizabeth irritated.... She writes to the Estates of 
 Scot lamL... Her hatred of the Scottish Queen. ...Her 
 contemptuous treatment of D' Osel....Maiy shocked zcith 
 this conduct.... Her afiTecting conversation zoith the Eng- 
 lish yJmbassador.. ..Reflections upon it... .She attempts 
 1o conciliate Elizabeth. ...Errors of her policy... .Eliza- 
 beth secretly desirous that she uould not ratify the 
 treaty.... First General Assembly. ...Book of Discipline 
 
XIX 
 
 1S60 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 submitted to a Convention. ...Hesolutions respecting it.... 
 Remarkable situation of the Church. ...Admission of 
 Spottiswoode to be Superintendent of Lothian...,The 
 hopes of the Popish parti/ revive. ...Reasons of this.... 
 Protestants present a supplication agaitist Popery.... 
 Their situation aff'ords some excuse for their intoler- 
 ance. ...Resolutions of a convention to destroy religious 
 edifices... .Remarks. 
 
 CHAP. J HE sanction given by parliament to the confes- 
 sion of faith, and to the acts which were passed a- 
 gainst the ancient religion, may be considered as 
 the foundation upon which the estabhshment of the 
 reformation in Scotland rests. That revolution was 
 thus confirmed by the most numerous assembly of 
 the nobility, barons, and commissioners of boroughs, 
 which had ever been held — by an assembly author- 
 ized by a treaty most solemnly framed. Its reso- 
 lutions were in harmony with the sentiments of 
 the great majority of the people ; and although, from 
 its connection with stipulations most offensive to 
 the queen, and to her husband, it was never for- 
 mally recognized by the sovereign — although no 
 place is given to its decrees amongst the printed 
 acts of the different parliaments, yet its decisions, 
 with regard to religion, were confirmed by the tacit 
 acquiescence of Mary, and were afterwards re-enac- 
 ted, at the commencement of her son's reign. 
 Perilous "J he hisiory may now therefore be considered 
 
 relwmation 2is arrived at the period, at which the protestant 
 m Scotland. j-^j_i^ had obtainea a decided triumph j but srill that 
 
IN SCOTLAND. «5 
 
 faith rested upon most unstable ground. It was chap, 
 surrounded with dangers, and its escape from these ^ 
 dangers is little less remarkable than the victory i^co. 
 which it had acquired. As its existence and progress 
 were materially influenced by the political events 
 which marked the history of Scotland, its continu- 
 ance was secured by the policy and interests of 
 different princes, and by a series of incidents 
 which, in the prosecution of this work, shall be ac- 
 curately detailed. 
 
 The fears of its zealous adherents were awaken- 
 ed almost immediately after the decisive measures by 
 which they had laboured to give permanence to 
 its influence. The treaty of Edinburgh, which 
 they regarded as the charter of their liberty, as the 
 fruit of the arduous struggle in which they had so 
 long been engaged, was cheerfully ratified by Sept. 2d 
 Elizabeth. But when she solicited the ratification 
 of Francis and Mary, they, in express opposition 
 to the powers which they had granted to their 
 commissioners, refused their consent, alleging, as 
 the reason of their refusal, that the Queen of Eng- 
 land had, at Berwick, entered into a treaty with 
 their rebellious subjects *. 
 
 As the existence of this treaty was known to 
 them before they dispatched the bishop of Va- 
 lence, and the statesmen who accompanied him, to 
 
 ♦ Camden's Annals, p. 59, 60. Rymer's Fcedera, Vol. XV. amongst 
 tne acts inserted in that work, relating to Mary Queen of Scotland. 
 
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 j CHAP, negotiate with the ministers of Elizabeth, that prirt- 
 
 ^^^^^.^ cess could regard this pretext only as a clear in- 
 1560. dication that they did not intend to act with sincerity ; 
 while the reception which they gave to 'Sir James 
 Sandilands, left little doubt, amongst their own sub- 
 jects, that they would embrace the first opportuni- 
 ty of renewing the war in Scotland, which the em- 
 barrassment, occasioned by the situation of the 
 French dominions, alone had induced them to sus- 
 pend. 
 Situation of The death of Francis dissipated, in some degree, 
 the7eathof ^^^ anxiety which had been excited, and that event 
 her hus- certainly was in the highest degree favourable to the 
 peace of Scotland. It reduced Mary to a condition 
 in which her influence was infinitely less powerful 
 than it had been during the life of her husband ; 
 and a very short time only had elapsed, before it 
 became evident that, under the new reign, little in- 
 clination was felt to carry into execution the 
 schemes which she had formed. The queen dow- 
 ager, a woman of the most unbounded ambition 
 and the most furious passions, had viewed with 
 the utmost jealousy, envy, and indignation, the as- 
 cendancy which the beauty, the accomplishments, 
 and the talents of his queen had acquired over the 
 feeble mind ot' Francis ; and she had no sooner, in 
 consequence of his dissolution, regained the direc- 
 tion of affairs, than she acted towards her daughter- 
 in-law with a degree of coldness, or of contempt, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 7 
 
 which wounded her pride, and aggravated her sor- chap. 
 
 ^ XIX. 
 
 She soon determined to withdraw from a court iseo. 
 so painfully reminding her of magnificence, dignity, 
 and adulation, which were now gone for ever ; 
 and having retired to the residence of one of her 
 uncles, she deliberated upon the expediency, or 
 necessity, of returning to her dominions -j". As the 
 power of the house of Guise was now abridged, or 
 annihilated, her uncles felt no anxiety that she 
 should remain in France ; they even advised her to She resolves 
 visit Scotland, and they pointed out to her that line Scotland. 
 of conduct which, in their estimation, she should, 
 after her arrival, scrupulously follow J. 
 
 Upon receiving intelligence of the French king's 
 death, the council in Scotland summoned a conven- Jan. is. 
 tion of the nobility to meet at Edinburgh, for con- at" Edin^^'^ 
 sidering the measures which, in consequence of^"^s^* 
 that event, k would be prudent to adopt. In that 
 convention it wks unanimously resolved, that the 
 Lord James should be sent to France, to condole with Embassy of 
 his sister upon the severe loss which she had sustain- ^^ ^^^°^' 
 ed J to entreat that she should reside in her own 
 
 * Burnet's History of the Reformation in England, Vol. II. p. 415. 
 Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 29. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 327. Me- 
 moires de Michel Castelnau, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 454, 455. 
 
 f Leslie, de Rebus Gestis Scotorum, Lib. X. p. 531. Sir James 
 Melvil's Memoirs, p. 30, 31. Castelnau, as last quoted. Keith, B. ii. 
 chap. i. p. 1 60, note. 
 
 t Castelnau, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 455. Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. l9. 
 Buchanan, p. 327. 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP dominions : to express the joy which her resolution 
 ^^^.^^^ to do so would communicate to all her subjects ; 
 1561. and to convey to her the most unequivocal assur- 
 ances of the steady loyalty with which the protest- 
 ants would support her throne "*• They could not, 
 however, conceal the fears which the queen's avow- 
 ed attachment to the popish faith had occasioned. 
 Some of the most zealous insisted, that the prior 
 should not betray the protestant cause, by consent- 
 ing that she should celebrate mass ; but while he 
 expressed his resolution to prevent any public ex- 
 pressions of reverence for what he detested as idola- 
 try, he had the good sense, and, for the time in 
 which he lived, the liberality and the moderation 
 to declare, that he would aquiesce in no resolution, 
 having for its object to take from his sovereign 
 the privilege of enjoying in private the free ex- 
 Actlvlty of ^^^cise of her own religion f. While the friends of 
 the popieh ^|^g reformation were thus endeavouring to secure 
 
 garty. " 
 
 the favour of the queen, the opposite party were 
 no less active. The Earl of Huntly, who had again 
 avowed his attachment to the religion of his fa- 
 thers, the Earls of Crawford, Atholl, Sutherland, the 
 bishops of Ross and Murray, with many other e- 
 minent clergy and laity, met, with the utmost se- 
 crecy, and dispatched Leslie, of whom mention 
 
 • ♦ Knox's History, B.iii. p. 262. Spottiswocde, B. iii- p. 151. Les- 
 
 lie, Lib. X. p. 532. 
 
 -{' Kiicx aad Sputtlswgode, u last quoted. Keitli, B. u- clup. iv 
 
IN SCOTLAND. » 
 
 had been already made, to explain their views to CHAP, 
 their sovereign — to offer to her their ser^^ices and v^,*--.^^ 
 their allegiance *. ^^^'* 
 
 Both the anibassadors left Scotland about the Dispatch 
 same time. The prior went through England, pro- their sove- 
 bably to make Elizabeth acquainted with the <^e- 5^'^^""j^jgjj^ 
 signs of the protestants, while Leslie sailed directly 
 for France t« He arrived at Vitry in Champagne, 
 where the queen then was, the day before the prior ; -^P"^ i^^^^- 
 and having solicited and obtained an audience, he 
 lost no time in attempting to prevail upon her to 
 embrace the sentiments, and to countenance the 
 schemes of those whose interest he felt the great- 
 est anxiety to promote. He has himself given a 
 very ample account of the purpose of his mission, 
 and of the conversation in which he unfolded and 
 urged that purpose. Having been most graciously His repre- 
 received by the queen, he informed her, that he 
 had been sent by many of the most honourable and 
 respectable of her subjects, to convey to her intel- 
 ligence which they considered as intimately con- 
 nected with the tranquillity of her reign ; to warn 
 her against listening to the insidious eloquence, and 
 the deceitful proposals, of her natural brother, who 
 would endeavour to dissuade her from bringing an 
 escort of French troops, that he might the more 
 easily obtain the chief administration of the govern- 
 
 * Leslie, Lib. x. p. 531. Keith,B. ii. chap. i. p. 157. Spottlswoode, 
 p. 151. 
 
 f Leelle, Lib. x. p. 531. Keith, p. 160, ami note. 
 
XIX. 
 1561. 
 
 10 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, ment, and thus extirpate the catholic faith, to which 
 he had long shown the most inveterate hostility. 
 To confirm her in the wisdom of this caution, he 
 ventured to insinuate, that, although the prior had 
 stood forth as the zealous advocate of religious in- 
 novation, he was led to do so not so much from 
 conscientious scruples, from any anxiety about the 
 purity of religion, as from the hope, that he might 
 thus acquire such a command of the public senti- 
 ment, as would enable him to wrest from her the 
 sceptre, and to ascend the throne. Dwelling upon 
 this formidable danger, to which he represented her 
 as certainly exposed, Leslie suggested, as the most 
 easy and effectual mode of avoiding it, that she 
 should detain her brother in France, till all the ar- 
 rangements, which she might find it desirable to 
 make in her own kingdom, should be completed. 
 
 Apprehending, however, that she might hesitate 
 about adopting so bold a measure, — a measure so lit- 
 tle consistent with the regard and affection which she 
 probably had for the prior, he recommended to her 
 to land in the northern parts of Scotland, because, by 
 doing so, she would, with the greatest facility, over- 
 come the heretics, and most certainly confirm, in 
 their attachment to the church, that great number 
 whose faith late events had in some degree shaken. 
 He assured her that the country was now in a very 
 different state from that in which it had been during 
 the regency of her mother ; that, looking forward 
 with eagerness and delight to the unexpected arri- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1 1 
 
 val of their sovereign, her subjects Avould regard ^^^ 
 her as a sun rising to dispel the gloomy clouds ^ 
 which had so long hung over them ; that she would ^^^'* 
 probably find little difficulty even in influencing or 
 directing their faith, because, although they had the 
 utmost abhorrence of tyranny, they naturally were 
 attached to their princes, and derived much grati- 
 fication from obeying them. Still exhibiting the 
 prior as the principal leader or instigator of her e- 
 nemies, he again, in the name of Huntly and the 
 catholic nobles, implored her not to surrender her- 
 self into his hands, promising that the nobility in 
 the north of Scotland would instantly join her with 
 twenty thousand men, and would conduct her in 
 triumph to the capital of her own dominions '*. 
 
 That this account of his communication to the 
 queen is accurate, cannot be doubted, and it suffi- 
 ciently shews how justly the protestants were alarm- 
 ed for their safety, — how determined some of the 
 most considerable men in the kingdom were again 
 to involve their country in the misery of a civil war, 
 that they might fix on it those chains of civil and 
 religious tyranny, from which it had happily been 
 loosened. 
 
 Mary conducted herself in this interview with Prudenceof 
 
 . the Quetn. 
 
 admirable prudence and address. She made no rash 
 declaration of her intentions, did not yield to the 
 feelings which many parts of the conversation 
 
 * Leslie, de Rebus Gestis Scotorum, Lib. x. p. 531, 532. 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, could not fail to excite, but she merely requested 
 ^\^^^^^^ that Leslie would remain with her till she left France, 
 1561. and that he would write to the nobles, who had en- 
 trusted him with so delicate and important a com- 
 inission, that she would soon return to Scotland, 
 and that she cherished towards them the most kindly 
 sentiments *, 
 April 1 5th. On the following day the prior arrived. Although 
 Sons of the he had been informed of the intention of Leslie's 
 °^' embassy, particularly of the anxiety of those who 
 sent him to prejudice Mary against himself and 
 the protestants, he took no direct notice of these 
 circumstances, but with much force stated to his 
 sister, that she stood in need of no foreign troops 
 to secure to her the peaceable possession of her 
 throne ; that she would be supported by the affec- 
 tions of her subjects, who would receive her in the 
 most dutiful and gratifying manner ; that the great 
 object which she should steadily contemplate, was 
 the preservation of the tranquillity which had been 
 so lately restored, and that she might depend upon 
 every effort which he could make to contribute to 
 the prosperity and happiness of her reign f. 
 
 * Leslie, Lib. x. p. 532. Mackenzie's Life of Marj', in Vol. III. of 
 his Lives, p. 260. SpottiGwoode, B. iii. p. 151. Keith, B. ii. ch. i. 
 p. 160. 
 
 f Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. S27. Leslie. Lib. x. p. 532. Black* 
 wood's Martyre de Marie Stuart, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 194. Spot- 
 tlswoode, p. 151. Sir Jaracs Melvil's Memoirs, p. 31. ; Keith, p. 160, 
 4«1.. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1$ 
 
 She preferred the counsels of her brother to CHAP. 
 
 XIX 
 
 those which Leslie had given. * Although she was \^^^^^ 
 naturally inclined to favour the party who were of., ^^^l- 
 
 •' . '■ ■' Mary dis- 
 
 the same religion with herself — although her uncles posed to be 
 must have been partial to the men who had uni-^"^*^ ^ 
 formly adhered to the interests of France, or who 
 were now determined to adhere to them ; yet there 
 were many powerful reasons which decided Mary 
 to commit herself to the direction of the protestant 
 nobles. She probably was averse to the renewal of 
 war ; she must have perceived, that, if with the as- 
 sistance of a French army, the catholics had been 
 unable to preserve their superiority, little could be 
 expected from their solitary exertions; and the ef- 
 fect, of these motives was much increased by the 
 information which she derived from D'Osel, Mar- 
 tigues, and La Brosse, who had returned to France 
 with the army. These men, from their residence in 
 Scotland, had acquired a thorough knowledge of 
 the relative situation and strength of parties j and 
 this knowledge had, in opposition to their preju- 
 dices and inclinations, convinced them that the 
 queen would receive the most effectual services 
 from the professors of the reformed religion j that, 
 to avoid irritating her subjects, she ought to repose 
 her confidence in the Lord James, in the Earl of 
 Argyle, who had married her natural sister, and in 
 Maitland of Lethington, whose talents, from his 
 
 * Leslie. Martyre de Marie Stuart, as last quoted. 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP? havlnff been for some time at the court of France, 
 
 XIX ■ 
 
 ^^y^ she was herself able to appreciate *. 
 1361. Under these impressions, she gave to the prior 
 the most positive assurances of her intention to be 
 directed by his advice ; ordered him to return to 
 Scotland, and promised that she would send to him 
 a commission, authorizing her nobles to hold con- 
 ventions for reguladng the affairs of the kingdom, 
 and conferring upon himself the superintendence of 
 the government. Reflection upon this promise, led 
 her to doubt whether it would be prudent to lodge 
 in the hands of her brother an authority which 
 might be abused, and of which he might not be 
 easily divested. ' She accordingly determined not to 
 issue the commission ; but she sent letters jtr the 
 lords, requesting that peace might be carefully pre- 
 served ; that nothing should be done in opposition 
 to the treaty of Leith ; that whatever related to 
 that treaty, and to the state of religion, should con- 
 tinue as it was till her arrival f. 
 
 * Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 31. Keith, p. 160, who con., 
 aiders this account of Sir James's as confirmed by the queen'* cold- 
 ness to the proposition of Leslie. 
 
 f Buchanan, Lib. xrii. p. 328. Leslie, Lib. x. p. 533. Spottis- 
 woode, B. iii. p. 151. Knox, B. iii. p. 273. Keith, B. ii. ch. i. p. 161. 
 Throkmorton's letter to Queen Elizabeth, inserted by Keith, p. 163, 
 164, and by Burnet, in Vol. III. Collection, p. 313. By comparing 
 these sources of information, it will appear that there is some con- 
 fusion iu the accounts of what happened in consequence of the 
 prior's representations. It is evident from all the writers, that Mary 
 was determined to follow the counsels of her brother ; but Leslie 
 makes no mention of any commission to him, while Buchanan asserts^ 
 
 10 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 15 
 
 Although the queen-dowager of France was not cttai*. 
 displeased that Mary should remove from court — v^,/-^ 
 although she had no affection for that princess, and ^ ^^^^• 
 
 o ^ _ * ^ France at- 
 
 felt little interest in the fate which awaited her, tempts to 
 she was not indifferent to the political sentiments of ancient 
 the people of Scotland; she resolved to make an'"^"^^'*^ 
 effort for the renewal of the ancient league between 
 that kingdom and the French sovereigns, hoping 
 thus to counteract, or to defeat, the influence which 
 Elizabeth had so firmly established. 
 
 that he brought a commission, authorizing the holding of conventions 
 for regulating the affairs of the kingdom. Knox again is silent about 
 the commission, but he affijms that the Lord James was the beaier 
 of letters, requesting that nothing should be done contrary to the 
 pacification of Leith ; in this he is supported by Spottiswoode. The 
 letter of Throkmorton throws light upon the whole of this matter. 
 It may be gathered from that letter, that the queen had promised to 
 her brother a commission under the great seal, assigning to him the 
 care of the government ; that he had left a ser\'ant to bring this com?, 
 mission, but that the queen, having repented, instead of sending it, 
 gave to him letters addressed to the nobles. These letters probably 
 contained the request mentioned by Knox, who could not indeed be 
 mistaken as to this point, while the intention of giving a commission 
 to the prior having been known to Buchanan, led him to suj)pose 
 that this commission authorized the communication which was cer- 
 tainly, upon the prior's return, made fi-om the queen to the nobility. 
 There is thus no real inconsistency in the accounts — no reason for be- 
 lieving what Keith insinuates, that Knox wa.s wrong in his statiement 
 respecting the message from Mary. That Leslie should have been 
 silent about these letters is not astonishing. Although he was in the 
 retinue of the queen, he might not have heard of their being written, 
 or of what they contained ; and even although he had, it was not to 
 be expected that he would notice the existence of documents which 
 seem to have amounted to an indirect ratification of the parliament so 
 obnoxious to the catholics. 
 
id HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Soon after the dissolution of the convention, 
 
 XIX 
 
 K^f-^^-^ which had met in January, an ambassador from 
 1561. France arrived in Scotland, with instructions to 
 
 March. 
 
 propose to the estates, " that the old league be- 
 tween the two countries should be renewed ; that 
 the late confederacy with England should be dis- 
 solved ; and that the churchmen should be restored 
 to the situation and the affluence of which they had 
 been deprived *." 
 
 In the absence of the prior, who was unques- 
 tionably the leader of the ruling party, it was re- 
 solved not to enter upon the consideration of pro- 
 posals so essentially connected with the interests of 
 the country ; but that this delay did not originate 
 from any hesitation about the answer to be given, 
 IS evident from the reply which was made by a 
 convention in May, at which the message of the 
 ambassador was discussed. The members of this 
 convention declared, that France had not acted in 
 such a manner as to entitle her to expect that 
 either they or their posterity would again form an 
 - alliance with her, since she had so cruelly, under 
 pretext of friendship, and of the marriage which 
 had subsisted between their sovereigns, persecuted 
 the inhabitants of Scotland, and endeavoured to 
 subvert their liberties ; that both conscience and 
 regard to the opinions of the world must prevent 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 328. Knox. B. iii. p. 269. Spottls- 
 woode, B. iii. p. 151. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. SIO. KcitJ^ 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 17 
 
 them from breaking with England, to which they chap, 
 had been so much indebted, and which had given ^^^^^ 
 them no cause to apprehend any diminution of its i^ei. 
 concern for them ; and that with regard to the 
 churchmen, they did not look upon them as faith- 
 ful pastors, or as having any claim to the patrimony 
 of the church ; that having abjured the pope, they 
 did not conceive that any thing was due to men 
 who were solemnly bound to defend his spiritual 
 authority *. 
 
 While Scotland and France were thus affected Elizabeth 
 towards Mary, in consequence of the death of her ratification 
 husband, that event was not overlooked by the °^ JJ^jJ^jT 
 sagacity and prudence of the English queen. She 
 had, at the commencement of this year, sent the 
 Earl of Bedford upon an embassy of condolence to 
 that princess ; but although this was the ostensible 
 ground of his mission, he was instructed, in conjunc- 
 tion with Throkmorton, to urge her to ratify the 
 treaty of Edinburgh. Whatever had been the in- 
 tentions of Mary with regard to this treaty, she must 
 have been shocked with the indelicacy manifested 
 in the choice of the time for requesting or demand- 
 ing her ratification. She had, in conjunction with 
 her husband, declined confirming it, and if she 
 possessed any portion of that deep sorrow, which 
 his dissolution is represented as having excited in 
 her breast, she would naturally view as an injury 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 328, Knox, B. iii. p. 274. Spottis- 
 woode, B. iii. p. 151, 152. 
 
 VOL. ni. B 
 
IS HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, to his memory any deviation from what he had ap- 
 K^'^^ proved. She accordingly turned aside the united 
 1561. solicitations of the statesmen w^ho assailed her, by 
 answers of 3- dexterous, but evasivc answ^er. She told them, 
 ^'^^y' that in a matter of such infinite importance, she 
 could not form a determination till she had con- 
 sulted with her council*. 
 
 This reply gave some alarm to the jealous mind 
 of Elizabeth. She justly considered it as indicat- 
 ing an aversion to sanction the treaty, but she 
 dreaded, from the allusion to the Scotish council, 
 that a party might be forming there, under the in- 
 fluence of their own queen, and of course hostile 
 to the ascendancy of England over the delibera- 
 tions and resolutions of the government in Scot- 
 land. To ascertain whether this suspicion was well 
 founded — to prevent all opposition, by strengthening 
 the inclination which had been so unambiguously 
 shewn to continue in alliance with her, Elizabeth 
 March 17th. immediately dispatched Thomas Randolph, with 
 
 Elizabeth . . . , !_• i i 
 
 sends a con- precise mstructions as to the part which he was to 
 fidentiai ^ct f. He was Commanded to address himself both 
 
 agent to ' 
 
 Scotland, to the zcalous friends of the reformation, and to 
 those who, although indifferent about changes in 
 religion, were anxious for the preservation of peace. 
 He accommodated his arguments to these different 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 63. Keithj^B. ii. ch. i. p. 157. Rapin's 
 Hist, of England, Vol. II. p. 63. Spottlswoode and Mackenzie er- 
 roneously mention that Bedford \Tas not sent to Mary till June. 
 
 f Camden's Annals, as last quoted. 
 
 i 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 19 
 
 descriptions of men. To the reformers, he stated, cHAP. 
 
 XIX 
 
 that the protestant princes m Germany having ^ 
 formed a league for their mutual defence against i5gi. 
 the pope, had sent to his sovereign intelligence of 
 their proceedings, with an earnest request that she 
 would persevere in favouring the reformation in 
 England, and using every effort to strengthen it in 
 Scotland ; that, eager to promote these great objects, 
 she had sent him as her ambassador to intimate to 
 the lords, who had given such decisive proof of 
 their zeal, how deeply she was impressed with the 
 permanency of that friendship which resulted from 
 unity in religion, and to beseech them not to inter- 
 mit their endeavours to augment the numbers of 
 those who were hostile to the Romish church. 
 He was enjoined, if he perceived in those to 
 whom he spoke, any apprehension of danger from 
 following this line of conduct, to attempt to remove 
 it, by mentioning the flourishing state of the pro- 
 testant doctrine upon the continent, and, by incul- 
 cating the danger to which they would be exposed, 
 if, from fear or any other motive, they ceased to be 
 united *. 
 
 * Crawford's Collection of Papers concerning Scotland, Vol. I. p. 
 206 — 208, copied from the original instructions to Randolph, in Ce- 
 cil's hand, lodged in 'the Cotton Libraiy, Caligula, B. x. To this 
 paper in that collection, the following note, either by Sir Robert Cot- 
 ton or Crawford, is added. Randolph was sent with this memorial, 
 when the Queen of Scotland was in France, after the death of her hus- 
 band, Francis II. ; the court of England thinking that the fittest time 
 for negotiating such matters. See also Haynes' Collection of State 
 Papers, Vol. I. p. 366—368 j and Camden's Annals, p, Q3, 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOX 
 
 CHAP. To those who, not much affected by reH<rIous 
 
 XIX • • • . JO 
 
 _^^^^ considerations, were chiefly guided by views of po- 
 ise i. litical expediency, Randolph was instructed to hold 
 a different language. He was to point out to them, 
 that the present situation of their sovereign afford- 
 ed every advantage for making a long or perma- 
 nent peace between the two British nations, and 
 for annihilating those parts of the ancient agree- 
 ment with France, from which so many causes of 
 hostility had arisen ; that to accomplish ends so 
 desirable, they should be peculiarly careful that 
 their queen did not marry a foreigner, because 
 thus new sources of dissension might be opened ; 
 in short, that they should reject all proposals which 
 tended to break the good understanding subsisting 
 between their country and England *. 
 
 Whatever opinion may be formed of the policy 
 which dictated this interference, it cannot for a mo- 
 ment be doubted that it was intended, and that it 
 was calculated, to weaken the authority of Mary ; 
 to lead her subjects to regard her as hostile to their 
 religion and their liberty ; to form a faction suspi- 
 cious of their sovereign, and determined to mea- 
 sure their duty to her agreeably to the wishes of 
 Elizabeth. This shews the state of mind in which 
 X this princess was, from a very early period, with 
 respect to the queen of Scotland ; exposes the hy- 
 pocrisy of all the professions of esteem which Eli- 
 
 * See authorities in the bst note. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 21 
 
 zabeth so often and so profusely made, aiid leads ciiAP. 
 us to look for the causes of her subsequent atro- ^^^^.^^^ 
 cious conduct to the unhappy Mary, not in the er- *'''''• 
 rors of which she was certainly guilty — not in her 
 caballing with a party in England, which was only 
 retorting, what, under circumstances rendering it 
 much less excusable, had been done to herself, 
 but in jealousy and hatred, which the most spotless 
 virtue might have aggravated, and unquestionably 
 would not have removed. 
 
 The intrigues of Randolph, the dexterity with 
 which, from his approved talents, we may con- . 
 elude that he promoted the views of his royal mis- 
 tress — the address with which he would enforce to- 
 pics so much in harmony with the feelings and 
 sentiments of many who listened to them, could 
 not fail even to strengthen that influence which 
 Elizabeth was so eager to retain. 
 
 But she did not trust solely to the effects of his 
 embassy. She continued to remonstrate with Mary 
 upon the subject of the treaty — to embrace every 
 opportunity of pressing her to consent to the ratifi- 
 cation. The journey of the Lord James to France, Renews her 
 of which she was fully informed, afforded a fair oc- MlrTre" 
 casion for another attempt. Mary had before de-^P^5^i"g^^* 
 
 1. 1 1 • -It r 1-1 • ratification 
 
 clmed complymg with the request or Ehzabeth, ofthe trea- 
 because she could not consult with her friends in^^' 
 Scotland. The embassy of the prior removed, in a 
 great degree, that reason, and Throkmorton, in con- 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, formity with his instructions, addressed to her, from 
 XIX. . 
 
 \^,^y^ Paris, a letter upon the subject *. 
 
 1561. In this letter, he called to her recollection what 
 
 April 13th. , , p . 
 
 she had formerly said to the Earl or Bedford and 
 to himself, and then proceeded to observe, that, as 
 since that time, his sovereign had been informed of 
 the journey of the Lord James, by whom her ma- 
 jesty would be instructed as to the sentiments of 
 her council, he was commanded again to solicit that 
 she would ratify the treaty. 
 Her reply. In a short letter, Mary replied that the I..ord 
 ^" ' James had come only to pay his duty to her as his 
 sovereign and lady, without any commission whatso- 
 ever relating to any thing else ; and she at the same 
 time mentioned, that as she was to leave Nancy, 
 where she then was, she would not have leisure to 
 give a more particular answer till she came to 
 Rheims, where she meant to be upon occasion of 
 the king's coronation. 
 
 The English minister communicated to his court 
 this correspondence. He delivered also his own 
 opinion, that, as the state of his health prevented 
 him from personally discharging that duty, some 
 person should be sent to wait on the queen of Scot- 
 land when she reached Rheims, and to receive from 
 her the more full communication to which she had 
 alluded. He stated his conviction, that she would 
 not in this respect comply with the wishes of Eliza- 
 
 * Keith. B. ii. ch. i. p. 161, 162. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 2S 
 
 beth, but he considered that the scheme which he cHAP. 
 had suggested might be of use for directing his \^^^,^^ 
 royal mistress how to proceed at a subsequent pe- i56i. 
 riod *. 
 
 Soon after this, Mary was seized with a severe 
 but short illness f. Elizabeth commanded her am- 
 bassador to congratulate the Scotish queen upon 
 her recovery, and to take advantage of that oppor- 
 tunity for renewing his solicitations with regard to 
 the treaty. He accordingly introduced the subject, June isth. 
 and a long conversation about it ensued. After 
 expressing gratitude to the queen of England for 
 the interest which she took in her health, Mary 
 said that she perfectly recollected all which Throk- 
 morton had stated about the ratification of the trea- 
 ty, but that she must still delay giving a final defi- 
 nite answer till she could consult, in person, with 
 her nobility ; that they had often seemed grieved 
 that she adopted measures without their advice, and 
 that such conduct would now be peculiarly offensive 
 to them ; that the delay w^hich would thus be occa- 
 sioned could not be long, as she was determined 
 soon to sail for Scotland. She intimated to him 
 her intention of sending D'Osel into England, who, 
 she doubted not, would be able completely to sa- 
 
 * CoiTespondence of Throkmorton in Burnet, Vol, III. Collection 
 of Papers; and in Keith. B. ii. ,, * 
 
 t Leslie, Lib. x. p. 534. Mackenzie's Life of Mary, in Vol. III.' 
 of his Lives, p. 260. Keith, B. ii. oh. i. 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, tisfy her good sister, from whom she expected 
 ^^^1/ that courtesy and attention, in her journey to her 
 1561. own dominions, which one sovereign prince should 
 shew to another. She declared, that although 
 there had hitherto been little cordiality between 
 her and Elizabeth, she trusted that they would here- 
 after live on the most intimate footing ; that to se- 
 cure this, she wpuld withdraw the French troops 
 from Scotland, and would leave nothing undone to 
 satisfy all parties ; convinced, that by acting in this 
 manner, she would destroy every inclination in 
 Elizabeth to give aid in future to her rebellious 
 subjects, 
 
 Throkmorton, after expressing his reluctance to 
 enter with her upon any discussion, insinuated that 
 there could be no reason for apprehending that her 
 ratificadon of the treaty would not be acceptable 
 to the nobles and the estates of Scotland, because 
 it had been concluded with their approbation. Mary 
 replied, that it had not been concluded with the 
 approbation of all of them ; but that she was most 
 anxious to live in peace with the English queen, 
 and would do every thing which could contribute 
 to what she so much desired. She then again 
 alluded to the countenance which that princess had 
 given to the discontented Scotish faction ; com- 
 plained of it ; spoke of the religious troubles which 
 had distracted her dominions ; and concluded by 
 soliciting Throkmorton to interpose his good offices 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 25 
 
 to unite, In perfect friendship, her and his own so- ciiAP. 
 vereign *. v^-v^^*^ 
 
 The communication of her ambassador, convev-^,. ^f'^V 
 
 \ Elizabeth 
 
 ing the substance of what had passed during his irritated, 
 interview with Mary, alarmed and irritated Eliza- 
 beth. The assertion of the queen of Scotland, that 
 the treaty had not been approved by all her coun- 
 sellors, led to a suspicion that some revolution had 
 taken place in the sentiments of the Scotish nobles ; 
 and she thought it necessary to communicate what 
 she suspected in an expostulatory letter, which she writes to 
 addressed to the estates. In this vehement epistle, ||jsc»tland 
 after reminding them of the many obligations under 
 which she had laid them, of the pure motives by 
 which she had been actuated in giving them assist- 
 ance, and of the happy effects which had resulted 
 from her interference, she complained that their 
 queen had delayed to ratify the treaty of Edin- 
 burgh, alluded to the remark respecting a diver- 
 sity of opinion in the council, and called upon 
 them to give her an explicit and satisfactory answer 
 as to their intentions with regard to that treaty. 
 She declared, that if they were indifferent about 
 the preservatipn of peace, she would be no less so ; 
 but that if they remained faithful to her, and pre- 
 vailed on their queen to ratify the treaty, they might 
 
 * Letter of Throkmorton to Elizabeth, from Paris, 23d June 
 1561, in Knox, B. iii. p. 274 — 277, Keith has also inserted the 
 letter in the second book of his History, chap. j. Calderwood's large 
 MS. 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, rely upon the contlnnance of her friendly inclina- 
 ^^^^' tions towards their country. 
 
 1561. This admonition, which filled them with sur- 
 prize, they immediately answered. They solemnly 
 affirmed that they had given no advice to their sove- 
 reign against ratifying the treaty ; that they con- 
 sidered the alliance with England as the greatest 
 blessing to Scotland ; and that the aid which they 
 had received from Elizabeth was too recent to be 
 eradicated from their memory. 
 
 But although they thus framed their reply in the 
 most respectful language, many of them were filled 
 with indignation at the suspicion and distrust 
 which Elizabeth had shewn. They were conscious 
 that they had done nothing which could bring 
 an imputation upon the honour which they had 
 pledged to her, and some of them, in the most un- 
 reserved manner, expressed to the English ministers 
 what they thought *. 
 Her hatred The whole conduct of Elizabeth to the Scotish 
 ^ ^^^' queen, even at this early period, displayed a vio- 
 lence and an irritation to which, perhaps, no dis- 
 appointment or interference merely political could 
 have given rise ; strongly indicated the operation of 
 that jealousy which so irresistibly sways those 
 female minds into which it has unhappily entered. 
 
 * The letter of Elizabeth to the estates of Scotland, and their 
 reply, are inserted by Knox in his History, B. iii. p. 277 — 280, and 
 Keiih, B. ii. ch. i. p. 167 — 169. See also Knox, p. 280, and Spot- 
 tiswoode, B. iv. p. 178. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 27 
 
 When D*Osel, who, agreeably to the intimation chap. 
 given to Throkmorton, had been sent to the Eng- \^^^^^ 
 lish court, requested that the queen would grant to i^ei. 
 his sovereign a safe conduct for crossing the sea, 
 and would allow himself to pass through England 
 to Scotland, she, in the presence of all her courtiers, Her con- 
 with the utmost vehemence said, that she would JrSfmenT 
 not, because Mary, regardless of her honour, hado^^'^^^'' 
 not ratified the treaty of Edinburgh. She then 
 added, that if the queen of Scotland would no 
 longer withhold the ratification, she might expect 
 every testimony of respect and affection which she 
 could shew to her *. 
 
 The dignified mind of Mary was deeply wound- Mary 
 ed by this reception of her ambassador. Upon his ^^^ t^lg 
 return, which was only a few days before she left conduct. 
 Paris to embark for Scotland, she gave an au- 
 dience to Throkmorton, who reported to her the 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 63, 64. Leslie, de Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 
 Lib. X. p. 536. Mackenzie's Life of Mary, in Vol. Ill; of his Lives, 
 p. 260, 261. Rapin's Hist, of England, Vol. H. p. 63. Buchanan, 
 Lib. xvii. p. 328. This last historian has given a very inaccurate 
 and unfair account of Elizabeth's ansvi^er to D'Osel. He takes no 
 notice of her refusal, and of the insulting terms in which it was 
 conveyed, but represents her as declaring, that, if Mary would pass 
 through England, she might expect all the kindness and attention 
 which could be shewn to a friend and a relation ; but that if she de- 
 clined an interview, she would regard it as an affront. There is un- 
 questionable evidence for the account which has been inserted in the 
 text, and I am afraid that the prejudices of Buchanan against his 
 unhappy sovereign influenced him, when he wTote the passage to 
 which I allude. 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, determination of his sovereign respecting the re- 
 V-.*-.^^ quests which had been made through D'Osel. She 
 Affecnn' iniinediately ordered her attendants to withdraw to 
 conversa- some distance, savin? to him, that, as she could not 
 
 tionwith ... 
 
 tiie English depend upon her restrammg her indignant emo- 
 dor.^^^^" tions, she was unwilhng to make the same open 
 display of the violence of her passions which the 
 queen of England had so indecorously exhibited. 
 She bitterly lamented that she had condescended 
 to ask as a favour from her what she did not re- 
 quire, as she could, independently of any power, 
 sail to her own dominions, expressing her hope, 
 that, as she had escaped the fleet of Edward, she 
 would be equally fortunate with respect to that of 
 Elizabeth, if it should really be sent out to inter- 
 cept her. She reproached that princess with the 
 assistance which she had given to the disaffected in 
 Scotland, contrasting the cordiality shewn to them 
 with the coldness and reserve displayed towards 
 herself; and she pointed out and reprobated the 
 artifice and duplicity with which Elizabeth had 
 acted. Considering the whole of that queen's be- 
 haviour to her as an affront to her understanding, 
 she said, that, although she was young, and had not 
 much experience, she saw the wisdom of delibera- 
 tion in a matter to her of so much moment. In 
 reply to what was said by Throkmorton about the 
 treaty, she «pake of the unreasonableness of Eli- 
 zabeth, reminding the ambassador, that, from the 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 39 
 
 moment of her husband's death, she had rclln- CHAP, 
 quished the title of queen of England, and had even v^^.^^O 
 ceased using the arms, which had given so much ^^*'^- 
 offence, ahhough several families, less entitled than 
 herself, were permitted to bear them. " I know," 
 she concluded, " what I am, and would be loth to 
 do others wrong, or to suffer too much wrong to 
 myself.'* 
 
 It is certain, that even at this time she was tho- 
 roughly persuaded, not only that Elizabeth was de- 
 tennined to harass and thwart her, but that she 
 would not scruple, if she had it in her power, to 
 proceed to extremity against her ; for when Throk- 
 morton, in order to ascertain whether she really in- 
 tended to go to Scotland, waited upon her next day, July sut. 
 und^vpretence oftakinoj hisleave, she used thesestrik- 
 ing words, almost prophetic of her fate, and showing 
 most strikingly what were her feelings and appre- 
 hensions. " If my preparations were not so far ad- 
 vanced ,as they are, perhaps the unkindness of your 
 mistress might stay my voyage ; but now I am de- 
 termined to venture upon it, whatever be the issue. 
 I trust the wind will be so favourable as that I shall 
 not need to come on the coast of England ; and if I 
 do, then the queen, your mistress, shall have 
 me in her hands, to do her will of me ; and if she 
 be so hard-hearted as to desire my end, she may 
 then do her pleasure, and make sacrifice of me. 
 Peradventure that casualty might be better for me 
 
so HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, than to live : in this matter, God's will be fulfiU 
 XIX. j^^ ,, 
 
 1561. The most inveterate enemy of Mary may read 
 
 Reflections . •' . "^ 
 
 upon it. this passage with emotion. An amiable and ac- 
 complished princess, whom early affliction had ren- 
 dered peculiarly interesting, at a period when hope 
 generally embellishes the prospect of life, unbosoms 
 to the confidential servant of a rival sovereign her 
 gloomy anticipations of futurity ; thus impressing on 
 the mind, how wide may be the distance between 
 the highest condidon and that happiness which 
 gives to existence all its value — thus guarding, in 
 the most affecting, yet incidental manner, against 
 the vanity of ambition, and pointing out the true 
 sources of human felicity. 
 She makes Before she left France, Mary made an attempt 
 to conciliate ^° sooth and Conciliate Elizabeth. When she was 
 Elizabeth, j^st ready to embark she sent for "Throkmorton, 
 endeavoured to convince him that the queen of 
 England had no real cause to complain, and re- 
 quested him to inform his sovereign, that she would, 
 with her own hand, fully write to her upon the in- 
 teresting subject which had been so frequently agi- 
 tated f. 
 
 * Letter of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, from 
 Paris, dated 26th July 1561, inserted by Bishop Keith in his His- 
 tory, B. ii. ch. i. from Cabala, edition 1663. Camden's Annals, 
 p. 64 — 66. Rapin's History of England, Vol. II. p. 63. Spottiswoode, 
 B. iv. p. 177. 
 
 f Camden's Annals, p. 66, 67. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 178. 
 Keith,B. ii. chi.p. 178. 
 
 9 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 51 
 
 I have thus minutely detailed the correspondence, chap, 
 
 . • . XIX. 
 
 and the negotiations relating to the ratification of *^ 
 the treaty of Edinburgh, because the difference of ^^^^' 
 opinion between the two British queens, upon this 
 point, increased the envy and antipathy with which 
 Elizabeth viewed Mary, while it produced in Mary 
 that rashness and that disregard of what might 
 have recommended her to her great rival, which 
 characterized her subsequent conduct; and thus 
 exerted a direct and most powerful influence upon 
 the state of the reformation in Scotland. 
 
 Had Mary, immediately after the death of her Erroneous 
 husband, not only ceased to assume the title and Mary, 
 the arms of the queen of England, but cheerfully 
 ratified that article of the treaty which related to 
 them, although it is not probable that she would 
 have secured the confidence or affection of Eliza- 
 beth, who, from her situation and her temper, 
 could not have divested herself of all suspicion or 
 apprehension, yet she would have removed every 
 pretext for that queen's interfering in the affairs of 
 Scotland, — would, in all likelihood, have detached 
 her from the lords of the congregation, whose views 
 of religion were very far from coinciding with her 
 own ; and thus delivered from the intrigues of Eng- 
 land, she would have enjoyed many advantages 
 for gradually weaning her subjects from the new 
 opinions, or for continuing to the priesthood a 
 degree of splendour which would have decided 
 weak minds in the choice of their faith. 
 
32 HISTORY OF TrtE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. There were, however, many motives for her not 
 "w-vr^ adopting this explicit and mgenuous conduct. Ac- 
 1561. tuated by the ardent ambition of youth, she cast a 
 wishful eye to the English throne. The loose 
 manner in which the article of the treaty was ex- 
 pressed, led her to apprehend, that, by subscribing 
 it, she v/ould forfeit every claim, under any circum- 
 stances, to sway the sceptre of England j and the 
 caution, produced by this idea, was confirmed or 
 strengthened by the advice of her uncles, who, de- 
 testing Elizabeth, used every method to disturb 
 the tranquillity of her reign. 
 Elizabeth Although the -conduct of Mary was loudly and 
 •j^^'^^'^^^J'^J^^' acrimoniously blamed by Elizabeth, there can be 
 Mary little doubt that this princess secretly rejoiced that 
 
 should not , „ . , , , , i t i 
 
 ratify the the Scotish queen had acted as she did ; was really 
 re^ty. j^-jost desirous that the ratification of the treaty 
 should be withheld. She dreaded too close and 
 unreserved intercourse with a neighbour, whose 
 right to her crown was, in the estimation of a great 
 part of her subjects, superior to her own, — whose 
 incomparable beauty and fascinating manners might 
 make a deep impression upon the affections of the 
 people, — and who, having evinced her conviction 
 that she had some title to the throne, would not 
 fail to obtain from foreign nations the most for- 
 midable support, if she could prevail upon any 
 party in the kingdom to espouse her pretensions. 
 Had Elizabeth really been anxious to live upon a 
 footing of cordial friendship with Mary, she could. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 33 
 
 with the utmost ease have removed what she repre- cHAP. 
 
 XIX 
 
 sented as the obstacle which prevented the gnitifica- _^ ^ 
 tionofwhatshe affected to desire. Such an ex- i56i. 
 planation of the article of the treaty as was after- 
 wards proposed, which, while it secured the scep- 
 tre to Elizabeth, left the eventual succession open 
 to Mary, would have satisfied this princess, or the 
 display of kind attention, and unfeigned sympathy, 
 would have softened her generous heart, and pre- 
 pared it for impressions of the most tender attach- 
 ment *. The deportment of the queen of England, 
 however, was, even from the beginning, uniformly 
 harsh or reserved ; she seemed afraid of encourag- 
 ing Mary to love her ; and the language which she 
 addressed to D'Osel, she must have known that 
 no woman of a high spirit, and accustomed to the 
 most gratifying adulation, could fail to resent. 
 
 Such was the light in which the two queens of 
 Britain regarded each other. Mary was convinced 
 that Elizabeth was hostile to her ; while Elizabeth, 
 regardless of the feelings and the prerogative of 
 Mary, was determined to maintain her own influence 
 in Scotland, by adhering to the reformers, against 
 whom their sovereign entertained the most rooted 
 prejudice. 
 
 Wliile the correspondence, which thus unfortu- First Gene- 
 nately terminated, was carrying on, the ecclesiastical b?y. ^^^^' 
 condition of Scotland was regarded with much 
 
 * Keith, B. ii. ch. ii. p. 187. Acta Regia, Vol. JTV. p so. 
 
 vol,. III. e 
 
34 History of the reformation 
 
 CHAP, anxiety by the ruling party, and by the preachers, 
 ».rfi^.^*w' to whom the people had been accustomed to look 
 1561. ^[^]^ fj^g strongest deference and respect. The first 
 Dec. 20th. general assembly had been held at Edinburgh, to- 
 wards the conclusion of the preceding year ; and as 
 the number of the protestant clergy was then very 
 inconsiderable, the chief subject of deliberation 
 was, tile manner in which men properly qualified 
 might be most speedily and effectually procured 
 for the important office of the ministry *. After 
 making some regulations, not of much consequence 
 as affecting the progress of the reformation, it ad- 
 journed till the middle of January, but from some 
 cause, no meeting then had taken place ; for it is 
 evident from the record, that the next general as- 
 sembly was not held till the month of May ■]'. 
 l3cok of 1 o t^^^ convention which, in consequence of 
 
 s^T'^l'ed ^^^ death of the French king, had met in January, 
 to a con- Knox presented the book of discipline, with a re- 
 
 vention. , . . , . , . ^ , 
 
 quest that it might receive the sanction or the no- 
 bility and barons of the realm. This request oc- 
 casioned much diversity of sentiment. Some of 
 the nobles and chief men among the protestants, 
 unwilling to irritate the preachers at a time 
 
 * Calderwood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 29, "0. 
 Keith, B iii. ch. i. p. 497. Ahhough this writer was not partial to 
 the first reformers in Scotland, and often represents them in an un- 
 favourable light, he has, with much diligence, collected the records of 
 different assemblies, and I shall frequently quote his authority for 
 their acts. See a long note to p. 497 of his history-. 
 
 t Keith, B. iii. ch. i. p. 499, 500. 
 
 11 
 
IN SCOTLAND. bS 
 
 when their support might be most desirable, CHAP. 
 
 • • • X[X. 
 
 wished that the book of- discipline should be incor- v^ 
 porated with the law of the land ; and had it con. ^ssk 
 tained merely a scheme for governing th church ; 
 had it made no provision for the maintenance of the 
 ministers, or no allusion to the wealth of the priest- 
 hood, this would have been the universal opinion. 
 But by appropriating the ecclesiastical revenues to 
 purposes so different from those which had entered 
 into the contemplation of the nobility, it excited the 
 most determined opposition. Many who were ask- 
 ed to support it had already been enriched with 
 the spoils of monasteries, and of other religious 
 foundations, and all of them looked forward to the 
 dissolution of the ancient establishment as to an e- 
 vent, in consequence of which they would appro- 
 priate to themselves, and their connections, those 
 riches and that property of the church, upon which '^ 
 they had fixed their affections. To renounce the 
 comfort and the luxury in which the tithes had al- 
 ready enabled them to indulge, to relinquish every 
 hope of subsequent plunder, required an exertion 
 of self-denial which they were unwilling to make, 
 a purity of integrity which they did not possess. 
 They ridiculed the whole scheme, at least those 
 parts of it which were peculiarly obnoxious to 
 them, as the result of visionary devotion ; and thus 
 kindled in the breast of Knox, little accustomed to 
 opposidon, and who had not suspected the influence 
 of mercenary motives upon those whom he vener- 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, ated as the friends of religion, the warmest indlg- 
 
 v,^*.^^^ nation *. 
 
 R ' rtlon '^^^ discussion of the subject, or the final arrange- 
 
 respecting ments with respect to it, were, to the great disap- 
 pointment of this zealous reformer deferred ; and he 
 has, with, his usual vehemence, and his usual hon- 
 esty, painted, in the strongest colours, the feelings 
 and sentiments which led to this determinatif^n f. 
 
 This defeat, however, did not discourage him. — 
 After the convention was dissolved, he urged the 
 most eminent of the protestants to comply wiih his 
 \X?ishes ; and a considerable number of them, pro- 
 bably from fear of alienating him, or of weakening 
 the ardour of his zeal, consented to subscribe the 
 
 Jan. i7th, j^ook of discipline, both in testimony of their ap- 
 probation of the scheme which it delineated, and as 
 a pledge of their resolution to convert it, at a future 
 period, into a legal establishment |. Yet even while 
 they thus far gratified the compilers of the book 
 of discipline, it may be concluded, from the declara- 
 tion which they annexed to it, that they had not lost 
 sight of the patrimony of the church, " We who 
 have subscribed these presents, having advised and 
 
 * Knox, B. iii. p, 256. Spottisvvoode, B. lii. p. 174. Heylin's 
 History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 161, 162. Collier's Ecclesias- 
 tical History of Britain, Vol. 11. p. 470. 
 
 f Knox, B. iii p. 956. The remarks upon the conduct of Lord 
 Erskine, shew very strikingly the plainness with which the preachers 
 were-lhen in the practice of delivering their sentiments. 
 
 X Knpxj p. 257. Spottisvvoode, p. 175. Calderwood, y. fiO. 
 Keithj p.. 496. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 87 
 
 considered the whole book, thmk the same sfood, CHAP. 
 
 • XIX 
 
 and agreeable in all points to the word ot God, <^^ 
 and promise to set the same forward to the utmost i^si. 
 of our power, providing that the bishops, abbots, 
 priors, and other prelates and beneficed men, who 
 have joined themselves to us, enjoy their benefices 
 during th Jr lives ; they sustaining the ministry 
 as is herein specified, for preaching the word and 
 dispen-ing the sacraments *." 
 
 In tracing the various steps which were taken to 
 obtain a competent provision for the protestant 
 clergy, and in detailing the most interesting cir- 
 cu astances connected with the disposal of the re- 
 venues of the church, it will be seen how little re- 
 gard was paid to this deliberate and solemn declara- 
 tion. It was obviously intended merely to amuse 
 Knox and his brethren ; and it exhibits a striking 
 example of that total disregard to the most express 
 engagements, to the most obvious dictates of ho- 
 nour and of duty, which, in their public capacity, is 
 often shewn by men who, in the intercourse of 
 
 * Knox, Keith, Spottiswoode, as last quoted. Cr.Iderwood has 
 expressed himself so ambiguously with respect to this subscription, 
 as to leave it uncertain whether it was not the act of the convention. 
 It however certainly was not. —The convention adjourned the con- 
 sideration of the book of discipline, probably as the gentlest mode of 
 rejecting it ; and it was not till after this assembly was dissolved, that 
 the noblemen and gentlemen, whose names have beea published, sub- 
 scribed. They subscribed, however, not in their individual capacity 
 solely, for the above declaration is entitled an act of secret council, 
 and hence the book of discipline had the authority «f the executiv 
 power in Scotland. 
 
1561. 
 Remark 
 
 38 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, private life, would shrink with horror from con- 
 
 XIX 
 
 duct so marked by infamy. • 
 
 In the parliament held in consequence of the 
 abb shua- treaty of Edinburgh, the doctrines of the church of 
 church. Rome had been proscribed, the celebration of mass 
 had been prohibited, and the protestant confession 
 of faith had been sanctioned, as containing the 
 tenets which, it was the determination of govern- 
 ment, should be inculcated ; in other words, the 
 reformed religion had been declared to be the re- 
 ligion of the state. Yet, although the functions of 
 the priesthood thus were suspended, the clergy 
 themselves were permitted to remain in possession 
 of much of the wealth which they had been accus- 
 tomed to enjoy, and their civil rights, although 
 flowing from their ecclesiastical character, were not 
 invaded. They were allowed to retain their seats 
 in parliament, they continued to be summoned to 
 it, and they actually attended this aesembly and 
 voted in its deliberations ^. 
 
 The ministers, on the other l:and, although they 
 regularly officiated, received from the state no pe- 
 cuniarv recompense ; and no system of ecclesias- 
 tical policy was established. There were thus two 
 churches, a poHtical one, or rather one interwoven 
 with the law and constitution of the kingdom, and 
 one intended for the instrucdon of the people. 
 
 The effect of this singular arrangement, was in 
 the highest degree unfavourable to the protestant 
 
 * Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist, of Britain, Vol. II. p. 534. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. SH 
 
 teachers. By commencing their ministry in po- CHAP, 
 verty and dependence, the resolution of the nobles v,^^ ^ 
 to keep them poor was confirmed, while the cer- i^"^'' 
 tainty that, notwithstanding their depressed condi- 
 tion, their speculative tenets, and their views of 
 religion would be almost universally embraced, led 
 the best endowed of the clergy to unite with the 
 laity who had opposed them in devising methods for 
 converting into their own private property what 
 was now plainly to be diverted from the use to 
 which, for ages, it had been appropriated. Had the 
 protestant ministers made a stand at the commence- 
 ment of the parliament ; had they blended the very 
 existence of the reformation with such a provision 
 for themselves as would have preserved them from 
 want, or even afforded sufficient encouragement to 
 able and well educated men to undertake the 
 sacred office, although they would not perhaps 
 have obtained the absolute disposal of the ecclesi- 
 astical revenue, and it would not have been desir- 
 able that they should do so, they would undoubt- 
 edly have secured what they stated in the book of 
 discipline, as required for their comfortable sub- 
 sistence, and the remainder would have been de- 
 voted to objects, in every point of view more sa- 
 lutary and important for Scotland, than enriching 
 a few individuals, who, by unworthy and disho- 
 nourable means, succeeded in acquiring what, upun 
 no principle of justice or expediency, should have 
 belonged to them. 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. But although there was thus at this period an 
 
 ,rf^ ,-4^ established religion without an established ministry, 
 
 jy.i. the reformers conceived themselves to be at full 
 
 AuOTission 
 
 of Spoiiis- liberty to carry into execution the scheme of church 
 
 woode to 1 • 1 • 1 1 r 1 
 
 be superin- government, which, with the consent or the pre- 
 LotF^I °^ vailiiig party, had been at first adopted. Under 
 the impression that the book of discipline would 
 March. be finally ratified, Spottiswoode was solemnly ad- 
 mitted superintendent of Lothian. The form of 
 his admission was so devised, that, with a few ne- 
 cessary alterations, it could be employed in the 
 case of ordinary pastors ; and a short account of it 
 will illustrate the state of the church of Scotland in 
 the infancy of its reformation. It was either com- 
 posed by Knox, or fully approved by him, for he 
 has detailed it with much minuteness, and he was 
 himself the officiating minister. He began the ser- 
 vice by a discourse, in which he enforced the ne- 
 cessity of superintendents and ministers, thus de- 
 fending the form of church government proposed 
 in the book of discipline ; pointed out the vices 
 which disqualified for the sacred office — the virtues 
 required in those who entered upon it ; and he 
 concluded with discussing a question of much im- 
 portanc. • at a time when there was such a deficiency 
 of teachers. Whether they, who, by the public voice 
 were called to the ministry, might innocently refuse 
 to obey ? After the sermon, he declared that the 
 lords of the secret council had given charge and 
 power to the churches of Lothian, to choose John 
 
IN SCOTLANH. 41 
 
 Spottiswoodc as their superintendent ; that suffi- CH^\P. 
 cient intimaiion of this had been given to these 
 
 churches, and to the different classes of persons ^^^** 
 who were cniitled to vote at the election ; and he 
 called upon all who were interested, to state whe- 
 ther they knew any reason why Spottiswoodc 
 should not be elected, and whether they would 
 honour and obey him as the minister of Christ ? 
 Satisfactory answers having been returned, he ad- 
 dressed Spottis\^ oode ; and after receiving from him 
 an assurance that he was willing to accept the 
 <:harge, tnat his resolution to accept of it was not 
 produced by mercenary motives, he put to him a 
 number of questions, intended to ascertain and evi- 
 dence the purity of his faith. The last question 
 related to his submitting himself to the authority of 
 the church ; and to this Spottiswoode answered, 
 *' I acknowledge myself to be a man subject to in- 
 firmity, and one that has need of con-ection and 
 admonition ; and therefore I most willingly submit 
 and subject myself to the wholesome discipline of the 
 church — yea, to the discipline of the same church 
 by which I am now called to this charge, and here, 
 in God's presence and yours, do promise obe- 
 dience — for the vocadon of God to bear charge 
 within his church, maketh not men tyrants and 
 lords, but appoints them servants, watchmen and 
 pastors of the flock." This part of the ceremony 
 being finished, the people were asked, whether 
 they acknowledged this their brother as a minister 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, of Jesus Christ, whether they would listen with 
 M»»^-w I'everence to the word of God as spoken by him, 
 i.56i. submit to his admonitions, and assist and comfort 
 him in the discharge of his duties ? After they had 
 replied, a short address was made to the nobility ; 
 , prayers were offered to God for his blessing upon 
 his servant ; the rest of the ministers and the elders 
 of the churches took the elected by the hand, in 
 testimony of their reception of him as their super- 
 intendent, and the presiding minister pronounced 
 a short benediction. The whole closed with an 
 admonition as to the manner in which the superin- 
 tendent should perform the duties of the pastoral 
 office *. 
 
 This form was strikingly impressive, was calcu- 
 lated to inspire the justest sentiments of the solemn 
 nature, and of the arduous duties of the ministry — 
 of the estimation with which they who conscienti- 
 ously discharged these duties ought to be regarded. 
 It also throws light upon the state of the reforma- 
 tion in Scotland at the time of its being adopted. 
 Knox mentioned, that the lords of the secret coun- 
 cil had authorized this election of a superintendent. 
 The fact shews that the reformers were directly 
 supported by government — that the approbation of 
 
 * Knox, B. ill. p. 263 — 206. Hollnshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. 
 p. 311, 312. Caldcr\Aood, p. 30. This Spottiswoode was the father 
 of the archbishop. It is remarkable, that the prelate takes no notice 
 ©f his father's election to be superintendent, till he give« an account 
 •i his death. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 4S 
 
 ihe book of discipline was an official act ; and this criAP. 
 
 . . . XIX. 
 
 renders the relative situation of the two churches v^ 
 still more singular. ^^**^ 
 
 In the questions put to the superintendent, there 
 is much more minuteness with regard to the pecu- 
 liar and mysterious doctrines of Christianitv, than 
 might have been expected from the confession of 
 faith ; a person who felt no hesitation to subscribe 
 the one, might have hesitated about assenting lo 
 the other. From this it appears, that, in framing a 
 creed designed for the whole community, it was 
 not conceived necessary or proper to enlarge upon 
 a number of intricate points, with which the people 
 could not be acquainted, but with respect to which, 
 it was supposed that the opinion of every one vt^ho 
 had prepared himself for the ministry must be de- 
 cided. From this period, indeed from the first 
 nomination of superintendents, the reformed church 
 may be considered as having assumed the form 
 which was thought best adapted for accomplishing 
 the great designs of its institution ; and the clergy, 
 not only freed from the apprehension of persecu- 
 tion, but assured of the support of the civil power, 
 were indefatigable in disseminating their principles, 
 in endeavouring to establish that popery was ido- 
 latry, and in carrying into effect that system of 
 discipline, by which they hoped to restrain the vices 
 of those who submitted to their ministi-y*. 
 
 But amidst this activity they soon perceived, that 
 
 * Knox's History, B. iii. p. 269. 
 
I 
 
 44 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, they were very far from having secured the power 
 
 ^.^.^^^ which they had so recently acquired. The popish 
 
 1561. clergy began to recover from the consternation in- 
 
 The hope.-. ^'-'^ <=> 
 
 of the po- to which they had been thrown, and not only che- 
 revive. rished the expectation that their ancient splendour 
 would be renewed, but incautiously boasted, that 
 the protestants would soon be reduced to the insig- 
 nificance from which they had emerged *. 
 Reasons of There were several reasons which account for 
 this change of sentiment, but which certainly did 
 not render it wise that such a change should be 
 openly, and, perhaps, insultingly avowed. Pos- 
 sessed of a great part of their former wealth, con- 
 vinced, from the fate of the book of discipline, that 
 the protestant teachers v.^ould fail in obtaining the 
 ecclesiastical revenues, attributing the refusal to 
 sanction that book to a decay of the zeal, which, 
 during the continuance of tumult and civil war 
 had been so conspicuously displayed, placing much 
 reliance upon the queen's attachment to the popish 
 religion, upon the influence, which, from her situa- 
 tion, her beauty, and her accomplishments, she 
 Hiight be able to establish over the minds of the 
 most distinguished of her subjects ; the friends of 
 the Romish hierarchy flattered themselves, that a 
 mew direction would be given to the current of 
 opinion, and that the preachers, harassed by want, 
 •r stung by neglect and contempt, would relinquish 
 
 * Knox's History, B. iii. p. 271. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 45 
 
 a semce, from which experience shewed them that chap. 
 
 XIX 
 
 so little could be acquired. k^^^ '.-^ 
 
 '1 he reformers were alamed by the boldness of ^•''^i- 
 their oppon-nts, and resolved to make the most 
 strenuous efforts for the preservation of what they 
 venerated as pure religion. They composed, at an 
 assembly, held in May, a series of requests, which. May 27th. 
 with a supplication expressive of their fears, they present^" ' 
 presented lo the lords of the secret council, and to supplication 
 
 * _ against 
 
 that convention of the estates which had met at the popery. 
 same time, for receiving the communications of the 
 prior upon his return from France *. They en- 
 treated, that idolatry, and all monuments thereof, 
 should be suppressed throughout the realm ; that 
 they who openly professed popery should be punish- 
 ed ; that sp.ecial and certain provision should be 
 made for the support of the different ministers of the 
 church ; that superintendents and ministers should 
 be jjlanted where there were none, and that suit- 
 able deference to them should be enforced ; that 
 they who despised or abused the sacraments should 
 be proceeded ao;ainst as criminals ; that no letters 
 of session should be issued for the payment of teinds 
 till what had been appropriated to the preachers 
 was secured to them ; that the leases or feus of vi- 
 
 * Knox, B. Hi. p. 27 i. Keith, p. 501. Spottiswoode confounds 
 the acts of this convention wlih those of the convention held in Janu- 
 ary, and he has been followed in tliis by Mackenzie in his Lives, and 
 by Coliier in his Eccl. Hist, of Britain. Heylin's Hist, of the Presby- 
 terians, B. iv. p. 1 G9. 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE IlEFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, carafes and manses should not be held valid : that 
 
 XIX . 
 
 "^ six acres of land should be reserved for each mi-' 
 1561. nister ; and that all who introduced, purchased, or 
 executed bulls from Rome, should be subjected to 
 the cognizance of the civil power *. 
 
 In the supplication, they declared their appre- 
 hension of the re-establishment of popery ; and 
 speaking of this, they employed the strongest and 
 most decisive language They stated, '* that be- 
 fore that ever these tyrants and dumb dogs (allud- 
 ing to the ecclesiastics,) ruled over them, and such 
 as God had subjected to them, they would hazard 
 their fortunes and their lives.'* Having thus inti- 
 mated their determination, they deprecated such a 
 state of their country as would render it necessary 
 again to unsheath the sword ; and they promised, 
 that if idolatry continued to be suppressed, and the 
 protestant religion upheld, they would ever prove 
 themselves obedient subjects, and would cordially 
 support government against ail who set it at defi- 
 ance f. 
 
 * Knox, B. iii. ^z. 271, 272, compared with Keith, B. iii. ch. i. p. 
 5^01, 502. It appears from Knox, that the requests were addressed 
 both to the lords of the secret council and to what he calls the whole 
 assembly then convened, by which he probably meant the convention. 
 Keith speaks of their being presented only to the council, but the le- 
 solution which the convention soon after took, confirms the state- 
 ment of Knox. 
 
 f Knox and Keith, as last quoted. Heylin's Hist, of the Presby- 
 terians, B. iv. p. 1 64. Knox and Keith both mention, that the assem- 
 bly met on the 27th May ; and it appears from the register, that on 
 the 23th the requests and supplication were approved and- transmitted 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 4? 
 
 Many of the requests clearly shew that the pro- ciiAP. 
 testant teachers were already suffering under the 
 
 pressure of poverty, and that numberless devices ^^*^'' 
 had been invented for defrauding them of what had 
 been allotted for their maintenance. The irrita- 
 tion which so powerful a cause could not fail to 
 excite, may be traced in their supplication, which 
 certainly breathes a much more intemperate spirit 
 than that by which they had at first been actuated. 
 They not only denounce those who opposed them, 
 but, with the utmost eargerness they petition, that 
 they who adhered to popery should be punished ; 
 that the same persecution should be directed against 
 them, which they, when they w-ere themselves the 
 sufferers, had so feelingly and so justly reprobat- 
 ed. 
 
 Yet, although every approach to intolerance Their situ- 
 ahould be condemned as contrary to reason, and f^^ds some 
 inconsistent with the enlarged benevolence, the hu- p-^<^"^^ ^°'' 
 
 . . . . intolerance. 
 
 mane principles of Christianity, it ought in candour 
 to be observed, that the reformers should not be 
 blamed with the same severity, which, under differ- 
 ent circumstances they would have have merited. 
 It must be recollected, in extenuation of their error, 
 that they were surrounded by dangers, that they 
 were not anxious, merely from the desire of con- 
 to the council. Yet Knox dates the supprication on the ISth, ani 
 Keith copies this date without any remark. It was probably a mistake 
 of the press, 1 8 for 28, which Keith had not observed till it wis top 
 fate for correction. 
 
48 HISTORY OF .THE REFORAIATION 
 
 CHAP. Straining the consciences of men, to direct the arm 
 ^0^^^^ of power against peaceable subjects, who only 
 1561. sought permission to profess, without molestation, 
 their religious sentiments. They knew that an 
 alarming combination was forming against them, 
 having for its avowed object the extermination of 
 their faith ; and they also knew, from melancholy 
 and recent experience, that if this combination tri- 
 umphed, there would be imposed upon them the 
 yoke of civil and religious bondage. The feelings 
 which the most galling enmity, which the terrors 
 of martyrdom naturally excited, existed in their 
 breasts with strength which time had not yet dimi- 
 nished ; exhibited to them their obligation to assert 
 the cause for which they bad suffered, in a light in 
 which it cannot be contemplated bv those, who 
 have quiedy embraced the tenets which they hold, 
 and who, delighting in freedom of conscience, wil- 
 lingly extend to others a blessing which all may 
 harmoniously enjoy. Just escaped then from un- 
 relenting despotism, still trembling at the probabi- 
 hty of being again subjected to it, the protestants 
 in Scotland would have been more than men, had 
 they, silencing the voice of passion, subduing the 
 impetuosity of zeal which it had been necessary to 
 cherish, calmly meditated upon the duty of grant- 
 ing toleration ; or expanded their views so as to 
 perceive, that, by doing so, they would strengthen 
 the foundation upon which the reformation was 
 originally placed. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 49 
 
 It was impossible for the council, or the conven- S^ 
 tion, to disregard the fervent petitions which had -^^.^^^ 
 been presented to them. They at once saw, that Rbsoiution 
 if thev resisted these petitions, they would renew "^'^'^ . 
 the calamities of war, and they shrunk from exas- to destroy 
 
 1 • • 1 L 1 1 religious 
 
 peratmg men whose principles tney approved, and edifices. 
 by whose firmness the reins of government had 
 been put into their hands. Accordingly, the lords 
 of the council, yielding to the pressure of circum- 
 stances, and probably hoping that they would after- 
 wards find some pretext for rendering their reso- 
 lution nugatory, passed an act granting all which 
 was required*. 
 
 The convention no less decisively shewed their 
 wish to strengthen the protestants. With the de- 
 sign of rekindling the ardent zeal, which had in 
 some measure decayed, and probably still more for 
 the purpose of diverting attention from the reve- 
 nues of the church, and from the urgent claims of 
 the new teachers to be sustained out of these re- 
 venues, they, at the desire of the reformers, issued 
 an order for demolishing the abbeys of monks and 
 friars, and for destroying the remaining monu- 
 ments of idolatry throughout the kingdom ; com- 
 mitting the execution of the order to some of the 
 most eminent and popular leaders of the Congre- 
 gation. The wt:st of Scotland was assigned to the 
 
 * Knox, B ill. p. 273. Keith, B. in. ch. i. p. 502* Heyllo'r 
 History of the Presbyterians, B. iy. p. 164. 
 
 VOL. in. » 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 eilAP. 
 XIX. 
 
 1561. 
 
 Remarks 
 upon it. 
 
 Earls of Arran, Glencairn and Argyll, the north 
 to the prior, and the other districts, into which the 
 country was divided, to men upon whose zeal and 
 activity the firmest reliance could be placed*. 
 
 It is admitted by those writers who have most 
 vehemently declaimed upon the consequences which 
 resulted from this order, that the object of it was 
 effectually to suppress the monastic orders, the 
 most devoted adherents of the Romish church, the 
 most dangerous enemies to the protestant faith ; 
 and when the act is viewed in itself, it must be 
 considered as the natural result of that policy which 
 had established the reformation in Scotland. Henry 
 VIII. had seen the importance of similar measures 
 for carrying into effect the imperfect reformation, 
 or rather the capricious arrangements which he in- 
 troduced into the church of England. He declar- 
 ed war against the monks, not only dissolving the 
 monasteries, but enriching himself by seizing their 
 jewels, their plate, their furniture, and their money. 
 That he might not again be assailed or thwarted by 
 them, he pulled down almost all the cloisters and 
 the churches which were attached to them, and or- 
 
 * Spottlswoode, B. iii. p. 1 74, and more fully in the manuscript 
 copy of his History, quoted by Keith, B. iii. p. 503. Heylin's Hist, 
 of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 164. Collier's Eccl. Hist, of Britain, 
 Vol. II. p. 470. There is much confusion in the accounts of this 
 transaction. Spottiswoode, as has been already mentioned, assigns to 
 it a wrong date, and Heylin supposes it to have origmated with the 
 council, which granted the requests of the assembly. The two acts, 
 however, were diitlnct; the one the act of the council, the other of 
 the convention. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 51 
 
 dercd the bells, the lead, and the other materials chap. 
 to be sold*. v»^»sy^* 
 
 The intention of the council, however, was ^^^^• 
 much exceeded. The fears which the priests had 
 excited, conjoined with the too vehement exhor- 
 tations of the preachers, stimulated the fury of 
 the multitude, and there was much useless and la- 
 mentable devastation. Churches were plundered 
 and destroyed, and the valuable articles found in 
 them were most unwarrantably exposed to sale by 
 those who had appropriated them. That motives 
 much less pure than even the extravagance of re- 
 ligious zeal exerted upon many a powerful influ- 
 ence, cannot be questioned. In every popular com- 
 motion, the worthless mingle with those who believe 
 themselves to be guided by principle ; and at this 
 period much was certainly done by the people, 
 much by some in the higher ranks of life, which it 
 is impossible to defend. 
 
 But while this is admitted, It may most justly be 
 remarked, that it does not afford any reason for 
 the exclusive condemnation of the Scotlsh reform- 
 ers. The excesses which they committed were not 
 greater, and they were much more excusable than 
 those of which Henry was guilty ; and if the refor- 
 mation in Scotland is reprobated because its pro- 
 
 * Neale's History of the Puritans, Vol. I. p. 17 — 19. Heylin's 
 Ecclesia Restaurata, or History of the Reformation, Part II. p. 90. 
 Rapin's Hist, of England, Vol.vl. p. 807 — 809. Burnet, "Vol. I. Col- 
 lier, VoL II. each under the reign of Henry VIII. 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE REFOR?vIATION 
 
 CHAP, gress was sometimes marked by actions which werff 
 ^^^•^j wrong, upon the same ground the reformation in 
 
 1561. every other country is to be deplored. There can 
 be httle doubt, that prejudices against some of the 
 opinions, and still more against some of the inno- 
 vations of Knox, have induced many authors to ag- 
 gravate the errors of the protestants who adhered 
 to him, incautiously and unjustly to attribute to his 
 violence what was inseparable^ from a revolution, in- 
 teresting the feelings, and rousing the passions of 
 mankind — what may be traced in the history of 
 every church, which had the virtue to emancipate 
 itself from the tyranny and superstition of Rome. 
 They who, in their ardour to support peculiar notions 
 respecting ecclesiastical policy, have been rashly led 
 to decry those who, though uniting with them in the 
 great doctrines of the reformed faith, did not act 
 upon these notions, would have evidenced more 
 liberal sentiments and more enlarged philosophy, 
 had they endeavoured to represent as entitled to 
 gratitude and veneration all the illustrious men, 
 who, amidst numberless difficulties, opened the road 
 to divine truth, introducing a change of principle, 
 favourable for promoting the improvement of the 
 human mind, and which, in Scotland, was, from the 
 beginning, interwoven with the best interests of civil 
 and religious liberty. 
 
 ii 
 
IN SCOTLANU. 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTIETH. 
 
 Mart/'s arrkal in Scotland. ...Suspicious conduct of Eli- 
 rnbet/i....Joi/ excited in Scot/and by the arritid of the 
 Sovct'eign... .Increased by tJte Jiist acts of her reign.... 
 Attachment to her religion.. ..Preachers qf/'ended.^. 
 Threatened iumult.... Proper conduct of the Prior..., 
 ProcJamation....Protest of yJrran.... Increasing injiuence 
 cf Mary. ...Knox a/ann9d....His sermon.. ..His confe- 
 rence with the Queen.. ..His manly and independent bc- 
 hatiour....His account of the conversation.... His opi- 
 nion of the Queen.... Remarfcs upon his principles and 
 conduct. 
 
 About the middle of August the queen of Scot- CHAP, 
 land, who had been attended to Calais by the most \,^v^^ 
 illustrious of the French nobility, embarked for,,^-^*^!- 
 
 •' Mary s 
 
 her native land. The Duke D' Aumale, the Grand arrival in 
 Prior, and the Marquis D'Elbeuf, three of her uncles, August. 
 the eldest son of the constable Montmorency, with 
 many of inferior rank, who were warmly attached 
 to the interests of the family of Guise, accompa- 
 nied her in the voyage, that they might witness her 
 reception by her subjects, contribute to her com- 
 fortable establishment, and alleviate, by their society,^ - 
 the dejecdon and the anguish, which her departure ' 
 from a country, where she had passed her most 
 brilliant and happy days, naturally created *. 
 
 * Leslie, de Rebus Gestis Scotorum, Lib. x. p. 535. Leslie ac- 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. When departing from the coast, impressed with 
 ^^^..^^J,^ the idea that her future life would be embittered 
 1^61. by misfortune, she fixed her eyes upon it, and, 
 when the darkness of night prevented her from 
 longer beholding it, she ordered her couch to be 
 spread upon the deck of the vessel, requesting, that 
 if France were in sight next morning, she might be 
 awakened. At day-break it could still be discern- 
 ed. She saw it fading from her view, and when 
 it was just becoming invisible, she, in the deepest 
 sorrow, exclaimed. Adieu, my beloved country, I 
 shall never see you more ! * 
 August ^^ ^ ^^^ '^^y^ ^^^ arrived in safety at Leith. For 
 
 19th or ^ short period before she reached Scotland, and at 
 
 20th. ^ *^ , ' 
 
 the time of her landing, the atmosphere was ob- 
 scured by an unusually thick fog. Some of the 
 zealous protestants, who dwelt with apprehension 
 and abhorrence upon the religion of their sovereign, 
 considered this as an indication from Heaven that 
 her reign would be marked by calamity ; and the 
 disasters which in a few years pressed upon her, the 
 tumults and dissensions which agitated her king- 
 dom, convinced them that the uncharitable sug- 
 
 companled the queen to Scotland. Castelnau's Memoirs, apud 
 Jebl), Vol. n. p. 455. Keith, B. ii. ch. i. p. 1 79. 
 
 * Brantome's interesting account of the' voyage may be seen in 
 Jebb, Vol. II p. 483, 484, inserted among the additions to the Me- 
 moirs of Castelnau. Brantome and Castelnau, who may also be con- 
 sulted, attended the queen, and probably witnessed the scene which 
 the former of these writers has so feelingly described. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 3S 
 
 gestions of ignorance and superstition had been de- CHAP 
 rived from inspiration *. s^^.^^ 
 
 Whatever the state of the atmosphere n^g^t ^y^^^^* 
 have been conceived to portend, it in all probabi- 
 lity saved Mary from the horrors of captivity ; and 
 was on this account, at least from more amiable 
 feelings than those which dictated the opposite o- 
 pinion, ascribed to the superintending care of a be- 
 neficent providence t. Elizabeth had sent out a Suspicious 
 
 * I . conduct ol 
 
 considerable fleet ; and historians are almost unani- Elizabeth. 
 mous in asserting or insinuating, that her intention 
 was to intercept Mary, and to prevent her from 
 reaching her own dominions. The subsequent 
 conduct of the English queen, gives to the asser- 
 tion or the insinuation much probability j and al- 
 though a measure so shocking to every virtuous 
 mind was explicitly disavowed, the circumstance 
 that one of the vessels accompanying Mary was 
 actually captured, leaves almost no reason to doubt 
 that the disavowal was insincere J. I'he arrival of 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 283, 284. Heylin's Hist, of Presbyterians, B.iv, 
 p. 165. 
 
 •f" Leslie, Lib. x. p. 575. 
 
 % Leslie, Lib. x. p. 575. Buchanan, Lib. xvil. p. 328. Spottis* 
 woode, B. iv. p. 178. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B.iv, 
 p. 165. Heylin's Ecclesia Restaurata, Part ii. p. 152. Holinshed's 
 Chronicle, Vol. IL p. 313, 314. Keith, p. 180. Mackenzie's Life 
 of Queen Mary, in Vol. IIL of his Lives, p. 262. Memoires de Cas- 
 telnau, apud Jebb. Vol. IL p. 455. Camden's Annals, p. 67» 
 Camden's account implicates the Prior and Maltland of Lethingtoq 
 in the scheme of intercepting their queen. That historian narrates, 
 that the Lord James, in returning through England, had advised E- 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XX. 
 
 1561. 
 
 the queen was no sooner made known, by the dis- 
 charge of artillery under which vshe landed, than 
 Joy "excited ri'iu^tit^^^ hastened to Leith, that they might be 
 
 by the arri- 
 val of the 
 sovereign, lizabeth to intercept Slary, if she had any regard to the protestant 
 
 celigion, or to her own security ; and that Maitland, upon hearing 
 that D'Osel had been prevented by the English queen from coming 
 to Scotland, wrote, approving of his detention, and expressing his 
 own fears, that when Mary returned, she would excite troubles in her 
 kingdom, cut off all communication with England, and direct her 
 vengeance against her protestant subjects, regarding them not only as 
 traitors, but as heretics. If it were possible to believe that the Prior 
 suggested the scheme, he must be regarded as having been one of the 
 basest of men. It must be remarked, however, that there is no decisive 
 evidence to support the charge, and that without the strongest proof, 
 we ought not to receive it as well founded. He had just made the 
 most earnest declarations of loyalty to his sister, he had been most 
 favourably received, he had obtained the fullest anurances that she 
 would be guided by his counsels ; and it is difBcult, after all this, to 
 conceive that, without any apparent motive, he would so soon act 
 the part of a vile and unnatural traitor. Maitland did indeed \*Tite 
 % long and very interesting letter to Cecil, the original of which is in 
 the Cotton Library, Caligula, B. x. stating his sentiments respecting 
 D'Osel, and expressing, nearly in the words used by Camden, his ap- 
 prehensfon of the consequences which would follow from Mary's re- 
 turning to Scotland. This letter perhaps warrants the idea that when 
 he wrote It, at which time he seems to have despaired of acquiring 
 the queen's favour, he would have felt little reluctance to retard or to 
 prevent her coming. But it is evident, that the plan of Intercepting 
 Irer did not originate with him, that he was even averse formally to 
 approve of It, for he says, " I make not this discourse as our mean- 
 IiTg to debar her majesty from her kingdom, or that we would wish 
 that she never should come home, for that were the part of an unna- 
 tural subject." It is however exceedingly likely, that the represen- 
 tation of Maitland convinced Elizabeth of the wisdom of her previ- 
 ous determination to intercept Mary ; and language nearly similar 
 might have been used by the prior. The letter of Lethington, a 
 iTian of great talents, and at this time in Scotland) throws much light 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 57 
 
 orratiiicd by beholding her. In their aidour to see char 
 their sovereign, religious differences were for a mo- \,,^l!^',xO 
 ment forgotten. Protestants vied with catholics in i^^i- 
 
 upon the situation of that country, and I have therefore, although it 
 has been publislicil by Keith, transcribeJ the greater part of it for tht- 
 Appendix, No. XI. from Crawford's M S. collection of papers con- 
 cerning Scotland, Vol. I. ft may just be observed, that both in 
 Crawford's copy, and in Keith's appendix, the date of the letter is 
 marked 10th August 1560, It is probably so in the original, bit 
 they might have remarked, that this must have been owing to an acci- 
 dental mistake, or to inattention on the part of Maltland. It was 
 obviously written after Elizabeth had refused the passports, and when 
 the queen of Scotland was preparing to leave France ; it must of 
 coiu^e have been in the August of 1561. 
 
 But whether the prior and Maitland were accessory to the scheme 
 respecting Mary, it is almost certain that Elizabeth had formed it, 
 and attempted to carry it into execution. This is affirmed by many 
 historians of opposite political principles ; it was certainly believed by 
 Mary herself; and it was so much the topic of conversation, that the 
 English queen formally attempted to exculpate herself from tlie 
 charge. In the fragment of a letter to Mary, copied by Keith from 
 what he calls the shattered munuscript in the Advocate's Library, E- 
 lizabeth writes : " Finally, where it seems tliat report has been made 
 unto you, that we had sent our admiral to the seas with our navy, to 
 prevent your passage, both your servants here do well understand 
 how false that report was, considering for a truth we have no more 
 than two or three barks upon the seas to apprehend pirates." It is 
 plain from Throkmorton's letter to his royal mistress respecting the 
 voyage of Mar)', that he had received particular instructions to ob- 
 tain accurate information about the time of its taking place, and some 
 of his expressions arc very remarkable. He says, " To the intent that 
 I might better decyplier whether the queen of Scotland did mean to 
 continue her voyage,I waited upon her ;" and a little after he mentions* 
 " the queen of Scotland departed from St Germain's yesterday to- 
 wards her voyage, as she bruiteth it, — but what she will do, or where 
 she will embark, she will acknown to never a Scotchman, and but 
 to few French. — If it would please your majesty, to cause some to be 
 
SS HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP testifying the delight which they felt; all endea- 
 '^^' voured to shew, by illuminations, by music, by e- 
 
 1561. very expression which they could devise, the loy- 
 alty by which they were actuated *. 
 
 There were many causes which conspired to ex- 
 cite these emotions of joy and affection so honour- 
 able to the people, and so gratifying to the queen. 
 
 sent privily to all the ports of this side, the certainty shall be better 
 known to your majesty that way, by the laying of her vessels, than 
 I can advertise it hence." — Why should Elizabeth have been so anx- 
 ious about the precise time of Mary's setting out, if she had no de- 
 sign against her ? or is it probable that Throkmorton would have 
 , advised sending spies to convey intelligence, if he had not known 
 
 that some plan, founded upon that intelligence, was in contemplation ? 
 The evidence against Elizabeth is as strong as, considering the secret 
 nature of the plan, and the care which would naturally be taken [to 
 conceal it, could have been expected to exist. If we consider it as 
 sufficient to establish what it is adduced to prove, we must regard 
 that celebrated princess, notM'ithstanding the splendour of her reign, 
 and the abilities which she often exerted for the happiness of her 
 kingdom, as having been guided, in her conduct to Maiy, by the 
 most detestable hypocrisy ; and we must consider all the defences 
 which have been made for the manner in which she afterwards acted 
 to that queen as entitled to very little attention. From the death of 
 Francis, Elizabeth saw the importance of getting Mary into her 
 power ; although defeated in her first attempt, the plan w^as never 
 relinquished ; and she eagerly embraced the first opportunity of pro- 
 secuting it with success. Although the innocence of Mary had been 
 clearly established, she would never, in all probability, have been re- 
 stored to liberty ; and the pretended investigations into her conduct^ 
 only added the mockery of cruel derision to the enormity of the most 
 flagrant injustice. 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 328. Leslie, Lib. x. p. 535. Knox. B, 
 iv. p. 2S4. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 178. Keith, B. ii. ch. ii. p. 1«0. 
 Castelnau, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 455. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 5D 
 
 They had long been deprived of the advantages, ad- CHAP, 
 vantages in a rude age of vast importance, which re- \^^^^^ 
 suit from the residence of a sovereign; they had ^^*^'* 
 been convinced from the moment that their youth- 
 ful princess became queen of France, that she would 
 never revisit her own dominions j and they had 
 dreaded that their country, so long distinguished by 
 the independent spirit of its inhabitants, would sink 
 into a province of the French monarchy. All 
 these evils and gloomy forebodings were annihilat- 
 ed by the arrival of Mary; while the striking e- 
 vents which had already marked her history, made 
 a deep impression upon the hearts of a people who 
 had for ages displayed the most ardent attachment 
 to their sovereigns. Recollecting that her father 
 had died only a few days after her birth; that the civil 
 war, which so soon followed, endangering her safety, 
 had deprived her of the affectionate care of her 
 surviving parent ; that, compelled to take refuge in 
 a foreign land, she had been exalted to one of the 
 most splendid and powerful of the European thrones, 
 only that she might descend from it, in consequence 
 of an unexpected calamity wounding her amiable 
 feelings no less than the ambition so natural to 
 youth ; that her mind had been distressed by the 
 misfortunes which blasted her mother's happiness 
 and accelerated her dissolution j that she had come 
 to a kingdom yet struggling with internal convul- 
 sion — they beheld her w^ith a tenderness of sympathy, 
 which, had her lot been uniformly prosperous, 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAi?. could not have been excited *. The Incompar- 
 .^^y,^ able beauty of her person, the engaging elegance of 
 1561. her deportment, filled them with wonder and ad- 
 miration — gave rise to an enthusiasm of loyalty, 
 which the sternest of the reformers did not con- 
 demn •{-. 
 
 The nobles hastened to the capital to do homage 
 X.Q their sovereign. 1 hey, too, beheld her with a- 
 stonishment and delight. Captivated with the 
 gentleness and polished aftability of her manners, 
 with those graces by which she was so eminently 
 distinguished, and which presented so great a con- 
 trast to the formality or rudeness with which they 
 were familiar, they shared the general sentiment of 
 devoted attachment %. ^ 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 328, S29. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 178, 
 179. Keith, B. ii, ch, ii. p. 180, 181. 
 
 f Buchanan, p. 329. Spottiswoode, p. 179. Mackenzie, Vol. III. 
 p. 262. Knox, B. iv. p. 284. Mezeray, the French historian, says- of 
 Mary, that nature had bestowed on her every thing necessary to form 
 a complete beauty ; and Gastelnau, in his Memoirs, affirms that she had 
 greater perfections of beauty than any other princess of her time. 
 
 X Leslie, who hated the prior, and who was firmly persuaded 
 that this nobleman was tlie most dangerous and inveterate enemy of 
 his sovereign, mentions, that although he was in the neighbourhood of 
 Leith at the time of her arrival, and was immediately apprized of 
 her having landed, he did not hasten to offer to her the congratula- 
 tions which it was his duty to present. This conduct, supposing it 
 to have proceeded from the motive insinuated by Leslie, would have 
 shewn so much folly, so much want of policy, neither of which 
 could be imputed to the prior, that it seems reasonable to suppose, 
 that if he were slow in waiting upon the queen, it must have been 
 •wing to some unavoidable caii»e, not to any wish to mortify her, er 
 
IN SCOTLAND. "61 
 
 The first acts of her reign confirmed the favour- CHAP. 
 
 XX 
 
 able opinion which her appearance had led the \^^^y^ 
 protestant leaders to form. She not only gratified ^•''^'• 
 
 . . • 1 Increased 
 
 them by that aelicacy of attention so admn-ably cal- by the first 
 
 acts of ' 
 reign. 
 
 culated to gain the affections, and which must 
 
 have proved irresistible, when proceeding from the 
 most accomplished princess of Europe, but she un- 
 equivocally expressed to them her determination 
 to regulate by their counsels the most important 
 measures of her government. For all classes of 
 her subjects she showed the most gracious re- 
 gard. Aware how easily their religious zeal might 
 inflame their minds, she consented that no altera- 
 tion should be made by which that zeal could be 
 turned against her administration. So bright in- 
 deed was the prospect which, by prudence and ad- 
 dress, she had created, that both she herself, and 
 
 to lead her to imagine that he did not cordially espouse her interest. 
 He knew well that many of the nobility would use eyery effort to 
 ingratiate themselves into the royal favour ; that they would not 
 hesitate, even by an apparent coincidence %vith the queen's religiouc 
 sentiments, to acquire the direction of government : and thus, even 
 taking for granted that he was at this time faithless to his sister, 
 he must have felt the utmost anxiety that none should rob him of 
 the confidence which he was certain she was inclined to repose in 
 him. This is confirmed by the circumstance that Castelnau and 
 Brantome, botli of whom, as well as Leslie, attended the queen, and 
 who must have heard the reflections to which the absence of the Lord 
 James would have given rise had the queen been hurt or offended 
 by it, take no notice of any deficiency in his attention. So far indeed 
 from this, the former of these writers mentions, that all the homage 
 and reverence which he could have desired, were sliewn to Mary af- 
 ter lier landing in her kingdom. 
 
1561. 
 
 62 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^^' the friends who accompanied her, were convinced 
 that every dissension would be extinguished, and 
 that she would restore to her distracted kingdom 
 harmony and peace *. 
 
 Had she at this period assumed the mask of 
 dissimulation — had she, while she put no real con- 
 fidence in the protestant nobility, abstained from 
 maldng a public profession of her faith, there can 
 be little doubt, from the partiality with which she 
 was at first regarded, that she would have strength- 
 ened or secured the foundations of her throne ; that 
 she would have defeated the violence or the malig- 
 nity of faction ; and, by destroying every pretext 
 for the Interference of England, or for the exist- 
 ence of an English party, — by leading her subjects 
 to yield to her undivided allegiance, she would have 
 acquired such Influence as would have rendered 
 her most formidable to Elizabeth, and would have 
 enabled her not only to renew the league with 
 France, but in process of time to give an insidious 
 and fatal blow to the reformed religion in Scot- 
 land. 
 
 Happily, however, It was neither in harmony with 
 her natural disposition, nor with the openness and 
 candour which, in general, so amiably distinguish 
 the season of youth, to choose a part of such re- 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 329. Leslie, Lib. x. p. 535, 536. 
 Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 179.? Castelnau's Memoirs, apud Jebb, Vol. 
 II, p. 455, 456. Camden's Annals, p. 67. Holinshed's Chronicle, 
 
 Vol. n. p. ms. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 63 
 
 fined duplicity ; and, while wc must feel for the er- CHAP. 
 
 . • . XX 
 
 rors and the misfortunes in which the neglect of v^^^ ^^ 
 this deceitful policy soon involved her, it must af- ^^*^^' 
 ford sincere satisfaction to all who value the liberty 
 and independence of their country, that it was not 
 adopted. 
 
 There were various causes which strengthened her Attach- 
 attachment to her religion, and which would have religion, 
 made her shrink with abhorrence from every pro- 
 posal or suggestion apparently to renounce it. 
 Amidst the rugged manners, the barbarous and 
 uncouth politeness of the Scotish nobles, she often 
 recalled, with the tenderest regret, the captivating 
 and delicate attentions of her former subjects. She 
 associated with the happiness which she had en- 
 joyed in France, the performance of those rites, 
 which there she had been taught to venerate, while 
 her deference to the opinions of her uncle, the car- 
 dinal of Lorrain, to whom she had from infancy 
 looked as her guardian and instructor — her reve- 
 rence for the memory of her mother, whom she 
 was disposed to consider as a martyr to the Romish 
 faith, and her secret aversion to men, who, under 
 the pretence of religion, had wounded the feelings 
 and shortened the days of that venerable princess ;— 
 all conspired to make her regard the conscientious 
 and avowed support of her principles, as a most 
 sacred duty, — determined her to assert, with steadi- 
 ness, her right to the same liberty which she was 
 disposed to grant to the meanest of her subjects. 
 
6i 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XX. 
 
 1561. 
 
 In the irritated state of the public mind, amidst 
 the apprehension which had been sedulously and 
 successfully excited, of the danger with which the 
 renewal of the popish worship, even though confin- 
 ed to the sovereign and her household, threatened 
 
 Preachers the kingdom, this attachment, however amiable, 
 these resolutions, however just, could scarcely fail 
 to raise in the preachers, who watched over the in- 
 fancy of the reformation, and in the multitude who 
 were devoted to them, all the fervour and the tur- 
 bulence of exasperated zeal. When, accordingly, 
 
 Aug. 24th, on the Sunday which succeeded the queen's arrival, 
 and which happened to be the festival of St Bar- 
 tholomew, they saw the preparations for solemniz- 
 ing the mass, preparations which, perhaps in honour 
 of the saint, were made with more ostentation than 
 prudence would have justified, the hearts of the 
 godly, as the historians of the party expressed it, 
 became bold ; and forgetting the professions of 
 
 Threaten- loyalty which they had lately made to the queen, 
 
 ed tumult, ^j^gy exclaimed. Shall the idol again be suffered to 
 be established in the realm ? Some, still more in- 
 / temperate, threw aside all regard to humanity, and 
 professing to be actuated by the spirit of a master 
 who said of himself, that he came not to destroy 
 men's lives, but to save them, did not hesitate to 
 suggest, that it was required by God's law to put 
 the idolatrous priest to death*. 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 284. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 329. Spottlswoode, 
 B, Iv. p. 179. Calderwood's History, p. 30. Holin»hed's Clironicl?, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 65 
 
 It is liighly probable that some dreadful outrage chap. 
 would have immediately followed, had not the prior, \^^^y^ 
 whom the most zealous protestams held in the^*^*^^- 
 
 * ^ rroper 
 
 highest veneration, vigorously interfered, and an- conduct of 
 nounced his resolution to defend the privilege which ^ ^ ^"°'^* 
 he had before declared that the queen ought to 
 possess. Under pretence of preventing any Scotch- 
 man from being contaminated with idolatry, but 
 really with the design of preserving peace, he placed 
 himself at the door of the chapel, and overawed 
 the people. The service was thus concluded in 
 tranquillity, and the priest, to the great scandal of 
 the professors, was conducted to the palace by the 
 two other natural brothers of the queen, men who 
 had unequivocally espoused the reformed faith *. 
 
 The prudence with which the prior defeated the 
 intentions of the too zealous friends of the refor- 
 mation, however acceptable it might have been to 
 Mary, filled the Earl of Huntly with regret. This 
 nobleman, dangerous as he was fluctuating in his 
 opinions, was desirous to increase the commotions 
 which he expected to arise from the state of religi- 
 ous parties. He had, as has been mentioned, a 
 little before the queen's arrival, reunited himself 
 vidth the steady catholics, and in his anxiety to re- 
 
 Vol. II. p. 315, 316. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. Iv- 
 p. 165. Mackenzie's Lives, Vol. III. p. 262. 
 
 * Knox, B.iv. p. 284. Spottiswoode, p. 179, Heyliji's Hist, of the. 
 Presb. p. 166. Buchanan, p. 329, 
 
 VQL. in, jE 
 
65 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 1561. 
 
 CHAP, commend himself to Mary, and to wipe away the 
 suspicion which his former fickleness must have 
 created, he had pledged his honour that he would 
 again establish the ancient faith in those northern 
 parts of Scotland, over which, from his rank and 
 his extensive possessions, he had great influence *. 
 He probably thought that the outrages of the pro- 
 testants, so soon after the queen's arrival, would 
 disgust all who were inclined to peace, would draw 
 away moderate \nen from a furious faction, and 
 would thus prove highly favourable to the execu- 
 tion of his design. But when he disclosed his views 
 to the uncles of Mary, he found them averse, at this 
 juncture at least, to give to him their countenance. 
 They had been informed of his having acted with 
 all parlies, and wisely dreading a ferment, while the 
 end was not attained, they mentioned to the prior 
 what had been communicated to them f. 
 
 As a violation of law and order, the tumultuous 
 and indecent conduct of the reformers could not be 
 overlooked, and the council immediately assembled 
 to concert measures for preventing the repetition 
 of similar outrage. They employed some of the 
 wisest and most considerate of the protestants to 
 remonstrate with the higher classes, who might be 
 
 Proclama' 
 tion. 
 
 * Buchanan and Spottiswoode, as last quoted. Mackenzie mentions, 
 that the Earl of Huntly advised Mary to have recourse to violent 
 measures against the preachers, but that she would not consent. This 
 would have answered the end whieh he had in view, but I do not 
 know upon what authority Mackenzie makes the assertion. 
 
 f Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 329. Spattlswoode, B. iv. p. 179. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. C7 
 
 supposed open to conviction ; to assure them that CHAP, 
 the wish to secure the queen in the undisturbed v^^^ 
 exercise of her religion did not proceed from any ^^^'' 
 decay of zeal ; to exhort them to bear for some 
 time her superstition with patience, and to repre- 
 sent the infamy which would be entailed on them, 
 the calamities which would arise to the nation, if 
 they compelled her to abandon her kingdom*. 
 
 Under the impression that the great body of the 
 people needed only to be satisfied that nothing 
 would be attempted prejudicial to their faith, an act 
 was made and published at Edinburgh on the fol- Aug. 25ih. 
 lowing day, in which it was declared, that until the 
 meeting of the estates, no innovation was to take 
 place in the religion which the queen had found 
 established ; but that she required that none of her 
 domestics who had come from France should, on 
 any account, be molested or attacked f. 
 
 This proclamation might have appeased the 
 friends of the reformation. It virtually confirmed 
 all which had been done in the preceding parlia- 
 ment respecting religion, and although it looked 
 forward to the meedng of the estates, as to a time 
 when the ecclesiasdcal state of the country would 
 again be considered, it gave the royal sanction to 
 the victory which the protestants had happily ob- 
 tained:}:. It had not, however, the effect which 
 
 * Knox, B. iv, p. 285. 
 
 f The act may be seen In Knox, B. iv. and in Keith, B. iii. ch. il. 
 p. 504, 505. 
 % Leslie saw this matter in the light in which I have placed it, 
 
6S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, might have been expected. Knox was evidently 
 K^^^^^^ much displeased with it. He says, that it was com- 
 1561. posed by men who had before professed Christ 
 Jesus ; which plainly signifies that he considered the 
 framing of it as a dereliction of this profession ; and 
 Arran pro- the Earl of Arran, after it had been read at the cross, 
 iJ ^^S^i^s j^Qgj. imprudently and irreverently protested against 
 it, because he conceived that the law against saying 
 mass, which was idolatry, should be executed with- 
 out exception against all in the kingdom *. This 
 was evidently aimed at the queen ; and the high 
 rank of Arran, giving to it an importance which 
 X else would not have been attached to it, she was 
 
 filled with the warmest indignation, and from that 
 time treated him with indifference or contempt. 
 
 Notwithstanding the disapprobation of Knox 
 and the protestation of Arran, the proclamation 
 produced a great effect. The people felt the 
 force of the general maxim, that it was unjust 
 to constrain conscience ; they had themselves ex- 
 perienced this, and they cherished the hope, that 
 after the queen had heard their preachers, she 
 would think less favourably of her religion, and 
 
 Speaking of the act of council against any change in the religion 
 existing at the queen's arrival, which the proclamation announced to 
 the inhabitants of Scotland, he says, ** ex hac lege tanquam fonte 
 omne sive hsresios, sive inimicitiarum, sive seditionis malum in Scotia 
 nostra fluxit. Nam quam quisque pro sua libidine religionis formam 
 fmxit, earn hujus legis, quam auctoritas Reginse confirmarat velo tueri 
 mordicus ac spargere latius potuisse sc defendit." Lib. x. p. 536. 
 
 * Knox, B. Iv. p. 286. Keith, p. 505, 506. Heylin's Hist, of the 
 Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 1C6. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 69 
 
 mieht even be convinced that it was not founded CHAP 
 
 XX. 
 
 on the word of God. ^ 
 
 Her influence, indeed, became daily more per- ^ ^^'^}' 
 
 Increasing 
 
 ceptible. The lords of the Congregation, upon influence of 
 their arrival in Edinburgh, used the strong Ian- ^'^^' 
 guage to whicii they had been habituated, declaim- 
 ing with much vehemence against the permission 
 of mass; but after having been introduced at court, 
 they uniformly became silent upon the subject, and 
 adopted the mild sentiments which the council had 
 avowed. Campbell, a zealous protestant, having 
 met Lord Ochiltree, one of the last noblemen who 
 came to wait upon the queen, and who was dis- 
 coursing against idolatry, said to him, " I perceive, 
 my lord, by your anger, that the fire edge is not yet 
 off you ; but I fear that after the holy water of the 
 court has been sprinkled on you, you will be as 
 calm as the rest : For I have been here now five 
 days, and at the first I heard every man say, let us 
 hang the priest, but after he had been twice or 
 thrice in the abbey all that fervency past. I think 
 there be some enchantment, whereby men are be- 
 witched *.*' Knox beheld this decay of zeal with Knox 
 the deepest alarm. He dreaded that even the most 
 strenuous advocates of the Congregation would be 
 persuaded to desert their principles ; and although 
 he had exerted himself in private to prevent tumult 
 and to preserve tranquillity, he considered that he 
 was called upon, by the most imperious duty, to point 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 286, 287. 
 
1561. 
 
 70 ^ HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, out the dreadful evils which any relaxation of acti- 
 vity in opposing the church of Rome would un* 
 avoidably introduce. Having, on the Sunday suc- 
 ceeding that upon wliich the queen had celebrated 
 
 Aug. 31st. mass, ascended the pulpit, he delivered his senti- 
 ments with a vehemence transporting him beyond 
 the bounds which a prudent regard to truth would 
 
 His sermoh. have prescribed. He inveighed against idolatry, by 
 which he meant the popish service, or under which 
 appellation he included that service ; detailed the 
 calamities with which God in other times had visit- 
 ed nations devoted to idols ; and without hesitation 
 declared, that he dreaded one mass more than he 
 would an army of ten thousand men landed to sup- 
 press true religion. In the latter case, he said, they 
 might look to God for support, but if they shook 
 hands with idols, his presence would certainly be 
 withdrawn*. 
 
 This language was far from being agreeable to 
 the courtiers. It struck at them no less than at the 
 queen, and they with much indignation complained 
 that he had not only departed from his subject, but 
 had given admonitions in every point of view most 
 unseasonable f. 
 
 His sermon, as was to be expected, drew univer- 
 sal attention ; and the queen, who had with pleasure 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 287. Keith, B. iii. ch. il. p. 506. Heylln'a 
 Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 166, 167. 
 
 f Knox, as last quoted. Calderwood's History of the Church of 
 Scotland, p. 30. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 beheld so many of those who had been zealous for chap. 
 the new faith eager to accommodate themselves to ^ 
 
 her inclinations, wished to have a conference with '•^'^i* 
 
 . Conference 
 
 him, either hoping that he would be so much flat- with the 
 tered by this mark of respect as to abate his oppo- -"^^"■ 
 sition, or that she would, by reasoning and expos- 
 tulation, prevail with him to remain silent. 
 
 He was now placed in a most delicate and painful 
 situation. He saw, as he was persuaded, a great 
 tendency in those who had fought for civil and re- 
 ligious liberty, to desert that sacred cause j he found 
 that his own attempts to maintain it were, even by 
 his friends, considered as in a high degree injudici- 
 ous and intemperate; while he was, at the same 
 time, fully convinced, that upon his steadiness it de- 
 pended whether freedom would finally triumph, 
 or would sink under the intrigues, the artifice, and 
 the power of the royal party. He knew what was 
 the intention of his sovereign in holding an inter- 
 view with him, and he must have been sensible how 
 much self-command was requisite for calmly and 
 firmly arguing with her upon subjects so interesting 
 as those which she would probably introduce, and 
 upon which his sentiments were in direct opposi- 
 tion to hers. 
 
 Had he listened for a moment to the voice of 
 ambition, his resolution might have been shaken. 
 It was of so much consequence to the queen and her 
 partisans to attach him to their cause, that they 
 would have thought no sacrifice too great by which 
 
72 HISTORY Of THE REFOHMATIOX 
 
 CHAP, this could be eiFectuated. Had he even acted the 
 v,^^^^/ part, which they whom he had loiig respected as 
 *^^^' the best supporters of the reformation were now 
 acting, he might have been raised to the highest 
 ecclesiastical or civil honours which the gratitude 
 His manly of Mary could bestow. In these trying circumstan* 
 pendent " CCS, the powcr of which over the human mind may 
 behaviour. |^^ estimated equally by those acquainted with our na- 
 ture, and by those who have acquired experience of 
 the world, his attachment to the best interests of his 
 country never wavered. He determined to defend 
 his principles without any ambiguity, and, in the 
 presence of the queen, to justify his conduct with 
 as much plainness and as much energy of expres- 
 sion as he would have UvSed to those on a footino^ of 
 counTof equality with himself. He has given an account of 
 the conver- the conversation which he had with Marv, and that 
 
 sation. , . . ,11"'.,. 
 
 account must be mterestmg to all who wish impar- 
 tially to estimate the vigour of his mind, and the 
 oblio^ation under which Scotland lies to his memorv% 
 He was introduced by the Lord James to a pri- 
 vate audience. That nobleman alone was present, 
 two attendants, who remained in the room, having 
 been removed to such a distance that they could not 
 distinctly hear what passed. Mary must have pre- 
 pared herself for this interview, for she stated to 
 Knox, with great clearness and precision, what she 
 disapproved, and reasoned with a firmness and 
 acuteness most creditable to the excellence of her 
 understanding, and which may lead us to admirt^ 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 7S 
 
 the attention which, even at this early period of her CHAP. 
 life, she had paid to the poHtical and religious tenets v-^i 
 avowed by the Congregation. She accused him of ifisi. 
 having raised a part of her subjects against her 
 mother and herself — of having written a book op- 
 posing her just authority, — alluding to his treatise 
 respecting the government of women — of having 
 stirred up sedition, and occasioned much bloodshed 
 during his residence in England, and, which shews 
 the superstition and ignorance of natural causes then 
 prevalent even amongst the highest classes of the 
 community, of having accomplished all this by ne- 
 cromancy. 
 
 He respectfully solicited that she would listen 
 with patience to his reply to her accusations. With 
 regard to the first charge, he answered, that if 
 teaching true religion, and exhorting people to 
 worship God agreeably to his word, were raising 
 subjects against their princes, he must plead guilty, 
 for these he had certainly done, and had been in- 
 strumental in exhibiting to the realm the falsehood 
 of the popish faith ; but that if pure religion and 
 right views of divine worship directly tended, as he 
 believed they did, to confirm men in the practice of 
 every duty, and to shew them that they should 
 obey their princes, he was innocent. '* I am per- 
 suaded," he added, " that your grace has had, and 
 presently has, as unfeigned obedience from those of 
 your subjects who profess Christ Jesus, as your 
 father, or any of your illustrious progenitors had 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 from the bishops." The book to which her ma- 
 jesty alluded he acknowledged to have written with 
 1561. an immediate view to Mary Queen of England ; but 
 he declared that it ought to be considered as contain- 
 ing merely a theoredcal opinion, as the Republic of 
 Plato, a work which did not prevent its author 
 from living peaceably under the policy which was 
 approved by the generality of his countrymen. He 
 affirmed that he had never enforced the tenets of 
 his book with the design of alienating the affections 
 of her people ; that amidst all the convulsions which 
 had taken place, neither protestant nor papist heard 
 any dispute upon these tenets ; that if he had en- 
 tertained the wish to disseminate them in Scotland, 
 he would have chosen a more favourable time than 
 the present, when her majesty had returned to her 
 kingdom. He denied having either stirred up to 
 sedition or excited to bloodshed while he resided in 
 England, but, on the contrary, he affirmed, that he 
 had been happily able to secure peace and tranquil- 
 lity, where they had, before his coming, been often 
 interrupted. He found little difficulty in vindicat- 
 ing himself from having resorted to the arts of ne- 
 cromancy in accomplishing his objects. 
 
 The queen resumed the subject of religion, 
 saying to him, you have taught the people to re- 
 ceive another religion than that professed by their 
 prmces, which is inconsistent with the doctrine of 
 God, enjoining subjects to obey their princes. In 
 reply to this, he, with much accuracy, explained the 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 75 
 
 nature of that obedience to which the Scriptures CHAP. 
 refer, and shewed, with great force of argument, ^,^^ 
 that as religion derived its origin from God alone, i5ci. 
 mankind could not be obliged to frame their religi- 
 ous sentiments according to the faith of princes, 
 who might be enemies of true religion, because we 
 are under a stronger obligation to obey God than 
 man. He illustrated this by various cases in which 
 subjects had dissented from the belief of their rulers. 
 Mary answered, that although in the examples 
 which he had adduced, subjects had indeed differed 
 in rehgion from their princes, yet they had not raised 
 the sword. " God,'* said he, " Madam, had not 
 given them the power and the means." Alarmed 
 at this remark, she asked if he thought that subjects 
 having power might resist their princes ? Even upon 
 this most delicate question he did not scruple to 
 deliver his opinion. " If princes violate the great 
 purposes for which they should be obeyed, there 
 can be no doubt, that they may be resisted even 
 by power, for there is neither greater honour nor 
 greater obedience to be given to kings and princes 
 than God has commanded to be given to father and 
 mother. Now, Madam, if the children arise, join 
 themselves together, apprehend the father, take 
 the sword and other weapons from him, and finally 
 bind him and keep him in prison till his frenzy 
 be past, think you that God will be offended with 
 them for having prevented their father from com- 
 mitting wickedness ? It is even so with princes who 
 
76 ' HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, would murder the children of God, who are their 
 
 XX 
 
 ^^^■^ subjects. They are in a state of frenzy. To 
 
 1561. take the sword from them, to imprison them till 
 
 they think, more justly, is not disobedience against 
 
 princes, it is just obedience, because it agrees with 
 
 the will of God." 
 
 Never, perhaps, had sentiments more offensive to 
 ^ sovereign, educated in the maxims of arbitrary 
 government, been in the presence of majesty so 
 unequivocally avowed. The queen was struck with 
 amazement and consternation. She remained for 
 a considerable time silent, and the prior, who per- 
 ceived that she was agitated, asked what had so 
 highly offended her. She saw the tendency of 
 Knox's principles, and dreaded the evils to which 
 an attempt to reduce them to practice might give 
 occasion ; for when she renewed the conversation, 
 she declared, then must my subjects obey you and 
 not me, I must be subject to* them, not they to me. 
 Knox disclaimed, every intention of perverting the 
 people, or of acquiring any ascendancy over their 
 muids, assuring his sovereign that his sole object 
 was that both princes and people should obey God. 
 Upon his urging the duty of rulers to support the 
 church, the queen said that she admitted the ge- 
 neral principle, but that she did not consider the 
 church to which he was attached as the true church, 
 and consequently could not conscientiously defend 
 it. " I will defend the church of Rome, which is, 
 I think, the true church of God." Knox, follow- 
 
IN SCOTLAXO. 77 
 
 ing the impulse of his ardent zeal for the pro- 
 testant faith, without hesitation maintained its con- 
 formity with the word of God, while he enhirgcd 
 upon the corruption of the popish rehgion. When ' " 
 
 the queen pled that her con<luct was decided by 
 conscience, he made some general observations 
 upon the necessity of enlightening conscience be- 
 fore this plea could be reasonably urged. After a 
 few additional remarks of the queen, in defence of 
 her principles, and some observations of Knox 
 against them, the conversation terminated*. 
 
 What had passed sunk deeply into the heart of 
 Mary. She saw plainly the nature of that spirit 
 with which she had to contend, and probably justly 
 estimated the difficulty which she would experience 
 in guiding 'or resisting it. Knox also was strongly 
 impressed with what he had heard. The ability „• 
 
 '^ ^ ^ J His opinioa 
 
 with which Mary had sustained her part in the o^ ^^e 
 conference; the firmness with which she argued 
 for the maxims which she had adopted, convinced 
 him that there was little or no hope of her conver- 
 sion, and he frequently mentioned the opinion 
 which he had formed f. It is evident that he had 
 
 Knox, B. iv. p. 288—292. 
 f Knox, B. iv. p. 292. Haynes' State Papers, Vol. I. p. 372. In 
 this collection is inserted a letter from Knox to Cecil, dated the Ttit 
 cf October, 1561, in which he writes : " That our queen shall be al- 
 lured by any such means, as we yet use, is altogether contrary to my 
 judgment. I would be glad to be deceived, but I fear I shall not. 
 In communication witlx her, I espied such craft as I have not found 
 in such age." This conversation was cousidercd as so important 
 
73 
 
 HISTORY OF THK REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XX. 
 
 1561. 
 Remarks 
 upon his 
 principles 
 and con- 
 duct. 
 
 been represented to Mary as an enemy to mo- 
 narchy, and the manner in which he spake of al- 
 legiance may afford some reason for imagining 
 that this was really the case. Yet an attentive ex- 
 amination of his conduct will shew that he was 
 thoroughly convinced of the obligation to submit 
 to the supreme magistrates, in all things not con- 
 
 by all who felt an interest in the state of the country', that Randolph, 
 the English resident, thought it proper to give an account of it to 
 Cecil. In a letter to that minister, dated the 7th of September, he 
 tells him : " Mr Knox spake upon Tuesday last to the queen ; he 
 knocked so hastily upon her heart that he made her to weep, as well 
 you know there be of that sex that will do that as well for anger as 
 for grief, though in this the Lord James will disagree with me. 
 She charged him with his book, with his fierce dealings with all men 
 who disagreed with him in opinion ; she willed him to use more 
 meekness in his sermons. Some things he spake to her contentation 
 in mitigating the rigour of his book, and in some things he pleased 
 her very little. In special, speaking against the mass, he declared the 
 grievous plagues of God that had fallen upon all estates for commit- 
 ting of idolatry. He concluded so in the end with her, that he hath 
 liberty to speak freely his conscience, to give unto her such reverence 
 as becometh the ministers of God unto the supreme powers." Co- 
 pied from Cotton Library, Caligula, B. x. in Crawford's Collection, 
 Vol. I. p. 219, and printed by Keith in his Appendix. The letters 
 of Randolph, a man of much penetration, and who had the best 
 access to be acquainted with the state of parties, throw much light 
 upon the history of Scotland, during the period which immediately 
 succeeded the arrival of Mary. He was warmly attached to the re- 
 formation> and prejudiced against the queen. His representations of 
 the motives of that princess, must, therefore, when unfavourable, be 
 received with some allowance ; while on the other hand we may, from 
 the causes stated, confide in the justness of the praise which even he 
 was frequently compelled to bestow upon her sincerity. By compar« 
 ing his private information with the writings of our historians, tlte 
 truth may often be accurately discoYcred. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 79 
 
 trary to the law of God. He upon every occasion ciiAP. 
 shrunk from the imputation of being a promoter v^ ^-^, 
 of rebellion ; and it cannot be doubted, that by the ^^^^* 
 activity of his exertions, rebellion was frequently 
 prevented ; but his attachment to what he revered 
 as pure religion, to the liberty which was essential 
 to its existence, was certainly stronger than his loy- 
 alty. He had formed very just theoretical senti- 
 ments respecting the nature of government ; and 
 conceiving himself to be unfortunately placed in 
 the precise situation in which, from his principles, 
 resistance became a duty, he discharged that duty, 
 unintimidated by the obstacles and difficulties which 
 might have been so plausibly urged in excuse for 
 its violation. Even then, upon the supposition 
 that his situation did not call for resistance, 
 and, of course, that he was wrong in the appli- 
 cation of his general principles, his opposition 
 ought not to be stigmatized as faction or rebellion ; 
 he was not swayed by any private mercenary mo- 
 tives ; for there can be no doubt, that had he lived 
 in times less perilous, or had his sovereign either 
 tolerated or professed the protestant faith, he would 
 have employed all his energy to support the 
 throne *. 
 
 But there is much reason to conclude, that his 
 estimate of the danger which hung over his country / 
 
 was not exaggerated ; and in this case, before he can 
 
 * This Is confirmed by his conduct after the accession of JaiQCS. 
 See Spottiswoode, B. v. and Bannatyne's Joarnal; pasiira. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP be branded as a turbulent incendiary, we must be 
 
 XX 
 
 ^^y^ prepared to admit, that even the most intolerable 
 1561. tyranny ought not to be restrained by those against 
 whom it is exercised. If we revolt from this opi- 
 nion, so shocking to common sense, and so incom- 
 patible with the feelings of mankind,— if we allow 
 that the happiness of the community is the great 
 end of government, — that when this is disregarded 
 or wantonly sacrificed, government is a calamity 
 from which we would seek to escape, — if, in one 
 word, we hold those principles upon which the re- 
 volution in Britain proceeded, and which form the 
 basis on which our admirable constitution rests, we 
 must revere this great reformer as the intrepid 
 champion of liberty, — we must with gratitude ascribe 
 to the resolute stand which he now made that bles- 
 sed change of religious sentiment, those grand 
 maxims of policy which have raised the prosperity 
 of our country, and contributed to that intellectual 
 culture, to that astonishing progress in art and in 
 science by which its inhabitants are so eminently 
 distinguished. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 81 
 
 CIIAPTEll TWENTY-FIRST. 
 
 Man/ cnnjiik's in tlic Protestant Lords ...Embassi/ of 
 Randolph. ...Muitlaud of Lefhington dhpatched to the 
 English Court.... JJis conversation zcith Elizabeth.... 
 She again presse'y the ratijication of the treaty.. ..Mary 
 desirous to acquire her favour. ...Political and Per- 
 sonal enmily betzccen them. ...Popularity of the 
 Scotish Quee?i begins to dec reuse.... Sw^iicions of the 
 Protestants ...Manner in which they acted. ...Impro- 
 priety of it... .'The Queen visits different parts of the 
 kingdom....J\[agist)utes and Council of Edinburgh of- 
 fend her... .She determines more openly to profess her 
 religion... .Irritation thus excited. ...Tendency to misre- 
 present the Queen's conduct.. ..Poverty of the preachers \ 
 increases their turbulence. ...Reformers divided. ...Gene- 
 rat Assembly... .Its deliberations. ...Valuation of Church 
 Revenues... .Inadequate support allotted to the Protest* 
 ant Clergy. 
 
 Although the plainness with which Knox con- cHAP, 
 
 XXI 
 
 versed with the queen, probably had convinced ^ 
 
 her that there was Httle prospect of her freely enioy- '■'<5^- 
 
 r , ,. . . Mary con- 
 
 ing the exercise of her rehgion, she was not in- fides in the 
 
 duced to relinquish the scheme of administration, Lo°ds^. 
 which so many circumstances had determined her 
 to adopt. She was still persuaded, that she would 
 most effectually consult the happiness and tranquil- 
 lity of her reign, by following the counsels of the 
 
 VOL. III. F 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, protestant nobility, and by cultivating friendship, 
 s^.s^^^^ or, what is more common in such cases, the ap- 
 1561. pearance of friendship, with the English sove- 
 reign *. 
 Embassy ;of On the first of September, Randolph, who had 
 remained in Scotland from the time that he was 
 sent to execute the commission which has been 
 mentioned, obtained an audience of the Scotish 
 queen, and having, by order of Elizabeth, congra- 
 tulated her upon her safe arrival, he delivered to 
 her a letter from his sovereign, with which he had 
 been entrusted. Mary made a suitable reply to the 
 formal and hollow compliments of the ambassador, 
 and, concluding that it was the intention of his 
 queen that he should stay as her minister, she 
 pleasantly intimated to the Lord James, that she 
 was aware of Randolph's character, by saying, I 
 am content that he tarry, but I'll have another 
 there as crafty as he f. 
 MaUland Accordingly Maitland of Lethington was within 
 foThe Erie- ^ ^^^ days dispatched to London, having received 
 lish court, instructions both from the queen herself, and from 
 the nobility. On the part of his sovereign, he was 
 commanded to intimate to Elizabeth, that she had 
 arrived in safety from France — that she had been 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Sir William Cecil, dated 7th September, 
 in Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. p. 219. 
 
 + Randolph's letter to Queen Elizabeth, dated 6th September 
 1561, in Cotton Library, Cal. B. x. copied by Crawford, Vol. I. 
 p. 216, and published by Keith in his History, B. ii. ch. ii. p. 182 
 
 —184. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 83 
 
 most cordially received by her subjects — that she chap. 
 was most anxious to promote their happiness, — and \2^' 
 that she was resolved to entertain and to increase, i5gi. 
 by all means possible, cordial friendship towards 
 her good sister. 
 
 By the nobility he was enjoined to state the ap- 
 prehension with which they had been filled, lest 
 the ungracious conduct of Elizabeth, in preventing 
 D'Osel's entering Scotland, and refusing to their 
 queen those testimonies of attention and kindness 
 which one sovereign should pay to another, would 
 prejudice Mary against England, and even lead 
 her to suspect that they had been accessory to the 
 measures which the English council had adopted ; to 
 express their satisfaction that neither of these ef-, 
 fects had taken place; to signify anew their 
 anxiety that the two queens might live in the 
 strictest alliance : but at the same time to intimate, 
 that if unhappily Elizabeth should evince hostility 
 to their queen, they would, as faithful subjects, dis- 
 charge the duty which they owed to her *. 
 
 There was however another point, the adjusting 
 of which was probably the chief object for which 
 Maitland was so soon dispatched. The article in 
 the treaty of Edinburgh which destroyed all future 
 pretensions of Mary to the English throne she 
 
 * I have given the substance of the instructions to Maitland, 
 which were committed to writing, and which have been publislied by- 
 Keith, B. ii. ch. ii. of his History, from the shattered manuscript in 
 the Advocates' Library. 
 
S4f HISTORY OF THE BEF.ORMATION 
 
 CHAR had, as has been already seen, uniformly refu^ 
 XXJ . - , 
 
 v^^^ to ratify. Without making any allusion to what hdd 
 
 1561. afforded so much room for dissatisfaction, she 
 
 and her council conceived, that all ground of djsr 
 
 sension would be removed, if Elizabeith consented 
 
 to declare Mary to be her successor, in the ,event 
 
 of her having no heirs from her own body to wear 
 
 the crown. Such a proposal was not adapted to 
 
 the suspicious and jealous mind of the Engiisjj 
 
 His conver- queen. When it was first hinted by Lethingtoij, 
 
 sation with , . , , , . , , „ 
 
 Elizabeth, she mstantly turiied the conversation to th^e ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty of Edinburgh ; and when, with the 
 utmost dexterity and address, he urged her in re- 
 peated conversations to give him an ejcplicit an- 
 swer, she shewed very strikingly, the aversion 
 which she felt to anticipate her own decease, stat- 
 ing her conviction, that any declaration by her in 
 favour of Mary, would not tend to produce i)iu- 
 tual affection, while it might give rise to tumults 
 and factions, most fatal to the happiness of both 
 countries "^^ 
 
 But while she refused the request which the 
 Scotish nobles imprudently made, she expressed 
 the utmost regard for Mary, and she endeavoured 
 to efface from the mind of that princess the recol- 
 lection of former harshness and enmity, by giving 
 
 * Buchanan has given a full account of this matter in his Hist. Lib. 
 xtli. p. 329—332, Camden's Annals, p. 67, 68, compared with 
 Keith, B. ii. ch. ii. p. 186. Heyliji's History of the Reformation, 
 Part ii. p. 152. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 85 
 
 passports to the Grand Prior, and DAnville the son ^S vf " 
 of the constable of France, who were anxious to -• ' -^ 
 return to their country through England. Upon ^ ^^' 
 their arrival in London, she received them with the 
 greatest kindness, and entertained them with a 
 magnificence of hospitality which equally delighted 
 them and gratified the queen of Scotland *. 
 
 Soon after the departure of Maitland, Elizabeth She again 
 
 , pi esses the 
 
 sent an ambassador to Scotland, again to enforce ratification 
 the ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh. Much ° 
 correspondence upon this subject took place between 
 j.he two sovereigns. Mary proposed that the treaty 
 should be reviewed. She professed her willingness to 
 abstain from using the arms and the title of the queen 
 of England, while Elizabeth or any of her children 
 were alive, pro\'ided that her right to the succes- 
 sion Avas not impaired ; but it does not appear, al- 
 though several of our historians have stated that 
 this explanation was accepted, that Elizabeth ever 
 acceded to the proposal f* 
 
 But although Mary did not wish to relinquish Mary desir- 
 what she was convinced she might justly claim, quire her 
 she was certainly anxious not to exasperate Eliza- ^^^°"^- 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 68. Memoires de Castelnau, apud Jebb, 
 Vol. II. p. 456. Randolpli's letter to Elizabeth in Crawford's Col- 
 lection, Vol. I. 213. Do. to Secretary Cecil, dated 7th Dec. insert- 
 ed in Keith's History, B. ii. ch. iii. p. SOS. 
 
 •f Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. S32. Camden's Annals, p. 68. Keith 
 has thrown most light upon this subject, by the publication of tome 
 of the letters which passed between Mary and Elizabeth, B. ii. ch. iii. 
 p. 212— 214. 
 
86 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. beth. She often expressed her desire of living 
 (^^^.^^^.^ with heron terms of friend ship, in language so strong, 
 1561. that Randolph was persuaded of her sincerity, and 
 there can be little doubt that she was sincere *. It 
 cannot, however, be supposed that this desire pro- 
 ceeded from personal regard — that was rendered 
 almost impossible by what had already happened, 
 and political antipathy soon was heightened by pri- 
 vate dislike. 
 Political The beauty and accomplishments of Mary were 
 
 and person- ^, , , .. 11 •• 
 
 ai enmity Celebrated throughout Britain ; and the virgin queen 
 them!*^" had not so fortified herself against female weakness, 
 as to listen to the enthusiasm of admiration which 
 these excited without jealousy and disgust. It 
 belongs to the writers who detail the general his- 
 tory of this period, minutely to trace the feelings 
 which the two queens at different times cherished 
 with respect to each other. Enough has been said 
 to shew that there was little prospect of cordial 
 union — that from her artful neighbour, Mary could 
 expect no assistance in restraining the licentious- 
 ness, the turbulence, or the rebellion of her sub- 
 jects. 
 Popularity The universal satisfaction to which the arrival of 
 begins to this amiable princess gave rise did not long con- 
 tinue. Her attachment to the religion in which she 
 had been educated, excited the aversion of the great 
 majority of her subjects, and it soon became ap- 
 
 ♦ See Randolph's correspondence in Crawford'* Collection, Vol. I. 
 and in Keith. 
 
 decrease. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 87 
 
 parent that they were determined not to grant to CHAP, 
 her the indulgence which they had so long and so v^ 
 successfully solicited for themselves. Although ^^^^' 
 she pursued the policy which should have endear- 
 ed her to her people, because it was in every re- 
 spect calculated to secure the happiness of her king- 
 dom, — although she courted a strict alliance with 
 England, and followed the suggestions of those 
 men who had been the leaders of the protestants, 
 her resolution regularly to celebrate mass can- Suspicions 
 celled every merit, and created discontent, which ^estams. '°' 
 the strenuous efforts of the Lord James and Mait- 
 land could not remove. Indeed these distinguish- 
 ed statesmen were in danger of losing the populari- 
 ty which they had so justly possessed. Their wise 
 and proper forbearance was construed into a dere- 
 liction of their former principles. It was confident- 
 ly affirmed, that in not compelling their sovereign 
 to relinquish idolatry, they violated their duty to 
 God, and promoted their own ambitious views at 
 the expence of the sacred cause which they had 
 sworn to defend *. 
 
 Although there was no real ground for these 
 aspersions, it is not astonishing that the protestants 
 were in some degree alarmed. Many of the nobles 
 had certainly become cold in their attachment to 
 the reformation ; and in their eagerness to advance 
 themselves in the royal favour, they tolerated, if they 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Sir William Cecil, dated 24th Sept. in 
 Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. p. 222. 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, did not countenance, the principles and tenets which 
 
 XXI . 
 
 v.^psr^ Mary so decidedly espoused. This accounts for 
 1561. the eagerness with which the people* embraced 
 
 Manner in '^ . . . '^ ^ 
 
 which they evcry public opportunity to remind her of the odious 
 nature of her religion, and of their attachment to a 
 
 Impropriety different faith. In the disrespectful expressions, of 
 
 " their sentiments, which she could not overlook, 
 
 this discerning princess mus^t have perceived the 
 influence of a spirit which she might soon be unable 
 to restrain. She was in fact much irritated by 
 them, and they too surely tended to alienate her 
 from her subjects,- -to relax the ardent desire which 
 she at first entertained to make every sacrifice not 
 inconsistent with her conscience, for the purpose of 
 confirming their religion, and of securing to them 
 the blessings of a mild, yet vigorous government. 
 
 1 5th Sept. After the departure of her uncles, she resolved 
 
 Queen vi- . . ^ , • , t i • i 
 
 sits differ- to visit somc ot the most considerable towns m her 
 
 of\he"^ kingdom. She was received with every testimony 
 
 kingdom, of respcctful loyalty, but she saw decisive proof, 
 
 that even those who were most faithful to th-ar 
 
 queen, were actuated by the warmest zeal for the 
 
 reformed religion*. 
 
 Magis- She returned to Edinburgh a short time before 
 
 cmincifof ^^^ annual election of the magistrates. An inci- 
 
 ^ff "Il"h^'^ dent then took place which gave to her great 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 292. Spottlswoode, B. iv. p. 182. Keith, p. 189, 
 190. Randolph's Letter to Cecil, dated 24- h September, in Craw- 
 ford, Vol. I. and Keith, B. ji. ch. ii. Holinsheii's Chronicle, Vol. II. 
 p. 316. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 89 
 
 oftence, and which may be considered as the first chap. 
 marked display of that opposition between the queen \^^ 
 and the adherents of the Congregation, which was ^^^i. 
 afterwards conhrmed. Previous to the election, the 
 magistrates and council, without holding any com- 
 munication upon the subject with the court, issued 
 a proclamation agreeably to the act which had been 
 passed against those who said mass ; in which they 
 commanded adulterers, fornicators, drunkards^ 
 sayers and maintainers of mass to leave the city. 
 The queen, provoked at the contempt which was 
 thus shewn of herself, and justly considering the 
 proclamation as a most indecent invasion of the 
 prerogadve, commanded the council to depose the 
 provost and magistrates who had been guilty of such 
 presumption, and to proceed to a new election. 
 This mandate they immediately obeyed. The elec- 
 tion of the new magistrates was just concluded-, 
 whea a messenger from the secretary presented a 
 list of three persons, one of whom, he was in*- 
 structed to indmate, the queen wished to be invest- 
 ed with the office of provost. Upon this the council 
 waited, upon her majesty, and after mentioning, that> 
 before they had r, ceived the list, they had elected 
 the provost, declared thfeir readiness, if sh<,' requir- 
 ed it, iiistandy to proceed to another election . Sa- 
 
 * Compare Knox, B.iv. p. 292,, 293, Spottiswoode, B. iv.p. 182, 
 18{}, Buchanaiir Lib- ^^•ii' p* 332, with Keith, who, in B. ii. ch. iL 
 of his History, has publislied ihe record of the town council re» 
 specting this matter. From the comparison, it appears, that Khoj: 
 
1561. 
 
 90 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, tisfied with this submission, she recognized the chief 
 magistrate whom they had chosen, and by doing so 
 certainly gave an instance of much forbearance and 
 moderation. 
 
 Her conduct, however, in the whole of this trans- 
 action was grossly calumniated. It was without 
 hesitation asserted, that she had committed the ma- 
 gistrates to prison, that she had compelled the 
 council to elect the persons whom she had nomi- 
 nated, and that she published a proclamation in- 
 viting all her good and faithful subjects to repair to 
 the borough, the intention of which, her enemies 
 most uncharitably concluded, could only be to shew 
 her partiality to the catholics, and that she would 
 overlook every enormity in those who professed the 
 popish religion*. Such a tendency to misrepresent 
 the motives and actions of the sovereign, too plainly 
 manifested that there was little inclination peace- 
 ably and dutifully to submit to her government, 
 that the country was in fact ripe for a fresh ebulli- 
 tion of sedition and rebellion. 
 
 The mildness of the queen was not proof against 
 so ungrateful a return to the indulgence and the 
 countenance which she had shewn to the reformed 
 religion, and to the ministers by whom it was 
 taught. She resolved steadily to assert her own re- 
 « 
 
 and Buchanan had adopted the malicious rumours which the enemies 
 of the queen industriously circulated, without feeling proper anxiety 
 to ascertain what was really the truth. 
 * Knox, p. 293, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 91 
 
 ligious liberty, for which she had stipulated, and to CHAP, 
 throw aside the scrupulous caution, which her earnest ^^^^ 
 desire not to shock the prejudices of her subjects, ^^^'^^•. 
 
 ■' . -• Determmef 
 
 had led her at first to adopt. Preparations for the ce- more open- 
 lebration of mass were accordingly after this much fessVer°" 
 more openly made j and although few of the nobi- "■^•'2'°"- 
 lity attended, yet the hopes of the catholics began 
 to revive ; while the protestants, ever apprehensive, 
 anticipated the disappointment of all their expecta- 
 tions, the ruin of that ecclesiastical system which, 
 after so many struggles, they had established. Knox, irritation 
 and the zealous preachers, were not backward to ed. 
 sound the alarm. They denounced the queen as 
 an idolater, of course as in a state of enmity to God ; 
 and Knox even publickly prayed that God would 
 turn her heart, which was obstinate against the truth, 
 or if his holy will was otherwise, that he would 
 strengthen the hearts and the hands of his chosen 
 and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all ty- 
 rants *. 
 
 On the day of All Saints, the ministers, offended Nor. 
 at the rites prescribed by the church of Rome in 
 honour of that festival, and at the boldness, as they 
 termed it, with which these rites were performed, 
 loudly complained of what they reprobated as offen- 
 sive to God. They admonished the nobles, re- 
 calling to them their obligation to resist it ; and they 
 proceeded so far as to agitate the hazardous ques- 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 24th October, In Crawford's 
 Collection, Vol. I. p. 224—228. 
 
99 . HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, tion, whether siibjects might suppress the idolatry 
 xxr. r 1 • 
 ^^^^ of the pnne^,^ 
 
 156 J. fj^^ ^j^jgy calmly reflected, they probably would 
 have perceived that there was no sufficient cause 
 for the panic with which they had been seized. Had 
 the queen taken decisive steps to exterminate the 
 protestant faith, — had she even, disregarding the pro** 
 clamation respecting religion, which, soon after hef 
 arrival, she published, authorised the general cele- 
 bration of mass, they might have trembled for their 
 safety, and would have been justified in concerting 
 the means of defence, lest resistance should be ul- 
 timately necessary. But to bring forward a subject 
 so much calculated to irritate the passions, to mis- 
 lead the understandings, and to extinguish the 
 loyalty of the people, when there was no reason 
 pressing them to do so, must be considered as evi- 
 dencing a degree of violence, and a tendency to tu- 
 mult, which it is impossible altogether to excuse. 
 The most distinguished noblemen who had fought 
 the battles of the Congregation, highly blamed the 
 preachers; but as they were unwilling to irritate 
 them, they endeavoured to convince them of their 
 error. The Lord James, the Earl of Morton, the 
 Earl Marischal, and Maidand, espoused the queen's 
 cause, insisted that her subjects were not entitled to 
 prevent her from the exercise of her religion in her 
 own chapel ; that while this was confined to her, 
 and her household, there was no ground for offence 
 or alarm, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 93 
 
 The preachers did not axiquiescc in these opinicMiB, CMAP. 
 however obviously founded on reason and on reve- \,^^y^-y^ 
 Jation. They painted, in the most alarming colours, ^^^^ 
 jhe consequences which would follow if the popish 
 religion, under any modifications or restrictions, 
 were again to be introduced ; and fully convinced, 
 to use their own language, that the queen's Uberty 
 would be to their thraldom ere it was long, they 
 adhered to their original sentiments, and ascribed 
 the conduct of the lords, who declared that they 
 would in this point defend their sovereign, to the 
 unworthy motives of interest and ambition *, 
 
 How strong the disposition was to judge harshly Tendency 
 of the queen, is evident from an interpretation put p^'^ntThe 
 upon a measure which her council about this time Q^^f^ ^ 
 
 ^ conduct. 
 
 adopted. During that relaxation of government to 
 which the late troubles had given rise, some of the 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii, p. 332, Knox, B. iv. p. 293- Heylin'j 
 Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 167. Randolph's Letter to Cecil, 
 dated 11th November 1561, in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 238 — 241, 
 Randolph, although disposed to befriend the zealous advocates of the 
 reformation, seems to have been much shocked with this dispute, 
 and to have pitied a sovereign who reigned over subject* so difficult 
 to be governed. He writes thus to Cecil : " It is now called in ques- 
 tion, Whether the princess, being an idolater, may be obeyed in all 
 civil and politic actions ? I think marvelously of the wisdom of God 
 that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cumbersome people no ipore 
 substance and power than they have, for then would they run wild ;" — 
 and after mentioning their suspicions of the Lord James and Leth- 
 ington, that the former had become cold, and that the latter was am- 
 bitious, he adds, " so there is no remedy they say — it must yet come 
 to a new day"; obviously meaning, that the causa of the two parties 
 would be decided bv the sw«>rd. 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE REPORiMATION 
 
 CHAP, inhabitants of the bordering counties, accustomed 
 ^^^^^ to pillage, and delighting in the excesses which every 
 1561. well regulated community must proscribe, had been 
 guilty of many crimes j and it became necessary, 
 in order effectually to check their atrocity, to punish 
 the most active and daring of their leaders. This 
 matter was for several days maturely considered by 
 the council, and it was at length resolved to send 
 the Lord James, with a small military force, to bend 
 them to submission. His vigorous mind admirably 
 qualified him for rendering this service to his coun- 
 try, and having without hesitation obeyed the re- 
 quisition of the executive power, he most success- 
 fully restrained the enormities under which the 
 peaceable inhabitants of the border districts had so 
 long suffered. 
 
 Such, however, was the suspic^n with which 
 the protestants regarded all the schemes of the 
 queen, that they did not scruple to insinuate, or tp 
 affirm, that the prior had been selected for this dan? 
 gerous warfare, in the hope that some accident 
 might befal him ; that Mary was offended at his 
 influence, and still more at his temperance and mo- 
 deration, which imposed some restraint upon the 
 licentiousness of the court, and prevented her from 
 indulging that tyrannical disposition by which, as 
 they represented, she was uniformly actuated. 
 
 It is melancholy to reflect, that even Buchanan 
 has given his authority to such unfounded asper- 
 sions; unfounded, because, it is obvious from the 
 
 12- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 95 
 
 correspondence of the English resident, and from CHAP. 
 
 • XXF 
 
 the whole proceedings of the council, that Mary \,^^^ 
 was influenced by the purest motives which could i-56i' 
 sway a sovereign, anxious to establish the empire of 
 law, and to promote the security and happiness of 
 her subjects*. 
 
 It is evident, from the state of the public mind, 
 that the most prudent monarch, professing the 
 popish religion, would have found much difficulty in 
 preserving the allegiance and the affections of the 
 people of Scotland ; it is evident that opposition to 
 the government of Mary, or at least attempts to 
 misrepresent her conduct, had been made, before 
 she had given any real cause of offence, or had 
 been guilty of any oppression; and it is therefore 
 unfair to ascribe altogether to her imprudence, or 
 to her errors, the lamentable convulsions which so 
 soon took place. It is impossible not to be struck 
 with the jealousy with which the preachers watched 
 over the infancy of the reformation, — with the at- 
 tachment so extensively felt for the principles which 
 it had introduced. These circumstances, taken in con- 
 junction with the efforts of the catholics, in a great 
 degree account for the bold intemperate language 
 with which the ears of the queen were so often as- 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvll, p. S32, 333. Knox, B. iv. p. 294. Ran- 
 dolph's letter to Cecil, dated 24th October, in Crawford, Vol. I. 
 p. 224. Keith, B. ii. ch. ii. p. 198 — 200, where the acts of council 
 respecting this appointment are inserted, contaiqing ofBcial evidence 
 •f Buchanan's naisrepresentations. 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, sailed, and by which the antipathy of her people 
 V.^s^-0 was so powerfully, and at least for a considerable 
 1561. time, 60 unreasonably excited. 
 
 Poverty of ^ •' 
 
 the preach- 1 here IS, however, some ground for suspecting 
 es Aeir ' that the mere circumstance of Mary's adherence to 
 turbulence, popery would not, while she continued to respect 
 the faith of the reformers, have given rise to such 
 violence, had not another cause actively conspired. 
 Although the plan which Knox had proposed 
 for the government of the church had, in so far as 
 it embraced regulations merely ecclesiastical, been 
 readily, though tacitly adopted, — although some of 
 the most zealous and able protestants had been in- 
 vested with the office of superintendents, — although 
 the utmost deference was paid to the suggestions of 
 Knox, respecting the preservation of protestant as- 
 cendency, — although his sermons were heard with a 
 degree of attention, and even of awe, which ability, 
 combined with eloquence, alone could have produ- 
 ced, still the revenue of the church was withheld 
 from the preachers*. This revenue was cither 
 possessed, as it had formerly been, by popish in- 
 cumbents, or by protestant nobles, who had receiv- 
 ed a kind of permission to raise and to appropriate 
 
 * Willock was, upon the 1 4th of September in this year, made s«- 
 perintendent of Glasgow, the Duke, the Earls of Arran and Glencairn, 
 the Lords Ruthven, Boyu, and Ochiltree being present. Randolph's 
 letter to Cecil of 24th September, in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 222. Of 
 Knox, Randolph in a subsequent letter says, " his severity keeps us in 
 marvellous order. I commend better the success of his preachings 
 and doings than the manner." 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 97 
 
 \i^ — and although some attempts had been made by CHAP. 
 the queen to enforce the payment of stipends to the ^^^^ ^^ 
 ministers, — although a proclamation had been issued ^^^^' 
 commanding that no respect should be paid to those 
 confirmations from Rome by which the clergy 
 sanctioned the alienation of the property of their 
 order, these measures proved ineffectual ; and the 
 teachers who swayed the minds of their country- 
 men were most un-.visely left to depend upon the 
 precarious and scanty benevolence of men, whose 
 eagerness to enrich themselves and their families, 
 had contributed no less powerfully than their re- 
 gard for religious truth, to decide their attachment 
 to the reformation *. 
 
 * Holinshed, in his Chronicle, Vol. 11. p. C09, mentions, " that in 
 the course of the winter succeeding the parliament of 1 560, the lords of 
 council gave faculties of benefices to divers of their friends, who put 
 forth the prelates and received the fruits. The Earl of Argyll dis- 
 posed of Dunkeld and Dunblane, the Earl of Arran had the order- 
 ing of the bishopric of St Andrev/s, the abbeys of Melrose and Dun- 
 fermline, and other small benefices. The like was used by other 
 noblemen through all parts of the realm." That the revenues of 
 the ecclesiastics were impaired in this way, although the bishops were 
 not entirely put out, is evident from a letter of Randolph to Cecil in 
 Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. in which he says, '< My Lord of Arran 
 remaineth at St Andrews. He wrote of late unto the council, that 
 he might be answered of the revenues of St Andrews, Melrose and 
 Dunfermline by the queen's authority, as they had put him in pos- 
 session;" and Knox prefaces his account of the measures taken to 
 provide for the protestant clergy by saying, " the bi'^hops began to 
 grip again to that which they most unjustly called their own, for the 
 Earl of Arran was discharged of St Andrews, wherewith before he, 
 by reason of a factor)*, iiitromitted, and so were many others." 
 
 VOL. III. G 
 
1561. 
 
 9S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. It could not be expected that this degraded and 
 
 XXI 
 
 anxious state could be acceptable to the ministers, 
 who were no strangers to the influence which they 
 possessed, or that they would not make the most 
 strenuous efforts to effectuate a change. They saw 
 that the only mode by which they could now hope 
 to obtain a suitable provision, was to keep alive ap- 
 prehension for the security of the new establish- 
 ment ; they were convinced, that if they permitted 
 the flame of zeal to expire, that, if strictly confin- 
 ing themselves to the discharge of their religious 
 functions, they beheld with indifference the conduct 
 of their rulers, poverty would be their inevitable 
 portion ; that thus sinking in the public estimation, 
 their instructions might have less efficacy, and the 
 people be more exposed to the danger of having 
 their faith shaken, or even of being again subjected 
 to the see of Rome. Their interest and their duty 
 thus conspired to render them vigilant, to dispose 
 them to regard every measure of the court as de- 
 signed against them, to represent the queen as se- 
 cretly but unceasingly contriving to involve them in 
 destruction. 
 
 Their attempts were seconded, and their repre- 
 sentations enforced, by a part of the nobles. The 
 Duke and the Earl of Arran, disgusted with the 
 
 Knox, B. iv. p. 296. He had said a little before, "until this time, 
 the most part of the ministers had lived upon the benevolence of 
 men." For the other facts in the sentence to which this note refers, 
 see Keith, B. ill. ch. ii. p. 507. Randolph's letter to Cecil, In Craw- 
 ford, Vol. I. p. 322. Knox, B. iv.p. 29 G. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 09 
 
 court, indignant at the confidence which the queen ceiap. 
 reposed in her brother, kept themselves at a dis- ,^-^^ 
 
 1561. 
 
 tance from the royal presence ; and ahhough the 
 duke at length found it necessary to wait upon his 
 sovereign, and was highly gratified with his recep- 
 tion, he was still persuaded that a scheme had been 
 laid for his ruin ; and he had even treated with 
 Randolph, the English minister, to secure such 
 assistance from Elizabeth as would enable him to 
 retain the castle of Dunbarton, in opposition to the 
 will of his own queen *". His son more plainly, or 
 more incautiously, avowed his intentions. When 
 he wrote to the council to confirm him in the pos- 
 session of the ecclesiastical revenues, which he had 
 for some time collected, he added, that if his re- 
 quest was refused, he would complain unto his 
 brethren, who, from the beginning, had been of the 
 Congregation !• 
 
 The supporters of the reformation were thus Reformers 
 divided. The nobility in general were inclined to 
 stand by their sovereign, while they were most 
 anxious to appropriate the wealth of the church, 
 and to keep the ministers in a state of dependence. 
 The ministers, and the great majority of the people, 
 imputed to this party a desertion of principle, — drew 
 from their conduct a confirmation of the suspicions 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated llth November 1561, copied 
 from the Cotton Libraiy, Cal. B. x. ; by Crawford, in his Collections, 
 Vol.1, p. 228 — 2S1. 
 
 t Randolph's letter to Cecil, as last quoted. 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, respecting the designs of the queen ; and this more 
 \,^^)^ numen us body was supported by such of the no- 
 ise i. i^jgg j^g y^^^ been disappointed in their views, and 
 hoped, by new commotions, to lay open to them- 
 selves the road to increased influence or honour. 
 General as- While the public mind was thus agitated, and 
 
 sembly. * ^ o ' 
 
 Dec. the reformers thus split, the general assembly met 
 
 at Edinburgh. The courtiers immediately showed 
 much coldness to their former friends. They kept 
 Its dellber- ^P^^^ ^0^1 them, and when the superintendents 
 ations. ^jjj^ ministers found fault with this superciliousness 
 or contempt, they retorted upon their accusers; 
 charged them with holding secret meetings, and 
 with framing resolutions which they were unwilling 
 freely to communicate *. They went even be- 
 yond this ; questioned the lawfulness of general as- 
 semblies, when not convened by an express war- 
 rant from the queen, and showed some inclination 
 to attempt their abolition. The zealous adherents 
 of the congregation were astonished and alarmed. 
 Arguing with much keenness against the general 
 principle assumed by the courtiers, they maintain- 
 ed, that as the queen had, by proclamation, sanc- 
 tioned the form of religion which she had found 
 subsisting at the period of her arri\al, she had vir- 
 tually sanctioned |:he assemblies of the church, 
 which constituted an essential part of that form ; 
 that if the church were to depend upon the sove- 
 
 * Knox> B. iv. p. 294, 295. Calderwood's History, p. 30. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 101 
 
 reign in the manner which had been pointed out, an- cHAP. 
 archy and tumult would be introduced ; that the \^^^ 
 clergy, exempted from all spiritual controul, might i^ei. 
 fall into errors, contaminating the purity of religion ; 
 and that the reformation of abuses, which, after a 
 long contest had been made, would be done away. 
 
 These reasonings carried conviction to the ma- 
 jority of those who composed the assembly, and 
 the courtiers found it prudent to submit *. 
 
 An attempt was made after obtaining this victory, 
 to procure a royal confirmation of the book of dis- 
 cipline, and thus to create a full title, on the part of 
 the ministers, to what had been originally thought 
 adequate for their support. Maitland gave to this 
 the most warm and decided opposition. He spoke 
 with the utmost contempt of the book ; and al- 
 though the nobles composing the secret council 
 had pledged tiiemselves to support it, he succeed- 
 ed in defeating the wishes of those by whom it had 
 been composed f. 
 
 \Vhen this important measure thus failed, it be- 
 came necessary to direct the attention of govern- 
 ment to the maintenance of the protestaiit clergy. 
 With the necessity of forming some immeaiate plan 
 for this purpose all were in (pressed ; and it was 
 unanimously resolved, to petition tae council to 
 
 * Knox, B. Iv. p. 295. Calderwood's History, p. 30, 21. Hey- 
 Ijn's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 168. 
 
 t Knox, B. iv. p. 295, 296. Calderwootl, p. 31. Heylin, a$ 
 last quoted. 
 
102 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, take the subject under their consideration. The 
 
 XXI 
 
 ^^..^^ council were convinced that the request was most 
 1561. reasonable, and the queen cheerfully gave to it her 
 assent. This is admitted even by Knox, who inci- 
 dentally shews that little just ground of offence had 
 yet been given to the protestants, by observing, that 
 the rod of impiety was not then strengthened in 
 her hands *. 
 
 The council without delay proceeded to make 
 the necessary investigations, and to found upon 
 these such measures as they conceived calculated 
 to remedy the evil so justly deplored. The steps 
 which they adopted it is interesting minutely to trace. 
 
 The revenue attached to the crown of Scotland 
 had never been very great. The country, in the 
 early periods of its history, was unable to vie with 
 more wealthy nations in the splendour and magni- 
 ficence of its sovereigns, and the grants which 
 different kings had, upon various occasions, made, 
 with the unavoidable expence of the wars by which 
 the kingdom had been desolated, had, at the pe- 
 riod of Mary's assuming the reins of government, 
 rendered the royal income totally inadequate to de- 
 fray the necessary expences of the court. The po- 
 verty which these wars had extensively spread, 
 rendered any scheme of supplying this deficiency 
 by taxation impracticable, and it was therefore de- 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 296. Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 27th 
 Dec. in Crawford's Collections, Vol. I. and Keith, B. ii. p. 210. 
 Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 168. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 10^^ 
 
 termined to assign to the queen a certain propor- chap. 
 tion of the weahh of the church *. ^^^^.r^ 
 
 From the same property the stipends of the ^^ci. 
 clergy were naturally to be paid. Although, as has 
 been mentioned, the most unwarrantable attempts 
 had, amidst the violence of civil commotion, been 
 frequently made to alienate it from the church, it 
 was still esteemed as its inheritance, and it could 
 not legally be destined for any new purpose without 
 the consent of the incumbents by whom it either ac- 
 ually was, or should have been enjoyed. To ob- 
 tain this consent, the most eminent prelates and 
 ecclesiastics were summoned to attend the council. 
 The necessity of making large sacrifices was of December, 
 course forcibly represented to them, and although 
 they felt much reluctance to resign what their pre- 
 decessors had for ages inherited, what they had 
 themselves possessed, and what the laws and the 
 good faith of the country seemed to secure to them, 
 the fear, lest if they remained inflexible, the 
 whole of their benefices would be wrested from 
 them, disposed them to compliance. After much 
 consultation, and a variety of propositions, it was 
 decided that a third part of their revenues should 
 be yielded to the queen, upon condition that they 
 should, without molestation, draw the other two 
 thirds, and that they should be exempted from the 
 obligation of supporting the protestant ministers^ 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvil. p. 333. Spottlswoode, B. iv. p. 183. 
 Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, as last quoted. 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXI. 
 
 1561. 
 
 Valuation 
 of church 
 revenues. 
 
 who were to be paid out of the proportion granted 
 to the crown *. 
 
 To ascertain the amount of the third converted 
 into royal revenue, it became necessary to procure 
 a valuation of the annui'l produce or emoluments 
 of &e different benefices. An order of council 
 was accordingly published, commanding that the 
 rentals of all benefices should be produced to the 
 queen and council ; the rentals of such benefices as 
 were on the south side of the Grampian hills to 
 be presented by the twenty-fourth day of the ensu- 
 ing January, the rentals of benefices beyond these 
 mountains to be prepared by the tenth of Fe- 
 bruary. The clergy were not much disposed to 
 proceed with alacrity in a business so disagreeable 
 to them ; they indeed paid little attention to the in- 
 Feb. 12th, junction of the council. On the twelfth of Fe- 
 bruary, a very small number of rentals had been 
 exhibited, and it was in consequence resolved, that 
 a new requisition sh )uld be made, accompanied 
 with an intimation, that commissioners would be 
 sent to uplift all those benefices, the rentals of 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. svii. p. SS3. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 163. 
 Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 27th Dec. in Crawford, Vol. I. 
 p. 246, and Keith, B. ii. ch. iii. p. 210. Randolph says that this 
 plan was adopted, invitis et repugnantibus epibcopis. He must have 
 had in view the private inclinations or sentiments of the prelates, for 
 the acts of the council, and the statement of historians, render it evi- 
 dent that the bishops gave a public consent. Holinshed's Chronicle, 
 Vol. II. p. ^-17. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. Iv. p. 1C0« 
 llixox, B. iv. p. epG. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 105 
 
 \vhich should be withheld beyond a certain time. CHAP. 
 
 • • XXI 
 
 On the fifteenth the council again determined, \^^^,^ 
 that the full amount of the thirds of benefices ^^^-' 
 should be appropriated for the expcnces of the 
 queen, and for the maintenance of preachers and 
 readers ; that these thirds should be collected by 
 persons appointed by the council, commencing 
 from the preceding year, and that the ancient pos- 
 sessors should, by the lords of session, be answered, 
 that is, put in possession of the remainder. 
 
 On the last day of February the council anew- 
 deliberated upon this important subject. It had 
 been discovered that some churchmen on the one 
 hand, in virtue of special privileges which they 
 claimed, and persons pretenaing to have been no- 
 minated collectors in the queen's absence, on the 
 other, endeavoured, notwithstanding the regula- 
 tions which had been published, to retain the 
 whole revenue of the benefices with which they 
 were connected. To remedy this, the council pro- 
 hibited all possessors of teinds, and of other eccle- 
 siasdcal property, from making payment, till they 
 were charged by letters from the lords of ses- 
 sion *. In consequence of these successive acts, 
 rentals were obtamed of all the benefices within the 
 kingdom, and the amount was apportioned agree* 
 
 * Keith, from the register of the privy council, has given these 
 acts at full length in No. I. of his Appendix to B. iii. of his History, 
 and Ivnox also has pretty accurately detailed them, B. iv. p. 296 — 
 SOO. He has omitted the order of the last of feb- and his dates arc 
 not so accurate as those of Keith, 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, ably to the scheme which, with the consent of the 
 
 XXI. • 
 
 \^^^^^ popish clergy, had been sanctioned *. 
 1562, Thus did government formally recognize the 
 new preachers. By creating a particular fund for 
 their support — by conjoining with the revenue of 
 the crown that fund, and thus pledging the ho- 
 nour of the sovereign that it should be applied for 
 the particular purpose specified in the acts of coun- 
 cil, the parliamentary establishment of the protest- 
 ant religion was legally and constitutionally con- 
 firmed by the queen. 
 
 The most delicate part of the arrangement with 
 regard to the preachers still, however, remained to 
 be adjusted. A committee of council was nominat- 
 ed to modify stipends, that is, to determine what 
 particular sum each minister was to receive ; and 
 Wishart of Pittarrow, who had been always most 
 zealous for the congregation, was appointed to pay 
 the stipends, agreeably to the modification f . 
 
 Inadequate The committee seem to have been abundantly 
 
 support al- , . , . . , . . , 
 
 lotted to on their guard against corruptmg the mimsters, by 
 
 tantaT^' *^^ luxury and profusion of affluence. To many 
 
 of them a hundred merks, a little more than five 
 
 pounds, were allotted, to none more than three 
 
 hundred merks, and the whole annual expence of 
 
 * Keith, with his usual accuracy and diligence, has collected a vast 
 mass of curious information respecting the valuations. I have given 
 from this some extracts in the Appendix, No. XII. which are very 
 interesting. 
 
 f Knox, B. Iv. p. 301. Keith, B. Hi. ch. ii. p. 508. lieylin's 
 History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 160. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 107 
 
 the establishment of the protestant church in Scot- chap. 
 land, with the exception of a separate allowance to s^ 
 four of the superintendents, and to Knox, exceed- ^^^^' 
 ed very little the sum of twenty thousand pounds *. 
 Thus was this arrangement, most important, 
 whether we consider it in reference to the religious 
 or the political state of the kingdom, at length com- 
 pleted. It did not, however, prove satisfactory to 
 any of the .parties whose interest it immediately af- 
 fected. The ecclesiastical holders of benefices con- 
 sidered themselves as injured by the loss of so 
 large a proportion of their wealth ; the protestant 
 ministers, not surely without some cause, com- 
 plained of their slender provision ; and although a 
 nominal accession of nearly fifty thousand pounds, 
 a large sum, according to the value of money in 
 those days, was made to the revenue of the crown, 
 the queen derived from it almost no advantage. 
 Numbers of the popish clergy, particularly of those 
 who embraced the reformation, and had in fact re- 
 nounced at least the exercise of their spiritual pri- 
 vileges, were permitted to retain the thirds of their 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 301, compared with Keith, as last quoted. See 
 Appendix to B. iii. of Keith's History, p. 188. From the book of 
 Assumption, it is apparent that no minister received above 300 
 merits. It follows therefore, that when to the ministers were ad- 
 ded exhorters and readers, specified as receiving the sum mentioned in 
 the text, the number of persons considered as connected wiih the 
 teaching of religion must have been greater than the number of the 
 established clergy at present. Perhaps the regular salaries to the 
 superintendents were included, to which the special sums wer« 
 added. 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, benefices. Several of the nobles received ^reat 
 XXI • • ... 
 
 ■«^ ^*<J pensions ; a considerable sum was given in charity 
 
 i562» to destitute nuns and friars ; and after all these de- 
 ductions, the balance was too inconsiderable to re- 
 lieve any pecuniary embarrassment of the sove- 
 reicrn, or to enable her to support the splendour 
 which should have surrounded her throne *. 
 
 The ministers, even from the commencement of 
 the council's deliberations, had been convinced that 
 nothing really effectual would be done for their re- 
 lief; they oj>enly expressed this conviction, and it 
 soon became too apparent that they had not been 
 inistaken. Not only did they continue to struggle 
 with difficulties which their wretched allotments 
 could not have entirely prevented, difficulties which, 
 keeping alive the horrors of poverty, disquieted 
 their minds, and overwhelmed them with appre- 
 hensions about the future condition of their fa- 
 milies,- — of all indeed who depended upon them ; but 
 they did not regularly receive even the insignifi- 
 cant stipends to which they were entitled. So 
 careless was Wishart in paying these stipends, 
 so little did he consult the conveniency or the 
 wants of the preachers, that the favourable opi- 
 nion of him, to which his former conduct had given 
 rise, was changed, and they lamented the corrupt- 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib, xvli. p. 333. Knox, B. iv. p. 302. Spottis- 
 ■R'oode, B. iv. p. 183. Appendix to B. iii of Keith's History, p» 
 138. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 307. Heyiin's History of 
 tlie Prpsbyterians, B. iv. p. 1G9. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 309 
 
 ine: influence which his new situation had exerted CIIAP. 
 
 ^ . . XX). 
 
 over his mind *^, "^^-^.^^^ 
 
 The nobility, however, were amply rewarded '■^''-• 
 for the part which they had acted. That propor- 
 tion of the property of the church which they had 
 seized, was, by the acts of the council, secured to 
 them J and thus the wealth which piety or super- 
 stition had originally destined for those who officiat-, 
 ed at the altar, which had been increased by the 
 prudence and the industry of those who had pos- 
 sessed it, was finally transferred to men, whose 
 title to it was nothing more than that they had 
 been able to retain what they had dishonestly ap- 
 propriated. Had a suitable provision been made 
 for the protestant clergy, this revolution in eccle- 
 siastical property, though effectuated by violence, 
 could not have excited much regret. To the mi- 
 nisters or to the crown, the whole patrimony of 
 the church in law or in equity belonged. The full 
 possession of it by the preachers, might have in- 
 ■troduced into the clerical order, under the new 
 system, the same luxury and licentiousness v/hich 
 had disgraced the priesthood ; and it was obvious- 
 ly more for the advantage of the kingdom, that 
 what remained after giving comfort to the teach- 
 ers of religion, should be divided amongst a class 
 of men, whose industry it stimulated, whose civi- 
 lization and refinement it advanced, than that it 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 301. 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, should have been vested in the sovereign, whom 
 ^^^J^ it might have enabled to sap the foundations of li- 
 1562. berty, and even to establish an arbitrary govern- 
 ment. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. Ill 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-SECOND. 
 
 Eail of ILint/i/ discontented. ...The Queen visits the 
 north of Scot/and.. ..She refuses to pardon a son of 
 1 luntly... .Infatuation of that nohleman....IIe takes 
 arins....nis defeat and death. ...Execution of his son.... 
 Remarks upon the schemes zchich he had formed. ...These 
 schemes disapproved by Mary. ...Intended interview be- 
 tween the two British Queens. ...Dec/ined bi/ Elizabeth 
 ....Mary pursues the policy which she originally adopt- 
 ed uilh regard to religion. ...Nezc proclamation. ...Ge- 
 neral assembly. ...Preachers condemn the manners of the 
 court. ...Their austerity. ...Ear I of Murray departs from 
 it. ...Exertions of Knox in the West of Scotland. ...lie 
 endeavours to preserve tranquil liti^... .He disputes zcith 
 the Abbot of Crosraguel....Liberti/ assumed by the 
 preachers in their public discourses. ...Elizabetlis illness 
 ....Negotiations arising from it. ...General Assembly.... 
 Attempts of the Catholics. ...Conduct of the Queen.... 
 Confidence in her restored. ...She opens the Parliament 
 ....Act of oblivion.. ..Knox and the Ministers dissatis- 
 fied... .His violent sermon.. ..Queens conference zcith him 
 ....Another general Assembly... .Popular outrages under 
 pretence of Religion. ...Ringleaders apprehended.... 
 Knox exerts himself in their favour. ...His letter.... 
 Murray and Eethington expostulate with him.. ..He is 
 summoned before the Council. ...Is acfjuitted.... Courtiers 
 dissatisfied uith the Ministers. ...Danger of a rupture 
 between them. 
 
 1 HE troubles to which zeal for religion and an- chap, 
 
 . XXI [. 
 
 xiety to preserve the independence of their country \^>.^ 
 
 1502. 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, grj^yp j-ise, had engrossed the attention of all classes 
 ^»-*-v^^^ of men in Scotland, and suspended the hereditary 
 ^^^^' animosities which had been long fostered in the 
 families of the most illustrious of the nobility. 
 Peace, however, was no sooner restored, and the 
 apprehensions respecting the reformation were in 
 some degree abated, than those turbulent disposi- 
 tions, the gratification of which was under the feu- 
 dal governments regarded as the privilege of the 
 great, a^ain exerted their influence, and gave rise to 
 events deeply affecting the most valuable interests 
 of the kingdom. 
 Earl of The Lord James, soon after his return from his 
 
 Huntly V • 
 
 discontent- military expedition to the border counties, was 
 February, Created Earl of IMar, and some months after, his 
 Sept. or sister gratified a wish which he had for many years 
 cherished, by conferring on him the earldom of 
 Murray. The Earl of Huntly beheld, with the most 
 violent indignation, the rapid exaltation of a man 
 Tvhom he dreaded and detested; and he was led, 
 from the circumstances connected with the rise of 
 the prior, to entertain a suspicion that a design had 
 been formed at court to ruin himself and his fa- 
 mily. 
 
 He had long, from the indulgence of government, 
 possessed the extensive domains belonging to the 
 two earldoms of Mar and of Murray, and although 
 he had no reason to consider them as having be- 
 come his property, he loudly complained that they 
 had been wrested from him to aggrandize a rival. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. I 1 3 
 
 whose settlement in the centre of his country could cHAP. 
 
 XXII 
 
 not fail to alarm him. There is so much darkness ^^^^^^ 
 hanging over this part of the history of Scotland, i5G2. 
 that it is diiTicult exactly to ascertain what resolu- 
 tions he was induced to form. It has been asserted 
 that he had determined to assassinate Murray, and 
 it has even been insinuated, apparently without the 
 slightest foundation, that his schemes for this pur- 
 pose were known to the queen, and were by her 
 secretly approved*. 
 
 That he was highly exasperated when the prior 
 was made Earl of iVlar, admits not of a doubt, and 
 an unfortunate event which soon after occurred, 
 gave rise to circumstances which not only destroyed 
 all his confidence in the friendly disposition of the 
 queen, but powerfully contriDuted to impel him to 
 that conduct which brought on his destruction. 
 
 His third son, Sir John Gordon of Findlater, june svtTi. 
 having accidentally met Lord Ogilvie, with whom 
 he had been at variance, an encounter took place, 
 in which Ogilvie was severely wounded. Sir John 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 334 — 336. Knox, B. iv. p. 305. Spot- 
 thwoode, B. iv. p. 183, 184. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, 
 p. 85. Robertson's Hist, of Scotland, B. iii. 1st Vol. of octavo edi- 
 tion, p. 284 — 288. Knox alludes to the suspicions of the queen, but 
 I think it plain that he believed them to be unfounded. He says, 
 " Whether there was any secret faction between tlie queen and Hunt- 
 ly, we cannot certainly affirm." He would have had no hesitation in 
 affirming this, if he had been satibfied that any such faction existed. 
 P. 315. 
 
 VOL. III. H 
 
114 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXII. 
 
 1562. 
 
 Queen 
 visits the 
 north of 
 Scotland. 
 Aug. 
 
 Refuses to 
 pardon a 
 son of 
 Huntly. 
 
 was immediately apprehended and committed to the 
 castle of Edinburgh, but contriving to make his 
 escape, he fled to the north, where he could be pro- 
 tected by his father*. 
 
 The queen, with the Earls of Mar, Argyll, 
 Morton, and some other noblemen, being in a 
 progress through the northern parts of Scotland, 
 arrived at Aberdeen not long after the affray had 
 taken place. The Countess of Huntly, a woman 
 of high spirit, but of engaging manners, waited 
 upon Mary and with the most affectionate earnest- 
 ness implored not only that her son should be par- 
 doned, but that he should receive permission to 
 come into the royal presence. This the queen most 
 properly and resolutely refused. She insisted upon 
 his surrendering himself, but, at the request of his 
 mother she consented that Stirling should be the 
 place of his imprisonment f. 
 
 Sir John immediately began his journey to Stir- 
 ling, but he had not proceeded far before he re- 
 pented of having expressed a wish to be confined 
 there, and, setting the authority of government 
 completely at defiance, he returned. The queen, 
 exasperated at this conduct, and irritated by the 
 presumption of Huntly, who in person solicited his 
 son's pardon, positively declined accepting an invi- 
 tation to one of his mansions, which that nobleman 
 
 * Knox, p. 315. Keith, B. ii. ch. v. p. 222, 223. 
 f Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, &c. p. 86. 3pottiswQode, 
 B. iv. p. 186. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 115 
 
 too eagerly urged. She went to Inverness, intend- CIIAP. 
 ing to reside in the castle, but through the inttrfe- \^ ^^ 
 rence of Huntly, who had been accustomed to di- ^■^^'-• 
 rect the measures adopted in this part of the king- 
 dom, she could not obtain admission. This was 
 considered as the unequivocal signal of rebellion. 
 She instantly issued proclamations calling upon her 
 faithful subjects to take arms in her defence, and a 
 small force was collected. Huntly, convinced that infatuation 
 he had gone too far to hope for forgiveness, and at- nableman. 
 tributing to the enmity of Murray what really re- 
 sulted from the improper manner in which he had 
 himself acted, resolved to proceed to extremities. 
 Having taken up arms, he was attacked by the Takes 
 queen's troops, under the command of Murray ; his Oct.*28tb. 
 retainers were put to the route ; two of his sons were 
 taken prisoners, he himself expired in the field, and 
 his dead body was carried to Aberdeen*. 
 
 Sir John Gordon, whose rashness certainly has- Execution 
 tened this fatal defiance, was beheaded a few days oct. sotiu 
 after the battle. His fate excited the stronQ:est 
 feelings of sympathy and compassion. Elegant in 
 his person, and accomplished in his mind, he had 
 gained the esteem and affection of those who were 
 attached to his family ; and the natural effect of his 
 youth and his rank upon those who witnessed the 
 
 * Knox, B. Iv. p. 318 — 320. Crawford's Lives, p. 8G, 87. Keith, 
 B. ii. ch. V. p. 228. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 18G, 187. Ilolinshcd's 
 Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 320, 321. Buchan. Lib. xvii. p. :3:'m — ?>W. 
 Mackenzie's Lives, Vol. III. p. 26G, 207. 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KEFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 xxir. 
 
 1562. 
 
 Remarks 
 upon the 
 schemes 
 which he 
 had form- 
 ed. 
 
 premature termination of his life, was much increas- 
 , ed by the shocking manner in which, from the im- 
 skilfulness of the executioner, his body was mangled. 
 The other son, on account of his youth, was par- 
 doned*. 
 
 This illustrious house now exhibited a striking 
 example of the mutability of fortune. Long pos- 
 sessed almost of royal power and royal affluence, 
 adv;^rsity pressed on it with the most cruel severity. 
 Lord Gordon, the eldest son, who had married a 
 daughter of the Duke of Chatelherault, was appre- 
 hended and condemned ; and although, through the 
 interposition of the queen, his life was preserved, his 
 immense estates were confiscated, while he was de- 
 tained a prisoner in the castle of Dunbar, till, in 
 consequence of a revolution in the counsels of 
 Mary, he was delivered and restored to her favour f. 
 
 The fate of Huntly spread a dark gloom over the 
 minds of all who were devoted to the popish reli- 
 gion. Although this powerful nobleman had, upon 
 various occasions, acted with much duplicity or hy- 
 pocrisy, he seems to have been at length fully con- 
 vinced that it was his most cautious and wise po- 
 licy to conjoin his interest with that of the priest- 
 hood, and of the faction by whom the church was 
 supported. Though the uncles of the queen had, 
 
 * Buch. Lib. xvii. p. 339. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 187. Craw- 
 ford's Lives, p. 87. 
 
 ■f See extracts from the records of parliament, in Crawford's Lives 
 of the Earls of Huntly, who had been chancellors of Scotland. Keith, 
 B. ii. ch. V. p. 229. Knox, B. iv. p. 321. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1 17 
 
 during their residence in Scotland, very prudently cHAP. 
 declined to countenance his plans for re-establishing .^^^^^ 
 the ancient worship, they reported, upon their re- i562. 
 turn to France, his zeal and his influence ; and the 
 cardinal of Lori ain, who watched for every oppor- 
 tunity of attacking the reformers, devised a scheme 
 of combining with the efforts of Huntly the power 
 of the queen, and of thus cutting ofl:' such of the no- 
 bility as had most steadily supported and most assi- 
 duously protected the adherents of the Congrega- 
 tion. Letters were accordingly written to Mary, 
 advising her to encourage the designs of Huntly, 
 and even to flatter him with the hope that she would 
 marry one of his sons. To induce her to enter 
 cordially into these hazardous and criminal mea- 
 sures, the most explicit promises were given, that 
 money would be liberally furnished for conducting 
 any enterprize intended to give stabilitv to the ca- 
 tholic church, or to save it from the ruin with 
 which it was threatened. 
 
 Mary saw the wildness of such policy, and pro- Dlsap- 
 bably detested the guilt which it implied. With^al^. ^ 
 admirable judgment she communicated the letters 
 to Murray, and thus gave decisive proof of the 
 confidence which she reposed in him, and in the 
 party which he directed '^. 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 336. Crawford's Lives of Officers of 
 State, p. 85. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 185, compared with Keitli, 
 B. ii p. 224, 225, who endeavours to discredit Buchanan's narration, 
 but produces no authority in support of his own opinion. 
 
118 
 
 HISTOllY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXII. 
 
 1562. 
 
 Intended 
 
 Interview 
 
 between 
 
 the two 
 
 Uritish 
 
 Queens. 
 
 Had Huntly acted with prudence and modera- 
 tion, had he uniformly extended his patronage to 
 the catholics and encouraged them to revere him 
 as the zealous defender of their church, he might, 
 with the means which he possessed, have become, in 
 process of time a most formidable enemy to the 
 protestant establishment; might have acquired a 
 great ascendancy over the mind of the queen, and, 
 with her aid, and that of the catholic powers on the 
 continent, might have succeeded in reducing Scot- 
 land to the ecclesiastical servitude from which it 
 had been so recently delivered. The fact that he 
 never appears to have entertained these extensive 
 views, affords much ground for imagining that he 
 had not calmly determined to oppose his sovereign 
 or her government, but that he had been driven, by 
 accidental occurrences mortifying his pride and 
 stimulating his passions, to those ill digested efforts' 
 which so speedily terminated in his own death — in 
 the misery and depression of his family*. 
 
 In the course of this year negotiations were car- 
 ried on between Elizabeth and Mary respecting an 
 interview which the queen of Scotland had propos- 
 
 * Robertson's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. I. notes to pages 291, 29£;. 
 Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 18th Nov. 1561.', in Crawford's 
 Collection, Vol.!. p. 262. This minister believed that schemes had 
 been formed by Huntly for the assassination of Murray and the most 
 eminent of the protestant lords, but his information was probablv de- 
 rived from those who wished, for particular reasons, to circulate this 
 idea. See also Maitland's letter to Cecil) dated 14th Nov. in Craw^ 
 ford, Vol. I. p. 258. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 119 
 
 ed, and which many of her counsellors warmly ap- chap, 
 proved. They had now discerned the justness of 
 
 the opinion which Knox had formed with regard to '^^^• 
 Mary's attachment to the catholic religion. They 
 were persuaded that no reasonings of theirs, that 
 no discourses of their preachers would make any 
 impression ; but unwilling to relinquish all hope of 
 her conversion, they flattered themselves that the 
 representations and arguments of Elizabeth, distin- 
 guished as she was by the soundness of her judg- 
 ment, and standing in a situation which would se- 
 cure the most respectful attention to what she urged, 
 might exhibit the subject of religion in a light in 
 which their own sovereign had not allowed herself 
 to contemplate it, and might at any rate convince 
 her of the policy of professing tenets embraced by 
 the great majority of her subjects *. 
 
 Having consulted her privy-council upon the May i9th, 
 propriety of meeting Elizabeth in England, and 
 having received their opinion, that if the safety of 
 her own person could be secured, the most benefi- 
 cial consequences might follow from such an inter- 
 view, Maitland, the secretary, was sent to London 
 to make formally the proposal f. Elizabeth could 
 
 * Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 185. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. IT. 
 p. 218. Randolph's correspondence with Cecil. Instructions to Sir 
 Henry Sydney, in Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. p. 262. Camden's 
 Annals, p. 75. 
 
 f Keith, B. ii. eh. Iv. p. 216. Letter from Maitland to Cecil, 
 dated 27th Feb. 1562, and published from the origiaal in Haynee' 
 State Papers, Vol. I. p. 370. 
 
120 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXII. 
 
 1562. 
 
 Declined 
 by Eliza- 
 beth. 
 
 not decently refuse her consent to a measure which, 
 from her connection with Mary, and the many pro- 
 fessions of esteem and affection which she had often 
 made, might so naturally have been considered as 
 in the highest degree acceptable to her. She ac- 
 cordingly affected to feel much satisfaction : articles 
 in reference to the interview were drawn up ; a 
 safe-conduct was granted to the Scotish queen ; and 
 all parties in Scotland looked forward with anxiety 
 to the result of the conference. The protestants, 
 who were attached to Elizabeth, delighted them- 
 selves with the idea that the two kingdoms would 
 thus be united in the most friendly aUiance, while 
 the catholics dreaded that the resolution of Mary 
 would be shaken, and that hence the possibility of 
 their future triumph would be destroyed. 
 
 The hopes of the one and the fears of the other 
 were soon blasted and dissipated. The English 
 queen, availing herselt of some events which had 
 occurred in France, urged them as a pretext for 
 delaying the interview ; and although she declared 
 that the delay was only for a year, she probably in- 
 tended, what really happened, that it. should never 
 take place*. 
 
 This resolution was, at the period of its being 
 formed, not disagreeable to Mary. That the queen 
 of Scotland was at one time anxious for an inter- 
 view cannot be doubted. The proposal originated 
 
 * Haynes' State Papers, Vol. I. p. 393. Keith, B. ii. ch. v. 
 p. 219—222. Camden's Annals, p. 74. See a curious passage con- 
 nected with this subject in Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 92. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 121 
 
 "with herself, and there were several poH'^ical rea- crrAP. 
 
 XXII 
 
 sons which could scarcely fail to influence her de- v,^^^ 
 termination with regard to it. Firmly persuaded i56 
 of her right to the throne of England > knowing 
 that many of the inhabitants of that country were 
 desirous that she should sway the sceptre, sensible 
 of her beauty, and the effect which her fascinating 
 manners had produced even upon her own rugged 
 nobles, it was not unnatural for her to believe that 
 she would, by visiting Kngland, more thoroughly 
 confirm the attachment of the catholics, and that 
 she might secure the affections of many who, though 
 friends to the protestant faith, might not be averse 
 to assist her, if she should find an opportunity for- 
 cibly, and with a prospect of success, to urge her 
 pretensions. By thus forming or increasing a party 
 in England, she saw that she would render herself 
 much less dependent upon Elizabeth — that she 
 would be able to fight her vtdth her own weapons, 
 and that the perception of this might not only lead 
 the English queen to act towards her with an at- 
 tention vi^hich she had never shewn, but even to 
 consent to an arrangement by which her throne 
 would, in the event of her death, and of her re- 
 maining unmarried, be filled by Mary. Mature re- 
 flection, however, had convinced Mary that there 
 were hazards attending the interview more than 
 sufficient to counterbalance any advantages which 
 could be derived from it. By leaving her own do- 
 minions, she put herself completely in the power of 
 
1562. 
 
 122 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION 
 
 ™^P- Elizabeth, who had already shewn some intention 
 to deprive her of liberty ; and by acting without 
 advice or approbation from France, there was a 
 danger of incurring the displeasure of that court, 
 and of thus alienating the power upon whose assist- 
 ance she chiefly calculated, if she should ever de- 
 clare against Elizabeth. 
 
 If the English queen was ever sincere In the joy 
 with which she professed to anticipate a meeting 
 with Mary, this joy was certainly of momentary 
 duration. Her jealous mind at once discerned all 
 the evils which might flow from the presence of her 
 rival. She was apprehensive that cabals might be 
 commenced, and she shrunk from the idea that 
 her people should witness how very far the personal 
 charms of Mary excelled her own!*. 
 
 The protestants in Scotland were disappointed 
 that the conference between the two queens did not 
 take place, but they were so without any sufficient 
 reason. A knowledge of human nature, or even 
 of the firmness with which Mary had adhered to 
 her religion, might have shewn them, that she 
 would be as little moved by Elizabeth as she had 
 been by the effbrts of her own subjects. The su- 
 periority which exhortations from the English queen 
 would have implied, the cold dignified manner in 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 5536. Camden's Annals, p. 75, 76. 
 Spottiswoode, B iv. p. 185. Keith, B. ii. ch. iv. HoUnshed's Chro- 
 nicle, Vol.11, p. 318. Mackenzie's Life of Maiy in Vol. IIL of his 
 I,ivps, p. 265. Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. f??. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 123 
 
 which these would have been given, the mutual chap 
 jealousies which so many causes threatened to ex- ^^^^ ' 
 
 cite, would rather have strengthened than shaken i562. 
 faith, and would, in all likelihood, have led to cala- 
 mities which every friend to his country would 
 have deeply deplored *. 
 
 Whatever were the secret intentions of the Scot- Mary pur- 
 ish queen with regard to religion, she steadily originaTpo- 
 pursued the policy which, at her arrival, she had de- '"^^ ^''^'^ 
 termined to embrace. While she would not re- religion, 
 linquish her own right to worship God according 
 to her conscience, she strictly conformed to the 
 proclamation which she had issued in favour of the 
 protestants ; and when some of the zealous catho- 
 lics, trusting to her indulgence, ventured to solem- 
 nize the rites of their church, she published a new 
 proclamation, in which she commanded all to con- New pro- 
 form to the order which had been settled, and de- S'"^!?"* 
 
 ' May 31st. 
 
 nounced the most severe punishments against such 
 as continued to disobey the injunctions which she 
 had given with regard to religion ■{•. 
 
 About midsummer, the General Assembly met General as- 
 at Edinburgh. A number of regulations for pre- June 29th.. 
 serving the purity, and giving vigour to the disci- 
 pline of the church, were proposed and sanctioned ; 
 the duty of superintendents was more minutely 
 detailed, and their subjection to the great body of 
 pastors was enforced. A petition from Alexander 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 75. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 185. 
 ■f Keith, B. iii. ch. ii, p. 510, from the register of the prlvy- 
 conncil. 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Gordon, who had been bishop of Galloway, having 
 ,^^y^ been presented, in which that prelate requested 
 1562. that he might be constituted superintendent of the 
 / district included in his former diocese, the assem- 
 
 bly refused to admit him to the office till it was as- 
 certained whether his admission would be accept- 
 able to the churches over which he \^as to preside, 
 and till he subscribed the book of discipline. This 
 resolution plainly shews that the reformers did 
 not consider the bishops as having any right to 
 continue in their dioceses, even when they abjur- 
 ed the popish faith ; but that they required all the 
 ecclesiastical offices, under the new establishment, 
 to be conferred by the authority recognized or con- 
 stituted by that establishment! 
 
 Many complaints were made, both of the in- 
 sufficiency of the provision for the clergy, and of 
 the irregularity with which it was paid. In some 
 cases it could not be obtained, those of the priest- 
 hood, to whom the thirds of their benefices had 
 been remitted, considering themselves as exempted 
 from the obligation of supporting the ministers; 
 and in all cases difficulties or delays occurred, 
 which rendered the situation of the teachers most 
 deplorable. The neglect which they experienced 
 was extended to the places in which they officiated; 
 for it was stated to the assembly, that many 
 churches were permitted to go to ruin. These 
 facts could not be disregarded, and it was unani- 
 mously resolved to present a supplication to her 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 125 
 
 majesty and the council, imploring the redress of chap. 
 grievances, so unfavourable to the influence of the ,^^^ ^ 
 church, and so directly in opposition to the regula- i562. 
 tions which government had lately sanctioned. 
 
 But the attention ot the members of this assem- 
 bly was not confined to the condition of the pas- 
 tors ; much of their time was occupied in consider- 
 ing the general situation of the ccuntry, in devis- 
 ing measures for effectually guaiding against the 
 encroachments ot popery, and tor securing the di- 
 vine blessing. It having been determined that the 
 opinion of the superintendents and ministers upon 
 these interesting subjects, should be inserted in the 
 supplication to the queen and council, Knox pre- 
 sented a copy of what he conceived should be that 
 opinion. In this paper, the evils which would re- 
 sult even from the most restricted permission of the 
 mass, and the inconsistency of the Romish service 
 with the word of God, were expressed in language 
 so indelicately violent, that the queen, had it been 
 conveyed to her, must have been offended — must 
 have reprobated those who used it, as deficient in 
 that respect to which she was so justly entitled, 
 and without which the name of royalty alone would 
 have remained. The introduction will afford a 
 sufficient specimen of the manner in which it was 
 composed. *' Having in mind that fearful sentence 
 pronounced by the eternal God against the watch- 
 men, who see the sword of God's judgment ap- 
 proach, and do not in plain words forewarn the 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, people, yea the princes and rulers, that they may re- 
 ^_^^/_^ pent, we cannot but signify unto your highness 
 1562. and council, that the state of this realm is such, 
 that unless redress and remedy be shortly provided, 
 God*s hand cannot long spare in his anger to strike 
 the head and tail, the inobedient prince and sinful 
 people." 
 
 The obvious design of this supplication, at least 
 its obvious tendency, was to spread an alarm for the 
 protestant faith - to represent the queen as its great 
 enemy, and to insinuate that the most awful judg- 
 ments might be expected to descend upon the peo- 
 ple, if they did not resist the idolatry which she 
 practised. 
 
 The commissioners of assembly who were attach- 
 ed to the court were offended and shocked with 
 these sentiments, and Maitland, with his accustom- 
 ed ability, inveighed against them. With great 
 force he shewed the impropriety of asserting that 
 the queen had an intention of restoring popery ; he 
 proved, from the whole of her conduct, that there 
 was no foundation for such a charge ; and he affir- 
 med, that the attempt to infuse such ideas into the 
 minds of the people was no less than treason, 
 Knox, in his reply, Insisted upon the danger to which 
 the protestants were exposed by the queen's adher- 
 ence to her religion, declaring that it would be too 
 late to complain when their ministers were stricken, 
 their superintendents disobeyed, and a plain rebel- 
 lion decreed against all good order. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 127 
 
 Maitland treated these apprehensions as totally ^^Sa^ 
 imaginary ; and notwithstanding the veneration with ^"^" ^^^ 
 which Knox was regarded, the assembly was con- 
 vinced that he had, in this instance, displayed unne- 
 cessary warmth. The members could not forget 
 the proclamation which, only a month before, the 
 queen had emitted ; and the recollection of it, 
 conjoine<^ with the arguments of the secretary, so 
 far influenced them, that while they wished to ad- 
 here to the substance of what Knox had suggested, 
 they solicited Maitland to draw a representation to 
 the sovereign, in such language as he judged it 
 proper and expedient to use. He readily com- 
 pUed, and the change of style which thus was oc- 
 casioned, did not escape the penetration of Mary ; 
 for when the supplication was presented to her by 
 the superintendents of Lothian and Fife, she ob- 
 served, " here are many fair words, I cannot tell 
 what their hearts are *." 
 
 While the ministers were thus zealously defend- fonjj.^''^ 
 ing the protestant establishment, they distinguish- ^^e"^^"- 
 ed themselves by the vehemence with v» hich they court. 
 inveighed against the gaiety and the amusements 
 by which Mary endeavoured to give attractions to 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. ;?11 — 315, has given the supplication as pro- 
 posed by him, and the debate which followed. For the rest of the 
 transactions of the assembly, and for some additional information 
 upon this point, see also Keith, B. iii. ch. ii. p. 511 — 515. Calder- 
 wood, p. 32. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 170. 
 Mackenzie's Life of Mary, in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 265. Petrit's 
 Church History, Part IL p. 282. 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 GHAP. her court, and to soften or civilize those by whom 
 X II . 
 v^^s^,,.^^ it was attended. 
 
 1562. nf he profligacy of the popish clergy had justly 
 disgusted the people of Scotland, long before the 
 introduction of the reformation. The shocking in- 
 decency with which even the higher orders of 
 these clergy avowed or practised this profligacy, 
 had afforded the reformers infinite advantage in 
 their attempts to give a new dii'ection to the pub- 
 lic mind, and they were naturally led from the 
 zeal with which they branded its criminality, to 
 go to an opposite extreme, to assume a rigid au- 
 Thelrau- stereness and severity of manners. This they 
 stenty. brought thcmselvcs to consider as the attendant, 
 and in fact the sign of sincere religion; and 
 they did not hesitate to declare against the most 
 harmless enjoyments, as indicating, in those who 
 partook of them, a levity of disposition little con- 
 sonant with the gravity or the depression which 
 reflection upon the fallen and corrupted state of hu- 
 man nature should, as they imagined, uniformly 
 excite. 
 
 Eager to conjoin with the doctrines which they 
 opposed eveiy practice which they reprobated, 
 they represented the levity against which they di- 
 rected their eloquence, as one of the evils of popery, 
 and in this they were confirmed, or endeavoured to 
 confirm those who heard them, by the striking 
 revolution in the modes of social intercourse which 
 the arrival of the queen had introduced. Edu- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 129 
 
 cated in the most refined court of Europe, at- chap. 
 
 XXII 
 
 tached, from constitution, and from her youth, ^ ' 
 to the pleasures with which she had been long i^si?. 
 familiar, she wished to transplant them into l^er own 
 dominions. She delighted in music, dancing, and 
 other elegant accomplishments, and the taste for 
 these, which she was desirous should become 
 universal, soon began to prevail. 
 
 Knox and his admirers contemplated all this 
 with horror. Nothing, indeed, could present a 
 more marked contrast to their gloomy and for- 
 bidding habits. Making no allowance for youth, 
 for education, and for diversity of customs, they 
 taught that the dissoluteness of the court called 
 aloud for judgment, and in their sermons they 
 held it up to the detestation of the crowds, who 
 took from them the direction of their sentiments. 
 
 The lords of the Congregation had in this re- 
 spect generally coincided with the preachers. The 
 Earl of Murray was, in a particular manner, 
 distinguished by the strictness of his self-denial ; 
 and as he did not, for some time after he re- 
 sided at court, change his mode of life, he was 
 upon this account extolled as exhibiting an ex- 
 ample of the purest virtue. Unfortunately, how- Earl of 
 ever, even he did not uniformly adhere to thcdepll^^s^ 
 maxims which he had professed to respect. Soon ^^°"^ "• 
 after receiving the title of Earl of Mar, he 
 married Lady Agnes Keith, a daughter of the 
 Earl Marischal. The marriage ceremony was per- 
 
 VOL. III. I 
 
'130 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 «HAP. formed in church, and the opportunity was 
 .^v^^ not lost of guarding him against the revelry and 
 1562. merriment in which, upon such occasions, it was 
 becoming fashionable to indulge. He was ex- 
 horted to shun such vanity, to conduct himself 
 as became one from whom the church of God 
 had received comfort, — a mode of acting which was 
 held forth as peculiarly necessary, because if he 
 departed from it, it might be thought that his 
 wife had changed his nature. Notwithstanding 
 this earnest caution, the entertainment w hich he 
 gave exceeded in splendour any thing which had 
 been before witnessed, and it was rendered in the 
 highest degree offensive by the introduction of 
 masquerades, which the ministers, with much rea- 
 son, considered as most unfavourable to morality. 
 The godly were offended, his friends were filled with 
 astonishment and regret ; and many who would 
 have seen no impropriety in such magnificence had 
 others displayed it, contrasted it with the de- 
 meanour which he had hitherto maintained, and 
 deduced conclusions not favourable to his sincerity, 
 or to the cause which he had so strenuously support- 
 ed *. 
 
 While every attempt to restrain profligacy and 
 vice is entitled to the gratitude of mankind, — while 
 it must be admitted, that immoderate attachment 
 to the dissipating amusements of fashionable life 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 334. Knox, B. iv. p. 302. Heylin's 
 History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 175. 
 
 i .111 .Jv •' 
 
IN SCOTLAND. ISl 
 
 is most prejudicial to the improvement of the chap. 
 mind, and to the purity of the character, it is v^s,^^^ 
 certainly to be lamented, that religious men have ^^«2. 
 too frequently proscribed those comforts and bles- 
 sings, evidently intended by the beneficence of Pro- 
 vidence to heighten the enjoyment of this transi- 
 tory world. They have, in express opposition to 
 the general spirit of Christianity, and to the ami- 
 able and engaging example of its benevolent Author, 
 been instrumental in creating associations between 
 gloominess and piety, which, however obviously 
 unreasonable, have extensively prejudiced the hu- 
 man mind, and prevented admiration of that hea- 
 venly doctrine, so delicately and kindly adapted to 
 elevate our nature, to refine and to exalt our feli- 
 city. In Britain, this error of the reformers for a 
 considerable period decided the complexion of the 
 national character. Their austerity, and the aus- 
 terit;^ of those who succeeded them, paved the way 
 for the licentiousness, the profaneness, the mockery 
 of religion, which, at the restoration, spread through 
 the kingdom ; and which, although now, it is to be 
 hoped, giving way to juster sentiments and feelings, 
 are very far from having ceased to influence the 
 opinions of many, whose example is too powerful 
 in disseminating infidelity — in poisoning the purest 
 sources of virtue. 
 
 During the autumn, Knox, in consequence of a Exertions 
 commission given to him by the general assembly, ^ ^^°^ 
 went tQ the western parts of Scotland, where he west of 
 
 Scotland. 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, not only preached to the great body of the people^ 
 \^0^y^-^ but was most active in prevailing upon the higher 
 1562. ranks to unite for defending the protestant religion, 
 and preserving the peace of the country. He vi^as 
 Endeavours led to this by his apprehension, that through the 
 ^anquuiity Solicitations of the Earl of Huntly, who was then in 
 rebellion, there would be a general insurrection of 
 those attached to the ancient faith. This circum- 
 stance satisfactorily explains why he proposed a bond 
 of association, which, had there been no formidable 
 danger threatening the protestants, must have been 
 ascribed, not merely to a distrust of government, 
 but to a resolution to oppose it. This bond, in- 
 Sept. 4th. tended to secure the most zealous support to the 
 reformed church, and to its ministers, was subscrib- 
 ed at Ayr, by a great number of the most respect- 
 able barons and gentlemen of the surrounding coun- 
 try, who, it cannot be conceived, would have done 
 so, had they considered the bond as calculated to 
 sow sedition — as having any other object than to 
 ward off the attacks of the catholics. 
 
 The subsequent conduct of Knox places it be- 
 yond a doubt that he had no designs hostile to the 
 state. Believing, justly or not, that attempts would 
 be made to unite, for one great effort, the adherents 
 of popery in Scotland, he expressed to many 
 persons the fears by which he was agitated. He 
 prevailed upon the Master of Maxwell, a man of 
 judgment and experience, to endeavour to induce 
 the Eari of Bothwell, who had just escaped from 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 133 
 
 prison, and who, from the proflieacy of his cha- cHAP. 
 
 ... . XXII 
 
 racter, was supposed to be inclined to insurrection, \,^^^^^ 
 to preserve tranquillity in the parts committed to his iS62. 
 charge ; and Knox corresponded with the Duke, 
 who was dissatisfied with the measures of the court, 
 with the view of prevailing upon him not to follow 
 the advice of his brother, the Archbishop of St 
 Andrews, or to promote the schemes of Huntly, 
 with whom, by the mai'riage of his son, he was inti- 
 mately connected. The fact is, that during the in- 
 surrections in the north, the south and the west 
 of Scotland remained quiet ; and Knox attributes 
 this to the measures which he adopted *. 
 
 During his residence in Galloway, he was chal- Dispute 
 lenged by the abbot of Crossraguel, one of the most abbot of 
 able champions of popery, to dispute with him up- gygi^"^* 
 on the subject of the mass. No effect was pro- 
 duced by the conference : Both parties claimed the 
 victory ; both desisted from the contest, more at- 
 tached to the opinions which had been previously 
 entertained f. 
 
 The queen, with her court, resided at Edinburgh Liberty as. 
 for the greater part of the ensuing winter. The thrpreach- 
 preachers declaimed with much fervour against the ^"bifc'^iis!!^ 
 
 courses. 
 
 * Knox, B. Iv. p. 316—318. Keith, B. ili. ch. li. p. 515. Hey- 
 lin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. Both Keith and Heylia 
 give a very imperfect account of this business. Keith is inexcusable. 
 He calls the bond a seditious one, while he makes no mention of 
 Knox's successful endeavours to preserve tranquillity. 
 
 t Knox, B, iv. p. 318. Mackenzie's life of Quintin Kennedy, aV' 
 bot of Crossraguel, in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 57. 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, vices which prevailed ; and, not confining themselves 
 
 "V"V"TT 
 
 \^^y^ to general reasoning and instruction, they attacked 
 1562. from the pulpit the individuals whose conduct they 
 disapproved. I'heir sermons were thus converted 
 into personal invectives, directly calculated to irri- 
 tate the passions, but not at all to affect the con- 
 sciences, or to convince the understandings of those 
 whom they sought to reform. The courtiers, al- 
 though attached to the faith which the ministers in- 
 culcated, were disgusted with the freedom which 
 they assumed — felt indignant at the representations, 
 often unfounded, which they made to the people, 
 and endeavoured to correct the evil. The preach- 
 ers, however, were not disposed to renounce a 
 privilege which gratified their vanity, raised them 
 in the estimation of the multitude, and perhaps too 
 frequently afforded a vehicle for private prejudice, 
 for secret malice, and unwarrantable antipathy. 
 They rested the defence of their conduct upon 
 their being obliged to brand corruption wherever 
 it was openly practised, pleading that they could 
 not neglect this duty without betraying the trust 
 which had been reposed in them as instructors of 
 religion *. 
 
 Illness of Towards the conclusion of this year Elizabeth 
 
 iza eth. ^^g taken ill, and her complaints assumed so 
 
 alarming an appearance, as to render it prudent in 
 
 her council to direct their attention towards the 
 
 f^ Knox, B. iv, p. i322. Keith, B. iii. civ i". p. 5 16. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 135 
 
 succession to the throne. Mary felt the deepest ^jj'' 
 interest in their discussions ; and her ministers made "^^^-"^^ 
 every eflbrt to cstabUsh her right. Lethington, in 
 a letter to Cecil, written with much art and ability, Nov. Hih. 
 after shewing that the connection which the queen 
 of Scotland had both with France and England, 
 would render it very difficult for her to decide 
 what part she ought to take in a war which had un- 
 fortunately broken out between these kingdoms, 
 insinuates that it would be wise policy in Elizabeth 
 firmly to attach his sovereign to her interest. 
 What his great object was he renders apparent by 
 declaring, that the danger in which he heard that 
 the queen of England lately was, led him to write 
 earnestly upon this subject ; the more so that a re- 
 port had reached him, that there had been some ^'^ 
 intention of excluding Mary from the English 
 crown. This report had been brought into Scot- 
 land by Villemont, a man of whom Randolph wrote, 
 that there was wanting in him no good will to do 
 mischief; giving, as a proof of this, his circulating 
 the rumour, that if Elizabeth had been cut oft", the 
 queen of Scotland was barred from all succes- 
 sion *. -'*>fi-:<0 7 .aO 
 
 * Lethington's and Randolph's letters to Cecil, the former dated 
 14th of Nov. the latter the 18th Nov. ).562, copied from originals 
 in the Cotton Library', Caligula, B. x. by Crawford, inserted in his 
 Collections, Vol. I. p. 258—262, and printed by Keith, B. ii. ch. v. 
 This Illness of Elizabeth is not mentioned by Rapin, or, if I recollect, 
 by any of the English Historians ; it is however placed beyond a 
 doubt by these letters, and by a paper of instructions from the ^ueeR 
 
r 
 
 1 36 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Soon after this the secretary was dispatched up- 
 \^^^^ on an embassy to the English court. He was 
 NegoS'. instructed, after congratulating Elizabeth upon her 
 tioasaris- rccovery, to express Mary-s earnest wish that 
 
 :ng from it. • i i 
 
 peace might be restored between France and Eng- 
 land, two nations in which she took so much in- 
 terest ; and he was also enjoined, if he should e- 
 steem it necessary — if he should perceive any in- 
 clination to deprive her of the right of succession, 
 to bring to the recollection of Elizabeth, all which 
 had passed upon the subject, and to desire to have 
 access to the house of parliament, that, in presence 
 of the estates of the realm, he might declare the 
 validity of his sovereign's title, and her determina- 
 tion to assert it *. Happily for the reformation the 
 them upon ^^^en of England recovered. It is not improbable, 
 Elizabeth, however, that she discovered the eagerness with 
 which Mary had interfered respecting the succes- 
 sion, and that this contributed to augment the fear, 
 the antipathy, and the jealousy, with which, notwith- 
 standing her deceitful expressions of tender affec- 
 tion, she had long regarded her accomplished 
 rival. 
 General as- Another General Assembly was, at the conclusion 
 25th Dec. of this year, held at Edinburgh. In it that part of 
 
 pj Scots to Maltland, in which he is commanded to congratulate E- 
 lizabeth upon her, recovery from dangerous sickness. These instruc- 
 tions, taken from the shattered MSS. are in Keith, B. ii. ch. v. 
 
 * Keith, B. ii. th. v.^ p. 235—237, from the shattered MSS. in 
 the Advocates**Library. Knox has also mentioned this embassy of 
 Maitlacil, in B. iv. p. 321 of hi? History, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 137 
 
 I he book of discipline was carried into effect which CHAP. 
 
 . XXJI 
 
 required the superintendents to submit to the exa- v,^v^^ 
 
 mination of the whole church. The superintendent *^^2* 
 of Fife was delated, because he was not sufficiently 
 diligent in his visitations ; because he was negligent 
 in preaching, and rath in excommunicating ; while 
 it was laid to the charge of the superintendent of 
 Angus, that there were many popish priests unqua- 
 lified, and of vicious life, who were admitted to be 
 readers in the churches under his care ; that young 
 men were rashly admitted to be ministers and ex- 
 horters without having undergone the examination 
 required by the book of discipline ; that gentlemen 
 of irregular lives were nominated to be elders ; that 
 residence was neglected by the ministers; that 
 many parochial duties were negligently performed, 
 and that the instruction of youth was not sufficiently 
 enforced*. With respect to the administration of 
 sacraments, it was resolved, that the form used by 
 the English church at Geneva should be adopted, 
 and that the Lord's Supper should be dispensed 
 four times a-year in towns, and twice a- year in 
 country parishes. Superintendents were instructed 
 to present to the lords appointed to assign stipends, 
 the names of the ministers, exhorters, and readers, 
 within their dioceses j and complaints having been 
 again made that stipends were not adequate to the 
 support of ministers, the comptroller, the justice- 
 
 * Calderwood's Hist, of the Church of Scotland, p. 32. Keith, 
 B. iii. ch. iii. p. 517. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, clerk, and the clerk-register, required the superin- 
 ^^T,^ tendents to specify the casies where provision was 
 1562. not sufficient, that it might be augmented, promis- 
 ing that where the thirds of benefices had been re- 
 mitted, they would take measures for securing the 
 payment of the stipends, and for putting ministers 
 in possession of their manses and glebes*. 
 
 The utmost attention to the church seems, at this 
 time, to have been paid by government, and the ef- 
 fect of this was very discernible in the temper of 
 the assembly. There was evidently a desire not to 
 harass the queen ; for when some persons stated 
 that idolatry was erected in divers parts of the king- 
 dom, and suggested that a new supplication should 
 be addressed to her, no inclination was shewn to 
 comply with the suggestion. When, to those who 
 asked what answer had been returned to the former 
 supplication, the superintendent of Lothian said 
 that he had delivered it, but had received no reply, 
 the delay was most readily excused, upon this ground, 
 that the troubles, which since that time had taken 
 place, had engrossed her attention ; while the whole 
 assembly expressed their conviction, that before the 
 meeting of parliament in May, such steps would be 
 taken as would impart general satisfaction -j*. The 
 
 * Keith, B. ill. ch. iii. p. 520, from the Register and from Cal- 
 derwood's MS. History. 
 
 f Knox, B. iv. p. 323. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 185, mentions, 
 that when the queen was at Stirling in her progress north, soon after 
 the meeting of the assembly in June, a petition was presented to her 
 by certain commissioners of the church, which, from the manner ia 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 139 
 
 ministers, indeed, had no cause to be dissatisfied CHAP, 
 with the queen's conduct, which had been regulated k^-^.^^ 
 towards them with the most scrupulous caution ; ^^'''^' 
 and they had the heart-felt satisfaction of perceiving, 
 that since her arrival, the numbers of the reformed 
 had rapidly increased '^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the determination which the i563. 
 queen had shewn to secure the religion of the king-^f thT^ ' 
 
 catholics. ^ 
 
 wlikh he speaks of it, must have been the supplication voted at that '^ 
 
 assembly ; and that after having perused it, she made answer, that 
 she would do nothing in prejudice of the religion which she profes- 
 sed, and hoped before a year was expired, to have the mass and catho- 
 lic profession restored throughout the kingdom. This is also told by 
 Heylin in his Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. Iv. p. 170. There is, 
 
 however, strong internal evidence against this account, for nothing I 
 
 but the most astonishing imprudence could have led Mary to give an 
 answer which, she must have known, would excite the zeal and in- 
 dignation of the majority of her subjects. But independently of this, 
 there is positive proof that no such answer was returned. The sup- 
 plication was drawn up by Lethington in such mild terms, that, in- 
 stead of being enraged, the queen was amazed at the change of style, 
 and made the remark upon it which has been mentioned ; and the 
 superintendent of Lothian, who presented it, positively declared to the 
 assembly that no answer was given. If the queen had been so in- 
 cautious, Knox would have severely animadverted upon the reply ; 
 there certainly would have been no occasion for his inserting in his 
 history an apology for her silence. The letter of Maitland to Cecil, 
 which has beei i already quoted, shews plainly that Mary had been 
 studious to avoid giving offence, in as far as she could do so without 
 relinquishing her right to observe her own religion. Alluding to the 
 intention to deprive her of the English throne, he thus writes : •* If 
 her religion hath moved any thing, seeing her behaviour such towards 
 those that be of the religion within her own realm, yea, and the religion 
 itself, which is a great deal more increased since she came home than 
 it was before, I see no reason why those who be zealous of religion 
 should suspect her." 
 * ^Jaitland's letter to Cecil, mentioned in the preceding note. 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXII. 
 
 156:; 
 
 Conduct 
 of the 
 Queen. 
 
 Confidence 
 restored. 
 
 dom as she found it established or professed, the 
 zeal of the catholics occasionally impelled them to 
 make an ostentatious display of the worship sanc- 
 tioned by their church. During Lent of this year, 
 numbers had openly celebrated mass, and had, in 
 the western parts of Scotland, thus excited such 
 violent indignation, that the people tumultuously 
 endeavoured to inflict upon them the most severe 
 punishment. The queen resolved to prevent such 
 flagrant disregard of the proclamations which she 
 had published. The archbishop of St Andrews, 
 the prior of Whithorn, and several other distin- 
 guished ecclesiastics, who had been guilty, were ap- 
 prehended ; a day was fixed for their trial, and 
 although Mary felt much reluctance to proceed 
 with severity against the primate, she did not arrest 
 the course of law, so that he with the others was 
 sentenced to be imprisoned *. 
 
 These vigorous proceedings dissipated the alarm 
 of the protestants. Notwithstanding the warmth 
 and eloquence of their preachers, who continued to 
 warn them against being deluded by appearances 
 intended to deceive them, their confidence in the 
 queen was restored, and they indulged jhe sanguine 
 hope, that, whatever might be her own sentiments, 
 she would countenance no attempt hostile to* the 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 339. Knox, B. iv. p. 326. Spottis- 
 w'oode, B. iv. p. 187, 188. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 321, 
 322. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 378. Mackenzie, 
 VoI.IU. p. 105. Abstraci of Randolph's letters to Cecil in 1563, 
 Crawford, Vol. I. p. 270. Keith, p. 521. 
 
 7 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 141 
 
 tenets of her subjects*. These impressions were CHAP, 
 most grateful to Mary, and tended to remove the v,^^,^ 
 apprehension with which she anticipated the ap- i!^^^- 
 proaching parliament. It is certain, that she was 
 much afraid that this parliament would press her 
 in matters of religion, — would either interfere with 
 the liberty of her conscience, or solicit her to sanc- 
 tion those acts in favour of the reformation which 
 had been passed by the parliament held in virtue of 
 the treaty of Edinburgh f. 
 
 She soon perceived, however, that her fears were 
 without foundation. The barons and gentlemen 
 who composed the estates were inclined to believe 
 that the protestant establishment was in no danger ; 
 while Murray, and some of the most zealous lords 
 of the Congregation, were most desirous not to ir- 
 ritate the queen, lest she should either not assemble 
 parliament, or refuse to grant confirmations of 
 estates and honours, which they were eager to ob- 
 tain J. They resolved, therefore, to make no allu- 
 sion to the obnoxious parliament connected with 
 the treaty, but assuming the existence and legality 
 of the new ecclesiastical policy, to pass a few laws 
 respecting it, which, while they contributed to the 
 satisfaction and comfort of the preachers, would in 
 fact strengthen it by the royal sanction. 
 
 ■* Knox, B. iv. p. 330. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 188. 
 f Abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, dated 1st of May, in 
 Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. p. 269. 
 J Knox, B. iv. p. 330. 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFOR.AIATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXII. 
 
 1563. 
 May 23d. 
 She opens 
 the Par- 
 liament. 
 
 Act of 
 oblivion. 
 
 llie parliament commenced its deliberations in 
 May. The queen repaired to it with a degree of 
 pomp and magnificence which the sovereigns of 
 Scotland had never before used. She delivered a 
 speech in the English language, with all the graces 
 of the most fascinating elocution ; and when we re- 
 collect the incomparable beauty of the speaker, we 
 cannot wonder that it was heard with the most 
 profound attention — with the most enthusiastic ad- 
 miration *. 
 
 Several acts were passed in relation to the church. 
 Manses were declared to pertain to the ministers, 
 churches were ordered to be kept in repair, and 
 with the intention of gratifying the preachers who 
 had with great energy discoursed against the immo- 
 rality of the times, and had repea.tedly petitioned 
 that some remedy might be applied, it was enacted 
 that adultery should be punished with death. The 
 great public business, however, was the formation 
 of an act of oblivion for all offences committed 
 against the sovereign, from the commencement of 
 the late troubles in fifteen hundred and fifty-eight, 
 and much care and attention were bestowed to 
 render it sufficiently explicit and comprehensive. 
 When it was presented for the sanction of the queen, 
 
 * Knox, with all the disposition which he felt to detract from the 
 effect produced by the queen's speech, cannot conceal the admiration 
 which it excited, B. iv. p. S30. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 339. Ab- 
 stract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, dated 3d June, in Craw- 
 ford's Collections, Vol. I. p. 270. Heylin's History of the Presby- 
 terians, B. iv. p. 17G. • 
 
1563. 
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 143 
 
 her fears of doing any thing which, even by con- ^^f' 
 struction, could be interpreted as a confirmation of 
 the treaty of Edinburgh, rendered her reluctant to 
 give her approbation. That it might not therefore 
 be lost, an event which would have agitated and 
 convulsed the kingdom, it was agreed that the 
 lords in parliament should, upon their knees, request 
 that she would grant to it the royal sanction. With 
 this earnestness of supplication, sufficiently illus- 
 trating the importance and necessity of the act, she 
 immediately comphed*. 
 
 Among the unprinted acts of this parliament, is 
 one entitled, For eschewing of dearth of vivors and 
 victualles. It took its rise from a severe famine, 
 occasioned by an unfavourable season ; and in the 
 spirit of these times, a spirit which, far from being 
 extinguished, seems unhappily, notwithstanding the 
 advancement of science, to be gaining strength in 
 this country even at the present day, this famine 
 was considered by the reformers as a clear indica- 
 tion of the displeasure of God that the popish 
 worship was not exterminated*. 
 y.jb l£i> 
 
 * The act of oblivion is inserted at full length in Sir Thomas 
 Murray's Collection of Laws and Acts of Parliament, p. 162. The 
 other acts above mentioned are also printed in that Collection. The 
 queen's aversion to ratify the act of oblivion is mentioned by Spottis* 
 woode, B. iv. p. 188. 
 
 f Acts of parliament last quoted, p. 172. Knox, B. iv. p. S25j 
 326. Buch. Lib. xvii. p. 339. Keilh, B. ii. ch. v. p. 237. Knox, 
 in speaking of this famine, mentions the prices of several articles of 
 food. A boll of wheat was sold for six pounds Scots, a boll of bear 
 for six mtrks and a, half, a boll of meal for four merksj a boll of 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. That men, limited in knowledge and in power, 
 
 v„^v^^ should thus venture to interpret the intentions of 
 
 1563. Omnipotence, affords a humiliating proof how little 
 
 they are guided by reason, — how far they are from 
 
 being influenced by the humane and benevolent 
 
 spirit of that religion, of which the persons, who 
 
 readily and decisively indulge in such constructions, 
 
 generally affect to be the most zealous defenders, 
 
 or the brightest examples. 
 
 Knox and With the whole proceedings of this parliament, 
 
 the minis- . . i • i i 
 
 tersdissa- Knox and the mmisters were highly dissatisfied. 
 
 tis e . They reprobated the rich dresses of the queen and 
 her attendants, in language little consonant to the 
 delicacy of modern times ; saw, in this harmless or 
 proper display of magnificence, a grievous sin, which 
 would probably bring down the judgment of God, 
 not only upon the foolish women who were guilty 
 of it, but upon the whole kingdom ; and they made 
 some ineffectual and certainly most useless attempts 
 for the regulation of dress, and other such enormi- 
 ties *. 
 
 But they were most seriously offended that no 
 explicit confirmation of the protestant doctrine and 
 discipline had been demanded from the queen. 
 They thought, and perhaps justly, that this oppor- 
 
 oats for fifty shillings Scots, an ox to draw in the plough, twenty 
 merks, a wedder thirty shillings Scots ; and so, he adds, all things per- 
 taining to the sustentatlon of man in triple, and more, exceeded their 
 accustomed prices. 
 
 * Knox, B, iv. p. SCO. 
 
m SCOTLAND. 145 
 
 tunity ought not to have been lost, and Knox so chap. 
 Strongly expressed his disapprobation, that the Earl ^^^^^^ 
 of Murray was irritated and offended to such a i569. 
 degree, that notwithstanding their long and intimate 
 friendship, all kindly intercourse between them 
 ceased for a year and a half *. Even the acts which 
 respected the church they considered as framed in 
 such a manner that it would be impossible to carry 
 them into execution. The act of oblivion passed, 
 says Knox, because some of the lords were inte- 
 rested, but the acts against adultery, and for the 
 manses and glebes, were so modified, that no laws 
 and such laws were both alike. In this opinion he 
 was perfectly right f. 
 
 During the sitting of parliament, he preached a His violent 
 sermon, in which, with much intemperance and dis- 
 respect, he described the feelings with which he 
 beheld their proceedings. He acknowledged that 
 his manner of speaking upon that occasion was 
 judged intolerable; that protestants and papists 
 were equally offended by it ; that even his most 
 intimate friends unequivocally condemned his con» 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 331. He says the matter fell so hot betwixt the 
 Earl of Murray and John Knox, that familiarly after that time they 
 spake not tegether for a year and a half. They had, however, some 
 interviews, to one of which we shall soon advert, but regard for the 
 cause, not for the man, led Murray to request it. He was unwilling 
 that Knox should do any thing which would suspend his usefulness. 
 Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv.p. 176, 177. 
 
 t Knox, p. 331. Keith, p. 240. 
 
 VOL. III. ir 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 C5HAP. duct. The queen was much exasperated with what 
 
 XXII 
 
 v,^^^.^ appeared to her to be licentiousness of discourse, 
 1563. aggravated by ingratitude. She had, a little before 
 this, treated him with the most winning condescen- 
 sion ; had consulted him about some unfortunate 
 difference between the Earl of Argyll and his 
 countess, which she had felt much anxiety to re- 
 move ; and had listened to the rather free remon- 
 strances of the reformer with a calmness which 
 astonished him, but which he very uncharitably at- 
 
 Queen's tributed to the deepest artifice and deceit *. His 
 
 conference 
 
 with him. present violence convinced her that all attempts to 
 soften his asperity would be vain. She reproached 
 him with much heal and -agitation; but where he 
 was convinced that he was right, he v/as inflexible ; 
 and alter endeavouring to defend himself he was 
 dismissed from her presence. She had some in- 
 tention of employing punishment to restrain what 
 was so nearly allied to sedition, but she yielded to 
 the representations which were made to her re- 
 specting the hazard of extending the hand of power 
 against a man who was idolized as the dauntless 
 champion of the new faith -j". 
 
 * Knox, B. iv. p. 320. 
 
 f Knox, B. iv. p. 333, 334. The contrast between the sternness 
 • of Knox and the politeness of Erskine of Dun, who was present at 
 this conference, is very naturally painted by the former m his History. 
 . He says, " John Erskin of Dun, a man of meik and gentill spirit, 
 stude besyde, and entreited what he culd to mitigat hir anger, and 
 gave unto hir mony pleising words of her bewty, of hir excellency, and 
 how that all the princes of Europe wuld be glad to seik her favour. — 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 147 
 
 After the dissolution of parliament, the queen chap. 
 
 XXII 
 
 went to the west of Scotland, to Atholl and Argyll- .^ ^^ 
 shire, to spend the summer in hunting*. Murray ^^^^• 
 and his two brothers visited the north to suppress 
 disorders, particularly to extirpate or to punish the 
 banditti, by whom that part of the kingdom was 
 infested ; and amongst other delinquents they sen- 
 tenced to the flames two unhappy, and probably de- 
 ranged women, who had been accused of witchcraft f. 
 The general assembly met at Perth about the end 
 of June. Many regulations were made for more June 20th. 
 
 rr 11 1 -1 • L General 
 
 etiectually and extensively conveymg to the people Assembly. 
 the advantages of religious instruction. Tempo ' 
 raiy superintendents were associated with the per- 
 manent ones, that churches might be more rapidly 
 planted ; resolutions respecting the act of the late 
 parliament relating to churches were formed, and 
 the mode of appeal from the sentences of inferior 
 church judicaiorits was pointed out. I have ad- 
 verted, however, to this assembly, chiefly on ac- 
 count of one law, which shews the difficulty of pre- 
 serving consistency, and how readily the most violent 
 supporters of liberty may, from the influence of 
 
 Bot all that was to cast oyle in the flammmg fire. — The said Jhone Knox 
 stude still without ony alteratioun of countenance for a long season." 
 
 * Knox mentions that she went to the west country, Randolph 
 that she was preparing to go to Argyll, Spottiswoode that she visits 
 ed both Atholl and Argyll. 
 
 f Knox, p. 335. See some very striking passages respecting 
 witchcraft, in Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 194, 195, shewing 
 that belief in it was common at the time at which he wrote, even 
 amongst judicious and intelligent men. 
 
148 History of the reformation 
 
 CHAP, prejudice, do what is directly calculated to injure 
 \^pv„r4^ the cause to which they are devoted. In the third 
 J ^^l-- h ^^ss^°"j ^^ "^"^^s ordained, that no work upon reli- 
 gion or doctrine, should be in any way published, 
 without the approbation of the superintendent of 
 the diocese, or of those whom he might appoint. 
 This seemed to the preachers the most effectual 
 mode of preserving the people from the contami- 
 nation of heresy ; but they did not recollect that 
 the church of Rome had previously employed the 
 same instrument ; that in recurring to the use of 
 it they shewed themselves to be influenqed by that 
 illiberality which gave rise to the index expurgato- 
 rius, and to many of the other detestable practices 
 by which spiritual despotism degraded and enslaved 
 the understandings of mankind*. 
 
 The general assemblies met twice in the year, 
 but as the ecclesiastical system may be considered 
 as now fixed, it will be unnecessary minutely to 
 detail their proceedings, except when these pro- 
 ceedings were designed either to resist any attempt 
 against the church, or to introduce some innova- 
 tion in the mode by which it was governed. 
 August. Towards the end of summer, the antipathy of the 
 
 ©utfa^M. pop^l^ce to every trace of the popish religion, again 
 
 * Calderwood^s History of the Church of Scotland, p. 32, 33. 
 Keith, B. ili. th. iii. p. 524, from Register. A similar inconsistency 
 in the Presbyterians at a later period, drew from the pen of Milton 
 an admirable defence of the liberty of the press. See Symmons' 
 Life of Milton, a work certainly more violent on one side of politics, 
 }han that of Johnson on the other. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 149 
 
 burst forth in acts of violence and outrage. During chap. 
 the absence of the queen, those of her household .^ 
 
 who remained at the palace, regularly celebrated ^^ss. 
 mass ; and either from curiosity or from a secret 
 attachment to the ancient faith, a considerable 
 number of the inhabitants of Edinburgh attended 
 the chapel. The zealous protestants were shocked 
 at this undisguised solemnization of idolatrous rites, 
 which the indulgence granted to the queen did not 
 appear to them to warrant, and they resolved that 
 it should be discontinued. Several of them, upon Aug. i5th. 
 a Sunday, went to Holyroodhouse, under pretence 
 of ascertaining who countenanced the mass ; and 
 having been denied admission, they burst into the 
 chapel. Their tumultuous behaviour alarmed the 
 congregation. Some fled to the offices of the 
 household to implore protection, while the priest 
 with much difficulty made his escape. 
 
 The queen heard of this attack upon her palace Ringlcad- 
 with the strongest feelings of indignation, and J^"jj^^^"" 
 although, through the mediation of Murray and 
 Glencairn, her anger was appeased, Cranston and 
 Armstrong, two of the ringleaders, were apprehend- 
 ed, and were appointed to stand trial for their sedi- 
 tious and traitorous conduct*. 
 
 Knox, who highly approved the attempt of the 
 
 * Knox, B, iv. p. 335, 336. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 188. Heylin's 
 Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 177. Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist, 
 of Britain, Vol. II. p. 492. Abstract of a letter from Randolph to 
 Cecil, dated Sist Dec. in Crawford's Collection, Vol. I. p. 272, 
 
J 50 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^fTAP people, resolved, with the consent of the ministers, 
 XXII. ;yhom he almost entirely directed, to rescue these 
 \56 ;. two men, or to save them from the severity of pu- 
 erts hiin- nishment ; and having received a commission from 
 sell in their jjjg church to Call assemblies of the faithful upon 
 His letter, any emergency, he considered himself as thus au- 
 thorized to write a circular letter, addressed to the 
 brethren of the Congregation. In this letter he re- 
 presented Cranston and Armstrong as suffering for 
 the cause of religion, insinuated that what was done 
 against them v^as intended as a prelude to more ex- 
 tensive and cruel persecution, and exhorted all who 
 valued the pure doctrine of the gospel not to for- 
 sake them, but to support them by their presence 
 and assistance on the day of trial. " It may be, per- 
 chance," he adds, " that persuasions will be made to 
 the contrary ; that you may be informed either that 
 your assembly is not necessary, or that it will offend 
 the higher powers ; but my good hope is, that nei- 
 ther flattery nor fear shall make you so far decline 
 from Christ Jesus, as that, against your public pro- 
 mise and solemn bond, you will leave your brethren 
 in so just a cause*.'* 
 
 The plain object of this letter was to intimidate 
 the court before which the rioters were to appear, 
 or to set it at defiance. A measure so bold, so in- 
 
 * Knox has inserted the letter at full length in his History, B. iv. 
 p. 336, 337, and a copy of it is also in the Cotton Library, from 
 •which it was transcribed by Crawford into Vol. 1. of his Collection, 
 p. 278, 279. The copy in the Cotton Librar>' is dated the 9th, that 
 in the History the 8th of October. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 151 
 
 consistent with the stability of government, and the chap. 
 impartial administration of justice, offended all the v,JP^-i^ 
 faithful servants of the queen. Murray and Leth- i-^es. 
 ington remonstrated with Knox upon the impro- andTeth- 
 pricty of his conduct, and advised him, by submis- '"^sjo" ex- 
 sion, to ward off the danger to which they were con- with him* 
 vinced that he was exposed. The Master of Max- 
 well, one of his most steady friends, declared that he 
 would renounce his friendship if he did not submit 
 to the queen ; warning him that he must not expect 
 that men would bear with him now as they had 
 done in time past. Notwithstanding all these ad- 
 monitions he remained inflexible. He professed, 
 as he was always desirous to do, that he had no se- 
 ditious intention — that he considered it as a point of 
 conscience, to watch over the interests of religion,— 
 and that he would cheerfully attend the privy-coun- 
 cil to defend what he had done. The queen was Summoned 
 present when he appeared. He conducted his de- council. 
 fence with great ingenuity ; and notwithstanding the 
 earnest wish of Mary, that he should be condemned, 
 notwithstanding the previous impression on many 
 of the leading men in the council, that he could 
 not escape, he convinced them that no action at law 
 lay against him, and he was unanimously acquitted. Acquitted- 
 The bishop of Ross, a zealous catholic, voted for the 
 acquittal ; and when the queen spoke to him about 
 his vote, he said, " Your grace may consider that 
 it is neither affection to the man, nor love to the 
 profession that moved me to absolve him, but the 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXIL 
 
 156:; 
 
 simple truth which plainly appears in his de- 
 fence *." 
 
 Knox, however, was not satisfied with this ver- 
 dict of the council. He complained in the general 
 assembly, that he had been held forth as assuming 
 a degree of power inconsistent with the principles 
 which he had avowed, and he appealed to the mem- 
 bers, whether he had not received authority to as- 
 semble the professors, when any of their brethren 
 were exposed to danger. They readily admitted 
 that this confidence had been reposed in him, and 
 he thus appeared to have acted from a sense of duty, 
 not from inordinate ambition, of which by many 
 he had been accused f. 
 
 The courtiers, although they had not thought it 
 just or expedient to punish Knox, were highly dis- 
 Ministers. satisfied with the whole conduct of the ministers ; 
 and when new demands for the regular payment of 
 their stipends were presented, some intimations 
 were thrown out, that as they acted so much in op- 
 position to the wishes of the queen, they should be 
 left to themselves, and to the provision which the 
 people whom they taught might assign to them. 
 This was probably intended to alarm them, but it 
 led to some violent discussions, and as it was not 
 
 Courtiers 
 dissatisfied 
 with the 
 
 * Knox,B. iv. p. S39— 342. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 188. Heylin's 
 Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 177, 178. This last writer re- 
 presents the sentence of the council as occasioned by their being over- 
 awed by the multitude, but this evidently was not the case. 
 
 f Knox, B.iv.p. G44, 345, Keith, from the Register, in B. ill.' 
 ch. iii. p. 527, 528. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 153 
 
 the design of the protestaut lords to separate them- chap. 
 selves from the mmisters, the usual answers were v^ ^^ 
 at length given*. The foundation, however, of ^563. 
 much dissension between the lords and the preach- 
 ers was now laid ; and it is not improbable that this Danger of 
 would have led to measures highly prejudicial to between ' 
 the influence or even to the security of the protest- ^ ^*^'"" 
 ant establishment, had not events soon occurred, 
 which again cordially united them in opposition to 
 the sovereign ; events which, while they proved fatal 
 to the power and to the happiness of the unfortu- 
 nate Mary, strengthened the bulwarks of the re- 
 formation, and at length firmly placed it upon the 
 ruins of the popish hierarchy in Scotland. 
 
 • Knox, B. iv, p. 344. Keith, B. iij. ch. iii, p. 527, from Cal- 
 derwood's large Historr. 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-THIRD. 
 
 udttention directed to the marriage of Mary. ...Views of 
 the family of Guise.... Of Elizabeth.. ..Advice of that 
 Queen.. ..Her insincere proposal of a husband to Mary 
 ....Return of the Earl of Eennox to Scotland. ...Con- 
 ference at Berwick respecting the marriage. ...Scofish 
 Commissioners incline to a marriage zoith Darnli/, the 
 son of Lennox. ...Their reasons....This intended match 
 intimated to Elizabeth. ...She allows Darnly to visit 
 Scotland. ...Queen becomes attached to him.. ..Alarm of 
 the Protesta7its....Mary endeavours to dissipate this 
 alarm.... Change in the sentiments of Murray with 
 regard to the marriage. ...His violent resolution. ...His 
 anxiety to ascertain the intentions of Elizabeth. ...lie- 
 solution of the English Council. ...Embassy of Throk- 
 mortun....His conference zoith Mary. ...His negotiation 
 zcith her Council.... Attempts of Mary to reconcile Eli- 
 zabeth to the inarriage.... To prevent the schemes of her 
 enemies. ...She converses with the Superint endents....T he 
 Protestant lords retire from Court... .Their views..... 
 Trust to their itifiuence in he General Assembly.... Ar- 
 ticles which the Assembly resolve to present to the 
 Queen.. ..Exhibit Murray in an ut favourable light. 
 
 XXiir* 1 ^^ beauty and accomplishments of the queen of 
 ^""^^^'^^^ Scotland were justly celebrated throughout Europe, 
 Attention while her possession of a kingdom, which might be 
 to^the^** rendered instrumental in effectuating the schemes 
 
 Xnarriage of 
 Mary. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 155 
 
 of surrounding potentates, and her right of succes- chap. 
 sion to the English throne, conspired with her person- v^^^^^^i^ 
 al graces in attracting the admiration of numberless is^*'^- 
 suitors *. 
 
 It could not be imagined that this amiable prin- 
 cess, now in the bloom of youth, would continue 
 to decline a matrimonial alliance ; and her choice of 
 a husband was contemplated with much anxiety, 
 not only by her own subjects, but by the house of 
 Guise and the queen of England. The cardinal of Y^^^' °^ 
 
 , . , the family 
 
 Lorrain had not relinquished the views by which of Guise, 
 he had been long directed. He was solicitous that 
 his niece, instead of submitting to the guidance of 
 Elizabeth, should choose a prince, whose power, 
 combined with her own, would enable her to as- 
 sert her pretensions to the crown of England, to 
 disturb the tranquillity of that country, or even to 
 wrest the sceptre from the hands of the reigning 
 sovereign. Various proposals of a continental 
 match, were at different times made, and thev were 
 enforced by considerations which might have pro- 
 duced a deep impression upon her mind, had not 
 the neglect which she had experienced from the 
 queen-mother of France, — her indignation at being 
 deprived of her jointure, which, after the death of 
 the duke of Guise, had been ungenerously and un- 
 wisely withheld, — her dread of forfeiting, by a rash 
 measure, her prospects of succession, — and her ear- 
 nest desire to gratify her own people, determined 
 
 * Memoires de Castelnau, apud Jebbj Vol. II. p. 4 GO. 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, her to yield in a great degree to the counsels of E- 
 lizabeth *. 
 
 Of Elfa ^^^^ able princess saw, with her usual penetra- 
 
 l>eth. tion, the importance of availing herself of this con- 
 fidence ; and Mary had no sooner informed her 
 that the cardinal of Lorrain had recommended a 
 younger brother of the house of Austria, than she 
 determined to explain her sentiments, and to put 
 in practice every method calculated to secure the 
 accomplishment of her own purposes respecting the 
 
 Aug. 20th. marriage of the Scotish queen. She again dis- 
 patched to Scotland Sir Thomas Randolph, who 
 had a little before returned from that kingdom, 
 with instructions to express her gratitude for the 
 confidence which Mary had reposed in her, and to 
 declare how much and how tenderly she was in- 
 terested in her happiness. He was enjoined, after 
 
 Advice of mentioning in general terms those principles which, 
 at queen, jj^ ^.j^^ estimation of his sovereign, should regulate 
 the decision of her good sister, explicitly to state 
 that Elizabeth considered the proposal of the car- 
 dinal as tending to interrupt the friendship which 
 happily subsisted between them, — to endanger the 
 peace of the two British nations, and to throw the 
 most formidable obstacles in the way of the queen of 
 Scotland's succession* *' If she shall press upon 
 
 * Castelnau's Memoires, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 461. Mackenzie's 
 life of Mary in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 268. Heylin's History of 
 the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 178. Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 32. 
 Cdmden's Annals, p. 84. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 151 
 
 you," Elizabeth writes to Randolph, " what kind of CHAP. 
 • • XXII r 
 
 marriage you think might best content us and our ^^-.^^ 
 
 realm, you may well sav, that it must be such as i-^^s. 
 
 . Her insin» 
 
 may not be apparent to us or our people, that it is cere propo- 
 only sought to procure trouble to this realm, as she husbami t* 
 saw was done in the time of her marriage to the Mary. 
 French king ; and therefore you may say you can but 
 wish that there might be found some noble person of 
 good birth within this our realm, that might be a- 
 greeable to her; or if that shall not be, yet of 
 some other country, being one whom neither we 
 nor our realm should have manifest cause to judge 
 to be, sought for the trouble of this realm." To 
 induce Mary to comply with this wish, there was ad- 
 ded, " we are well content if our sister will, in her 
 marriage, have regard to these things, and content 
 us and this our nation in her marriage, upon as- 
 sured knowledge thereof, to proceed to the inqui- 
 sition of her right and title to be our next cousin 
 and heir, and to further that which shall appear 
 advantageous to her, and to hinder and impeach 
 that which shall appear to the contrary *." 
 
 But although the great object of Ehzabeth*s po- 
 licy was to prevent the union of Mary with any of 
 the continental sovereigns, and although, to secure 
 this, she made the ample promises which Ran- 
 
 * Instructions of Elizabeth to Randolph, copied from the Cotton 
 Library by Cra'W'ford, and inserted in his Collection, Vol. I. p. 254* 
 They are all written in Cecil's own hand, and are signed and counter" 
 signed by Elizabeth herself. Melvtl's Memoirs, p. io, 41. Cam 
 den's Annals, p. 76. 
 
1564. 
 
 15S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 GtlAP. dolph conveyed, yet she was secretly desirous, 
 ^.^^^ either that the Scotish queen should not marry at 
 156S. all, or that she should make such a choice as 
 would afford a pretence for breaking these promises, 
 which Elizabeth had no intention to fulfil, and for 
 embroiling by new troubles the kingdom of Scot- 
 March, land. Accordingly, v/hen the discussion about the 
 marriage was renewed, she departed from the gene- 
 ral permission which she had at first given, and 
 commanded her mixiister to propose Lord Robert 
 Dudley, whom she afterwards created Earl of Lei- 
 cester *. To this nobleman Elizabeth herself was 
 warmly attached. At the very time when she of- 
 fered him to Mary, she entertained for him th^ 
 strongest affection ; she esteemed him as her bro- 
 ther and her best friend, whom she would herself 
 have married, had she ever intended to choose a hus- 
 band f. This circumstance is sufficient to warrant 
 
 * Although Elizabeth, even when she gave her first general instruc- 
 tions to Randolph, entrusted him with a secret commission to Mur- 
 ray and Lethington to propose Lord Robert Dudley, (Melvll's Me- 
 moirs, p. 41) yet it is evident, from the abstract of the correspon- 
 dence between Randolph and Cecil copied in Crawford, and publish- 
 ed by Keith, B. ii. ch. vi. that this nobleman was not mentioned to 
 Mary till March 1564. 
 
 -|- Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 47. Camden, in his Annals, p. 
 85. mentions it as the opinion of the cardinal of Lorrain, that Elizabeth 
 intended to marry Leicester ; and that she was much attached to him 
 cannot be doubted. See Fragmenta Regalia, published lately, along 
 with Memoirs of Sir Robert Gary, a book which throws considerable 
 light upon the character of Elizabeth, and strengthens the opinion of 
 her insincerity in proposing Leicester ^o Mary. Keith, B. ii. ch. vi? 
 p. 245, iJOte. Castelnau, apud Jebb, Vol. IL p. 466. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 159 
 
 no slight suspicion of her sincerity. It was accord- CHAP, 
 ingly believed, that it would have filled her with ^^^^ ^^ 
 extreme sorrow had Mary agreed to the match ; ^564. 
 that if she had done so, Elizabeth would have dis- 
 missed all the scruples which had before influenced 
 her, and would have immediately honoured him 
 with her own hand *. 
 
 She had, however, upon mature reflection, con- 
 cluded that there was little danger of her being in- 
 duced to act so decided a part. She was convinced 
 that the high spirit of Mary -would spurn at a 
 match so infinitely beneath her own rank and her 
 former illustrious alliance ; and this opinion was 
 well founded. The queen of Scotland, although 
 she respected Dudley, was resolved not to marry 
 him ; and by signifying this resolution in the most 
 positive manner, she not only dissipated the appre- 
 hensions of Elizabeth, but confirmed her in the 
 hypocritical policy which, with respect to her 
 dreaded successor, she delighted at all times to 
 pursue. 
 
 While the mind of Mary was distracted by nu- Return of 
 merous sohcitations, she recalled to Scotland the Earl Lennox t© 
 of Lennox, who for twenty years had been exiled Scotland, 
 from his country ; and Elizabeth, who, notwith- 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 94. Melvll's Memoirs, p. 49 and 5S, 
 may be consulted to ascertain Elizabeth's love of Leicester, and her 
 jealousy of Mary. Randolph's letter to Elizabeth, dated 7th Nov. 
 See that letter is Appendix, No. Xllf. It is a very curious production, 
 and it is amusing to observe the kind of flattery which the miniitep 
 •ffered, to his sovereign. 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Standing her subsequent conduct, was really desir- 
 
 XXIII . 
 
 \,^.yy>^ ous that the Scotish queen should fix her affections 
 1564. upon Damly, the son of this nobleman, not only per- 
 mitted him to accept of his sovereign's invitation, but 
 interceded with her to restore to him his estates and 
 his honours *. With this she most readily complied, 
 and in a parliament, which she summoned chiefly 
 
 Dee. 15th. for that purpose, she declared her reasons for re- 
 storing Lennox, adding, that she the rather yield- 
 ed to them because it was at the request of her 
 sister in England f. 
 
 * Keith has preserved a letter of Mary to Elizabeth upon this sub- 
 ject, in which she represents Iser kindness to Lennox as a compliance 
 with the requests of the EngHsh queen, B. ii. ch. v, p. 255. Knox, 
 B. V. p. 367. Camden's Annals, p. 92. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p, 
 339. Spottiswoode, B, iv. p. 188. The twolast writers erroneously 
 mention that Lennox returned in 1 563. Notwithstanding the deci- 
 sive evidence to which I have referred. In proof that Elizabeth was 
 gratified by the recal of Lennox, she, with her usual duplicity, affected 
 to be highly displeased. Randolph, in his correspondence with Cecil, 
 an abstract of which is In Crawford's Collection and in Keith, express- 
 ly affirms this. On the 5th of June, it is noted the queen of England 
 writeth to the queen of Scots to stay the coming of Lennox into Scot- 
 land ; and in October he Informs Cecil that he had mentioned the un- 
 kindness that the queen of England taketh in that her sister received 
 Lennox against her liking. I shall afterwards mention the authori- 
 ties for Elizabeth's real sentiments respecting the marriage with 
 Darnly. 
 
 ■[ Randolph's correspondence with Cecil, dated, probably by mis- 
 take, Sd of December, In Crawford, Vol. L p. 307. Buch. Lib. 
 xvii. p. 339. Knox, B. v. p. 367. Spottiswoode, p. 188. Acts 
 of Parliament, p. 170. It is astonishing, that almost all the writers 
 quoted differ about the date of the parliament. The printed acts 
 bear the 1 5th December, and I have marked that day on the mar- 
 
 11 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 161 
 
 Not lone after the return of Lennox, Murray chap. 
 and Lethington were appointed to meet the Earl of v^^^^^ 
 Bedford and Randolph at Berwick, and there to ,^ ^sg4. 
 
 . . / . Nov. 18tli. 
 
 hold with them, as commissioners from Elizabeth, Conference 
 a conference respecting the marriage. At this respecting 
 conference Bedford and Randolph urged the pro- ^\^^ '^^'^" 
 priety of Mary's acceding to the proposal of marry- 
 ing Leicester, while Murray and Maitland, with- 
 out naming any other person, represented that this 
 match was not sufficiently splendid for their 
 sovereign, solicited that she might have free- 
 dom of choice in England, and requested that, 
 upon her selecting a nobleman from that coun- 
 try, Elizabeth would assign to her a revenue, 
 and declare that she recognised her as her succes- 
 sor. 
 
 It is evident from the account given of this ne- Scotish 
 gotiation, and from other authorities, that most of sion^Hn- 
 the nobility in Scotland — that even Murray and ^ime to the 
 
 . . . . marriage 
 
 Maitland were at this time rather inclined to their with Dam- 
 queen marrying Darnly, and there were strong 
 reasons for preferring him to any other British sub- 
 ject *. He was nearly allied to Elizabeth ; he Reasons, 
 was, after Mary, the nearest heir to the throne of 
 England ; his marriage into any powerful family, 
 might have created obstacles in the way of the 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Elizabeth, dated 7th Nor. in Crawford 
 Vol. I. p. 294, and Keith, p. 260. Abstract of Randolph's letter 
 to Cecil, dated 3d Nov. in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 293. Buchan. Lib. 
 xvii. p. SS9. Mackenzie's life of Mary^, in Vol. III. of his Lives, 
 p. 270. 
 
 VOL. III. L 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 1564. 
 
 j^^{ succession, which the queen of Scotland would 
 have found it dfficult to surmount, while the union 
 of their claims by choosing; him as her husband, se- 
 cued to her or her family, if Elizabeth persisted 
 in her resolution to lead a single life, the crown to 
 which her hopes had been so steadily directed *. 
 
 The Scotish commissioners insisted upon the im- 
 portance of a speedy determination of this interest- 
 ing point ; they stated that her people craved that 
 their queen should marry, that her state required 
 it, and that personal considerations combined with 
 public, in producing in their minds much uneasi- 
 ness and anxiety with regard to it, because envious 
 men had spread abroad that they did not wish her 
 to marry, lest they should thus be deprived of the 
 sole direction of affairs t- 
 
 The English commissioners were probably not 
 displeased that the conference terminated without 
 any definite arrangement. They knew how averse 
 Elizabeth was to be deprived of her favourite ; and 
 it has been alleged, that Leicester solicited the 
 Earl of Bedford not to press the marriage, because 
 he had hopes of overcoming Elizabeth's reluctance 
 to the married state, and of prevailing with her to 
 accept of him as her husband J. 
 
 * Buch. Lib. xvii. p. 339. Knox. B. v. p. 369. Camden's An- 
 nals, p. 93. Castelnau's Memoires, apud Jebb, Vol. II. p. 463. 
 Melvil's Memoirs, p. 56. 
 
 f Bedford and Randolph's letter to Elizabeth, dated the 23d 
 Nov. in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 300, and Keith, B. ii. ch. vii. Cam- 
 den's Annals, p. 94. 
 
 ^ Camden's Annals, p. 94, 95. 
 
IX SCOTLAND. 1 36 
 
 Randolph, soon after the return of Lennox, per- CIIAP. 
 
 . . . XXIII. 
 
 ceived that Mary had some intention of espousing \^^^^^<^ 
 Darnly. He alluded to this in the account which ^,1^^"*- , 
 
 ■' , This matcli 
 
 he sent of the conference with Murray and Leth- intimated 
 ington ; and he expressly mentioned in one of his b^th 
 letters to Cecil, that Lennox was sanguine in his ^^^' ^^' 
 expectations that the queen of Scotland would mar- 
 ry his son *. The ambassador not doubting the 
 sincerity of his sovereign, or not wishing to appear 
 to doubt it, had considered it as his duty to com- 
 municate this information to herself, and even to 
 express his opinion of the hazard, which would at- 
 tend permitting Darnly to visit Scotland f . 
 
 Yet notwithstanding these warnings, sufficient She allows 
 surely to have alarmed the prudence and discern- scotlancir^'^ 
 ment of Elizabeth, had she really felt that abhor- 
 rence at the marriage with Darnly which she so 
 soon avowed, she consented to allow this young 
 nobleman to go to his father ; thus voluntarily af- 
 fording to Mary an opportunity of becoming per- 
 sonally acquainted with him, and of carrying her 
 designs in his favour into execution |. 
 
 This permission to Darnly to repair to Scotland 
 cannot be imputed to inadvertence. It is plain 
 that Elizabeth had some end to accomplish, and 
 there is little difficulty in ascertaining what that end 
 
 * Crawford, Vol. I. p. 307, and Keith, B. ii. ch. vii. p. 268. 
 t Randolph's letter to Elizabeth, dated the 7th Nov. m Crawford, 
 Vol. I. p. 294. 
 X Melvil's Memoirs, p. 53. Camden's Annals, p. 95. 
 
1564. 
 
 164 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, really was. When she consented to Damly*s 
 Vrf^ -'i. journey, she was probably convinced that his mar- 
 riage with Mary would be the consequence, and 
 she wished it to take place, because she would 
 thus not be exposed for recommending Leicester, 
 whose society she would not have relinquished, 
 while she would be furnished with a plausible pre- 
 tence for blaming Mary's conduct, and for not only 
 declining to enter upon the unpleasant topic of the 
 succession, but for even stirring up such dissen- 
 sions amongst the Scotish nobles, as would, by em- 
 barrassing the administration of their sovereign, leave 
 her little leisure for forming a party in England, or 
 for claiming the fulfilment of the general promises 
 which had been made to her. This account exhi- 
 bits, in the blackest colours, the hypocrisy and de- 
 pravity of the English queen ; but a careful exami- 
 nation of all the documents which have been pre- 
 served upon the subject, taken in conjunction with 
 her subsequent conduct, leaves httle room for he- 
 sitating about its being founded in truth *. While 
 
 * Sir James Melvil was personally engaged io the negotiations 
 vhich took place about the marriage ; he was frequently at the Eng- 
 lish court, had several interviews with Elizabeth, and had access to 
 know the sentiments which were entertained by herself, and her most 
 confidential servants. Much reliance may therefore be placed upon 
 his authority. He says, p. 42 of his Memoirs, " Now his eldest 
 jon, that is the eldest son of Lennox, was a lusty young prince, and 
 apparently was one of the two that the queen of England had told 
 me she had in her head to offer unto our queen." Still mere deci- 
 sively he mentions, p. 53, " The queen of England begins to sus- 
 jppct that the said marriage, viz. of Mary and Leicester, might take 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 165 
 
 Mary crave the most cordial reception to Lennox, cilAP. 
 
 XXIIT 
 
 and bestowed on him a large share of her favour — v,^^^^ 
 while she was anxiously meditating upon the ex- i564. 
 pediency of uniting herself with Darnly, she shew- 
 ed no propensity to alter the line of conduct which 
 she had followed, respecting the religion of her 
 subjects. She was even de^^irous to convince them 
 that her gracious intentions were confirmed; for in 
 the parliament in which the forfeiture of Lennox 
 
 effect. Her apprehensions of this, occasioned the Lord Darnly, his 
 getting more readily license to come to Scotland, in hope that he, 
 being a handsome lusty youth, should rather prevail being present, 
 than Leicester who was absent." Castelnau was frequently dispatch- 
 ed upon embassies relating to the marriages of the British queens. 
 Speaking upon the subject of Darnly's marriage, he says, " Mais je 
 trouvai La Reine D'Angleterre plus froid envers la Reine D'Escosse 
 qu' auparavant, comme se plaignant d'elle, de lui avoir soustrait un 
 sien parent et sujet, et de le vouloir epouser contre son gre. Discours 
 bien eloignc de son cocur, come j'ai dit cy devant, car elle faisoit 
 tous ses efforts, et n'epargnoit rien pour avancer le marriage." Jebb, 
 Vol. IL p. 466, 467. Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, after his arrival in 
 Scotland, found that some persons who had come from the English 
 court, had mentioned how much Elizabeth was gratified with the 
 marriage which he was sent to oppose, and he earnestly requested 
 that more caution might be used. " I should be sorry if Demoniser 
 (who comes to Scotland) should be able to give this queen intelligence 
 that her proceedings with Lord Darnly are not so ill taken there by 
 her and her council, as I pretended in all my negotiations. I say 
 the same of Gordon, Lidlngton's servant, and of one Menzies, -and 
 so of all others who may give the same intelligence to the Scotish 
 queen." The countess of Lennox, notwithstanding her rigorous con- 
 finement, found means to convey intelligence to Mary of the dupli- 
 city of Elizabeth in her opposition to the marriage, and Mary herself 
 was fully impressed with the unfairness of her good sister. Keith* 
 B. ii. ch. viii. See also Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 339, 340, and 
 Knox, B. V. p. 369. Stowe's Annals, p. 65S. 
 
166 fflSTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, was rescinded, she sanctioned an act, by which 
 
 \^^^^y^ hearing mass, except in her own chapel, was 
 1564. punished by confiscation of goods and lands, 
 and even by death *. Her confidence in her bro- 
 ther was, for some time after the arrival of Lennox, 
 as great as before, for Randolph wrote to Cecil 
 
 Dec. 2d. gygjj jjj December, that Mary had offered to be 
 directed in her marriage by Murray f. 
 
 1565. Feb. Darnly arrived in Scotland in the month of Fe- 
 
 Queenbe- •' • v i , , 
 
 comes at- bruary, and was immediately presented to the 
 h\in. ^° queen J. Prepossessed as she was in his favour, 
 his genteel appearance, his insinuating manners, 
 his apparent mildness of disposition, made at once 
 a deep impression upon her mind ; and, fascinated 
 by these superficial accomplishments, she yielded 
 to the influence of love, before she calmly estimat- 
 ed his character, or made any effort to discover 
 
 * Randolph mentions this expressly to Cecil in his letter of the Sd 
 Dec. and as he was in Edinburgh, and was much interested in what 
 respected the protestant religion, there can be little doubt that his In- 
 formation was correct. The act however is not inserted among the 
 printed acts of this parliament, but its existence is In some degree 
 confirmed by what Knox has said with regard to it. He mentions 
 that there were some articles given in by the kirk, especially for the 
 abolishing of mass universally, and the punishment of vice, but that 
 there was little granted. This Implies that something was granted, and 
 he calls it little, probably because there was an exception in the act in 
 favour of the queen's celebrating mass in her own chapel, B. v. p. 368. 
 
 -j- Randolph's correspondence in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 307. 
 
 % Buchanan, p. 339. Knox, p. 368. Spottiswoode, p. 188. 
 Hollnshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 322. These historians differ as to 
 the day of his arrival. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 167 
 
 the failings which he had not prudence long to cHAP. 
 conceal "', Jl^^ 
 
 Darnly soon perceived that he had captivated i565. 
 Mary. He was at all times adaiitted and welcom- 
 ed to court : he wa.^ loiided with every mark ot the 
 most particular attention and before he had been 
 long in ti e kingdom, it had become obvious to all 
 who had access to the society of the sovereign, that 
 her resolution was fixed ; that no opposition would 
 thwart h. r inclinations f. She in fact, before the 
 conclusion of the month of March, dispatched 
 Lethington to Elizabeth to intimate to that prin- 
 cess her intention, and to endeavour to procure her 
 consent and approbation .];. 
 
 The attachment of Darnly to the catholic religion Alarm of 
 was soon surmised in Scotland ^; This no doubt ants. 
 
 * Buchanan, p. 339. Camden's Annals, p. 95. In a manuicrlpt, 
 entitled the History and Life of King James the Sixth, with the 
 use of which I have been most obligingly furnished by James 
 Wedderburn, Esq. Advocate, there is the following description 
 of Darnly : " He was a comely prince, of a fair and large stature of 
 body, pleasant in countenance, loving and affable to all . men- 
 well exercised in martial pastimes on horseback, as any prince of 
 that age." With these accomplishments, and the predilection which 
 Mary had for an union with the son of Lennox, we cannot won- 
 der that, at her period of life, she listened more to the delusive 
 promises of passion, han to the stern dictates of cautious wisdom. For 
 some particulars respecting the manuscript here mentioned, see a sub- 
 sequent note. 
 
 ■f Buchanan and Camden as last quoted. Spottiswoode's History, 
 p. 188. 
 
 J Keith, Appendix to B. ii. of his History, No. V. from the 
 shattered MS. 
 
 § MS. History of James VL " He was devote, after the catholic 
 manner.'* 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, excited much regret in the most zealous protest- 
 XXIII. . . 
 
 ,^^^^^^ ants ; but it was not from any apprehension oc- 
 
 1565. casioned by this circumstance, that, at the approach 
 of Easter, they shewed peculiar anxiety to secure 
 their religion, and, with unrelenting rigour to carry 
 into execution the law against their opponents. 
 That season they had uniformly contemplated with 
 alarm. The reverence in which it was held by the 
 adherents of popery, had led them, ever since the 
 arrival of the queen, indeed ever since they ceased 
 to enjoy the protection of government, to break 
 through the caution which they usually observed, 
 and to testify, by open acts of worship, their devout 
 recollection of a period consecrated to the suffer- 
 ings and the death of their Redeemer. The pro- 
 testants suspected, and perhaps had reason to sus- 
 pect, that the catholics would set at defiance the 
 new act interdicting their religious rites ; and for- 
 getting how little the most vigorous efforts of civil 
 power can restrain men who are really guided by 
 conscience, or influenced by devotion ; forgetting 
 how ineffectually, during their own depression, the 
 authority of the regent had been employed to pre- 
 vent them from professing their sentiments, they 
 circulated letters through different parts of the 
 kingdom, stimulating their brethren to watch over 
 the purity of religion with undecaying vigilance. 
 By the advice of the leading men in Edinburgh, 
 the superintendent of Lothian also presented a sup- 
 plication to the queen, in which it was stated, that 
 the papists in their obstinacy, pretended nothing 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1 69 
 
 less than that at the subsequent Easter they would chap. 
 erect their idolatry and superstition, and praying v^^l^^ 
 that she would guard against what would be so re- i565. 
 volting to the brethren and the professors of the 
 gospel. 
 
 Mary had become accustomed to this language, Mary en- 
 and was less irritated by it than she had at first f^ "Remove 
 been. She graciously replied to it by her secretary, 't. 
 that such provision would be made as would content 
 the superintendent and his friends ; and she imme- 
 diately wrote to every place which was suspected, 
 particularly addressing herself to the archbishop of 
 St Andrews, and the bishop of Aberdeen, com- 
 manding them not to celebrate mass, and to refrain 
 from doing any thing which could offend the pro- 
 testants*. 
 
 That this conduct of the reformers had no con- 
 nection with the queen's marriage, or with the dis- " 
 satisfaction of the Earl of Murray, occasioned by 
 that marriage, may be inferred from the time at 
 which it took place, and from there being no allu- 
 sion to these circumstances ; for the boldness of 
 the catholics was solely attributed to the slothful- 
 ness and want of godly zeal of the professors. 
 
 The sentiments of this popular nobleman with Change of 
 regard to the queen's choice of a husband, could sentiments 
 not fail to weigh \^ith many of the most consider- ^^^"^ ^^^ 
 
 o ■' marriage. 
 
 able men in Scotland. Mary was fully sensible of 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 369, STO, compared with Keith, B. ili. ch. is-, 
 p. 539. 
 
1 70 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, this, and she was naturally desirous, in the most 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 .^sj-^^ important step of her life, that she should be sup- 
 1565. ported by his approbation. He had with much at- 
 tention considered the interests of his sovereign, 
 and he had formed a decided opinion upon the 
 kind of marriage, which in all points of view would 
 be most advantageous. He was averse to an alli- 
 ance with a foreign prince, and his representations 
 had powerfully contributed to the resolution which 
 upon this point the queen had adopted. He had 
 highly approved the recal of Lennox, had proba- 
 bly suggested that measure, and after the arrival 
 of this nobleman, had shewn no dislike to Lord 
 Dandy's being selected as the husband of Mary *. 
 
 When Darnly came to Scotland, Murray did 
 not change his views. He was disposed to promote 
 the match ; and Lennox and his son, by proper at- 
 tention to him — attention which, from every motive 
 they should have most cordially paid, might have 
 enjoyed his co-operation, and thuS united all classes 
 of the community. Unfortunately for the country 
 and for the queen, they followed a very opposite 
 policy. Afraid of her brother's power, they consi- 
 • dered him as the obstacle to that complete ascen- 
 dancy over the queen, which they were eager to 
 acquire. While Lennox used every method of 
 ingratiating himself with the sovereign, he asso- 
 ciated little with Murray, did not even pay to him 
 that respect which he shewed to the rest of the no- 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib xvli. p. ?4l. 
 
IN SCOTLAND, I7l 
 
 bility J and Darnly, when one day surveying a map chap. 
 upon which the estates of the prior were delineated, v„^v^^, 
 had the rashness to observe that he thought them ^^^•'• 
 too extensive "*". Murray was alarmed and offended 
 by this unguarded remark ; and although the queen, 
 who was struck with its impropriety, commanded 
 Darnly to make an apology to her brother, it could 
 not be forgotten j it probably completely alienated 
 him from the house of Lennox, and laid the foun- 
 dation of the opposition which he so soon made to 
 its exaltation. 
 
 That the queen, in the ardour and enthusiasm of 
 love, should listen more to the object of it than to 
 the rigid counsels of Murray, was what even he 
 could not have condemned, and would, if Darnly 
 had acted wisely, have excited little jealousy. But 
 he saw his influence becoming daily less from the 
 ascendancy of a man whom he at first beheld with 
 contempt, and whom he ere long viewed vvith 
 scornful detestation. 
 
 Rizzio, an Italian musician, had come to Scotland 
 in the train of an ambassador from the Duke of 
 Savoy ; and having been accidentally employed to 
 sing at court, he so recommended himself, that 
 the queen appointed him to act as her French se- 
 cretary!. The opinions of historians are divided 
 
 * Abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, dated 24th Oct. 
 1564, and a very interesting letter of the same minister to Cecil, 
 20th March 1565, in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 309, and Keith, B. ii. 
 ch. viii. 
 
 t Sir James Melvil has given in his Memoirs a very full and just 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, with regard to his talents, his character, and his 
 
 XXIII • • • 
 
 ^.^•^ designs ; but about this there is no doubt, that he 
 
 1565. ingratiated himself with Mary, and soon obtained a 
 
 power of directing her resolutions, which often 
 
 thwarted the schemes of Murray, and which was 
 
 viewed with much indignacion by Maitland*. 
 
 The countenance which she imprudently gave to 
 this obscure foreigner could not fail to irritate the 
 nobility ; and his own presumption, the insolence 
 with which he conducted himself, the open part 
 which he took in the affairs of government, render- 
 ed him more odious than he would otherwise have 
 beenf. To be supplanted by such a man, was an 
 indignity which the haughty spirit of the Earl of 
 Murray could not bear ; and the confidence which 
 Darnly reposed in Rizzio, the zeal with which 
 this man promoted the marriage, completed the 
 disgust with which Murray had begun to contem- 
 plate a union, from which he had once expected 
 that the happiest consequences would result to 
 Scotland. His dissatisfaction was increased by the 
 conduct of the queen to the Earl of Bothwell. 
 This profligate nobleman, who had been accused of 
 
 account of Rizzio, with whom he was acquainted, p. 54. Buchanan, 
 Lib. xvii. p. 340. Spottlswoode, B. iv. p 139. Keith, p. 268, note. 
 Rapin's Hist, of England, Vol. II. p. 69. Rizzio began to act as 
 secretary in November or December, as is mentioned by Randolph 
 in a letter to Cecil, dated 3d Dec. 
 
 * See several of the writers collected by Jebb in his two volumes 
 containing works relating to the Life of Mary. 
 
 t Letter of Randolph to Cecil 3d June, in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 329. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 175 
 
 having formed a plot against the life of Murray, ^^f' 
 and who, in consequence of the accusation, had ^s^^ ^^*/ 
 taken refuge in foreign countries, returned about ^^^^' 
 this lime to Scotland ; and although the queen ex- March. 
 pressed much displeasure at his arrival, and readily, 
 at the request of Murray, appointed a day for his 
 trial, yet when conscious of his guilt, or intimi- 
 dated by the power of his opponent, he tailed to 
 appear, and again fled she refused to confiscate his 
 property, and to declare him an outlaw and a traitor*. 
 
 All these causes of discontent operating upon His violent 
 the mind of Murray, he formed the desperate re- 
 solution, not only ot opposing the queen's marriage 
 with Dandy, but of having recourse to arms it his 
 opposition should be unsuccessful, or if the terms 
 which he dictated as the conditions of his acquies- 
 cence should be rejected. This conduct cannot be 
 defended. If a faithful counsellor disapprove the 
 measures of his sovereign he should plainly state 
 his disapprobation, and the reasons upon which it is 
 founded, doing whatever can be done consistently 
 with loyal submission to counteract their tendency. 
 But if the private opinions of an individual are to 
 be made the standard from which a monarch can 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 368 and 371, 372, compared with Buchanan, 
 Lib. xvii. p. 340. Buchanan represents Mary as having taken a very- 
 active part in Bothwell's favour, as having recalled him, made every 
 effort to prevent his trial, and when she failed in this, as having kept 
 out of the way those who were most against him. This does not 
 appear frofti the account given by Knox, and it is so unlikely, that it 
 would require for its confirmation the strongest evidence. 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, never deviate, or if rebellion is to be excited when 
 
 XXIII 
 
 ,^y^ those who had been in power are excluded from it, 
 1565. there is an end of all steady and secure govern- 
 ment : a country in such a situation will have its 
 prosperity more effectually counteracted than if its 
 inhabitants groaned under the galling yoke of op- 
 pression. 
 
 In yielding to his passions, Murray displayed a 
 weakness of political discernment not consistent with 
 the usual vigour of his mind. He might have per- 
 ceived that, if he merely kept at a distance, there 
 could be no permanent opposition to the scheme of 
 policy which he recommended j that the evils 
 which would instantly be occasioned by departing 
 from it, would lay the queen under the necessity of 
 again soliciting his assistance, of restoring to him 
 the place which he had been accustomed to hold. 
 At the period, however, of which I write, the infi- 
 nite danger of rashly resisting government was not 
 thoroughly understood. The nobles had for ages 
 been accustomed to appeal to the sword ; and the 
 pernicious habits which thus were created, it requir- 
 ed the progress of civilization, that love of order 
 which is the natural result of increasing affluence 
 and flourishing commerce, completely to destroy. 
 
 The accidental coincidence of the Duke of Cha- 
 telherault and the family of Hamilton in opposition 
 to Darnly, probably encouraged Murray to proceed 
 farther than he would otherwise have done. The 
 duke considered the house of Lennox as the rival 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 175 
 
 or the enemy of his own ; he complained to the chap. 
 English resident that the completion of the match xxiii. 
 would be the forerunner of his ruin ; and under 1555. 
 this impression he was prepared to join his personal 
 influence and his great resources with any faction 
 which should declare against the court*. 
 
 But although Murray, not long after the arrival His an- 
 of Darnly, had begun to revolve in his mind the ascertain 
 plan of having recourse to arms, he did not pro- ^fo^ns^^f"' 
 bably finally decide upon it till he knew what were Elizabeth. 
 the intentions of Elizabeth, what would be the 
 result of her interference against the marriage, and 
 whether she would make a common cause with the 
 opponents of the Scotish government. He conti- 
 nued his presence at court till the month of May ; 
 he came to Stirling on the fourth of that month, 
 was received with kindness and affection by his 
 sister, and was at the council to which she propos- 
 ed her marriage, and at which that measure was 
 with very little opposition approved f. 
 
 Lethington arrived at Westminster on the eight- April, 
 eenth of April. The queen summoned a council 
 to meet on the first of May, to which she referred 
 
 * Letter of Randolph to Cecil, dated 20th March, in Crawford's 
 Collection, Vol. I. and Keith, B. ii. ch. viii. 
 
 f Knox, B. V. p. 372. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 341. This viTiter 
 expresses himself so ambiguously as to leave it uncertain whether 
 Mun-ay was present. That he really was is placed beyond a doubt 
 by Throkmorton, who in his letter to Elizabeth, dated the 21st May, 
 mentions, that upon being introduced he found Murray with the 
 queen of Gcotland. Lindsay of Pitscottie, p. 215, 216", 
 
176 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^j^' the message from Mary respecting her marriage 
 v-^N/^^^ with Darnly. The council, aware of Elizabeth's 
 Resolution intentions, and disposed to act agreeably to them, 
 of the Eng- p^gggj resolutions hostile to the match, and advised 
 
 lish coun- ^ 
 
 cli. that every method should be adopted to prevent its 
 
 taking place*. 
 Embassy Immediately after the council. Sir Nicholas 
 morton. Throkmorton was sent to Scotland, with instruc- 
 tions to delay and thwart the marriage. Attended 
 by Lethington, he arrived at Edinburgh upon the 
 thirteenth of May, and having there learnt that 
 Mary had determined to create Darnly an Earl on 
 the fifteenth, and duke of Albany on the succeeding 
 day, he set out for Stirling, and on the fifteenth 
 presented himself at the castle, when the lords of 
 the council were with the queen. He then de- 
 manded an audience, which was necessarily refused, 
 but in the afternoon he was invited to attend her 
 majesty, when he at once entered upon the great 
 His con- avowed design of his embassy. He stated how 
 with Mary, much Elizabeth was dissatisfied with the marriage, 
 both from the matter and the manner of it, and 
 particularly with Lennox and Darnly, who, although 
 they were her own subjects, had presumed to enter 
 upon an affair of so much moment, without her 
 permission. !Mary condescended to reason with the 
 English minister. She told him that she had com- 
 
 * Determination of the privy-council of England upon the mar- 
 riage for the queen of Scots, in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 316, and Keith, 
 B. ii. ch. viii. Camden's Annals, p. 95, 96. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 177 
 
 municated to Elizabeth the resolution with regard CHAP* 
 to Darnly as soon as it was formed, which was all ^^.^ 
 that she had ever promised to do, and as to that ^^ss. 
 queen's not liking the match, she greatly wonder- 
 ed, because she had used her choice according to 
 the prescription of her good sister ; recalled to him 
 what Randolph had mentioned on the part of Eli- 
 zabeth, when she dissuaded an union with Austria, 
 France, or Spain ; and concluded by saying, that in 
 her estimation, no choice should have been more 
 acceptable to the queen of England than that of 
 Darnly. This remark was probably intended as an 
 allusion to Elizabeth's dissimulation, with which 
 Mary was well acquainted. Throkmorton perceiv- His nega- 
 ed that she was fully determined upon the marriage, with hen 
 and he therefore obeyed the other part of his in- 
 structions, which was to negotiate separately with 
 her council, and to persuade those lords who were 
 of the protestant communion to resist the marriage, 
 at least till the Lord Darnly should have subscribed 
 a bond to maintain the reformed religion*. 
 
 In this negotiation he was very successful ; and 
 
 * Letter of Throkmorton to Elizabeth, last quoted. Knox, B. v. 
 p. S72, 373. Knox repeats here that the marriage was not displeas- 
 ing to Elizabeth. Camden's Annals, p. 96, 97. Sir James Melvil's 
 Memoirs, p. 56. He says, " she also sent her ambassador. Sir Ni- 
 cholas Throkmorton, to dissuade the queen from marrying him, and 
 in case the queen would not follow her advice, to persuade the lords, 
 and so many as were of the protestant religion, to withstand the said 
 marriage till Darnly should subscribe a bond to maintain the reformat 
 religion." 
 
 VOL. III. M 
 
 council. 
 
1565. 
 
 178 MISTOKY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, accordingly, although he had intimated that nothing 
 but violence would prevent the marriage, he in- 
 formed the queen, probably in consequence of his 
 conference with Murray and the other discontented 
 lords, that this violence might be successfully used, 
 or that such terms might be imposed upon Mary, 
 as would remove every objection to the match '*. 
 Attempts But although the queen of Scotland had now de- 
 to i-eroncile cided, in a matter so intimately connected with her 
 toThe^^^ happiness, to follow her own inclinations, she was 
 inairiage. niost unwilUng to ofFend Elizabeth, and most an- 
 xious to procure the cordial approbation of her own 
 subjects. She ordered Hay the commendator of 
 Balmerino, a zealous friend of Murray, to go to 
 the English queen, and to propose a conference for 
 removing all grounds of dissatisfaction, the confe- 
 rence to be conducted on her part by certain no- 
 blem::n mentioned, amongst whom Murray was 
 July 20th. included ; and she summoned a parliament to meet 
 at Edinburgh, that every measure might be adopted 
 which could gratify her people, and dissipate the 
 apprehensions with which artful and turbulent men 
 had sought to inspire tiemj'. 
 To prevent Aware that the discontented faction would en- 
 ofher deavour to implicate their cause with that of reli- 
 gion, she endeavoured to prevent this by sending, 
 on the day after Damly had been created Earl of 
 
 * Throkmorton's letter, as last quoted. 
 
 ■f Tlirokmorton's letter in Keith, p. 27:">. Keith, R. 11. ch. viii. 
 p. 283. Abstract from record- Oi the ., vy-couucii, published by 
 Keith, in a note to p. 279. Knox, p. ;17". 
 
 encnues. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1 79 
 
 Ross, for Willock, Winram, and Spottlswoode, CILVP. 
 
 three of the superintendents. To them she gave v^^.^^ 
 
 the most unequivocal assurances of her friendly in- ,^ '5^^- 
 ■^ ^ ^ Her con- 
 
 tentions; told them that although she was con vin- versation 
 
 ced of the truth of her own religion, she would l!^,evm- 
 willingly listen to conferences upon the Scriptures ; ^^n'^en"- 
 that earnestly desiring the glory of God, and to 
 satisfy mens consciences, she would attend the 
 public sermons if they were preached by persons 
 who were acceptable to her ; that she was particu- 
 larly desirous to hear Erskine of Dun, the superin- 
 tendent of Angus, a man whom, on account of his 
 mild and gentle disposition, she highly esteemed*. 
 To put the sincerity of her declaration to the su- 
 perintendents beyond a doubt, she requested the 
 most powerful of the protestant nobility to meet at 
 Perth, that final arrangements might be made re- 
 specting their religion 'j". 
 
 The designs of her opponents now began to be The pro- 
 more clearly manifested. After Throkmorton*s in- lordTre- 
 terview with her, the Duke and the Earls of Mur- ^^^^ ^''""^ 
 
 court- 
 
 ray, Argyll, and Glencairn, retired to their own 
 houses, and Alurray, prosecuting his scheme of ap- 
 pearing as the champion of the protestant faith, sent 
 to all the principal churches, informing the mini- 
 sters of the meeting at Perth, requesting them to 
 consult together, and to send the most able men to 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 37S. f Knox,tb< 
 
veiws. 
 
 180 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, attend that convention*. The multitudes whom 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 \,^^y^ this warning would certainly have collected, might 
 1565. have overawed the queen, but could not contribute 
 to that freedom of discussion, and that cordiality 
 which she intended; she therefore adjourned the 
 meeting till the twenty- second of June, summon- 
 ing particularly to it the Duke, and the Earls of Ar- 
 gyll, Murray, Morton, and Glencairnf. 
 
 There was now a complete revolution in the 
 councils of Mary. IMurray had left the court, and 
 Maitland had at this time lost the confidence of his 
 sovereign J. 
 
 Their The schemc of the discontented party was at 
 
 length adjusted. They determined to stand forth 
 as the defenders of the reformation, and of the 
 alliance with England ; and they hoped that these 
 grounds of opposuicn to Mary^s government would 
 be as popular as, during the struggles of the Con- 
 gregation, they had experienced them to be. Assur- 
 ed of the favourable disposition of Elizabeth, they 
 trusted that they would, without difficulty, assemble 
 an army which would dictate law to the queen, 
 and restore to theni the power which, through their 
 own violence and precipitation, they saw wrested 
 from their hands, 
 
 * Throkmorton's letter to Elizabeth, as formerly quoted. Knox , 
 p. S73. 
 
 + Letter of Randolph to Cecil, dated 2d of July, in Crawford's 
 Collection, Vol I. p. 330, and in Keith, B. ii. ch. viii. Knox, B. r. 
 p. 374. He mentions the 23d of June as the day fixed for the con- 
 rent ion. 
 
 X Randolph to Cecil, 3d June, in Crawford> Vol. I. p. ^9, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 181 
 
 That Murray was altogether insincere in the fear CHAP. 
 
 XXIII 
 
 which at this period he affected lo entertain about \^^^^^,^ 
 the security of the reformed faith, it is difficult to i565. 
 suppose. Although, like other men, he was sway- 
 ed by motives of ambition, he was unquestionably 
 a friend to the reformation ; he had uniformly 
 supported it, and he might imagine, that as the 
 counsels which had led Mary to tolerate or to 
 countenance it, had ceased to influence her, it was 
 in danger of being again assailed by the vigorous 
 persecution which he knew would gratify her conti- 
 nental relations, and would be by them strenuously 
 urged. The Duke was certainly impelled by inter- 
 ested considerations. He had so often varied in his 
 religious sentiments, that he could not imagine 
 that the most credulous would be duped by any 
 pretence which he might make of earnestness in 
 support of the new doctrines, and it does not 
 appear that such a pretence was really made by 
 him. 
 
 But whatever were the secret reasons dictating Trust to 
 the conduct pursued by the associated lords, they g^^e J," ^^'e 
 could calculate upon the strenuous efforts of the 9^"^''fl 
 
 '■ ^ Assembly. 
 
 preachers, and upon the resolutions of the General June 24th. 
 Assembly. It had been appointed to meet in June, 
 and the Lords prepared for its sanction certain re- 
 quests to the sovereign ; requests so contemptuous 
 and unreasonable, that they could not fail to be re- 
 fused.— ^The refusal was exactly what they wished 
 to take place. They had no doubt that this would 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, easily be rendered instrumental in rekindling the 
 \^^^^ violent zeal which the undisturbed profession of 
 1565. their faith had, in the great body of the people, na- 
 turally diminished. 
 
 The day appointed by Mary for the convention 
 of the nobility, preceded only by two days, or, ac- 
 cording to Knox, by one, the meeting of the As- 
 sembly ; but the lords composing the hostile fac- 
 tion, declined attending their sovereign. Murray 
 declared that he would have been present, had he 
 not received intimation that a plan was formed to 
 take away his life, and Argyll and Glencairn went 
 to Edinburgh to regulate the proceedings of the ec- 
 clesiastical commissioners *. 
 
 Respecting the dark and execrable plots with 
 which both parties charged their adversaries, we 
 have nor precise or authentic information. Mary 
 uniformly denied that any thing against her brother 
 was ever intended ; she complained of the malice 
 of those who, by such a rumour, wished to alienate 
 them from each other, and she often requested him 
 to come to court, that she might convince him that 
 the reports which had been circulated were with- 
 out foundation. It is not impossible, however, that 
 although she was not acquainted with the design^ 
 there might have been some scheme of assassina- 
 tion devised by Darnly, or the flatterers who la- 
 boured to gain his favour. — Suspicions of such a 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 364. Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 2d July, 
 as above quoted. Buchan. Lib. xvii. p. 341* 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 183 
 
 scheme certainly existed, and if these were not invi- chap. 
 
 XXITT 
 
 iiously excited by Murray himself, which is highly 
 
 improbable, he was justified in taking every precau- '•^^•^• 
 tion to ensure his safety *. It is remarkable that 
 Kax does not notice this plot against Murray, but 
 attributes his not going to Perth to an accidental fit 
 of sickness, the reality of which even Buchanan ad- 
 mits !• 
 
 On the twenty-fourth of June, the General As- 
 sembly met at Edinburgh. The Earls of Argyll 
 and GLnicairn, with a number of lords, barons, 
 and gentlemen were present, and it was resolved, 
 pi\>oably at the suggestion of Murray's faction, 
 certainly with their most cordial acquiescence, 
 that commissioners should be sent to the queen 
 with some articles, humbly requesting that these 
 articles might be approved and ratified by her in 
 parliament J. The style of the articles is very 
 
 * Randolph's letter as above quoted. Act of Privy-Council, dated 
 at Edinburgh 1 7th July, and inserted by Keith in the Appendix to B. 
 ii. of his tiistory, No. 9. 
 
 -{■ Knox, B. V. p. 374, compared with Buchanan, p. 341. Bu- 
 chanan says, " tandem per Patricuim Ruvenum iterum admonitus ex 
 itinere ad matrem in propinqnas ejus ad Lacum Levmum sedes divertit, 
 ac alvo forte soluta, ea morbi excusatione usus, ibi substitit." 
 
 % Keith, who does not willingly lose an opportunity of pointing 
 out the inaccuracy of Knox as to dates, mentions what is the fact, 
 that the reformer represents this assembly as not held till the 24th 
 of July. In this instance, however, there seems to be merely an 
 error of ihe transcriber or of the press, for in the preceding sentence> 
 speaking of the 23d of June, he says, *' which day was even the 
 day before that the general assembly should have been held ia 
 Edinburgh." He adds, " that Murray remained at Lochleveu till the 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, different from what the assembly had ever before 
 
 K,^^^^,^ used. It had often bewailed the queen's attach- 
 
 156.5. nient to popery, and very plainly hinted its earnest 
 
 ArUcIes to . » * ^ j i. ,/ 
 
 be present- desii'e that she would abandon it ; but the members 
 queen. ^ ^^^ never sought directly to infringe the original 
 agreement upon this subject, far less to ask that 
 her claim to the free exercise of her religion should 
 meet with parliamentary condemnation. The ar- 
 ticles exhibit very forcibly the views of Murray and 
 his party, for they had an immediate tendency to 
 hold up Mary to the detestation of her subjects ; 
 while, at the same time, they constitute a most in- 
 teresting document, enabling those who attend to 
 them to ascertain the spirit prevailing at the period 
 when they were composed. They were as follows : 
 " 1st, That the papistical and blasphemous mass, 
 with all papistical idolatry and papal jurisdiction, be 
 universally suppressed and abolished throughout 
 this realm, not only in the subjects, but also in 
 the queen s own person, with punishment against 
 all persons who should be deprehended to trans- 
 gress and offend in the same, and that the sincere 
 word of God and Christ's true religion, now pre- 
 
 queen came forth of St Johnstone to Edinburgh, where the assembly 
 was held on the 24th of July." Now that he did not mean that 
 the assembly was not held till the queen came to Edinburgh is evi- 
 dent, for he tells us, a little after, that the commissioners went 
 from Edinburgh to St Johnston to present their articles. There 
 can be little doubt, then, either that Knox did not M'rite the 24th of 
 July, or if he did, that it was inadvertently, for the whole account 
 fixes down the assembly to June, and Calderwood, who generally 
 follows him, assigns to it this date. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 185 
 
 sently received, might be established, approved, CHAP, 
 and ratified throughout the whole realm, as well ^ ^^^^^^• 
 in the queen's own person as in the subjects; and isqs. 
 that the people be astricted to resort upon the Sun- 
 days at the least to the prayers, and preaching of 
 God's word, lykeas they were astricted before to 
 resort to the idolatrous mass ; and these heads to 
 be provided by act of parliament, and ratified by 
 the queen's majesty. 2d, That provision be made 
 for sustentation of the ministry, as well for the 
 time present as the time to come ; and that such 
 persons as are presently admitted to the ministry, 
 may have their livings assigned to them in places 
 where they travel in their calling, or at least next 
 adjacent thereto ; and that the benefices now va- 
 cant, or which have become vacant since the month 
 of March fifteen hundred and fifty-eight, or that 
 shall hereafter happen to be vacant, be disposed to 
 qualified and learned persons,'able to preach God's 
 word, and discharge the vocation concerning the 
 ministry, by trial and admission of the superinten- 
 dents and overseers ; and that no benefice or 
 living, having many kirks annexed thereunto, be 
 disposed altogether in any time to come to any 
 man, but at least the kirks thereof be severally 
 disposed, and that to [several persons, so that e- 
 very man having charge, may serve at his own 
 kirk according to his vocation ; and to that effect 
 likewise, that the glebes and manses be given to 
 the ministers, that they may make residence at their 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CH^P. kirks, whereby they may discharge their con- 
 sciences according to their vocation ; and also that 
 
 1565. ^i^g kirks may be repaired accordingly, <ind that a 
 law be made and established hereupon by act of 
 parliaiijent as said is. 3d, That none be permitted 
 to have charge of schools, colleges or universities, 
 neither privately nor publickly to instruct the 
 youth, but such as shall be tried by the superin- 
 tendents or visitors of the churches, and found 
 sound and able in doctrine, and be admitted by 
 them to their charges. 4th, For sustentation of the 
 poor, that all teinds founded for hospitality of old, 
 be restored again to the same use, and that all 
 lands, annualrents, and other emoluments^ per- 
 taining anyways to the friars, of whatsoever order 
 they had been of, as likevirise the annuities, alter- 
 ages, obits, and the other duties pertaining to 
 priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the 
 poor, and to the uphold of schools in towns and 
 other places where they be. ,5th. That such hor- 
 rible crimes as now abound within this realm, with- 
 out any correction, to the great contempt of God 
 and his word, such as idolatry, blasphemy of 
 God's name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath, 
 witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment, adultery, mani- 
 fest whoredom, maintenance of bordels, murder, 
 slaughter, oppression, with many other detestable 
 crimes, may be severely punished, and judges ap- 
 pointed in every province and diocese for execu- 
 tion thereof, with power to do the same, and that 
 
IN SCOTLAND. IS? 
 
 by act of parliament. Lastly, That some order be CIIAP. 
 devised and established for ease of the poor labour- vJ^k.^-^ 
 ers of the ground, concerning the reasonable pay- ^^'^■^• 
 inent of the tyihes set over their heads, without 
 their own consent and advice *.'* 
 
 It was impossible that Murray, who must have Place the 
 
 , . , 1 1 • • 1 1 conduct of 
 
 seen these articles, could nnagme that the queen Murray in 
 would consent to ratify them, — that she would, in J"^,o"r^i^ig 
 fact, pronounce her own condemnation. He knew light, 
 how zealously she was attached to her religion ; he 
 had uniformly struggled to keep inviolated her 
 own chapel ; he had declared, even at the first tri- 
 umph of the Congregation, that this was reasonable, 
 that no reasonable man could oppose it. His in- 
 tention, therefore, in countenancing the article 
 against the mass, must have been to ensnare Alary — 
 to compel her to refuse what she could not grant 
 without wounding her conscience, and then to 
 hold up this refusal as decided evidence of her en- 
 mity to the truth — of the purity and holiness of the 
 motives by which he was actuated. Nothing con^ 
 nected with his discontent, and with the rebellion 
 which he so soon commenced, reflects such dis- 
 grace upon his character, as this measure, by which 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 1^74, 375. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 190, 191. 
 Keith, from Register, in B. iii. ch. iv. p. 541, 542. Craw'ford's Col- 
 lection, from the Cotton Library, Vol. I. p. 195, 196. Heylin's His- 
 tory of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 182. There are some verbal 
 differences in the articles, as recorded by these different writers, 
 but the substance is exactly the same in them all. 
 
18S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, he confidently expected, not only to strengthen his 
 ^^^y.^ cause, but to ensure its ultimate success. 
 
 1565. Eager as the preachers had always shewn them* 
 selves to be for the extirpation of what they de- 
 nounced as idolatry, the disaffected lords did not 
 trust solely to the zeal, the efficacy of which they 
 had often experienced. They combined with the 
 condemnation of mass, propositions in the highest 
 degree gratifying to the ministers, having for their 
 object to acquire for them those reasonable emolu- 
 ments, so requisite for the proper and undistracted 
 discharge of their sacred duties, the want of which 
 had occasioned much distress — had been repeatedly 
 the subject of the loudest complaints, but which 
 the very persons, who now affected to view it with 
 the most indignant commiseration, had, when in 
 power, shewn no alacrity, no disposition to remove, 
 That even the lov/est classes of the community 
 might be interested in the success of the faction 
 adverse to government, the utmost concern was 
 shewn for the poor, and for those husbandmen 
 who were lamenting the oppression resulting from 
 the rigid exaction of tythes. The whole paper is 
 drawn with much art and with much ability ; and 
 that part of it which, certamly originating with the 
 ministers, relates to the discharge of the pastoral 
 office, to the necessity of residence, and to the pro- 
 per distribution of churches, reflects the highest 
 credit upon those by whom it was composed — shews 
 that they had profoundly meditated upon the great 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1'89 
 
 work in which they were engaged, and had form- chap 
 ed accurate conceptions of what was essential for ,^^Jl 
 constituting an useful, respectable, and efficient iS66, 
 order of religious instructors *. 
 
 * At this assembly, session 4th, it was decided that no excuse 
 could be sustained for non-residence. Buik of the universal! Kirk, 
 f» 46. See account of this book in a subsequent note. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CilAPTER TWENTY-FOURTH, 
 
 Communications from the Queen of England to the dis~ 
 eontznted Lords. ...Conduct of Mary. ...Violence of the 
 Protestants in Edinburgh. ...Mildness of the Queen,.., 
 The Lords seek the assistance of Elizabeth... .Her con- 
 duct censured. ...Intrepidity and prudence of Mary.... 
 She defeats the designs of the faction.. ..Loyalty of the 
 people.. ..Queeris marriage with Darnly....She rashly 
 gives him the title of Ki?ig....The Lords fee to Eng- 
 land.. ..Their reception in that Kingdom.. ..Mary acts 
 tcitli moderation. ...Sermon of Knox...Quee)iS answer 
 to the Articles of the Assembly.... Her delicate situa- 
 tion. 
 
 CHAP. JL/EXTEROUSLY as the articles sanctioned by the 
 
 XXIV 
 
 assembly had been framed to gratify the different 
 
 1565. classes of the community, and to give popularity to 
 cations of the party which proposed them, there is every 
 oi^ng-^ reason to suspect that many, at least of the nobili- 
 land. {y^ vfould have hesitated about importuning the 
 queen for their ratification, had they not been as- 
 sured that they were acting agreeably to the wishes 
 of Elizabeth. They received, indeed, this interest- 
 ing information at the very time of their meeting. 
 July 2d. In a letter written by Randolph to Cecil, he gives 
 this account of the assembly, and of the part in 
 relation to it which he himself took : " As to the 
 
IN SCOTLAND. l9l 
 
 convention at Edinburp-h, this aRsembly never was CIIAP. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 greater of protestants, never more constant or more s^^ ^^ 
 earnest. About the beeinnin? thereof, I received '^<'^- 
 
 , - ,. . J<ine isth. 
 
 the queen s majesty's letters, and finding m the same 
 very comfortable matters, to the great advancement 
 of God's glory, and continuance of amity between 
 the two reahns, I thought no time better to com- 
 municate so much as I found good to the chiefest 
 of those who were there present ; and because I 
 could not be there myself without great suspicion, 
 I wrote the effect of this, to :he best, and best to be 
 trusted that were there assembled, that in "these two . 
 points the queen's majesty would assist them. To 
 the answer thereof they give good praise, and most 
 humbly thank her majesty for having that care over 
 them ; and promise that nothing shall be attempted 
 by them, tending to the breach of amity or altera- 
 tion of religion, except to the better, which two 
 points being observed by her majesty, they doubt 
 not but God will prosper her ■^." 
 
 Thus assured of the decided support of Eliza- 
 beth, if they continued to represent religion, and an 
 alliance between the two British nations, as their 
 great objects, they appointed the Lairds of Cuning- 
 hamhead, Spot, Lundie, Grange, and one represen- 
 tative for the boroughs, to carry the articles to their 
 own queen, accompanied with a supplication still 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 2d July, in Crawford's Col- 
 lection, Vol. I. p. 330. He has copied the most nia'erial parts of the 
 letter from the original in the Cotton Librar)-, Cal. B. x. and it may- 
 be seen at full length, in Keith B. ii. ch. viii. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, more offensive than these articles ; for in it they at- 
 
 XXIV. . . . 
 
 v^,^^^-0 tribute to the erection of the mass upon her arrival, 
 1565. the lamentable decay of pure religion, and the in- 
 creasing influence of that superstition, which, by the 
 victorious efforts of the Congregation, had in a 
 great degree been exploded *. 
 
 Conduct These men went to Perth, where Mary then was, 
 
 ef Mary. . , ' . ^ . . ). 
 
 and having delivered the sentiments and petitions of 
 the assembly, they requested her majesty to consi- 
 der them, and to return to them her answer. As 
 she went to Dunkeld next day, they followed her, 
 and solicited an immediate reply ; but she per- 
 ceived the design of those by whom they were sent, 
 and under pretence of being anxious to have the 
 advice of her council in a matter of so much im- 
 portance, she declined entering upon the subject 
 till she returned to Edinburgh f. 
 Violence g^j- jj^g zealous pi'otestauts in the metropolis, or 
 testantsin the leading men who directed them, did not rest 
 satisfied with this insidious attempt to entangle their 
 sovereign, and to alienate from her the affections of 
 her subjects; they endeavoured to intimidate her 
 into a compliance with their unwarrantable preten- 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Cecil, last quoted, compared with Knox, 
 B. V. p. 375. The supplication is copied from the Cotton Library 
 by Crawford, Vol. I. and Keith, B. iii. ch. iv. Randolph's list of 
 commissioners does not correspond with that given by Knox, the for- 
 mer including amongst them the Earl of Glencairn. Knox, howeyer, 
 is probably correct. The nobility did not wish to take an apparent 
 lead in the assembly, and for this reason would not wish one of their 
 «wn number to be in the deputation, 
 t Knox, B. Y. p. 37ff. ai 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 19S 
 
 sions. During the meeting of the assembly, pre- chap. 
 tending that the catholics had become more openly v^fs,^^ 
 regardless of the proclamations, they assembled in '^^^• 
 a warlike manner in the immediate neighbourhood, 
 passed a resolution that they would defend them- 
 selves, in other words, that they would take into 
 their own hands the administration of law against 
 the enemies of the reformation ; and with the most 
 daring contempt of government, they elected eight 
 persons of the greatest influence amongst them, 
 to take care that the brethren were ready arm- 
 ed *. 
 
 Such a combination merited the most summary 
 and heavy punishment. It was justified by no pre- 
 tence of necessity ; there were no formidable attempts 
 to wrest from the protestants the privileges which 
 they enjoyed ; they were the ruling party, and were 
 persecuting, with all the rigour of inquisitors, the 
 unfortunate catholics who could not conceal them- 
 selves from their observation. 
 
 Mary, like a good sovereign, instantly resisted 
 these criminal proceedings. Some accounts men- 
 tion, that she no sooner heard of the outrage than 
 she wrote to the magistrates of Edinburgh, com- 
 manding them to apprehend the ringleaders ; and 
 when she arrived in her capital she ordered inven- 
 tories of their property to be taken, and their houses 
 to be seized, till their guilt, if they should be appre- 
 
 * KnoxjB. V. p. 375, S76. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 190. Heylin's 
 Hist, of the Presbyteriaiif, B. iv. p. 182. 
 VOL. III. N 
 
19 J? HiSTOllY OF THE REKOIIMATION 
 
 CHAP, hended, for they had made their escape, was legai- 
 v^-s^,/-^ ly established. Yet much cause as she had to be 
 1565. offended, she listened to the solicitations of the 
 magistrates of Edinburgh, and pardoned the offend- 
 ers *. 
 Mildness of This conduct of Mary was so far removed from 
 e queen, ggy^j-jfy^ j-j^g^^. j{. j^^^j pgrhaps be blamed as leaning 
 
 too much to the side of mercy. Yet her enemies 
 endeavoured to represent it as affording decisive 
 evidence of her intention to rule with the most un-^ 
 relenting despotism. Knox has not scrupled to 
 say, that the hearts of all men of spirit were wound- 
 ed when they perceived things so furiously hand- 
 led ; and even Randolph, who, although he was the 
 tool of the unworthy and double policy of his sove- 
 reign, might have been supposed to be without 
 the reach of narrow party spirit delighting in ca- 
 lumny, taking his tone from the discontented nobles, 
 wrote to Cecil, that he considered the orders to 
 apprehend the men who had headed the sedition 
 as a clear proof that the queen intended to perse- 
 cute those who were of the religion f. 
 Murray and Argyll having now attached to them 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 3Y7. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 190. Keith, 
 B. u. ch. viii. p. 297. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. 
 p. 182. 
 
 •j- Knox, as last quoted. Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 4th of 
 July, copied by Crawford from Cotton Library, Caligula, B. x. into 
 his Collections, Vol. I. p. 357. How unfounded Randolph's asser- 
 tion was, may be seen from the Acts of the Privy Council, in the 
 Appendix to the second Book of Keith's Hist. No 9. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 195 
 
 the preachers, strenuously exerted themselves to CHAP, 
 procure effective assistance from Elizabeth ; and as ^^f^y^ti/ 
 the assembly had expressed its gratitude for the^^^^- 
 message of that princess, they corresponded with seek the 
 Randolph, requesting him to convey to her full in- o?Eiiza- 
 formation of their schemes, and of the aid which ^^^• 
 they expected. He lost no time in explaining their 
 views to Cecil. After mentioning to him the ap- 
 prehensions of the protestants, who had stimulated 
 the people to take arms, he proceeds to tell him, 
 that the two earls thought it time to apply a reme- 
 dy, and that they depended greatly upon the com- 
 fort received from the queen*s majesty of England. 
 " They know,'* he adds, " that it as well tendeth 
 to her majesty's surety for that which may ensue, as 
 the present hurt and danger to themselves. Where- 
 fore having considered her majesty's goodly offer 
 to concur with them, and to assist them, and see- 
 ing that there is nothing proposed herein, but the 
 ground thereof is good, honourable, and dutiful, 
 as from subjects that see how far their sovereign is 
 led, by unadvised persons, from her duty to God, 
 and care that she ought to have of the weal of their 
 country, they most humbly desire performance of 
 her majesty's promise ; and for signification of their 
 minds in their own names, and names of their 
 brethren, have sent unto me this letter inclosed, by 
 a gentleman of good trust, whose credit is this in 
 effect, that the said lords do see their sovereign de- 
 termined to overthrow the religion received, sore 
 
1565. 
 
 196 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION 
 
 ^^y' hevit against those who desire the amity or alliance 
 between the two kingdoms to be continued, which 
 two points they are bound in conscience to main- 
 tain and defend ; and therefore, are determined to 
 withstand all attempts that shall be made against 
 them, and are resolved to provide for their sove- 
 reign's state, better than at this time she can con- 
 sider thei'eof herself *.'* 
 
 This extract from Randolph's confidendal cor- 
 respondence with Cecil, fully establishes what has 
 been already mentioned, that Murray and his tac- 
 tion, under pretence of defending the protestant 
 faith, and the alliance with England so necessary 
 for preserving it, were to involve the country m the 
 horrors of war, that they might compel their sove- 
 reign either to abjure her religi.n, or to vest in 
 them or their leader, the whole authority of the 
 crown. It is also placed beyond a doubt, not only 
 that the seditious or traitorous plan was approved 
 by Elizabeth, but that she had really given specific 
 promises of support, and led the discontented lords 
 to look up to her as to their assured ally. 
 
 When, after contemplating these violent and re- 
 bellious measures, we reflect, that the past conduct 
 of Mary furnished no excuse for having recourse 
 to them, — that at this very time she was preparing 
 to give her hand to a young man, of most noble 
 descent indeed, but without affluence or power, — to 
 
 * Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 4th of July, la Crawford, Vol. I. 
 p. 335. It is a most interesting document. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 197 
 
 the very man vvliom the hostile nobles had once re- CHAP. 
 
 -, XXIV 
 
 commended, and whom the queen of England \^^^,^>^ 
 wished her to espouse, — a man probably of little re- i^^.'. 
 ligion, and certainly not disposed to interfere with 
 the faith of the people, — it is impossible not to be- 
 lieve that motives very different from religious zeal 
 soon came to direct the faction, — it is impossible not 
 to condemn the cruel and infamous hypocrisy of 
 Elizabeth, — not to pity Mary, who found herself de- 
 serted by those in whom she had confided, duped 
 and oppi'essed by a princess whom, in so far as re- 
 spected her choice of a husband, she wished to 
 gratify. 
 
 The vices which stained her after life, I have no Ellzabetli's 
 intention to palliate or to deny; but surely the censured, 
 most inveterate enemies to her memory, even while 
 they draw these vices in the blackest colours, must 
 admit, that the queen of England in no slight de- 
 gree shared their guilt. It was her deceitful in- 
 trigues which poisoned the happiness of Mary, 
 which estranged from her those whose counsels 
 would have rendered her a blessing to her subjects, 
 which, leaving her helpless and inexperienced, with- 
 out a friend in whom she could trust, sunk her in 
 despair, — which clouded her understanding and per- 
 verted the amiable feelings of her heart. It was 
 these intrigues which at length drove her from a 
 throne to mourn in the dreariness of a prison, till 
 she was iniquitously massacred on a scaffold by 
 the mandate of the very woman who had blasted 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE JIEFORMATION 
 
 ^fy' her felicity, and with unwearied rancour plotted her 
 ^^f-^y^^ destruction. 
 
 Intrepidity -^^^ although Mary was agitated and distressed 
 and pru- j^y ^]^q obstacles which were opposed, not only to 
 Mary. her marriage, but to the tranquillity of her reign, 
 she acted with a judgment and an energy worthy 
 of admiration, and which were at this time reward- 
 ed by complete success in crushing her factious 
 nobles. 
 
 Upon her return to Edinburgh, after having 
 narrowly escaped, or believing that she had escaped, 
 from being seized by her enemies, she assembled 
 her council, and to render abortive Murray's at- 
 tempts to stir up the people, she issued, and caused 
 July 12th. everywhere to be proclaimed, what was endtled an 
 
 Defeats ^ ^ p . . 
 
 the designs assurance towards the state of religion. In this as- 
 faction. surance, after declaring " that divers evil disposed 
 persons had disseminated false reports that her 
 majesty intended to molest her subjects in using 
 'freely their religion and conscience, she certified 
 and assured all her loving subjects, that as they had 
 never been hitherto molested by her on account of 
 religion, they might rest satisfied they would never 
 in time coming be put on that account to incon- 
 veniency ; but would, if they remained dutiful, ever 
 find her to be an indulgent sovereign, averse to all 
 innovation ^.'* 
 
 The distracted state of the country rendering it 
 
 * Keith, Appendix to B. ii. No. 9. Melvil's Memoirs, p. S€.] Mac- 
 kenzit'<i Jife of Queen Mary, in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 273, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 199 
 
 inexpedient to convene parliament on the day ori- chap. 
 
 XXIV 
 
 ginally appointed, it was prorogued by an order of ,,^^^^^^ 
 council till the first of September; and as it had >565. 
 now become apparent, that the disaffected lords were 
 resolved to have recourse to the sword, a procla- 
 mation in the queen's name was published, charg- 
 ing all her subjects to join her in arms for resisting 
 her enemies, under pain of being held as consent- 
 ing to their treason. On the sixteenth, Mary ad- 
 dressed a letter to various noblemen in different 
 counties, in which, after vindicating herself from 
 the calumnies of those who opposed her govern- 
 ment, assuring them of security in matters of reli- 
 gion, expressing her approbation of their preceding 
 conduct, and her conviction of their steady loyalty, 
 she entreated them, " that if, under the pretence of 
 religion they should be solicited to rise against her, 
 they would pay no attention to the attempts made to 
 seduce them, but that in case of necessity of her 
 having to do with their old enemies or otherwise, 
 they would give assurance by the bearer what she 
 might expect from their attachment to her *." 
 ]Murray and the confederates, who did not pro- 
 
 * Copied from an original in the Cotton Library, Cal. B. x. by 
 Crawford, in Vol. I. p. 341, 342, and by Keith, p. 298, 299, who 
 mentions that it was all written by her majesty's own hand. Knox, 
 B. V. p. 37«, 379, gives the letter somewhat differently, and says, that 
 it was subscribed on the 17th. The original had not been before him, 
 and he had written from recollection, for the substance of both letters 
 is the same. The expression " our old enemies" gave much offence to 
 Randolph, and he adverts to it in one of his letters to CeciL 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, bably expect that the queen would act with such 
 
 XXIV. . 
 
 v,^s^^^-^ promptitude and decision, saw the necessity of mak- 
 1565. Jng the most serious preparations for the opposition 
 with which they were threatened. They met at Stir- 
 ling, professedly to consult upon what was essen- 
 tial for the safety of religion ; they there entered into 
 a formal combination to resist the queen*s marriage, 
 and wrote a joint letter to Elizabeth, acknowledg- 
 ing with much gratitude the intimation which they 
 had received from her minister of her gracious in- 
 tentions towards them, stating their apprehension of 
 their sovereign's enmity to religion, and throwing 
 themselves upon her majesty's bounty. This letter 
 was dispatched by a messenger, who was instructed 
 to explain more fully than it was prudent to do in 
 writing, the situation and expectations of the lords ; 
 and it is probable that it was by this man that a 
 large sum of money which came to Scotland for 
 their use, was transmitted *. 
 Loyalty of The loyal inhabitants of her kingdom obeyed 
 the people, ^j^g requisition of their queen, and assembled in 
 considerable numbers at Edinburgh. The people 
 in general were thoroughly satisfied that she had 
 no design to attack their religion ; even Randolph 
 was compelled to acknowledge, that, from political 
 considerations, she had relinquished her schemes 
 against the protestant church ; and notwithstand- 
 
 * Letter ©f 'the 'Lords, signed by James Hamilton, Argyll, James 
 Stewart, in Crawford, Vol, I. p. 340, and Keilh, B. ii. ch. viii. 
 Knox, B. V. p.* 378 and 380. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. 
 p. 323. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 201 
 
 ing the former popularity of the Earl of Murray — chap. 
 notwithstanding the countenance which the preach- ^,^^,,^ 
 ers and the General Assembly had given to him — ^^^^" 
 notwithstanding his representations that he was 
 suffering on account of his zeal, he found much 
 coldness, much aversion, to grant him the assist- 
 ance which he required. Many indeed openly as- 
 cribed his opposition to government not to religious 
 principle, but to envy, jealousy, and discontent *. 
 While Mary had thus the happiness of perceiv- 
 ing how much a great part of her subjects approved 
 her measures, while numbers daily resorted to E- 
 dinburgh to defend the throne, while bonds were 
 framed in many parts of the country for suppres- 
 sing rebellion, she combined prudence and modera- 
 tion. She recalled Bothwell, who, profligate as he 
 was, would readily join with her against Murray ; 
 she determined not only to pardon Lord Gordon, 
 but to restore to him the title of Earl of Huntly, 
 and the extensive domains which had belonged to 
 his house ; but still she made many efforts to conci- 
 liate her brother. She offered him a safe conduct 
 to court, — she expressed the most earnest desire to 
 be reconciled to him ; but with sullen obstinacy he 
 declined reconciliation, preferring to it the uncer- 
 tainty and the guilt of civil war f. 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 380. Randolph's Letters to Cecil, dated the 
 19th and 21st of July, at the end of the first Vol. of Crawford's Col- 
 lection, and in Keith, B. ii. ch. viii. 
 
 f Knox, B. V, p. 379. Keith, Appendix to B. ii. No. 9. Holin- 
 shed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 323. Randolph's letter to Cecil, dated 
 19th July, in Crawford, Vol. I. and Keith, B. ii. ch. viii. Crawford's 
 Lives of Officers of State, p. 91. 
 
£02 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Finding herself now secure against any immedi- 
 Ce-^y^ ate act of violence, she resolved to solemnize her 
 ^•^Jf- marriage. A few days preceding it, Darnly was 
 created Duke of Albany, and on the 29th of July, 
 between five and six in the morning, the ceremony 
 Queen's was performed *. On the night before, she had, 
 wftirDarn- by proclamation, intimated her intention, giving 
 J 'i ' 30th •'-^^^^^y ^" ^^^^ instrument the title of king ; and 
 Rashly after the marriage she, by another proclamation, con- 
 the title of firming the former, ordained, that all letters and 
 "'^" deeds should henceforth be issued in the names of 
 the king and queen of Scotland conjunctly f. This 
 rash step, which intoxicated the imprudent and in- 
 experienced Darnly, which was taken without the 
 advice of her council, and which, both from regard 
 to the immemorial practice of the country, and her 
 own happiness, should have been deferred till the 
 meeting of parliament, was instantly laid hold of by 
 the discontented faction. They published a mani- 
 festo, in which they affirmed that the kingdom was 
 openly wronged, the liberties thereof oppressed, 
 and a king imposed upon the people without advice 
 and consent of the estates, a thing not practised be- 
 fore at any time, and contrary to the laws and re- 
 ceived custom of the kingdom ; desiring, therefore, 
 all good subjects to take the matter to heart, and 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 379, 380. By mistake, the marriage is stated in 
 Knox's History to have been upon the 19th instead of the 29th. 
 Keith, B. ii. ch. ix. Buchanan, p. 342. MelvU's Memoirs, p. 57. 
 Spottiswoode, p. 191. 
 
 t Buchanan, p. 342. Knox, p. 380. Keith, p. 306—308. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 203 
 
 to join with them in resisting these beginnings of chap. 
 tyranny *. \^\y-^ 
 
 The people, whom experience had fortunately 1565. 
 taught, that the alarming representations of Murray 
 and his party respecting the hazardous state of re- 
 ligion, were in a great degree unfounded, and who 
 had accordingly listened with little emotion to these 
 representations, were not much affected by an ap- 
 peal to them upon a point of constitutional law. 
 Murray looked in vain for the multitudes whom he 
 had once seen hastening to join his standard ; and 
 far from being able, as he had hoped, to dictate to 
 the queen, he was compelled with his associates to 
 flee from Paisley at her approach f. ^"S- 3oth, 
 
 I'he cause of the disaffected lords became daily 
 more unpopular. The places upon which they had 
 most reliance revolted from them ; they could not 
 obtain soldiers even for pay, while the royal forces 
 rapidly increased, and all classes seemed to vie in 
 testifying to their sovereigns how much the state of 
 the public mind had been mistaken or misrepre- 
 sented. 
 
 It is unecessary to trace the efforts, or rather to 
 follow the retreats of the rebellious nobles. They 
 never encountered the queen's army, but having 
 
 * Spottiswoode, p. 191. Buchanan} p. 342. Camden's Annals, 
 p. 97. 
 
 f Knox, B. V. p. 381. Buchanan, p, 342. Spottiswoode, B. iv. 
 p. 192. Mackenzie's life of Mary, in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 274, 
 ■215. Keith, B. ii. ch. ix. p. 315. Heylin's Hist, of the Presbyteri- 
 ans, B. iv. p. 184. 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, exhausted every expedient for repairing their de- 
 
 v.*jp-s ^-qL' caying fortunes, they yielded to necessity, and being 
 
 1565, proclaimed rebels, they took refuge in England, 
 
 The lords \ , . . , r u • i- , , 
 
 flee to Eng. Within a lew months arter the marriage v4nch they 
 
 Oct. loth ^^^^ ^^ violently opposed *. 
 
 From many private persons in that kingdom they 
 
 Their re- met vi^ith cvcry attention which . the kindness of 
 
 there!" hospitality could pay ; and fully persuaded, as they 
 bad every reason to be, that Elizabeth, who had 
 promised to hazard her crown in their defence, 
 would, notwithstanding a treaty binding the sove- 
 reigns of the two British nations not to give shelter 
 to the rebellious subjects of either, comfort them 
 by the most cordial reception, they appointed the 
 Earl of Murray and Gavin Hamilton, abbot of Kil- " 
 winning, to repair to the English metropolis, while 
 the rest of them remained at Newcastle, waiting the 
 result of the embassy f. 
 
 The manner in which Murray and his companion 
 were received, although perfectly consistent with 
 the hypocrisy of Elizabeth, was very different from 
 what they had expected, and was attended with 
 circumstances in the most mortifying degree con- 
 temptuous. 
 
 Agreeably ,to her promise, and to distract the 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 380— SS4. Bucli. Lib. xv!i. p. 343. Keith, 
 B. ii. ch. ix. Camden's Annals, p. 98. Meivil's Memoirs, p. 56y 
 57. Heylin's History of . the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 184. Rapin's 
 H«U of; England, Vol. Ii. p. 70. 
 
 -j-MelyJl's-Memoirs, p. 57. Spotiiswoode, B. iv. p. 1 92. Knox> 
 B. V. p. 38«, i'^-jr. B. ii. ch. ix. p. 31D, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 205 
 
 councils of Mary, she had, about the time of the chap. 
 marriage, remonstrated with that princess upon her i^^^^ 
 conduct to her brother, and upon the different i565. 
 rrrounds of offence which he had taken. Her in- 
 
 o 
 
 structions to Tamworth, the person whom she sent 
 upon this ungracious embassy, were conveyed injulyr.is'. 
 terms which no sovereign who had not lost the in- 
 dependence of his mind, as well as of his crown, 
 could have heard without indignation. Mary upon 
 this occasion threw aside the respect which she had 
 so long professed to feel for the insidious counsels 
 of her dangerous neighbour; and peculiarly irritated 
 at the attempt to apologize for Ivlurray, who was 
 actually in arms against her, she desired that the 
 English queen would not interfere with the admi- 
 nistration of Scotland, or with the part which she 
 acted towards any of her own subjects, as she was 
 answerable only to God, and had never attempted 
 to direct the government of Elizabeth *. 
 
 But when this effort in favour of Murray failed, 
 and when Elizabeth learnt from Randolph, who 
 was now strictly watched, being deservedly consi- 
 dered rather as a spy and an incendiary than an am- 
 bassador, that the discontented lords had been un- 
 successful, and that the people were not disposed 
 to abet their seditious designs, she resolved most so- 
 
 '* Keith, Appendix to B. ii. No. 7. has given a copy of the instruc- 
 tions to Tamworth, and of the answers of the Scotlsh queen, taken 
 from the shattered MSS. Spottiswoode, p. 192, who has fallen into 
 an error as to the time of Tamworth's embassy. Camden's Annals, 
 p. 99. 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, lemnly to disavow any knowledge of the intentions 
 ^r^ of the faction, or at least all participation in their 
 1565. schemes. — To this she was chiefly led by the repre- 
 sentations of the Spanish and French ambassadors, 
 who were enjoined by their respective courts to 
 complain that she fomented the disturbances in 
 Scotland. In pursuance of her ^determination, she 
 at first refused to grant an audience to Murray ; 
 and when she at length admitted him into her pre- 
 sence, she asked him, how he, being a rebel to her 
 sister in Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him 
 to enter within her realm ? plainly telling him, " that 
 she had never promised to support him, nor had 
 ever intended any thing in that way." Alarmed at 
 her firmness, or probably by some secret informa- 
 tion instructed in what would be agreeable to her, 
 he and Kilwinning, with much meanness, confessed 
 to her upon their knees, in the presence of the am- 
 bassadors, that she had not moved them to the op- 
 position which they had made to their queen's mar- 
 riage. Of this false declaration she took the ad- 
 vantage which she intended ; for, to remove the sus- 
 picions of foreign powers, she immediately replied, 
 *' Now you have told the truth — your abominable 
 treason may serve for example to my own subjects 
 to rebel against me, therefore get you out of my 
 presence, you are but unworthy traitors *.'* Throk- 
 
 * Sir James Melvil in his Memoirs, p. 57, has given a very inter- 
 esting account of this scene of dissimulation. Knox's account in p. 
 388, 389, confirms the duplicity of Elizabeth ; but, far from charging 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 207 
 
 morton, who, as well as Randolpli, had been em- ciiAP. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 ployed to convey her promises to the Scotish lords, k^-.^^^^ 
 was filled with honest indignation at this deceit. ^'?^^- 
 He openly declared, fearless of the resentment of 
 the court, what he had done, and he would proba- 
 bly have sulfered for his integrity, had he not pre- 
 served and offered to produce the secret order of 
 council upon which he had acted *. 
 
 But although Murray was thus disdainfully sent 
 from court, he was assured that the queen would 
 support him, and, through the Earl of Bedford, she 
 supplied him with money till he returned to Scot- 
 land f. 
 
 Murray with the meanness ascribed to him by Melvil, it represents 
 him as making such answer as an honourable man would have 
 done: " Madam, whatsoever thing your majesty meant in your heart, 
 we are therefore ignorant, but thus much we know assuredly, that 
 we had lately faithful promises of aid and support by your ambassa- 
 dor and familiar servants in your name ; and farther, we have your 
 own hand-writing confirming the said promises." I must acknow- 
 ledge, that it seems to me highly improbable that this answer was 
 given. Had Murray spoken with such freedom, he would have 
 kindled the indignation of Elizabeth, who had no inclination to listen 
 to remonstrance, and he would not have obtained from her the as- 
 sistance which was afterwards afibrded. I have preferred the account 
 given by Melvil, who had the best opportunities of information. 
 Heylin, p. 184. 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. GO. 
 
 f Camden's Annals, p. 98. Sir James Melvil says, that Eliza- 
 beth gave no secret aid to Murray and the exiles ; but the account of 
 Camden is confirmed by Knox, who had full access to be acquainted 
 with the fact. He tells, that the queen sent them some aid, whether 
 she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or whether 
 she repented of the harsh treatment wliich she had given to him, 
 B. Y. p. 389. 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Mary having succeeded in driving the rebellious 
 v,^»v^^ lords from her dominions, and in restoring tran- 
 MaJytc'ts ^^^^^^^Yj returned with the king to Edinburgh, 
 with mo- She was now placed in a new situation. The 
 
 fleration. -it 
 
 Oct. party with which, upon her arrival, she had con- 
 
 ceived it prudent to act, having declared against 
 her, was expelled ; she had been supported, in de- 
 fending her authority against men who had long 
 directed the public mind, by the zealous efforts of 
 her subjects, and she had received the most grati- 
 fying proof, that, while a sovereign consults the 
 happiness of his people, and exhibits in his own 
 conduct a steady regard to honour and virtue, he 
 must possess an influence which the most artful in- 
 trigues of faction will generally fail to subvert. 
 Happy would it have been for her, had she deeply 
 impressed upon her heart this interesting lesson — 
 had she been able to preserve the dignity and the 
 integrity which had hitherto embellished her beauty, 
 and gained the warmest affections of those over 
 whom she reigned. 
 
 Her first measures after her return were dictated 
 by wisdom, and an enlightened concern for the na- 
 tional prosperity. To convince the country that 
 her professions of respect for the prevailing religion 
 had not been extorted by terror, that the regard 
 which she had shewn to the professors arose as 
 much from her own inclination as from the repre- 
 sentations or the authority of her brother, she con- 
 tinued to receive, in the most gracious manner, the 
 requests of the preachers, and she r adity assured 
 them, that she would provide for the regular pay- 
 
INT SCOTLAXO. 209 
 
 ment of their stipends, which, from the late distur- chap. 
 bances, and the change of a comptroller, had been vj^^ji)^ 
 suspended *. She also, with much propriety, dis- i5«?. 
 closed the various propositions which the discon- 
 tented lords had made to her, in all of which it was 
 stipulated, that the king and queen should be go- 
 verned by the advice and counsel of the true nobility 
 of the realm, an appellation appropriated to them- 
 selves ; and she thus rendered it apparent to such 
 as were open to conviction, that Murray and his ad- 
 herents had been influenced much more by ambi- 
 tion than by regard to religion f. 
 
 Soon after the marriage, the king, to destroy the 
 clamour which had been raised concerning his bigot- 
 ted attachment to popery, attended divine worship 
 in the church of St Giles. Upon this occasion Aug. 19. 
 Knox preached a most intemperate and injudicious Knox, 
 sermen. Taking for his text these words : '* O Lord 
 our God, other Gods than thou have ruled over us,'* 
 he expatiated upon the government of wicked princes, 
 and in the course of his illustration, said, " God 
 raises to the throne for the offences and ingratitude 
 of the people, boys and women ^," The king 
 was much exasperated by this attack, so indecently 
 and so publickly made upon him, and Knox was 
 summoned to appear before the council. He had 
 
 * Knox, B,v.p. 387, 388. 
 t Knox, B. V. p. 384, 385. 
 
 % Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, B. iv. p. 183, 184. Keith* 
 p. 546, 547. Knox, B. V. p. ."SSI. Spottiswoode, B. ir. p. i»lr 
 
 192. 
 
 VOL. III. O 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, recourse to his usual defence, fallacious as it was 
 
 XXIV 
 
 ^. ^ dangerous, that he had spoken nothing but accord- 
 1565. ing to his text, adding, that if the church should 
 command him to refrain from preaching, he would 
 obey in as far as he could c -nsistently with his con- 
 science. This plea would not have availed him, 
 had not the queen been unwilling, in the distracted 
 state of the country, and when so many of the pro- 
 testants had declared for her, to make an example 
 of a man whom they so much revered. He was ac- 
 cordingly dismissed, with no other punishment than 
 ' a prohibition from preaching for several weeks*. 
 Although it is impossible to justify the language 
 used by Knox in this sermon, yet some apology for 
 it may be rested upon the apprehensions with which, 
 from his peculiar situation, and the part which he 
 had so conspicuously acted, he was naturally filled. 
 He knew that Mary was in her heart devoted to the 
 catholic religion, — he knew, that whatever might be 
 her own inclination to adhere to the moderate po- 
 licy which she had, from her arrival, followed wirh 
 respect to the protestants, she would be unceasing- 
 
 * Knox, B. V p. 381, Spottiswoode, p. 191, represents Knox as 
 speaking with much defiance, and in express justification of what he 
 llad done ; but his own authority is unquestionable. Keith, B. iii. ch. 
 iy. p. 546, 547. This writer expresses some doubt, whether Knox 
 obeyed this injunction, founding his doubt upon an act of the council 
 of Edinburgh, in which they indecently declare, that they will no 
 jmanner of way consent that the mouth of Knox should be closed. 
 This might have been intended to sliew their reverence for Knox 
 Ijut he was too wise a man to prefer the authority of the council o^ 
 Edinburgh to that of the privy-council. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 211 
 
 1y advised by her relations in France to dissemi- chap. 
 nate her own opinions ; he considered Murray, and v^,^^^ 
 the lords and barons who adhered to him, as the iser,. 
 only persons who could counteract this influence, 
 and guard the infant establishment ; and thus be- 
 lieving that the great cause for which he had so 
 long contended was in danger, he could not resist 
 ascribing to the anger of heaven, the exaltation of 
 those rulers by whom its destruction was to be ef- 
 fected. 
 
 Thoroughly understood as government now is, 
 established as are those rules, which most properly 
 secure to the sovereign expressions of the utmost 
 respect from all his subjects, such freedom as was 
 taken by the reformer must appear highly crimi- 
 nal ; but it is to be recollected, that similar modes 
 of address were in that rude age not uncommon ; 
 that the nobility were accustomed to speak most 
 freely to their rulers ; and that this practice pre- 
 vailed more in Scotland, from the opposition which 
 had so long subsisted between the regent and the 
 Congregation. 
 
 Soon after this the queen returned an answer to Queen's an- 
 the articles which the assembly, held in June, had articles of 
 presented to her. In this answer, she expressed sembiv 
 her determination to adhere to her own religion, 
 and her conviction of its truth ; but she promised 
 to allow perfect liberty of conscience, and to respect 
 the form of religion which she had found existing, 
 till the estates had made some final regulations re- 
 specting the faith of her subjects. This answer was 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, taken wnder consideration in the assembly which 
 
 XXIV. . 
 
 v^' .-^ inet in December. In the reply which was framed, 
 156S. the members ofiFered to prove the inconsistency of 
 popery with the word of God ; the most earnest 
 representations were again made of the distress suf- 
 fered by the ministers from their stipends being ir- 
 regularly paid, and a deputation was sent to wait 
 upon her majesty, to lay before her the sentiments 
 of the assembly. The deputation requested that 
 she would condescend to hear a disputation between 
 the ministers and friars. This she wisely declined ; 
 but she told them, that she was always minded 
 that the stipends of the ministers should be given to 
 them ; she ascribed the negligence of which they 
 complained to the late comptroller, and assured 
 them, that, with advice of her council, such regula- 
 tions would be soon made as would prevent all 
 future complaint *. 
 
 Her refusal to permit a disputation, conjoined as 
 it was by the protestants with some other circum- 
 stances which happened at this time, strongly agitat- 
 ed thfe minds of the people. The Earls of Len- 
 nox, AthoU, and Cassillis had, to gratify Mary, open- 
 ly attended the celebration of mass. Friars had 
 been allowed to preach ; and the catholics, encou- 
 
 * The articles of the assembly in June, the answer of the queen, 
 the reply and supplication of the next assembh', may be all seen to- 
 gether in Crawford, Vol. I. p. 193, copied from the Cotton Library, 
 and by some mistake placed under the year 1560. Knox, li. v. p. 
 S89 — 391. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 1S>2, 198. Keith, B. iii. ch. iv. 
 p. S52--555. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 213 
 
 raged by this relaxation of opposition to them, be- CHAP, 
 came more confident that they would yet see the v.^^^^ 
 restoration of the ancient church *. i56#. 
 
 To prevent these indications of a change of sys- 
 tem from being regarded with indifference, a solemn 
 fast was appointed ; and amongst the reasons for 
 appointing it, this held a conspicuous place, — " the 
 bearing with manifest idolatry, and suffering the 
 realm that God had once purged, to be polluted 
 again with that abomination." — Probably in allusion 
 to the conduct of part of the nobility, it was men- 
 tioned, that some whom God had once made instru- 
 ments to suppress that impiety, had been active 
 in conveying the idol through all quarters of the 
 kingdom f. 
 
 From these resolutions the delicacy of Mary's Her dell- 
 situation is apparent. Although Murray had ba- 
 nished himself, and had been denounced as a traitor, 
 he retained the esteem of all who were attached to 
 the reformation. Suspicions of the queen's inten- 
 tions were widely disseminated and carefully 
 strengthened ; so that nothing but the most scru- 
 pulous caution, the most unwearied vigilance, the 
 most assiduous attention to the prejudices and feel- 
 ings of the people, could have secured to her the 
 continuance of that influence and that respect which, 
 for some months after her marriage, she enjoy- 
 ed. 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 389—390. 
 
 t Kiiox, B. V. p. 390. Caldervrood'i Hisjory of the Church cf 
 Scotland, p. 4C. j 
 
 cate situ* 
 ation. 
 
1565. 
 
 1 1 4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^P- But the prospect, which had assumed a momen- 
 tary brightness, now began to be deeply overcast, 
 and it is necessary particularly to unfold the causes 
 of those dismal events, which soon stained the his- 
 tory of Scotland, which terminated in the ruin of 
 Mary, and gave to the protestants that complete as- 
 cendancy which, amidst all subsequent convulsions 
 and revolutions, they have happily possessed. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 1t\S 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-FIFTH. 
 
 Character of Darnly... .Disappointment of the Queen.... 
 Increasing i/ifiucnce and arrogance of Rizzio.... Letter 
 of Throkmorton to the Queen of Scotland... .Par/iatnent 
 summotied....Scheme for preventing its being assembled.... 
 The King agrees to promote it. ...Murder of Rizzio..., 
 Eject of it upon the Queen. ...She suspects her husband.... 
 She escapes rmth him.. ..Return of Murray and the 
 Lords. ...Contemptible conduct of the King.... Murray 
 and the Lords are pardoned. ...Mary s partiality to the 
 Earl of Bothzi)ell... .Death of Ruthven. ...Queen again 
 favours the Protestants. ...She is delivered of a son.... 
 Joy occasioned by this.. ..It is intimated to Elizabeth.... 
 King discontented.... First proposal of a divorce. ...Art- 
 ful and insinuating behaviour of Bothwell... .Queen 
 shews her attachment to him... .Her illness.... The Ki?ig 
 coldlij received.. ..Renewed proposal of a divorce... .Re- 
 jected.. ..Baptism of the young prince... .The King not 
 present at the ceremony.... He leaves the court. ...General 
 Assembly.... Views of the preachers respecting tythes.... 
 Knox permitted to go to England.... The Archbishop 
 of St Andrews invested with his former jurisdiction.... 
 Remonstrances against this.. ..Illness of the King.... 
 The Queen visits him... .Apparent renewal of affec- 
 tion. ...She brings him to Edinburgh.. ..He is murdered.... 
 Conduct of Mary....Bothwell suspected. ...Imprudence 
 and criminality of the Queen's subsequent conduct.... 
 She determines to marry Bothwell.... Disregards every 
 remonstrayice... .Universal indignation and horror.... 
 
1565 
 Character 
 
 216 HiaTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 Bafis puhlished....Intrepiditi^ of Craig, one of the mt- 
 nistcrs of Edinburgh. ...The marriage takes place.. ..Rc- 
 jiections upon it. 
 
 CHAP. jViARY soon fouiid that her choice of Darnly would 
 not contribute to her happiness. Immoderately at- 
 tached to the sports of the field, and addicted to 
 
 of Darnly. many grovelling vices, he surrendered himself to 
 the most debasing intemperance. Negligent of his 
 illustrious consort, he nevertheless loudly complain- 
 ed that she did not feel the same admiration with 
 which she had at first regarded him, and he readily 
 listened to the artful representations of those flatter- 
 ers, who, to gain his favour, or to promote their own 
 designs, studiously increased the discontent which 
 
 Disappoint- \^q ^^g disposed to cherish. The queen could ill 
 
 ment or the '^ * ^ 
 
 queen. brook this ungenerous and contemptuous requital 
 of her love. She had delighted in the society of 
 her husband, but with this she was seldom grati- 
 fied ; and when he came into her presence, he oc- 
 casionally conducted himself with an insolence and 
 a roughness of manner which were too well calcu- 
 lated to diminish her esteem and to estrange her af- 
 fections *. 
 
 Finding that he was little qualified to take an 
 active part in the administration of government, 
 and shocked with his mean or frivolous habits, she 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 389 and 404. Keith, B. ii. ch. ix. p. 329, has 
 published an extract from a letter of Sir William Drury to Cecil, 
 which throws much light upon the conduct of Darnly. Randolph, 
 in Keith, p. 329. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 217 
 
 1565. 
 
 sought the counsels of those whom she believed to ^l^' 
 be not only attached to her interest, but able to pro- 
 mote it ; and, reposing little confidence in Morton 
 and Ruthven, who, although they had not joined 
 in the late rebellion, were united by the same reli- 
 gious sentiments with the exiled lords, she listened 
 with increasing deference to Rizzio, whom she had ["JJ^"^^""^ 
 for some time regarded as in a high degree anxious and arro- 
 to secure and to defend the just authority of the Ri7;,io° 
 crown*. The power of this man became daily 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 389. Spottlswoode, p. 193. MelvU's Memoirs, 
 p. 58. Heylin's Hist, of the Presbyterians, B. v. p. 197. Keith, p. 
 130. Buchanan, p. 343. Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, pu- 
 blished by Crau'ford of Drumsoy, 2d edit. Ed. 1553. Crawford, in 
 his preface to this book, mentions, " that he had all the substance ot 
 the work from an ancient MS. presented to him by Sir James Baird 
 of Saughtonhall, who purchased it by mere accident from the neces- 
 sitous widow of an episcopal clergyman. That the author of the 
 MS., of whose fortune and character he was wholly In the dark, was, 
 as might be gathered from his works, a man of sense, and one that 
 made not a very mean figure in the world, as appears by the justness 
 and solidity of his reflections, and his more exact and particular account 
 of the various transactions and turns of state in his lime than is to be 
 met with from any one author upon the same subject." The MS. 
 of such a man, living, as it is plain that he did, tt the period of whlcli 
 -he writes, would have been a valuable document, but, unluckily and 
 injudiciously, instead of publishing it as it was composed by the au- 
 thor, Crawford preferred giving the matter of it in his own words. 
 He has stated his reason for doing so : " If I had delivered things in 
 his own style, it would have proved tedious and heavy to the nice 
 reader, and, by many in our neighbouring nation, could hardly have 
 been understood without a dictionary." But he not only, if I may 
 use the expression, translated the work from the Scotch into the Eng- 
 lish language, but he made many insertions from other writers, and 
 he altered the form and method of the MS., " the author not having 
 fully digested his matter, but marked down things just when they hap- 
 
218 HISTORY OF THK REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, more conspicuous. The court was directed by hi« 
 
 XXV 
 
 ^^y-^ will ; the royal favour was conferred agreeably to 
 1565. his solicitations. So decided was his influence, that 
 the Earl of Murray, in his eagerness to be restored 
 to his country, so far forgot his dignity, as to re- 
 quest that this minion would intercede with the 
 Queen ; and, to secure compliance with the solicita- 
 tion, he accompanied it with a munificent present *. 
 Morton and the other nobles beheld the ascend- 
 ancy of this obscure foreigner with the most indig- 
 nant feelings. They considered the respectability 
 of their sovereign, and the honour of their country, 
 as equally contaminated by it ; they dreaded that 
 
 pened, or when they came first wrhhin the reach of his knowledge." 
 With all these freedoms, it was not unreasonable to entertain some 
 doubts respecting the accuracy of Crawford's edition of the MS. ; 
 but I did not suppose that it would be possible to ascertain how far 
 these doubts were well founded, as upon the republication of tlie Me- 
 moirs in 1753, the bookseller, in a Preface, informs the public, that the 
 MS. itself had been lost or destroyed. I have now no doubt, however, 
 that the MS. History and Life of James the Sixth, which I htve already 
 quoted, is the MS. or a copy of the MS. which Crawford had before him, 
 ind by comparing several passages, it is apparent that the spirit of the 
 original author is not uniformly conveyed, that it would have been 
 desirable that the MS. had been given without alteration, any additions 
 appearing necessary to the editor being subjoined as notes, or an appen- 
 dix. I shall afterwards refer to some passages of the MS. which I shall 
 insert in my Appendix, and which the reader may compare with Craw- 
 ford's Memoirs, in which, however, I must add, there is some im- 
 portant additional matter, of which I shall also avail myself. After 
 writing the above, I found that Mr Laing had published, from another 
 copy of the MS. the work to which this note refers, and that his opi- 
 nion respecting it and the conduct of Crawford, agrees with mine. 
 * Sir James MelvU'g Memoirs, p. 6S, 
 
iser, 
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 2 1 9 
 
 the most pernicious consequences might result from CHAP, 
 the artifices of a man who was warmly attached to 
 the popish faith, who was supposed to be a pension- 
 er of the pope, and who was certainly anxious to 
 render a service to the head of the Catholic church*. 
 
 The splendour of his equipage exceeding that 
 of the king himself; the greatness of his wealth; 
 the arrogance with which he received the most 
 distinguished of the nobility, mingled private feel- 
 ings with a regard to the public good ; and the 
 party who sought to remove him became convinced, 
 that their civil and religious liberties could be se- 
 cured only by recalling Murray, by driving Rizzio 
 from the court, and by compelling the queen again 
 to adhere to that policy which, at the commence- 
 ment of her administration, had diffused happiness 
 and loyalty amongst all her subjects f. 
 
 Sir James Melvil, who enjoyed much of the 
 queen's confidence, foresaw the evils which would 
 follow if no change of measures took place. He 
 suspected that designs against Rizzio had been 
 formed, and he warned him of his danger ; but, as 
 the most effectual mode of removing discontent, he 
 advised Mary to pardon the Earl of Murray and 
 his associates, or at least not to proceed with seve- 
 rity against them {. 
 
 * MelvU's Memoirs, p. 57. 
 
 f Spottiswoode, B. W. p. 19S, 194. Keith, p. 327. 
 J Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p^ 59, 60. He says, tkat Riziia 
 evidenced disdain at all danger, and despised counsel. 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. The effect which the representations of so faith- 
 
 XXV. 
 
 K.^^/^ ful a servant would naturally have produced, was 
 
 1565. increased by their being enforced by Sir Nicholas 
 
 ^5i"^5^^Qj.. Throkmorton. That able minister was a sincere 
 
 ton to the friend to Mary's succession to the English crown : 
 
 Queen of . . . 
 
 Scotland, he highly disapproved the hypocrisy and dissimula- 
 tion which at this time characterized the policy of 
 Elizabeth ; and having, by conveying to the Scotish 
 lords promises of support, which never were fulfil- 
 led, been instrumental in determining them to take 
 arms, he wished to compensate, in some degree, 
 for the evils which had resulted from these pro- 
 mises, by endeavouring to procure a reversal of the 
 sentence which had been pronounced against Mur- 
 ray, and by recommending him and the other ba- 
 nished noblemen to the favour of the queen. In 
 a most interesting letter, he pointed out to her the 
 infinite importance of preserving tranquillity in Scot- 
 land, and particularly of uniting in her support the 
 affections of the protestants throughout Great Bri- 
 tain ; he shewed, that these objects would be most 
 effectually secured by pardoning her brother, who, 
 although he had given to her much cause of offence, 
 was very generally considered by the friends of the 
 reformation, as suffering on account of his reli- 
 gion ; that, by taking him into favour, and burying 
 the past in oblivion, she would give a pledge of her 
 moderation in religious matters, which would re- 
 cover to her the greatest part of the bishops in Eng- 
 land, and would decide many of the most powerful 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 221 
 
 noblemen and cfentlemen who had hitherto remain- CHAP. 
 
 XXV- 
 
 ed neutral *. s^^-^ 
 
 The reasoning of Throkmorton, a man of pro-* ^^'^''• 
 found political experience, and of whose cordiality 
 as to her right of succession she was thoroughly- 
 convinced, at first disposed Mary to approve the 
 scheme which he recommended ; her understand- 
 ing was convinced, and she was from natural dis- 
 position much more inclined to mercy than to se- 
 verity. Even Rizzio was of the same opinion with 
 her, partly flattered by the notice which Murray 
 had taken of him, and partly disgusted by the king's 
 hatred, which was becoming daily more obvious. 
 
 Unfortunately, however, accidental circumstan- 
 ces led the queen to change her sendments, and to 
 follow a line of conduct, which, independently of her 
 rashness or her guilt, would in all probability have 
 occasioned the revolt of her subjects. An ambassa- ise*. 
 dor ai'rived from France about the beginning of 
 February, to invest her husband with the order of 
 the knighthood of St Michael. This mark of at- 
 tention was highly gratifying ; and the court of 
 France, upon the supposition that it would be so, 
 soon dispatched another emissary, who was entrust- 
 ed with a commission to treat with the queen, and 
 to endeavour to prevail with her not only to shew 
 no countenance to the banished lords, but to ac- 
 
 * Letter of Sir Nicholas Throkmorton to the Queen of Scotland, 
 Jn behalf of the banished lords, in Melvil's Memoirs, p. CO — 63, and 
 •opied by Keith, in B. ii. ch. ix. of bis Hiitory. 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, cede to a league, which, at the suggestion of the 
 X^K^^-i^ cardinal of Lorrain, had been formed for extermi- 
 1566. nating the protestant religion. Attached to her 
 own faith, disgusted with the reformers, who, al- 
 though she had long resigned herself to their coun- 
 sels, had risen in rebellion, and had uniformly em- 
 barrassed her administration, desirous to gratify her 
 uncle, whom she loved and revered, she subscribed 
 the bond which the ambassador presented to her, 
 and from that moment resolved to proceed against 
 Murray with unrelenting rigour*. 
 
 Rizzio confirmed her in the determination which 
 she had taken. The motives which had induced 
 him to advise tenderness towards the lords, yielded 
 to his aversion to offend a powerful confederacy of 
 catholic princes, especially the pope, with whom he 
 held a secret correspondence f. 
 Parliament Parliament was summoned to assemble on the 
 
 summoned, ir t r x r • • - 
 
 7th March, twelfth of March, and in a previous meeting of 
 some of the nobles, held for the purpose of making 
 preliminary arrangements, it was resolved to pro- 
 pose that the estates of the banished lords should 
 be forfeited |. 
 
 "Scheme to ^pj^g friends of Murrav now saw that their only 
 
 prevent its •' ■' 
 
 being as- hopc of saving the lords must rest upon vigorous 
 
 sembled. 
 
 * In Melvil's Memoirs, p. 63, 64. Keith, B. ii. ch. ix. p. 324, 
 325. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 325. Knox, B. v. p. 391, 
 392. Abstract from a letter of Randolph to Cecil, dated 6th Feb. 
 published by Keith, in Appendix to his 2d Book, p. 167. 
 
 f Melvil's Memoirs, p. 64. 
 
 t Keith, p. 326. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 22S 
 
 attempts to prevent a parliament, so hostile to those CHAP, 
 in whom they were deeply interested, and which ^^^ ^ 
 they dreaded, might make some bold effort to re- ^^^>(^- 
 establish the catholic religion*. This apprehen- 
 sion was not without foundation. The queen, in a 
 letter which she wrote to the archbishop of Glas- 
 gow, giving an account of the murder of Rizzio, 
 says, in reference to the parliament, or rather to the 
 meeting which preceded it : " We, accompanied 
 with our nobility for the time, past to the Tolbooth 
 of Edinburgh, for holding of our parliament, and 
 elected the lords of articles ; the spiritual estates 
 being placed therein, in the ancient manner, tending 
 to have done some good anent restoring the old re- 
 ligion, and to have proceeded against our rebels ac- 
 cording to their demerits f." 
 
 The king's disgust at Rizzio, his readiness to re- 
 ceive any impressions against his queen, his wound- 
 ed pride, presented to Morton, Ruthven, and Le- 
 thington, the most effectual instruments for carry- 
 ing into execution the scheme which, at the sugges- 
 tion of Maitland, they had adopted. They convey- 
 ed to Darnly the most scandalous and indecent in- 
 sinuations respecting the cause of Rizzio*s favour 
 with Mary ; they represented to him how much he 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. S92. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 194. Melvil's 
 Memoirs, p. 64. Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs, p. 6. Holinshed's 
 Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 325, 326. 
 
 -j- Letter of Mary to the archbishop of Glasgow, dated 2d April 
 1566, published by Keith, B. ii. ch. ix., from the original in CoIIeg. 
 gcot. Paris, Mem. Scot. Tom. II. fol. 1 6 1 . 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^P- was injured by not receiving the matrimonial crown : 
 v.,^^^-*^ and when they had thus wrought upon his passions, 
 1566. |.j^gy promised, that it he would consent to recal the 
 banished lords, and to countenance the murder of 
 Rizzio, they would gratify his ambition, and secure 
 The king his authority. Headstrong and inexperienced, he 
 |)romote°it. ^^^ ^ot weigh the fatal tendency of that mode of 
 conduct to which he was urged. He at once con- 
 sented to all which was required, and even expres- 
 sed the utmost eagerness to hasten the atrocious 
 deed, from which he should have revolted with hor- 
 ror. Aware, however, of his fickleness, and dread- 
 ing the consequences which would follow if he 
 changed his resolution, the conspirators required 
 him to subscribe a bond, by which he pledged him- 
 self to defend the liberty and the religion of the 
 kingdom. When this was done, and rendered 
 more binding hy the subscription of his father, a 
 deed, to be signed by him and the absent lords, was 
 written, in which these lords declared that they 
 would be his dutiful subjects, and would procure 
 for him the crown, upon condition of his restoring 
 to them their honours and their domains*. 
 
 • Melvil's Memoirs, p. 64. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. p. 345. K«ox, 
 B. V. p. 393. Discourse of the late troubles in Scotland, by Lord 
 Rnthven, published by Keith, in Appendix to B. ii. of his Hist. No. 1 1. 
 Queen Mary's letter to the archbishop of Glasgow, in Keith. Mac- 
 kenzie's lives of Mary and of Lord Ruthven, in Vol. III. of his work. 
 Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs, p. 6, 7. This writer mentions what 
 is not probable, that Darnly ptit his hand to a deed in which he confei- 
 jcd himself to be the author of the murder. MS. Hist, and Life of 
 James the Sixth, p. 4. 
 
1 566. 
 Murder of 
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 225 
 
 The plan having been fully matured, which, by ^^^ 
 exciting tumult and alarm, would infallibly prevent 
 the meeting of parliament, the conspirators proceed- 
 ed with a ferocity revolting to every feeling of hu- Rizzio. 
 manity — wiih an excess of barbarity strongly indi- 
 cating the savage manners then prevalent, even a- 
 mongst the most illustrious inhabitants of Scotland. 
 The queen, who was far advanced in pregnancy, sti^ March 
 was sitting at supper with the Countess of Argyll 
 her natural sister, with Rizzio, and some other at- 
 tendants, when the king entered her apartment. He 
 was almost instantly followed by Ruthven and his 
 accomplices, who immediately seized Rizzio. The 
 queen, in the utmost alarm, implored them to use 
 no violence ; but regardless of her supplications, 
 they tore the unhappy man from her presence, and 
 cruelly murdered him at the door of the cham. 
 ber *. 
 
 Such an outrage might at any time have produ- 
 ced upon female delicacy the most melancholy ef- 
 fect ; but its atrocity was aggravated by the situa- 
 tion of the queen, and had she not possessed un- 
 common strength of resolution, it might have occa- 
 
 * Queen Mary's letter to the archbishop of Glasgow, compared 
 with Ruthveu's account in Keith's Appendix. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 
 64, 65. Knox, B. V. p. 392. Buchanan, p. 345, 346. Spottiswoode, 
 B. iv. p. 194. Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs, p. 7 — 9. Holin- 
 shed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 326. MS. History and Life of James the 
 Sixth, p. 4, 5. 
 
 VOL. III. P 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 iJHAP. sioned not only the loss of her infant, but her own 
 XXV. . ^ 
 
 v^^v--*,^ destruction*. 
 
 1566. gi^g ^j^g jjQ sooner informed that her wretched 
 upon the favourite had been dispatched, than, drying up her 
 queen. tears, she resolved to avenge his death. Entertain- 
 ing no doubt that the weakness and jealousy of the 
 king had induced him to accede to the brutal scheme, 
 she from this moment regarded him with a degree 
 of detestation which subsequent good conduct might 
 perhaps have removed, but which his folly and de- 
 pravity daily increased. Melvil, with much proba- 
 bility, remarks, that there must have been a design 
 to injure the queen by the exhibition of such a horrid 
 scene. Had the intention of the Lords only been to 
 get rid of Rizzio, mat might have been done by strong 
 and steady representation ; or if they had consider- 
 ed it as necessary to imbrue their hands in his blood, 
 he might have been sacrificed in any place rather 
 than in the chamber of the sovereign f. 
 
 The tumult which was instantly excited, and the 
 occupation of the avenues to the palace by Morton 
 with a band of armed men, filled the noblemen, 
 who resided within its walls, with serious alarm for 
 their safety. The Earls of Huntly and Bothwell 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 1 1 S. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 7, 8. MS. 
 Hist. p. 5. 
 
 •j" Melvil's Memoirs, p. 67. compared vnth. Crawford as last quoted, 
 and the queen's letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow. Knox, how- 
 ever repels this accusation, saying, that the conspirators proposed to 
 have hanged Rizzio ; but surely they might have found him in other 
 
 places, and might have sacrificed him without alarming the queen. 
 
 n 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 227 
 
 made their escape by a window, while the Earl of chap. 
 Atholl, secretary Lethington, who had not been ,^ ^m^ 
 trusted with the secret arrangements of his friends, i^s*^- 
 and Sir James Balfour, were, after the most anxious 
 suspense, permitted in the course of the evening to 
 depart *. 
 
 The queen herself was closely guarded, and it 
 was certainly the intention of Morton and Kuthven 
 to compel her to accede to the demands which, 
 with traitorous presumption, they had resolved to 
 present. In this distressing situation, suffering under 
 extreme agitation, her presence of mind was con- 
 spicuously displayed. She represented to the king, 
 in the strongest language, the folly and the danger 
 of his conduct ; and having prevailed upon him to Escapes 
 
 r r • \ J L • r J with him. 
 
 mterrere tor removmg the guard, she, m a rew days, 
 accompanied by Darnly, escaped from the palace, March 
 and fled to Dunbar f. 
 
 On the day after the murder, the king, without March 
 the consent, or even the knowledge of the queen, is- 
 sued a proclamation, commanding that all who had 
 voice in parliament should depart from the city; 
 and on the same evening, Murray and the exiled ^**^'""°': 
 lords, who had been informed of what was intended, and the 
 came to Edinburgh, escorted by Lord Home, with 
 about a thousand horsemen. Murray was intro- 
 
 * Spottlswoode, p. 195. MelvU, p. €7. Holinshcd, Vol. II, p. 
 326. 
 
 + Mclvil's Memoirs, p. 65, 66. Mary's letter to the archbishop of 
 Glasgow. Knox, B. v. p. 394. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 
 326. 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^P- duced to his sister, and afFected to lament the hard- 
 V^^-^^ ship of her situation ; but instead of throwing him- 
 self upon her mercy, he, with the other lords, on the 
 day which had been appointed for the meeting of 
 parliament, went to the place where that assembly 
 was usually held, and there made protestation that 
 he had been ready to answer whatever his accusers 
 could allege against him *. 
 
 The queen was soon followed to Dunbar by those 
 of the nobility who had not been accessory to the 
 destruction of Rizzio, and being delivered from all 
 dread of further violence, she seriously considered 
 her situation, and what measures it would be pru- 
 dent now to adopt. Her antipathy to her husband 
 she did not attempt to dissemble ; even while he 
 was attending her, she lamented his folly, his ingra- 
 titude, his misbehaviour ; and although Sir James 
 Meivil, to extenuate Darnly's guilt, spoke of his 
 youth, and of the artifices which had been employ- 
 ed to mislead him, her hatred was not diminished. 
 That statesman honestly acknowledges " that he 
 could perceive nothing from that day forth but 
 great grudges that she entertained in her heart f.'* 
 Contemp- yj^g ^^^^ gQQj^ rendered himself universally con- 
 
 tible con- ° ' 
 
 duct of the temptible. With the thoughtlessness of a weak 
 March rnind, he attempted to convince the people that he 
 20th. was innocent, by publickly asserting that he was so. 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 394. Camden's Annals, p. 114. Holinshed's 
 Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 326. 
 f Melvil's Memoirs, p. 6C. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 229 
 
 The deed which he had subscribed was produ- cHAP. 
 ced to expose the falsehood of his assertion, and .^^^^^ 
 this decisive proof of his total disregard to honour i566. 
 degraded him in the eyes of the queen no less than 
 the guilt, of which she never doubted*, 
 
 Morton and Ruthven fled into England, but the Murray- 
 exiled lords were pardoned ; and JVlary resolved to lords are 
 recur to the policy which she had unhappily aban- P*"^ °"^ 
 doned. After her return to Edinburgh, she la- 
 boured to unite the wisest and the most powerful of 
 of the nobility. Sending for Murray and Argyll, 
 she, with the utmost address, reconciled them to the 
 Earls of Huntly and Bothwell, and all these noble- 
 men continued to attend her during the remainder 
 of the summer f. 
 
 But while she acted thus wisely in attempting to Mary's 
 restore tranquillity, her partiality for the Earl of.othe 
 Bothwell became too apparent. His influence over Bo[h°eii 
 her daily increased, and he employed it to excite 
 suspicions of Murray, for the purpose of preventing 
 that nobleman from regaining the direction of the 
 royal counsels J. 
 
 Upon learning that the murderers of Rizzio had 
 taken refuge in England, Mary applied to Eliza^ 
 beth to refuse them an asylum in her dominions. 
 As this request could not with any decency be open- 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 395. Abstract of Letters from Randolph to Ce- 
 cil, in Keith's Appendix to B. ii. of his History'. 
 
 f Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 327, 328. Buchanan, Lib. xvii. . 
 p. 347. Knox, B. V. p. 396. 
 
 ± Melvil's Memoirs, p. 67. Knox, p. 39 e. 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE REfORMATIOK 
 
 CHAP, ly refused, they were commanded by proclamation 
 K,^^^^ to leave England ; but it has been alleged that 
 
 1566. (hey were privately encouraged to remain ; and 
 Death of Ruthven, worn out with disease, and tortured by re- 
 
 Ruthven. • i -nt i ^ 
 
 13th June, morse, soon atter expired at Newcastle*. 
 Queen I" Conformity with her change of views, the queen 
 
 voursthe ^g^^^ extended her protection to the preachers. 
 protestants. When a supplication respecting the patrimony of the 
 church was presented to her by the superintendent 
 of Lothian, she received it with her accustomed 
 graciousness, and promised that she would re- 
 commend to her council, and to the first conven- 
 tion of the nobility, the final adjustment of the ec- 
 clesiastical revenue f. 
 She is dell- Her situation now strongly excited the anxiety 
 son. * of ^^^ subjects. The time of her delivery approach- 
 ed, and they heard with unfeigned joy that she had 
 19th Juue. in safety brought forth a son. The nobles, and 
 Joy occa- many of the people, assembled in the Hio;h Church, 
 
 sioned by ' ^ ^ ^ ^ . . 
 
 this. and after having, with the most impressive solem- 
 
 nity, returned thanks to God for the birth of the 
 prince, they fervently implored that he might be 
 blessed with piety and virtue, with wisdom to go- 
 vern his kingdom when he should be called to 
 sway the sceptre J. The assembly of the church, 
 
 * Keith, B. ii. ch. ix. p. 334. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II.' p. 
 328. 
 
 f Knox. B. V. p. 396, 397. 
 
 X Knox, B. V. p. 397. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 196. MS. LiiV. 
 and History of James the Sixth, p. 1. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 6i'. 
 Keith, B. ii. p. 339, Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 328 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 281 
 
 which was then met, sent the superintendent of cilAP. 
 Lothian to present their congratulations, and to re- ,„^^^ 
 quest that the prince might be baptized according isee. 
 to the practice of the reformed churches. When 
 he was admitted, the queen ordered the child to be 
 brought. The superintendent took him in his arms, 
 and falling upon his knees, earnestly prayed for the 
 happiness of the prince. Jvlary listened with the 
 strong delightful emotions of an affectionate parent. ». 
 
 Forgetting religious differences, she regarded Spot- 
 tiswoode with much kindness, and James himself, 
 to whom the story was afterwards told, ever reve- 
 red this good man as his spiritual father*. 
 
 Sir James Melvil, who had been commanded toituintl- 
 be in readiness to convey to England the intelli- jif ^^edi 
 gence of Mary's delivery, instantly upon learning 
 that a son was born, left Edinburgh, and with speed 
 now equalled every day, but then mentioned as re- 
 markable, posted to the English court. Upon his 
 commg to Greenwich, where the court then was, 
 he found Elizabeth, as he has expressed it, in great 
 mirth. But when Cecil whispered to her the birth 
 of the Scotish prince, her mirth was dissipated. A 
 pang of envy agonized her mind, her agitation be« 
 came apparent, and she could not refrain from ex- 
 claiming to some of her attendants, " The queen of 
 
 '^ Archbishop Spottiswoode records this anecdote of his father with 
 apparent and mopl natural satisfaction, B. iv. p. 196. Keith has givert 
 it from the MS. copy of the prelate's History^ Se€ B. iii. ch. v- f^ 
 •557. 
 
232 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORiMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXV. 
 
 15S6. 
 
 King dis- 
 contented- 
 
 First pro- 
 posal of a 
 divorce- 
 
 Scots is mother of a fair son, while I am a barren 
 stock.*' Next morning, however, she received 
 Melvil with a cheerful countenance, and, in her usual 
 strain of dissimulation, assured him that the glad in- 
 telligence which he had brought had recovered her 
 from a severe fit of sickness. With much polite- 
 ness she thanked him for having so speedily accom- 
 plished his journey ; and after hearing from him 
 some expressions of compliment, and some obser- 
 vations, designed, as he tells us, to give her a little 
 scare from marriage, she promised to send both ho- 
 nourable lords and ladies to represent her when the 
 ceremony of baptism was performed *. 
 
 Amidst the joy which the birth of an heir to the 
 crown had diffused, the king, to whom that event 
 should have communicated the greatest happiness, 
 was sullen and discontented. Uneasy at the mark- 
 ed contempt with which he was treated, for all 
 shunned his company, and sensible, that with his 
 respectability the love of Mary was for ever extin- 
 guished, he had once resolved to leave the country. 
 This resolution he was induced to abandon ; but, 
 so far was the queen from regarding him with ten- 
 derness, that she had listened to some insinuations 
 respecting the expediency of obtaining a divorce t. 
 
 While she thus was estranged from her husband, 
 and seemed gratified by the neglect which was stu- 
 
 * Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p- 69, 70- 
 
 f Knox, B. V. p. 396 — 399. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 196. Keith, 
 B. ii. ch X. Buchanan, Lib xviii. p. 348. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 233 
 
 diously shewn to him, the worthless Bothwell form- ciiAP. 
 
 XXV 
 
 ed the scheme of captivating her aifections. He ^^ 
 
 strove to recommend himself by every fascinating J-^se. 
 art ; he professed to be actuated by the most de- behaviour 
 voted loyahy ; he soothed and flattered her ; and °.p|]|^^ ' 
 an event soon happened which too plainly shewed 
 that he had not been unsuccessful *. 
 
 The inhabitants of the borders having resumed Queen 
 
 ° shews her 
 
 their turbulent habits, and being inclined to sup- attachment 
 port the Earl of Morton, the queen resolved to 
 bring them to trial, and to inflict upon them ex- 
 emplary punishment. For this purpose she intend- 
 ed to hold in person justice-courts in the town of 
 Jedburgh, and, as a previous step, she dispatched 
 Bothwell, who was lord-lieutenant of the district, 
 to reduce to obedience men who daringly violated 
 the laws of the kingdom. In attempting to exe- 
 cute his commission, he was violently assailed and 
 severely wounded f. 
 
 She was no sooner informed of this accident, October, 
 than she manifested the most violent grief, and she 
 took no repose till she went to sympathize with 
 Bothwell in the castle of Hermitage, to which he had 
 been conveyed |. Under some circumstances this 
 might have been considered merely as a striking dis- 
 
 * Camden's Annals, p. 1 14. Buchanan, as last quoted. 
 
 ■f Knox, p. 399. Bvichanan, p. S48. Keith, B. ii. ch. x. p. 351. 
 Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs, p. 1,2. MS, Life and Hist, of 
 King James, p. 1 . 
 
 j MS. Hist, and Life of James, as Ijtst quoted. Crawford's Me- 
 moirs, p. 2, compared with Keith, B. ii. ch. x. p. 351. 352. 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, play of royal humanity and condescension towards 
 ■^^^..^y-^^ a man who had suffered in the discharge of his du- 
 1566. ty ; but the character of Both well, and the partialis 
 ty which Mary had previously shewn to him, in- 
 clined many to put upon her visit the most unfa- 
 vourable interpretation *. 
 Her illness. Upon her return to Jedburgh, she was, from fa- 
 tigue, from agitation of mind, or perhaps from ac- 
 cident, seized with a violent illness, which threaten- 
 ed to prove fatal, and, aware of her danger, she 
 The king prepared for the awful event of dissolution f . The 
 ceived. king having been informed of her alarming situa- 
 tion, came to see her, but she received him with 
 the utmost coldness, and he was soon forced, by 
 the most chilling and mortifying neglect, to take 
 his leave |. 
 Renewed After her recovery, she made a tour through the 
 
 proposal or ■' ' o 
 
 a divorce, south of Scotland, and she arrived at Craigmiller 
 
 * Buchanan, p. 348, compared with Crawford's Memoirs, p. £', 
 and Keith, p. 352. 
 
 f Buch. p. 348. Knox. B. v. p. 39!>. Holinshed's Chronicle, 
 Vol. II. p. 329. Keith, p. 352. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 2. MS. 
 Hist, and Life of James the Sixth, p. 2, 3. I have inserted the ac- 
 count of her illness, which is given by the writer of this work, in the 
 Appendix, No XIV. as a specimen of the book. Mr Laing's publi- 
 cation of it may not fall into the hands of some of my readers. 
 
 J Buchanan, as above. Knox, p. 399, 400. Spottiswoode, p. 19G. 
 Keith, p. 352, expresses a doubt whether the king did, upon this 
 occasion, come to Jedburgh. That he did come seems perfectly cer- 
 tain; it is asserted in the MS. Hist, of James, as well as in the other 
 writers quoted, but, from an expression in a letter of the French air.- 
 bassador^ inserted by Keith in his History, it appears that Da:"nly did 
 not arrive so soon as Buchanan and Knox reoresent- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 235 
 
 about the end of November. While she remained chap. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 there, the proposal of a divorce from her husband, v^ps,^ 
 which had been before hinted, was formally submit- ^^^®* 
 ted to her by Secretary Lethington, in presence of 
 the Earls of Murray, Argyll, Huntly, and Both- 
 well. Maitland said, that if she would consent to 
 pardon Morton and those who had fled with him, 
 upon account of Rizzio^s death, a divorce might 
 be obtained ; but although she shewed no dislike 
 to the measure, expressed not the slightest regret 
 at the prospect of being separated from the king, 
 yet, apprehensive that her ov/n honour and the in- 
 terest of the young prince would be prejudiced, she 
 requested that the idea of dissolving her marriage 
 might he relinquished *. 
 
 Ihe ambassadors from England and France hav- 
 ing arrived, the baptism of the prince took place at 
 Stirling. The Countess of Argyll, by commission 
 from Elizabeth, held up the child at the font, and 
 the Archbishop of St Andrews performed the ce- 
 remony, according to the ritual of the Romish 
 church. The Earl of Bedford, the English ambas- 
 sador, did not, during the service, enter the chapel, 
 and the noblemen who professed the Protestant re- 
 ligion stood without the door. When |he solemni- 
 
 * K«th, B. ii. ch. X. p. 355. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 196, 197. 
 The account given by this prelate is confirmed and elucidated by the 
 protestation made by the Earls of Argyll and Huntly, respecting the 
 murder of the king, which is inserted in Crawford's Collection of 
 State Papers, Vol. I. p. 84, and in Keith's Appendix, Buchanan, 
 p. 24D. His insinuations are most unfavourable to Man.'. 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, ty was concluded, the prince was proclaimed by 
 v^^^ his names and titles, Charles James, Prince and 
 1566. Steward of Scotland, Duke of Rothsay, Earl of Car- 
 rick, Lord of the Isles, and Baron of Renfrew *. 
 The King The satisfaction which, upon this event, it was 
 
 not preseiit i r i 
 
 at the cere- natural to teel, was much weakened by the treat- 
 mony. jj^^^^j. ^£ ^j^^ j^j^^^ pj^ ^^^ ^^^ allowed to be pre- 
 sent at the ceremony, — he was not even admitted to 
 the entertainments by which it was succeeded. This 
 flagrant mark of contempt, for he was in Stirling 
 at the time of the baptism, excited a degree of un- 
 easiness, and melancholy anticipation, which the ex- 
 cuses by which the courtiers attempted to justify it 
 did not remove. It has been said, that the Queen 
 of England had given instructions to her ambassa- 
 dor not to honour Darnly with the title of king, 
 and that his exclusion originated from the desire of 
 Mary, that no such disrespect should be openly 
 shewn to him. But this feeble attempt to ascribe 
 to a praiseworthy motive, what was so obviously 
 wrong, can make no impression upon those who at- 
 tend to the state of feeling or of disgust towards her 
 husband in which Mary then was. It is apparent, 
 that had the case really been as it has been repre- 
 sented, there was a sufficient reason for msisting 
 that the Earl of Bedford should not be present, but 
 none for the absence of the father of the prince f. 
 
 * Spottlswoode, p. 196. MS. Hist, of Jaraes, p. 5. 
 t Camden's Annals, p. 109. Keith, B. ii. ch, x. p. 360- MS. 
 Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 5. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 10. Bu- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 237 
 
 The fact, however, seems to be, that Bedford was cHAP. 
 not enjoined to act in a manner oft'ensive to Darn- ^J^^' 
 ly, for he was so much shocked with the indecent i.^ec. 
 neglect of the king, that when he was leaving Scot- 
 land, he requested Sir James Melvil to intercede 
 with Mary, and to enforce the propriety of con- 
 ducting herself to her husband as she had done im- 
 mediately after the marriage, if she had any regard 
 to her own honour, or to the advancement of her 
 affairs *. 
 
 Indignant at this affront, the Earl of Lennox He leaves 
 wrote to his son to leave Stirling, and to come to 
 him at Glasgow. The king accepted the invita- 
 tion, and having, soon after his departure, or his 
 arrival, been attacked by a disease attended with 
 unusual and alarming symptoms, it was generally 
 reported and believed that he had received poisonf. 
 
 chanan, p. 349, and Spottiswoode, p. 197, assign other reasons for 
 the king's exclusion, if possible more frivolous and unsatisfactory. 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 77 
 
 f About the cause of this illness, Buchanan, Knox, Spottiswoode, 
 MS. Hist, of James, give one opinion, ascribing it to poison. Bishop 
 Leslie delivers another, in which he is followed by Holinshed, and to 
 which Keith was plainly disposed to give his assent. Melvil mentions 
 in his Memoirs, that the king fell sick at Glasgow, it being alleged 
 that he had got poison from his servants. Some of the writers just 
 mentioned state, that Damly was seized soon after he left Stirling, 
 when not above a mile from it ; others, that his health was not im« 
 paired till he reached Glasgow. This difference of statement does 
 not imply any want of fidelity, as Keith insinuates. Mr Chalmers, in 
 his Caledonia, Vol. II. p. 463, declares, upon the authority of the Earl 
 of Bedford, that the king's illness was the small-pox. Had this been 
 the case, it is difficult to see how there should have been any doubt 
 about the matter. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. While these events were taking place, the queen 
 
 \„^^y0^ shewed no intention of prosecuting any regular 
 
 1566. scheme against the prevailing religion, although, 
 
 about the end of the year, she was induced, as we 
 
 shall find, to adopt a measure which gave much 
 
 offence to the friends of the reformation. 
 
 General In the General Assembly which met in June, the 
 
 Assembly. . . . _,.. ,._ .. 
 
 destitute situation of the ministers chiefly occupied 
 attention. The funds which had been set apart for 
 the payment of their stipends, burdened as they 
 were with defraying the expences of the court, had 
 proved totally inadequate, and Mary, with her 
 council, readily agreed to consider what remedy 
 could be applied. It was at length determined to 
 assign a sum of money and a considerable quantity 
 of grain, for supplying the urgent wants of the 
 December, clergy, and this was carried into execution before 
 the meeting of the assembly in December. To 
 this grant the attention of the ministers was, in that 
 Views of assembly, of course directed. They expressed 
 ers respect- much gratitude to those lords through whose 
 mg tythes. fj-jgndly interposition it had been obtained ; but even 
 when returning thanks, they were cautious not to 
 use language which might be considered as imply- 
 ing that they had relinquished the claim to the 
 teinds, upon which they had so often insisted. Af- 
 ter thanking the lords, they solemnly protested, that 
 their acceptance of the assignation should not pre- 
 judice the liberty of the church to pursue for what 
 justly pertained to its patrimony. "What this im- 
 
m SCOTLAND. 23W 
 
 plied is evident from a subsequent resolution, " that chap. 
 the teinds properly belong to the church, and should ,^^^^ 
 be applied solely to the ministers, to the support of isee. 
 the poor, and to upholding seminaries of learning *." 
 
 At this assembly Knox solicited permission to eo Knox per- 
 
 . ... , , mitted to 
 
 to England, that he might visit his sons, whom he go to Eng- 
 land- 
 
 *Knox, B. V. p. 401. Spottlswoode, B.iv. p. 199, 200. Keith, from 
 Register, B. iii. ch. v. p. 563. Bulk of the Universall Kirk of Scot- 
 land, p. 54, 55. The most ample information respecting tlie proceed- 
 ings of the General Assemblies in the early period of the reformation 
 in Scotland, and the state of public opinion which then powerfully in- 
 fluenced these proceedmgs, is contained in the work last quoted, which 
 is a large folio MS. preserved amongst the records of the church of 
 Scotland, and entitled, " The Buik of the Universall Kirk of Scotland, 
 quhairin the beides and conclusions devysit be the ministers and com- 
 missioneris of ye particular kirks theirof are speclalllie expressed and 
 conteinit." It is marked on the back, Register of the General As- 
 sembly, beginning anno 1560, ending anno 1608. It is evidently 
 copied either from an older MS. bearing the same title, which is now 
 lost, or from the different original records and acts of assembly whioh 
 were produced to an assembly held at Glasgow 1633. None of these 
 records, however, comprehended the same period with the Buik of 
 the Universal Kirk, or terminated at the same time, which renders it 
 probable that this Buik is a transcript from an original MS-, which had 
 been carefully preser\'edj and is of the most unquestionable authority. 
 Bishop Keith frequently quotes from what he calls the Register, and 
 ill a note, to which I have ah-eady alluded, he gives a particular, and 
 I suspect, an erroneous account of the manner in which that register 
 was formed. From comparing the two, I am of opinion, either that 
 he had before him the MS. to which I refer, quoting it by the title on 
 the back instead of its real title, or a register nearly the same. I do 
 not recollect to have seen the Buik of the Universall Kirk specified by ' 
 this name by any writer except Lord Hailes, who regrets that it had 
 not been more carefully consulted. Having been favoured with a per- 
 mal of it, I shall adduce it in support of the narratioa in the text, ajid 
 jgive a few extracts from it in the Append!^ 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 '^^' had sent to be educated in that kingdom, and that 
 ^^.^-^y^^ he might settle some business in which he was in- 
 terested. The Assembly granted the request, and 
 Dec. 27th. furnished him with a letter, in which they expres- 
 sed their high sense of his merit, recommending him 
 to the favour of learned nien, and of all lovers of 
 the truth *. Although such a testimony may be 
 considered as that of friends who had long held 
 him in veneration, and who viewed him with much 
 partiality, yet it fully warrants the conclusion, that 
 his private character was unexceptionable. They 
 certified, not only that he had been a faithful and 
 successful minister of the gospel, but that in life 
 and conversation he was without blame. 
 
 At his desire they also wrote to the bishops of 
 I^ngland, whom, as has been before mentioned, they 
 recognized as their brethren, entreating them to 
 shew indulgence to those clergymen who had been 
 persecuted from their declining to use the habits 
 which had been introduced during the establish- 
 
 * Life of Knox prefixed to his History, p. 30. Keith, from Regis- 
 ter, B. lii. ch.v. p. 504. Buik of the Univer&all Kirk, p. 56. Tlie 
 Assembly thus wrote : " Wit zour universities, that our loving brother^ 
 Johne Knox, bearer of thir presentis, hes beine, and is ane trew and 
 fkllhful minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, within ys realme of 
 . Scotland, continewallie thir viii zeires bygaine, or yrabout ; in doc- 
 
 trine pure and sincere ; in lyfe and conversation to our syghts inculp- 
 able ; and hes sa fruitfullie usit that talent, grantjt to him be ye Eter- 
 nall, to ye advancement of ye glorie of his godlie name, to ye propaga- 
 ^ioun of ye kingdom of Jesus Christ, and edefeing of yame yat heard 
 his teaching, that of dewtie we most hearlilie praise las Godlie Majes- 
 tic for yat so gryte ane benefite." 
 
i5cn. 
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 241 
 
 ment of popery. This letter, composed by the CHAP, 
 eminent reformer himself, displays the vigour and ^^^.^ 
 soundness of his understanding. It expj^; s, with 
 the utmost force of reasoning, the folly and the in- 
 consistency with the indulgent spirit of Christianity 
 of constraining the consciences and interrupting the 
 labours of men, who had been eminently successful 
 in disseminating the tenets of religion, merely from 
 their entertaining scruples respecting the expedien- 
 cy of continuing what might so naturally be asso- 
 ciated with errors abjured by the protestant church, 
 what might be laid aside without, in the slightest 
 degree, afFeccing the great cause which both parties 
 in this dispute about vestments, were zealous to 
 promote *. 
 
 The determination of Knox to leave Scotland 
 for some months, may be considered as a sufficient 
 proof, that he had at this time no apprehensions 
 about the stability of the protestant church. He 
 would not, in what he believed to be a season of 
 danger, have shrunk from his duty ; and even if he 
 had been convinced that all his exertions would be 
 useless, he would explicitly have stated this in his 
 request to the Assembly, and not have founded that 
 request upon his desire to gratify parental affection, 
 or to promote his own interest or comfort. Yet 
 
 • Knox, B. V. p. 402, 403, has given the letter at full length. 
 Spottiswoode. B. iv. p. 198, 199- Keith, from the Register, p. 564, 
 565. Bulk of Universall Kirk, under Assembly held in DeceBnb«r - 
 1566. 
 
 VOL. IIL a 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^xxv' ^^^^o^g^ there was no danger immediately formi- 
 '\^-\^'^j dable, the Assembly had ground to disapprove of a 
 Thl Arch- "^^^sure which, at the suggescion of Bothwell, the 
 bishop of queen had adopted. She had granted to the Arch- 
 
 St Andrews ^ • i r 
 
 invested Dishop of St Andrews, who had for some time been 
 former ju- ^^stored to her favour, a commission under the great 
 nsdiction. geal, conveying to him power to exercise his former 
 jurisdiction in the probate of wills, in giving colla- 
 tion to benefices, and in various other matters, 
 which had been usually decided in the ecclesiastical 
 courts. This certainly was striking a blow which 
 might have proved fatal to the new establishment, 
 Remon- ^nd the clergy would have been deficient in their 
 
 strance a- ■' 
 
 gainst this, duty, — would have been sacrificing the glorious ob- 
 jects for which they had so intrepidly and success- 
 fully struggled, had they allowed such an exertion 
 of the royal authority to pass without observation. 
 They accordingly addressed a very energetic suppli- 
 cation to the nobility and the lords of the secret 
 council. Yet even in this supplication, marked by 
 the warmest zeal, there is shewn the utmost respect 
 for the queen. They did not, as they frequently 
 had done, insinuate, or affirm, that she was actuat- 
 ed by a desire of altering the state of religion, but 
 they attributed the appointment, of which they com- 
 plained, entirely to erroneous information. They 
 declared, that the causes judged in the bishops 
 courts, did, for the most part, pertain to the true 
 church ; that although they had not objected to the 
 commissions given by the queen to men of their 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 243 
 
 own principles, they could not silently acquiesce in CHAP 
 the commission to the archbishop, whom they ,^p^ 
 
 knew' to be an enemy to Christ and his truth ; be- ^•5*^^- 
 cause, under pretence of the power with which he 
 was thus vested, he might again usurp his former 
 authority, and take on him the judgment of heresy ; 
 in which case none could be ignorant what his 
 judgment would be. They expressed their convic- 
 tion that this measure, so inconsistent with the laws 
 of the kingdom, — this setting up of antichrist, who 
 had been condemned in open parliament, had arisen 
 from inadvertence or from mistake ; and that, if the 
 queen were freely admonished of this, with the re- 
 verence which was due from subjects, she would 
 not insist upon the validity of the commission, and 
 would do nothing contrary to justice *. 
 
 What answer was returned to this supplication 
 cannot now be discovered ; it was probably unfa- 
 vourable, or evasive. That the assembly did not 
 obtain its object is certain ; for the primate, in con- 
 sequence of his commission, pronounced, soon after 
 this, the sentence of divorce between Bothwell and 
 his wife, in order to prepare the way fpr that noble- 
 man's unfortunate and criminal marriage with the 
 deluded and infatuated queen f. 
 
 * Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 197, 198. Knox, B. v. p. 403. Cal- 
 denvood's Hist, of the Church of Scotland, p. 41, 42. Crawford's 
 Life of Archbishop Hamilton, in the Vol. of Lives of Statesmen, &c. 
 p. 378. Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 60—62. 
 
 t Keith, note to p. 566. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 57, 58. Spot«; 
 thwoode, p» 202. Knox, B. v. p. 405, 406, 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE REFOKMaTION 
 
 ^^^^- From the whole proceedings of this assembly. 
 
 which may be considered as affording the most ac- 
 1566, curare indication of the public mind, it is apparent 
 that the general belief was in favour of the sinceri- 
 ty of Mary's promises respecting religion ; and there 
 can be little doubt, that had she now placed her 
 confidence in the Earl of Murray, and acted with 
 the prudence and moderation which she had often 
 shewn, she might have gained the affections of her 
 subjects, and rendered harmless the antipathy or the 
 malice which, she had too much reason to believe, 
 Elizabeth entertained. But the crisis of her fate 
 now rapidly approached. Events soon took place 
 connected with the blackest guilt, in which, by 
 many, she has been supposed to be implicated, and 
 which certainly paved the way for those errors and 
 crimes which marked the concluding period of her 
 residence in Scotland. 
 Illness of Having been informed of the king's illness at 
 'Tsev"^* Glasgow, she determined to visit him, and, in Ja- 
 nuary, she went to that city. Her husband com- 
 plained to her of the unkind treatment which he 
 had experienced ; she seemed desirous of remov- 
 ing the uneasiness which reflection upon this ex- 
 cJi; d in his mind ; former animosities appeared to 
 Apparent ^^ buried in oblivion, and they conducted them- 
 
 renewal of ^ ■' ^ 
 
 affection, selves towards each other with that tend rness of 
 attachment which had, at no remote period, been 
 mutually cherished ' . At her request he consent- 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 403, 404. Buchanan, Lib- xviii. p. 350, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 245 
 
 cd to be removed to Edinhuikrh, and, under pre- chap. 
 
 . XXV 
 
 tence o!^ procuring purer air and greater quietness ,. -^ 
 
 than could be enjoyed in the palace, he was lodged '•''^''• 
 
 , , ,• r She brings 
 
 m a solitary house at a small distance from the him to 
 town. Within a fortnight alter his arrival, this He'lVmur- 
 house was blown up with gunpowder, and the bo- ^^''':^- , 
 dy oH the unhappy youih, unscorched, and without 
 any mark of violence, was found in an adjacent 
 field -K 
 
 I'he loudness of the explosion alarmed the in- 
 habitants. The queen who, though it was very 
 early in the morning, had not retired to rest, dis- 
 patched Bothweii to inquire what had happened, 
 but before his arrival, multitudes had assembled. 
 When he perceived that the state of the king's bo- 
 dy excited universal amazement and suspicion, he 
 endeavoured, though without success, to convince 
 the people, that the effect, astonishing as it was, 
 might have been produced by the impulse of the 
 powder f. 
 
 He soon returned to the palace, and reported to Conduct •f 
 the queen the sad intelligence. It might naturally 
 be supposed that she was filled with the most poig- 
 
 Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 200. Mackenzie's life of Mary, in Vol. III. 
 of his Lives, p. 284. Keith, B. ii. ch. x. p. 364. 
 
 * See Buchanan, Knox, Spottiswoode, and Keith, as last quoted. 
 Mel vil's Memoirs, p. 78. Crawford's Memoirs, p 11. MS. Life 
 and Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 6. I have inserted in the Appendix, 
 the MS. account of this melancholy event. 
 
 •f" Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 200. Buchan. Lib. xviii. p. r?52. Knox, 
 £. V. p. 404. MS> Hist of James, p. G. 
 
1567. 
 
 '246 HISTORY OF THE REFOKMATION 
 
 CHAP, nant grief, aggravated by indignation and horror. 
 She displayed, however, little agitation. She imme- 
 diately went to bed, and, it has been said, slept with 
 tranquillity ; a degree of calmness, or rather of to- 
 tal vi^ant of feeling, perfectly irreconcilable with the , 
 supposition that she really felt the affection for the 
 king which, when she attended him at Glasgow, 
 she professed to feel *. 
 
 Such an incident could not fail to agitate and to 
 alarm the public mind, — to excite the most anxious 
 curiosity about all the circumstances connected with 
 it, particularly about the persons by whom an ac- 
 tion so affecting and so atrocioUvS had been perpe- 
 trated. Bothwell instantly circulated the report, 
 that it was the work of Murray and of Morton, 
 thus endeavouring to ruin the reputation of the 
 most populai* man in the kingdom ; a man by 
 whom he himself was held in abhorrence, and who, 
 he knew, would, if not by some means embarrassed 
 or prevented, give the most decided opposition to 
 the schemes which he was eager to carry into exe- 
 cution. There was, however, no tendency in the 
 nation to give credit to the allegation, and Murray 
 may, with the utmost confidence, be acquitted of 
 any share in the crime. The most corrupt do not 
 
 * Buchanan, in his work, entitled Detectio Maria: Reginse Scoto- 
 rum, subjoined to his history : Edition by Ruddiman, p. 6. Spottis- 
 M oode, as last quoted. Mackenzie, a zealous advocate for Mary, 
 agrees with the two writers as to the queen's retiring to her chamber, 
 but he says that she wept bitterly. Although little reliance can be 
 placed upon his authority, this account is certainly more natural and 
 probable. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 247 
 
 commit deeds of shockincr iniquity when there is cHAP. 
 
 • • XXV 
 
 no motive to commit them : a maxim to which Mur- ^^^^ ^.^^ 
 ray must have acted in direct contradiction, if he 1^67. 
 was the murderer of the king. Darnly had long 
 ceased to enjoy the respect of the people j he could 
 not thwart the designs of Murray, while he might 
 have been rendered instrumental in establishing that 
 nobleman's influence, and in thus preventing any 
 new convulsion in the country. His death, there- 
 fore, brought with it no advantage to Murray, 
 while it put it in the power of Mary to connect 
 herself so as to strengthen her authority, and to 
 enable her to restrain or subdue the factions by 
 which she was opposed *. 
 
 The murder had no sooner been published, than it Bothwell 
 
 * . , suspected. 
 
 was generally imputed to Bothwell. His total dis- 
 regard of principle, and his licentious conduct, con- 
 vinced those who knew him, that he was capable 
 of every enormity ; and the events which so rapid- 
 ly succeeded, — his shameful divorce ; his marriage 
 with the queen ; the suspicious steps which were 
 taken to establish his innocence, confirmed the opi- 
 nion of his guilty at first probably suggested by his 
 personal depravity f. 
 
 That Bothwell contrived the murder, and direct- 
 
 * Buchanan, Lib. xviii. p. 352. Spottlswoode, B. iv. p. 200, com- 
 pared with Crawford's Memoirs, p. 11. Keith, B. ii. ch. xi. note to 
 p. 3g5. See also, in proof of Murray's inoocence, Spottiswoode, B. v. 
 p. 226. 
 
 ■{• Knox, B. V. p. 404. Spottiswoode, p. 200. Buchanan, Lib. 
 xviii. p. 351. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 78. Keith, B. ii p. 365. 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATIOK 
 
 CHAP, ed those who committed it, it is almost impossible 
 
 V^^^-^ to disbelieve ; but the queen did not escape sus- 
 
 1567. picion, her enemies insinuating that she had been 
 
 made acquainted with the plot, and had waited with 
 
 the most savage impatience to hear of its having 
 
 been carried into execution *. 
 
 There is something in the imputation so horrible, 
 that, for the honour of human nature, all must wish 
 that it were unfounded. The direct evidence in 
 support of it is necessarily scanty and inconclusive, 
 but it cannot be dissembled that the circumstantial 
 proof excites a degree of suspicion which it is diffi- 
 cult to dismiss froji the mind. It belongs not to 
 this history to enter upon an investigation, in itself 
 so unpleasant, and which has been rendered, in a 
 great measure, unnecessary, by the diligence and 
 ingenuity with which, by writers of very different 
 sentiments with regard to the fact at issue, it has 
 Impru- been prosecuted ; but, whatever opinion mav be 
 
 dence and ' ... ' ^ 
 
 criminality entertained respectmg the mnocence or the guilt of 
 QueeVs Mary as to the death of the king, no apology can 
 subsequent j^gtify her Subsequent conduct. She could not be 
 ignorant that the murder had been the work of 
 Determines Bothwell, and her consent to marry the murderer 
 
 to marry 
 
 Bothwell. evinces a degeneracy of heart which justly forfeit- 
 
 * Buchanan, p. 352. Knox, p. 404, compared with Crawford's 
 Memoirsj p- 1 1, 12, and Keith, p. 365, 8(^6. Mr Chalmers, a warm 
 partizan of Mary, affirms, Caledonia, Vol. II. p. 655, that Damly wm 
 taken off without the queen's knowledge. 
 
IN iJCOTLAND. 249 
 
 ed the esteem, and excited the horror of almost all chap. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 her suljccts *. ^^^^^.^ 
 
 Eve; y method was employed, by the most sin- ^^^''• 
 cere of her friends, which seemed adapted to pre- 
 vent this monstrous union. The report of it had 
 not been long circulated, when Lord Herreis, a 
 nobleman of unshaken loyalty, of the greatest re- 
 spectability and worth, came to Edinburgh ; and, 
 after recalling to the queen's memory the suspicions 
 which were entertained against Bothwell, as the as- 
 sassin of the king, he, upon his knees, implored her 
 to remember her honour and dignity, and the safe- 
 ty of the prince, all of which would be endangered, 
 if she married a man so deservedly loaded with in- 
 famy. This salutary counsel, obviously founded 
 upon the plainest maxims of virtue and sound po- 
 licy, he perceived to be disagreeable, and, appre- 
 hensive of the rage of Boihwell, to whom he had 
 no doubt that his interference would be reported, 
 he lost no time in returning to the country, attended 
 by a guard sufficient to protect him from any attack 
 which, through anger or revenge, might be directed 
 against hinif. 
 
 * Upon this subject the reader may consult Buchanan, Lib. xviil. 
 Knox, B. V. Spottiswoode, B. iv. Bishop Leslie's Defence of Mary- 
 The Writers collected by Jebb. Memoirs of Melvil and Crawford- 
 MS- Hist- of James. Hume. Whitaker. Goodal- Robertson's 
 History of Scotland, with his Dissertation subjoined. Gilbert Stuart's 
 Hist, of Queen Mary. Anderson's Collections. Laing's Disgertation, 
 and the other historians of that period- 
 
 f Melvil's Memoirs, p. 78. Knox, B. v. p. 404. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. Mary's English supporters were equally amazed 
 
 XXV JO 
 
 and disgusted at the prospect of the marriage. One 
 of them wrote upon the subject to Scotland, re- 
 questing that his letter might be shewn to the queen. 
 In this letter, after asserting that Bothwell had mur- 
 dered the kingj and that he was a man disgraced 
 by every vice, the writer affirmed, that she would, 
 by marrying him, lose the favour of God, her own 
 reputation, and the hearts of all England, Ireland, 
 and Scotland. This letter Mary read without mak- 
 ing any observations upon what it contained ; but 
 she afterwards affected to consider it as a device of 
 Sir James Melvil, by whom it had been presented, 
 to ruin Bothwell ; and her conversation produced 
 such an effect upon Lethington, to whom she men- 
 tioned the suspicion, that he earnestly advised Mel- 
 vil, if he put any value upon his life, to leave the 
 court *. 
 
 All these circumstances sufficiently shew, that 
 Mary's resolution not only was fixed, but had been 
 deliberately formed. She had given her affecdons 
 to Bothwell, and, regardless of public opinion, — re- 
 gardless of the infamy resulting from a matrimonial 
 alliance with a man who had previously to procure 
 a divorce from his wife, whom he had lately mar- 
 ried, — a divorce which, in the spiritual court indeed, 
 proceeded upon the convenient plea of consanguini- 
 ty, but, in the temporal, was founded upon the li- 
 
 "■ Melvil, p. 79. 
 
,1N SCOTtAND. 251 
 
 ccndousness and depravity of his conduct, — regard- chap. 
 less of the happiness of her kingdom, she had early v,^^ 
 decided upon the fatal step which she was so soon i '07. 
 to take *. 
 
 If this was the case, the excuses which have been 
 urged in extenuation of her folly or her criminality 
 have no force. In whatever manner the represen- 
 tation in favour of the marriage with Bothwell, 
 which many of the nobility subscribed, was obtain- 
 ed, it should have been treated by her with the 
 contempt and disdain which, in every elevated and 
 well constituted mind, it would most justly have 
 excited f. 
 
 The pretended violence offered to her person, by 
 seizing her at Almond-bridge, with a party of arm- 
 ed men, vvould have been ineffectual, had she reso- 
 lutely opposed it, or should have determined her to 
 punish, not to espouse the subject who had dared 
 to offer to his sovereign so scandalous an outrage. 
 There can, however, be little doubt, that the scheme 
 had been concerted between Bothwell and herself. 
 This was affirmed by some of those who assisted in 
 carrying it into execution, and the declarations which 
 she almost immediately after made, that she was not 
 detained contrary to her inclinations, render it al- 
 most impossible to hesitate with respect to her in- 
 
 * Spottisvvoode, B. ii. p. 20;:. 
 
 f Knox, B. V. p. 405. Buchanan, Lib. xviii. p. 355. Camden's 
 Annals, p. 115. Melvll's Memoirs, p. 80. Crawford's Memoirs 
 p. 15, 16. Keith, p. S80, 381, has inserted, from the Cotton Libra- 
 ry, the deed signed by the nobles. It may be also seen in Vol. U- ©f 
 Crawford's Collection. 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^y' tendons *. Had she felt no predilection for Both- 
 ^■s>0''\y^»^ well, or had he of himself committed an atrocity so 
 inconsistent with his duty that it is difficult to con- 
 ceive that it would, even to him, have suggested it- 
 self, the feelings of a woman, and of a queen, would 
 have led her to regard him with detestation, — to 
 inflict on him the signal punishment which he so 
 justly merited. 
 A|u-U 9th. The Earl of Murray, firmly persuaded of her de- 
 termination, and convinced that the marriage would 
 give rise to numberless calamities, solicited permis- 
 sion to leave the kingdom, and took up his resi- 
 dence in France f. His opinion coincided with 
 that of the great part of the people. Notwithstand. 
 ing all the apologies which could be devised, they 
 considered the match as accepiable to the queen, 
 and they looked forv/ard to it with the strongest 
 emotions of sorrow and indignation. 
 Universal Every attempt of Mary to reconcile her subjects 
 
 horror and . . . , . 
 
 indigna- to the mamage, and to regain their esteem, com- 
 
 *'°"" pletely failed. Although, in a parliament which 
 
 April 14th. was held a few days after the acquittal of Bothwell, 
 
 she consented to an act for settling the new reli- 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 80. He expressly says, that Captain Black- 
 ater, who had taken him, assured him that it was with the queen's 
 own consent that the attack upon her was made. Spottiswoode, p, 
 302. Keith, B. ii. xi. 
 
 -f- Keith, p. S24. MS. Hist, of James, p. 7, 8, Melvil's Me- 
 moirs, p. 80. Knox and Spottiswoode have written as if Murray did 
 not go to France till after the marriage with Bothwell ; but this is ob- 
 viously a mistake. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 255 
 
 gion, — an act nearly similar to that which passed in chap^ 
 the memorable parliament held in the subsequent ^^^ ^^ 
 December, — their murmurings daily increased, and i-5fi7. 
 they expressed their dissatisfaction in a manner 
 which could not fail to shew her what was the real 
 state of their sentiments *. 
 
 While she remained at Dunbar, the suit of di- 
 vorce between Bothweil and his wife was prosecut- 
 ed with the utmost dispatch ; and when the mar- 
 riage was declared void, the queen came to rhe cas- 
 tle of Edinburgh. She there signed an order for 
 the publication of the banns between her and that 
 profligate nobleman, and the order was carried to 
 Craig, one of the ministers of Edinburgh. He re- Banns pub- 
 ferred it to the session in which he presided ; and it 
 was resolved, that intimation of the sovereign's in- 
 tention should be publickly made upon the three 
 next days of preaching. Craig felt the utmost ab- 
 horrence of a marriage which he conceived, and 
 justly conceived, to be as contrary to the law of God 
 as it was to sound policy. He agreed, however, to 
 obey the injunction of publishing the banns, reserv- 
 ing to himself liberty to express what he thought. Intrepidity- 
 He accordingly declared, in the presence of his con- one of tl'e 
 gregation, that he held the marriage of the queen Snbujh' 
 
 * Keith, B. ii. ch. xi. p. 379. Spottiswooce, p. 202, erroneously 
 states, that nothing could be obtained from this parliament favourable 
 to the protestant religion. See Murray's Collec. of Acts of Par. p. 
 191, and some singular, though, in my estimation, erroneous opinions, 
 respecting this act, In Caledonia, Vol. II. p. C5G, C57. 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, and Both well to be unlawful ; that he was ready to 
 XXV . . . 
 
 ,^^^^^^ state his reasons to the parties, if they would con- 
 
 ^•'567. sent to listen to them^ and that if this was declined, 
 he w^ould either give over intimating the banns, or 
 he would point out the ground upon which he con- 
 demned them. 
 
 Being that afternoon summoned to the council, 
 Bothwell commanded him to shew why he was a- 
 verse to the match. Unawed by the presence and 
 the power of this dissolute favourite, he without 
 hesitation answered, that the last General Assem- 
 bly had prohibited the marriage of persons divorced 
 for adultery ; that he considered the divorce which 
 had been procured as collusive ; and he concluded 
 by laying to his charge the violence done to the 
 queen, reminding him of the suspicions with regard 
 to the king's murder, which the projected marriage 
 would confirm. For these reasons, he most serious- 
 ly admonished him to relinquish all thoughts of this 
 connexion, if he wished to avoid the wrath of Al- 
 mighty God. Craig also requested the lords who 
 were present, to advertise the queen of the infamy 
 and dishonour which would result from the mar- 
 riage, and to use the most effectual means to dis* 
 suade her from it. 
 
 On the Sunday following, he repeated in church 
 what he had said to the council, and after mention- 
 ing his conviction that no regard would be paid to 
 his representations, he added, that, for himself, he 
 had alreadv liberated his conscience, but he would 
 
1567, 
 
 IN SCOTLAND. Z^-^ 
 
 yet again take heaven and earth to witness that he ^l^' 
 abhorred and detested that marriage as scandalous 
 and hateful in the sight of the world ; but seeing 
 the great ones, as he perceived, did approve it, either 
 by their flattery or their silence, he would beseech 
 the faithful to pray fervently unto God, that he 
 might be pleased to turn that which they intended 
 against law, reason, and good conscience, to the 
 comfort and benefit of the church and the realm*. 
 The conduct of Craig was certainly marked by 
 an intrepidity which, divSplayed as it was, in the cause 
 of virtue, is entitled to the highest reverence. He 
 would have been deficient in his duty as the teacher 
 of a pure religion, had he tamely announced what 
 was so flagrant a violation of morality ; and the 
 firmness with which he admonished Bothwell, that 
 disregard which he shewed to his own safety, at a 
 time when the great men of the kingdom who en- 
 tertained the same sentiments had meanly subscrib- 
 ed an address to the queen, in favour of the mar- 
 riage, exhibits him in the most favourable light as 
 the strenuous advocate for the best interests of his 
 country, — as eager to secure that public happiness, 
 that private correctness of manners, which it was 
 apparent would be endangered or destroyed if the 
 
 * Spottlswoode, B. Iv. p. 203. Anderson's Collections, Vol. II. 
 Bulk of the Univcrsall Kirk. It appears from this last work, that to 
 an assembly which met at Edinburgh, in December of this year, 
 Craig gave an explanation and defence of his conduct with respect to 
 the proclamation. As it is a verj' curious paper, I have inserted it in 
 the Appendix. See Bulk of Unlversall Kirk, p. 85 — 87. 
 
^56 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, most sacred moral obligations were, without reprc- 
 v,„^^^^-^ hension, to be openly set at defiance *. 
 1567. 3m; alihough Bothwell was highly exasperated 
 at Graig," it was found prudent not to proceed to 
 extreme measures against him. It was known that 
 he had delivered the almost unanimous opinion of 
 the nation, and that any severity of punishment 
 might have kindled resentment from which the most 
 alarming tumults would probably have arisen. 
 May 12th. The banns having been published, the unfortu» 
 nate queen omitting nothing to complete her degra- 
 dation, came forward to evince publickly her concur- 
 rence in this connexion. In the presence of the 
 Court of Session, she solemnly intimated that she 
 forgave Bothwell and his accomplices for imprison- 
 ing her, that she was now at perfect liberty, that 
 she recollected with gratitude the meritorious ser- 
 vices of that nobleman, and that she intended to ex- 
 press her high sense of them by advancing him to 
 greater honours f. 
 
 She lost no time in fulfilling the purpose which 
 she announced. She created Bothwell Duke of 
 Orkney and Zetland, and in a few days after, she 
 was, agreeably to the manner of the reformed church, 
 
 * Keith, in speaking of this manly and noble opposition, says, in a 
 note to p. 384 of his History, " an account of this whole demur may 
 be found," &c. language which nothing but the strong ecclesiastical 
 prejudices of that laborious writer could have led him to employ, 
 
 f Crawford's Collection of Papers relating to Scotland, Vol. I. p. 
 
 40. Keith, p. 485. MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 10. 
 
 u 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 25? 
 
 married to him in the pahicc of Holyroodhouse, by CHAP, 
 the bishop of Orkney * . i^^^.^O 
 
 Thus terminated the respectability of the Scot-_, ^^^"• 
 
 * -' 1 he mar- 
 
 ish queen. The worthlessness of Bothwell would riage takes 
 alone have prejudiced mankind against the union; May 1 5th. 
 but when all the circumstances connected with it Reflections 
 are taken into view, it is impossible not to condemn 
 Mary, as having sacrificed all regard not only to 
 morality, but even to that appearance of decency 
 which the most './ortiiiess are often anxious to pre- 
 serve. Under her previous misfortunes she had 
 commanded the pity and the respect of those who 
 were not influenced by religious prejudices or by 
 political faction ; however much her errors were to 
 be lamented, there were extenuations, the force of 
 which the m.ost zealous of her opponents occasion- 
 ally felt ; but from the moment that she gave her 
 hand to Bothwell, she forfeited the regard of her 
 friends, and produced impressions so unfavourable, 
 that her subjects looked upon her rather as a mon- 
 ster than as a woman. 
 
 * Sir James MelvU's Memoirs, p. 80. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 
 19. MS. Hist, cf James, p. 10. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 203. Bu- 
 chanan, Lib. xviii. p. 357. Keith, p. 380. Collection of writers 
 respecting Marj', by Jebb. Holinshed, Vol. 11. p. 230, has mention- 
 ed by mistake, that the bishop of Orkney alone resisted the marriage. 
 Camden's Annals, p. 117. Knox, p. 406. Buchanan, with his u- 
 sual energy, reprobates the conduct of the bishop ; and Knox, after 
 some remarks about the episcopal order, which offended Keith, justly 
 says, " Here mark the difference between this worthy minister Maister 
 Craig, and this base bishop." 
 
 V©L, III. R 
 
J5ti7. 
 
 SJ58 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. If all feeling, if all recollection of past incidents 
 was not by the impetuosity of passion excluded 
 from her mind, she must, even at the instant of her 
 marriage, have suffered the most bitter anguish. 
 The venerable ambassador from France, the friend 
 of her uncles, the representative of that court, in 
 which, in happier days, she had been regarded with 
 universal admiration, refused to countenance it by 
 his presence ; and after it took place, no acclamations 
 were heard, no joy was testified, but every method 
 was employed to convey to her just ideas of the de- 
 testation which her conduct had so widely excit- 
 ed*. 
 
 The delusion which had perverted her under- 
 standing and stimulated her passions was soon dissi- 
 pated. Bothwell ceased to assume the appearance 
 of a pliant and obsequious courtier. The depra- 
 vity of his character could not be concealed : when 
 he had gained his object, far from endeavouring by 
 kind attention to alleviate the distress of the queen, 
 he aggravated it by usage the most barbarous and 
 detestable f. She was continually in tears, and she 
 experienced what should be impressed upon her sex 
 of every rank, — that happiness in domestic life can- 
 not reasonably be expected, except their choice fall 
 
 * Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 330. Spottiswoode, p. 203. 
 Buchanan, p. 357. Keith, p. 386. MS. Hist, of James, p. lo. 
 Upon the night of the marriage, there was written on the gate of the 
 palace this line from Ovid, " Mense malus Majo nubere vulgus ait," 
 
 f Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 82. 
 il 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 2^9 
 
 upon men who have not surrendered themselves to cHAP. 
 that licentiousness which not only debases the mind, v^p^,^ 
 but eradicates or corrupts the best feelings of the 1557; 
 heart. 
 
^60 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-SIXTH. 
 
 Dissatisfaction of the nobility. ...Queen endeavours to coun- 
 teract it. ...The discontented Lords form a bond of as- 
 sociation....Critical situation in which they were placed 
 ....Injudicious conduct of Mary. ...She delivers herself 
 into the hands of the Lords.... Iiulignity with which she 
 zms treated... .They resolve to confine her in the Castle 
 of Lochleven....Remarks....She is confined ....Examina- 
 tion of the conduct of the Lords... .They send a deputa- 
 tion to some of the Nobility at Hamilton. ...Unite zcith 
 the General Assembly.... V^iolent conduct of the Earl of 
 Glencairn....Retniss7iess in the attempts to seize Both- 
 well.... Hisfate. 
 
 1 HE nobility were roused to resistance by the ex- 
 altation of a man whom they believed to be the mur- 
 derer of the king. They justly dreaded, that under 
 Dissatisfac- his government, no act would be considered as too 
 
 tion of the ^ . . i. i • • • i • 
 
 nobility, flagitious, that his private antipathies would now be 
 avenged, and that innumerable calamities awaited 
 the country. In the firmness of the queen they 
 could place no reliance. She had shewn that she 
 could be induced to approve what was most deser- 
 ving of condemnation, and they accordingly thought 
 it necessary to take decisive steps for vindicating 
 their own privileges, or for preserving their secu- 
 rity. 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXVL 
 
 1567. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 261 
 
 This agitation of the public mind could not fail CHAP, 
 to alarm Mary. She endeavoured to remove or to \^^^,^^ 
 counteract it by publishing a proclamation upon the ^^^^* 
 subject of religion, in which she confirmed her ori- jeavours 
 ginal declaration in favour of the protestant faith, ^.3^^°;^"^^" 
 ascribed to this declaration the peace which the May 23d. 
 kingdom had enjoyed for some time after her arrival, 
 and revoked all the permissions which she had 
 granted to individuals to exercise the rites of the 
 Catholic church". 
 
 Even this, however, was not sufficient to extin- 
 guish the suspicions and the murmurings of her 
 subjects. They watched with the utmost anxiety the 
 measures of the court, and they soon became con- 
 vinced that Bothwell was eager to get the young 
 prince into his possession. He had indeed used no , 
 precaution to conceal his design. He importuned 
 the Earl of Marr, who was the guardian of the child, 
 to deliver him up ; and, in an unguarded moment, 
 he had not hesitated to insinuate amongst his friends, 
 that he would effectually prevent him from reveng- 
 ing the death of his father f. 
 
 The apprehension that some attempt would be 
 made upon the life of James, probably began to be en- 
 tertained immediately after the advancement of Both- 
 well, and very powerfully contributed to form that 
 determined spirit of opposition to the queen, which 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 407. Buclian. Lib. xviii. p. 357. Spottiswood*, 
 B. iv. p. 203. Keith, B. iii. ch. vi. p. 571, 572. 
 t Mdvil's Memoirs, p. 80, 81. 
 
262 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, she in vain endeavoured to eradicate. To conciliate 
 
 XXVI 
 
 ^^^g^..^^ the most powerful of the nobility, or to prevent 
 1567. them from making any attempts against government, 
 she included amongst the number of her privy-coun- 
 sellors the most eminent of the faction whose ma- 
 chinations she dreaded ; but this honour did not 
 produce upon their minds the intended effect. Most 
 of them studiously pursued the line of conduct which 
 they had previously determined to follow, and which 
 alone, they were persuaded, could ensure the protec- 
 tion of the prince, and preserve the country *. 
 
 May. To remove the unfavourable impressions which 
 
 the queen's marriage with Bothwell could not fail 
 to make upon foreign princes, the bishop of Dun- 
 blane was dispatched to the court of France, with 
 injunctions to state the reasons which had determin- 
 ed her to take this step, and soon after an ambas- 
 sador was for the same purpose sent to Elizabeth f. 
 The opposition of Mary s subjects soon assumed 
 a form which was contemplated by her and Both- 
 well with the strongest apprehension. The Earl of 
 Atholl, who, after the murder of the king, had in 
 discontent and indignation retired to his own estate, 
 thought that a favourable opportunity was now pre- 
 sented for avenging the death of Darnly. He ac- 
 cordingly went to Stirling, where, in conjunction 
 
 * Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, p. 
 28. 
 
 f Buchanan, Lib. xviii. p, 357. Knox, B. v. p. 406. Holinshed's 
 Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 330. Keith, B. ii. ch. xii. p. 387. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 263 
 
 with the Earls of Argyll, Morton, Marr, Glen- CHAR 
 
 . XXVI. 
 
 cairn, the Lords Lindsay and Boyd, he subscribed \,^s^,-0 
 a bond, in which they who framed it bound them- .'•''^''• 
 
 Difcon- 
 
 selves to protect the young pnnce, and to prevent tcmed no- 
 him from falling into the hands of Bothwell *. imnd of^as- 
 
 This nobleman, sensible that he was regarded with ^Q'^'^tio"- 
 detestation, and dreading that violent measures a- 
 gainst him might be adopted, advised the queen to 
 assemble a considerable force, under pretence of re- 
 ducing to order the inhabitants of the bordering 
 counties. She accordingly issued a proclamation 
 charging her faithful people to attend her. The 
 opposite faction immediately circulated their suspi- 
 cions that this army was intended to seize the prince, 
 and Mary found it necessary to refute, in a mani- 
 festo, insinuations or assertions so well adapted to a- June isf.' 
 larm the fears, and to agitate the passions of the 
 people f. Her professions, however, were now little 
 credited, and the associated lords collected all the 
 forces which they could assemble, that they might 
 be prepared for every emergency. Having failed 
 in a daring attempt to get into their power the 
 queen and her husband, whom they believed to be at 
 the castle of Borthwick, and who had, in consequence 
 of secret information, escaped only a short time be- 
 fore the attempt was made, the lords went to Edin- 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 406. Spottlswoode, p. 204. IleyHii's Hist, of 
 the Presbyterians, B. v. p. 196. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 20. 
 
 t Knox, B. V. p. 407. Spottiswoode, B« iv. p. 204, 205. Keithy 
 B. ii. ch. ch. xii, p. 396, 3<)7< 
 
264- HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP burgh, knowing that they would be supported by the 
 v^p^^ populace, and that they would be strengthened by 
 1567. the influence of the preachers, while they had no- 
 thing to fear from the governor of the castle, who 
 had been induced to forsake the cause of Bothwell, 
 his former patron *. 
 June 12th. In that city they issued a proclamation, in which 
 . they declared, " That the Earl of Bothweil, having 
 put violent hands on the queen's person, confined 
 her in the castle of Dunbar, and retained her in his 
 power, had seduced her, being destitute of all coun- 
 sel, to an unlawful marriage with himself, who was 
 known to be the principal author, adviser and actor 
 in the cruel murder committed upon the late Idng's 
 person ; and that he was daily gathering forces, and 
 strengthening himself by all means, on purpose, as 
 it appeared, that he might get into his hands the 
 young prince, that he might murder him as he had 
 done his father, which the nobility of the realm had 
 resolved to withstand, and to deliver the queen out 
 of his bondage : Therfore they charged all and 
 sundry the lieges within the kingdom, to be in 
 readiness upon three hours warning, to assist the 
 said noblemen in delivering the queen from capti- 
 vity, and bringing the said earl and accomplices to 
 trial and punishment f." 
 
 * Knox, p. 407. Spottiswoode, p. 205. MS. History and Life of 
 James the Sixth, p. 10, 11. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 24, 25. Keltli, 
 B. ii. ch. xii. p. 398. Buchanan, Lib. dec. oct. p. 361. 
 
 f Spottiswoode, B. iv, p. 205. Knox, B. v. p. 407. Keith, B. ii. 
 ch. xii. p. 399. Crawford, in his Memoirs, p. 26, has inserted in the 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 20.1 
 
 Notwithstanding this proclamation, containing so chap. 
 strong an appeal to the people, the associated lords v,^^-^ 
 were involved in the utmost perplexity. They had *^^^- 
 been forsaken by Argyll and Boyd ; several of the nation in' 
 nobility disapproved of proceeding to such extre- '^j^^'^^ ^^^Y 
 mities as had been proposed j many of them stood ced. 
 neutral ; the great body of the community gradual- 
 ly cooled in their resentment at the marriage ; and 
 there was a scarcity of ammunition, and of the other 
 essential requisites for carrying on a campaign. 
 Overcome by these obstacles, the faction hostile to 
 the court had resolved to disband their forces, and to 
 relinquish, at least for some time, the scheme which 
 they had formed*. 
 
 Had the queen remained in Dunbar only a few injudicious 
 days longer, she would have seen all the opposition Mary, 
 which she dreaded suspended or annihilated, and she 
 would hare enjoyed many advantages for prevent- 
 ing the disaffected from again uniting f. The reins 
 of government would have been committed to Both- 
 
 prodamatloiij " for these ends, and to procure to themselves and to 
 their posterity, such laws and conditions as should appear indispensably 
 necessary for the safety of the subject, and the establishment and secu- 
 rity of the protestant religion, they charged," &c. This addition Is 
 In perfect harmony with the principles of those to whom It Is ascrib- 
 ed, but Crawford does not mention upon what authority it rests, and 
 I have not discovered from what quarter he derived his information. 
 
 * Buch. Lib. dec. oct. p. 362. Knox, B. v. p. 407, 408. Spot- 
 tiswoode, B. Iv. p. 205. 
 
 f Buchanan, as last quoted. Knox, p. 4^8 . Keith, p. 400. In 
 the MS. Hist, of Jame?, it is said that she desperately left Dunbar, 
 p. 12. 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, well, who, possessed as he certainly long was, of 
 y,,,^.^^^^ much influence, and of great power of insinuation, 
 1567. would probably soon have succeeded in strengthen- 
 ing his party, so as to be able gradually to under- 
 mine the liberty and the religion of his country. 
 But his impetuosity cast away an opportunity which 
 could never be recalled. Accompanied by the 
 June 14th. queen, he marched from Dunbar at the head of 
 troops considerable in number, but far from being 
 zealous in the cause in which they were engaged ; 
 and having passed a night at Seaton, he encamped 
 June 15th. next day upon Carbery Hill*. 
 
 At Gladsmuir a proclamation had been read to the 
 royal army, stating the grounds upon which the 
 queen had assembled them, accusing the opposite 
 faction of rebellion, asserting the innocence of Both- 
 well, denying that she had been constrained to mar- 
 ry him, and animating her adherents to defend her 
 cause, by promising to share amongst them, accord- 
 ing to their deserts, the property of the rebels-}'. 
 
 The associated lords having received notice of the 
 march of the queen and her army, left Edinburgh 
 v/ith a formidable force, and having reached the 
 
 * Buchan. Lib. xviii. p. 3G2. Knox, B. v. p. 408. Spottlswoode, 
 B. iv. p. 206. Melvii's Memoirs, p. 82. MS. Hist, of Jamesi the 
 Sixth, p. 12. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 27. Hohnshed's Chronicle, 
 Vol. II. p. 336. 
 
 f Knox and Spottiswoode, as last quoted. Keith, B. il. ch. xii. p. 
 400. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 27, 28. This writer says, in opposi- 
 tion to other historians, J:hat the proclamation \vas read to the queen'*; 
 army at Carbery. 
 
IN SCOTLAND* 267 
 
 neighbourhood of Carbcry, prepared for battle. ciiAP. 
 Finding it difficult to attack in front ihestrong position \^_^^ ^^ 
 of the royal camp, they made a circuit round the hill, 1 567. 
 
 . , , , , June 15th. 
 
 which inspired Mary with the momentary hope that 
 they had been struck with a panic *. She soon, how- 
 ever, perceived her mistake, and it being now evi- 
 dent that they had determined to have recourse to 
 the sword, Le Croc, the French ambassador, wisely 
 and humanely interposed his mediation. He ear- 
 nestly laboured to prevent bloodshed, assuring the 
 lords that the queen was disposed for peace, and 
 would, upon their submission, pardon their insur- 
 rection. This, however, was not the wish of the 
 confederates. They dreaded, that so long as she 
 remained under the influence of Bothwell, it was 
 vain to hope for permanent tranquillity ; and the 
 Earl of Morton, who had been himself accessory to 
 the death of Darnly, or had listened without m.oral 
 disapprobation to the proposal, and who might 
 surely have felt some remorse while he used tha 
 high language which he employed, declared to Le 
 Croc^ in name of the nobles, " that they had taken 
 arms not against the queen, but against the mur- 
 derer of the king ; that if she would deliver him to 
 justice, or banish him from her presence, she v.'ould 
 find that they had no other wish than to continue 
 in their dutiful obedience to her ; that except upon 
 these conditions peace could not be made ; and that 
 they did not solicit pardon for any offence which 
 
 * Bucb. p. 362, SG3. 
 
^68 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, they had committed, but rather were ready to give 
 v^-v--^ pardon to those who had offended." The ambassa- 
 1567. jJqj. ^j. Qj^^g perceived, that in the temper which this 
 declaration indicated, there could be no accommo- 
 dation ; he probably reported the speech to the 
 queen, and immediately departed for Edinburgh*. 
 
 Mary soon discerned how little reliance she could 
 place upon the fidelity or the courage of her fol- 
 lowers. Bothwell and his immediate adherents 
 were eager for engaging, but the great part of the 
 army shewed the utmost reluctance, and many of 
 them even left the field f . 
 She deli- In this distressing situation, the queen resolved 
 sei?toThe ^^ deliver herself to the lords; and Bothwell hav- 
 Lords. jjjg fled to Dunbar, either at her solicitation, or in 
 consequence of the command of Kirkaldy,the laird of 
 Grange, she gave her hand to this gentleman, de- 
 claring, that upon the conditions which he had 
 been instructed by his party to propose to her, the 
 same which had been stated to Le Croc by the 
 Earl of Morton, she would refrain from shedding 
 the blood of her subjects, would yield herself unto 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 409. Buchanan, Lib. xviii. p. 363. Spottls- 
 woode, B. iv. p. 206, 207. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 29. Holin- 
 shed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. 337. This writer mentions that Glen- 
 cairn added the last words of the answer to Le Croc. That it did not 
 become Morton to affect such zeal to punish the murderer of the king, 
 is evident from his confession, published by Crawford, at the end o£ 
 his Memoirs, and also printed with Richard Bannatyne's Jor.riial, at 
 Edinburgh, 1806. 
 
 f Mclvil's Memoirsj p. 82. Spottiswoode, p. 207. Crawford's 
 Memoirs, p. 2P, 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 2G9 
 
 unto the nobles, and be ruled hereafter by theu* CHAP. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 counsel. She concluding by saying, that she trusted v^.^,^-^ 
 that they \\ould respect her as their queen *, >5«"' 
 
 This step was the worst which the unhappy prin- 
 cess could have taken. She might probably have 
 made her escape with the same facility as Bothwell, 
 and had she reached in safety the castle of Dunbar, 
 she might have patiently waited in expectation of 
 those dissensions which would soon have enfeebled 
 the efforts directed against her. At this very mo- 
 ment there was a large and a powerful part of the 
 nobility who disapproved the violence of the asso- 
 ciators, who would have beheld with regret their 
 acquisiilon of power, and who would have readily, 
 as they afterwards did, have declared themselves 
 the supporters of their sovereign. But she was 
 left destitute of every friend who could with pru- 
 dence direct her conduct ; her spirit was over- 
 whelmed ; and she perhaps trusted in those general 
 insincere professions of loyalty to which she had 
 credulously listened j'. 
 
 Her dreadful sufferings now commenced. She imllgnity 
 was conducted to Edinburgh, surrounded by a she was 
 multitude, who loaded her w ith the vilest abuse ; ^'■^^^^^• 
 she heard innumerable prayers that punishment 
 might be inflicted on her ; and the agonizing feel- 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 83. Knox, p. 409. Buchanan, p. 363. 
 Anderson's Collections, Vol. IV. p. 83. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 30. 
 
 t MS. Hist, of James, p. 13. Crawford's Memoirs, p. 32. Mel- 
 vil's Memoirs, p. 83. Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. II. p. S*;?. Bu- 
 chanan, p. 363. 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, ings which thus were excited, were not soothed bv 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 K.^.^.y^ the cold and stately respect of those lords by whom 
 1567. she was attended. In the bitterness of sorrow, with 
 anguish impressed on her fascinating countenance, 
 in a dress little suited to the dignity and magnifi- 
 cence of a sovereign, she entered the capital of her 
 kingdom *. She was confined for the night in the 
 house of the chief magistrate, and she awoke in the 
 
 June 16th. moming to new mortifications. Upon opening her 
 window, she saw a banner, upon which her late 
 husband was painted lying dead, under a tree, and 
 the young prince was delineated as kneeling by the 
 body, while he uttered this prayer, " Judge and re- 
 venge my cause, O Lord f.** 
 
 The lords were now placed in a most delicate 
 and trying situation. They had solemnly promis- 
 ed to the queen, that if she renounced Bothwell, 
 they would act towards her as loyal and obedient 
 subjects. This she had done, but they were de- 
 termined not to fulfil their promise. They dread- 
 ed that, if she regained her power, she might ulti- 
 mately direct it with success against themselves, 
 and that they might thus expiate with their estates 
 or their lives, the daring outrage of which they had 
 been guilty J. They therefore adopted the resolu- 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 83, 84. Buchanan, Lib. xviii. p. 364. 
 Crawford's Memoirs, p. 32, 33. Keith, p. 402. 
 
 f Melvil. Crawford. Keith, as last quoted. MS. Hist, of James 
 the Sixth, p. 13. Buchanan, p, 364. Martyr, de Marie Stuart, apui 
 Jebb, Vol. II.p. 219. ♦ 
 
 % Melvil's Memoirs, p. «4. 
 
Iir SCOTLAND. 271 
 
 tion of confining her in a solitary castle, situated chap. 
 upon a small island in Lochleven ; and, as an osten- \^^^^^!^ 
 sible reason for violating the pledge which they 15G7. 
 had given to her, they asserted, that on the night solve t^" 
 of her coming to Edinburgh, she had written to J°"J^^^ ^^'^ 
 Bothwell, assuring him that she would never aban- <^^stie of 
 don him, thus breaking the condition upon which 
 alone she was to be recognized as their sovereign*. 
 
 It is of little importance whether such a letter Remarks, 
 was really written. If Mary was attached to Both- 
 well, as, notwithstanding his harsh and ungenerous 
 treatment, she undoubtedly was, nothing could be 
 more natural than to condole with him upon the 
 calamitous situation to which they had been redu- 
 cd. Her declaration, that she would not forsake 
 him, need not have inspired the slightest apprehen- 
 sion, because she was in the custody of the associat- 
 ed nobles, and it depended upon themselves whe- 
 ther her unworthy husband could again be admit- 
 ted into her presence. Granting, then, the authen- 
 ticity of the letter, which has been, not without 
 reason, doubted, it must be allowed, that the reso- 
 ludon to imprison the queen rested upon quite a 
 different ground. If this/esolution was unwarrant- 
 able upon the supposition of there being no letter, 
 it does not receive, from the existence of the letter, 
 any justification. 
 
 The unfortunate Mary was conducted, on the 
 
 * Melvil, p. 84. Keith, B. ii. ch. xii. p. 403. L'Inuocence de h 
 Rejue d'Escosse, apud Jebb, Vol. I. p. 439. 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, second night after her surrender, to the palace of 
 y^^^..^^^ Holyroodhouse. The people, with the levity so 
 1567. natural to them, had changed their sentiments, and 
 had begun to express much commiseration for the 
 sufferings of their sovereign. This alarmed the 
 lords, who, dreading that some attempt might be 
 made to rescue her, removed her to the palace un- 
 der the hypocritical pretence of shewing her the 
 honour which was due to her exalted rank, but in 
 fact that they might effectually guard her j and ac- 
 cordingly, early in the morning, she was sent to 
 June iTth. Lochleven castle, attended by the Lords Ruthven 
 
 She IS con- , , 
 
 fined. and Lindsay *. She experienced there the utmost 
 severity of confinement ; was divestgd of the splen- 
 dour of a queen, and denied those delicate atten- 
 tions which, under her present melancholy circum- 
 stances, she so much required f. 
 
 Before tracing the events which succeeded this 
 
 traitorous conduct to the sovereign, and the effects 
 
 Examlna- which Were produced by it upon the state of reli- 
 
 tion of the gion, it is proper to examine how far the lords were 
 
 conduct of ^ ' ^ ^ 
 
 the lords, justified in having recourse to it. 
 
 * MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, p. IS, 14. Crawford's Memoirs, 
 p. 33, 34. Mackenzie's Life of Mary, in Vol. III. of his Lives, p. 
 294. Martyr, de Marie Stuart, by Blackwood, apud Jebb, Vol. II. 
 p. 219, 220. Spottiswoode and Knox erroneously mention, that she 
 was sent to the castle the day after her arrival in Edinburgh. Buch. 
 p. 364. 
 
 -j- Blackwood and Mackenzie, as last quoted. MS. Hist, of James, 
 p. 15. Camden's Annals, p. 117. Leslie's Defence of Mary, quot- 
 ed by Keith, in a note to p. 404 of his History. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 273 
 
 That the good of the people is the great end of CHAP, 
 government, is incontrovertible ; and it is no less s^/^^^ 
 certainly true, that if this end be permanently de- ^^^''' 
 feated by the executive power, that power may be 
 suspended or destroyed. Upon neither of these 
 principles, however, is it possible to justify the 
 manner in which the queen of Scotland was de- 
 prived of her liberty, and eventually of her crown. 
 Whatever might have been her secret intentions 
 with regard to the political and religious freedom 
 of her subjects, she had made upon it, at this time, 
 no direct attack ; she had even confirmed her for- 
 mer declarations in favour of the new establish- 
 ment, and no individual had cause to complain 
 that his property was invaded, or the security of 
 his person endangered. She had indeed chosen, 
 as her husband, a man blackened by infamy, and 
 loaded with the suspicion of having murdered the 
 king ; she had been guilty of much imprudence, 
 and perhaps was not free from crime ; but, how- 
 ever important the personal virtue of a sovereign 
 must at all times be to the morals of his kingdom, 
 it does not seem obvious, that, for deficiency in this 
 respect, he is amenable at the tribunal of his sub- 
 jects, or that they have any right, upon such a 
 ground, to drive him from his throne. If Both- 
 well was the murderer of Darnly, he had neverthe- 
 less been acquitted by a jury, composed of the very 
 men who were now calling loudly for justice — had 
 been even warmly recommended to Mary as wor- 
 
 VOL. IIR s 
 
2Y4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, thy of receiving the honour of her hand : if the 
 
 XXVI . . 
 
 ,^^,^^ trial had been unfair, and the recommendation, 
 1567. through terror, extorted — if it was deemed essen- 
 tial for the preservation or the energy of criminal 
 law, that the accusation should be renewed, and 
 the real sentiments of the nobility expressed, all 
 this might have been done in parliament j but none 
 of these circumstances authorized any combination 
 against the queen *. 
 
 As there was thus no sufficient constitutional 
 ground for considering the virtual compact between 
 the sovereign and the people as broken, so the 
 people did not complain of injury. They follow- 
 ed, it is true, the sentiments of popular leaders, but 
 they stared no grievances which the government, 
 as it was then constituted, could not have redres- 
 sed ; and they soon viewed, with the deepest emo- 
 tions of compassion, the sorrows and misfortunes 
 of a princess whom they had so lately beheld with 
 admiration. 
 
 The lords who made her a prisoner had no pub- 
 lic character. They were not employed to speak 
 the sentiments of the community, and had made 
 no legal efforts to rectify the errors of their sove- 
 reign, or to put additional limits to her prerogative, 
 
 * The bond acquitting Bothwell of the murder, and recommend- 
 ing him as the husband of Mary, may be seen in Crawford's Collec- 
 tion of Papers, from the Cotton Library, Vol. I!, p. 47. It was dated 
 i9th April 1567. Murray is by mistake mentioned as having signed 
 Morton, Argyll, and Glencairn, certainly did. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 275 
 
 As individuals, they had assumed the reins of ctiap. 
 power, and, from iheir private conviction of the ,^^^ ^ 
 necessity of the case, had committed to prison, with- i<«7. 
 out a trial — w ithout tven the appearance of a judi- 
 cial proof of criminality, the queen to whom ihey 
 had sworn allegiance. Happy, then, as were the 
 effects of their decisive measures, these measures 
 were, upon all the principles of good government, 
 indefensible. 
 
 Such principles were not, in fact, at that period 
 thoroughly understood. Although the inhabitants 
 of Scotland had, chiefly from the progress of the 
 rtiormation, beta much enlightened with respect 
 to the nature of government, the aristocratical vio- 
 lence of feudal limes still occasionally burst forth. 
 Kad the combination of nobles, by whom Mary 
 had been sent to Lochleyen, taken place before the 
 dissemination of the political tenets comiected with 
 the protestant faith, there can be little doubt ihat 
 no attention would have been shewn to the liberties 
 of the subject. Ihere would have been only the 
 conveyance of power from one prince to anotner, 
 under whom the noblemen, who effectuated the re- 
 volution, would have been promoted or vested with 
 authority. 
 
 From the moment that the lords imprisoned 
 Mary, they must have determined, either by en- 
 treades or by force, to wrest from her the sceptre*. 
 
 * This may be gathered from some expressions of Sir James Mel- 
 vil, in his Memoirs, p. 84, 85 ; and it is positively asserted in the MS 
 Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 4; 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. They could not fail to perceive, that, after the steps 
 v^^s^O which they had taken, she must have at all times 
 1567. regarded them with abhorrence, and that, if she 
 did regain her power, she would, without hesita- 
 tion, sacrifice them to her resentment. Of their 
 real designs, the interesting correspondence of Sir 
 Nicholas Throkmorton, who was soon after this 
 sent by Elizabeth into Scotland, leaves no doubt *. 
 It was not, however, yet time to make an open 
 avowal of their intentions. Accordingly, on the 
 day before they conveyed the queen to Lochleven, 
 Juneieth. they subscribed a bond, in which they declared, 
 " that their great design in taking arms was to 
 avenge the murder of the king ; to dissolve -the 
 marriage with Bothwell, and to secure the person 
 of the prince.'* In the usual strain of hypocrisy 
 which disgraces political manifestoes, they affected 
 to feel the utmost anxiety to deliver Mary from the 
 hands of her husband, although she was at that 
 very moment in their own, and scrupled not to say, 
 that in the fear of God, and in the lawful obedience 
 of their sovereign, they had taken arms to accomplish 
 these important purposes -f. 
 They send They had some reason to apprehend that their 
 tion fo some couduct would uot be approved by several of the 
 of the nobi- most Considerable of the nobility. A number of 
 
 Iity at Ha- •' 
 
 nailton. 
 
 * See a very striking letter of Throkmorton to Elizabeth, dated 
 
 19th July 1567, in Crawford's Collection, Vol. III. p. 37—44. It is 
 also given by Keith. 
 
 f Keith has inserted this bond from the Register of the Privy-Cou«- 
 6tl, in B. ii. ch. xii. of his History, p. 404—406. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 277 
 
 powerful nobles, suspected of being rather disposed CHAP, 
 to e^;pouse the cause of the queen, had assembled s^^^y*^ 
 at Hamilton ; and when xMorton and his adherents 
 sent to solicit their concurrence in what had been 
 done, the messenger was not admitted even to an- 
 nounce his commission . 
 
 This induced the lords cordially to unii:e with Unite with 
 the church, that, through its assistance, they might Assembly, 
 obtain the support of the great body of the people. 
 They found the protestant teachers disposed to 
 coalesce with them. These rigid men had con- 
 templated, with much and just abhorrence, the late 
 conduct of the queen ; they had earnestly de- 
 claimed against the marriage ; and had described, 
 in strong language, the dangers which threatened 
 the kingdom and the new ecclesiastical establish- 
 ment, under the reign of a princess whose faith and 
 conduct they so vehemently condemned!. Their 
 religious and pohdcal principles thus powerfully 
 inclined them to promote the designs of her ene- 
 mies, to seek security for the faith to which they 
 were attached, in her deposition, or even in mea- 
 sures still more severe. It was probably to gratify 
 their zeal, to convince the people that anxiety for 
 the purity o£,.religion, no less than for the deliver* 
 ance of the kingdom from oppression, had produced 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p! 410. Buchan. Lib. xvlli. p. 365. Spottis- 
 TTOode, B. iv. p. 208. Keith, B. ii. ch. xii. p. 407. 
 
 f Throkmorton's letter to Elizabeth, dated 19th July, iti Craw- 
 t«rd, Vol. III. p. 40, and Keith, p. 423. 
 
278 HISTORY OF TfiE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, the opposition which had been made to the queen, 
 K.,^- -^r^ that the Earl of Glencairn, a few days after her im- 
 yjjg^'j^^^pnsonment, committed an outrage admitting of no 
 duct or the justification. Accompanied by his own domestics, 
 
 Earl of , 
 
 Glencairn. he Went to the palace, and having entered her ma- 
 jesty',s chapel, he demolished the altar, tore the pic- 
 tures which embellished it, and defaced the orna- 
 ments with which it had been beaudtied *. This 
 indecent outrage gratified the violent protestants, 
 because it removed what they had uniformly con- 
 templated with abhorrence ; but it was condemned 
 by the prudent or the moderate, and was little cal- 
 culated to promote that union which, in the distract- 
 ed and perilous state of the kingdom, every patriot 
 should have been eagr to secure f. 
 
 In conformity with the tenor of the bond into 
 which they had ent ?red, several persons were ap- 
 prehended by the faction, upon suspicion of having 
 been accessory to the king*s murder, and some of 
 Remissness them were put to death |. It is remarkable, how- 
 temvit ro ever, that notwithstanding the detestation expressed 
 wdl! °^ ' ^^ Bofhwell, and the conviction that he was the 
 principal actor in the crime, there was much re- 
 missne ss in the attempts to secure his person. Far 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 410. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 208. Keith, 
 p. 407. 
 
 ■f Knox. Spottiswoode. Keith, as last quoted. Knox says, it 
 highly offended those who were poplshly affected, plainly meaning 
 moderate protestants. 
 
 % MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 15, 16. Keith, B. ii. ch. xii. 
 p. 407. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 279 
 
 ftom seeking to apprehend him immediately after CHAP, 
 his flight from Carbery, ten days elapsed before .,^^^^ 
 even a proclamation offering a reward for bringing ^^^^\ 
 him to Edinburgh, was issued *. This gives much 
 probability to the suspicion which has been enter- 
 tained, that the lords really wished him to make 
 his escape. He might have disclosed transactions 
 which they did not wish to bring forward to public 
 observation, and which would have placed the Earl 
 of Morton in a situation not to be envit'd •[. Both- 
 well certainly eluded the pursuit of his enemies. 
 He fled to Orkney, but being followed by Kirkaldy 
 of Grange, he left that country and went to Den- 
 mark, where he was cast into prison. He Ian- His fatit 
 guished for ten years amidst much suffering, and 
 under the horrors of mental derangement ; and he 
 at length died in the lowest state of misery J. 
 
 * Crawford's Memoirs, p. 44. Keith, p. 408! 
 
 -|- Keith, as last quoted. Crawford, p. 46. Spottiswoode, p. 222. 
 Camden's Annals, p. 1 1 7. 
 
 J Buchan. Lib. dec. nonus, p, S67. Sir James M el vil's Memoirs, 
 p. 84, 85. Spottiswoode, B. v. p. 213 and 243. MS. Hist, of 
 James the Sixth, p. 19,20. 
 
ISO HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVENTH. 
 
 The General Assembly labours to promote nuion, and ti» 
 secure the Kef ormation... .Elizabeth remonstrates against 
 the imprisonment of Mai y... .French amhassatlors.... 
 Lords at Hamilton refuse to unite with the associated 
 lords.. ...This determines these lords to make every conces- 
 sion to the protestant church.. ..They resolve to deprive 
 ■ Mary of the crown... .She subsciibes a deed of resigna- 
 tion. ...Deliberations of the assembly.... Articles present- 
 ed by it. ...The lords assent to them. ...Resolution to 
 crown the prince. ...Sir J antes Melvil soit to the lords 
 at Hamilton.... Little anxiety felt to obtain their sup- 
 port. ...Their opposition not foimidable.. ..Coronation.... 
 The Earl of Murray solicited to accept the regpicy.,.. 
 His arrival in Scotland. ...Hepreseiitalions to him re- 
 specting the Queen. ...His harshness to her... .He accepts 
 the regency. ...Oath which he took. ...Remarks upon it.... 
 His wise administrntion... .Parliament — 4cts relating 
 to the church....Establishment of the reformation in 
 Scot la7id.... Concluding observations. 
 
 CHAP. I HE associated lords havinpr failed in their attempt 
 
 XXVII. . 
 
 to obtain the sanction of the noblemen at Hamil- 
 
 1567. fQ^^ applied to the General Assembly which had 
 Assembly met at Edinburgh. In the moderator, the cele- 
 promote^" brated Buchanan, who was at that time principal 
 union, and ^f gj- i.eonard's colleoein St Andrews, they had one 
 
 to secure ^ . 
 
 the refor- of their most zealous and able friends. The assem- 
 Junei'sth. bly, professing the utmost anxiety to unite all clas- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 281 
 
 ses of men in the design of improving the circum- ^^Ji 
 stances of the country to the stability and efficacy ^^^^y^^ 
 of the protestant church, agreed to send commis- 
 sioners to Hamilton, and to write letters to those 
 of the nobility who had remained neutral. After 
 appointing Knox, Craig, Douglas, and Rew, as 
 the commissioners, they instructed them to request, 
 that the lords at Hamilton would consent to meet 
 with the associated lords in Edinburgh, for settHng 
 God's true worship in the church ; for strengthen- 
 ing the ecclesiastical policy ; providing for the 
 maintenance of the preachers, and the relief of the 
 poor. Letters were at the same time addressed to 
 the Earls of Argyll, Huntly, Caithness, and several 
 other noblemen, enforcing the representations to 
 be made by the commissioners. The assembly 
 then adjourned for a few weeks, probably to wait 
 the result of their interference *. 
 
 The imprisonment of Mary made a deep impres- July sotli. 
 sion upon neighbouring sovereigns. Elizabeth was remon^^ ' 
 no sooner informed of it, than she dispatched Sir ^^'?'^^^ ^* 
 
 ^ gamst the 
 
 Nicholas Throkmorton to Scotland to condole with imprison- 
 
 1 • 1 1 1 •!• • nient of 
 
 the queen ; to remonstrate with the nobility agamst Maiy. 
 so flagrant a violation of their duty ; to procure 
 her liberation, and to restore harmony between her 
 and her subjects t. 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 410. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 208, 209. Cal- 
 derwood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 42. Bulk of the 
 Universall Kirk, p. 04 — 68. Keith, p. 572. 
 
 •f Two papers of instructions were given to Throkmorton, the one 
 relating to what he was to state to the queen, the other directing hit 
 
$82 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. In the wish to rescue Mary from the confinement 
 
 XXVII 
 
 „^^.y^ to which she had been subjected, Elizabeth was 
 1567. probably sincere. Although she had been much 
 offended by many parts of the queen of Scotland's 
 conduct, and took the opportunity of her ambassa- 
 dor going to wait upon that princess, to reprove 
 her with a severity little calculated to lead to re- 
 formation or repentance ; although she would per* 
 haps have felt httle for Mary herself, yet the pre- 
 cedent was in the highest degree alarming ; andj 
 jealous as she was of the rights of monarchs, she 
 must have dreaded, that if she overlooked or sanc- 
 tioned what the lords had done, it might give rise 
 in all kingdoms to ebullitions of aristocratical or 
 popular zeal, from which she shrunk with horror. 
 
 Upon his arrival, Throkmorton found that the 
 ©bject of his embassy could not be accomplished. 
 The lords had formed their determination, and> 
 notwithstanding the respect which they had uni- 
 formly professed for Elizabeth, they not only gave 
 to her ambassador the most evasive answers to all 
 his proposals, but they positively refused to allow 
 his admission into the royal presence *. 
 
 •onduct as to the nobles. Both were dated 30th June 1567, and are 
 copied from the Cotton Library, Caligula, 1, 1 . by Crawford, Vol. III. 
 ©f his Collections, p. 20—28; Certain terms of accommodation between 
 the queen and her subjects were also given to him. See Crawford. 
 Vol. III. p. 28 — 30, These were dated in July. 
 
 * Answer of the lords to Throkmorton, dated 1 1th of July, and 
 letter of Throkmorton to Elizabeth, dated 19th July, copied by Craw- 
 ftrd from the Cotton Library, Cal. I. 1. into Vol. III. of his Collec- 
 
 n 
 
IN SCOTLAXB. 283 
 
 The ambassador sent by the French court in con- CUAV. 
 sequence of the troubled state of Scotland, to co n- .^^^^' 
 
 fori the quetn, and convey to her the advice of her ' '^''7. 
 
 c . , , . . 1 rrench am* 
 
 int-nds, s^'On saw that it was vain to make any at- bassador, 
 tempt in her favour ; and another, who succeeded 
 him, kcepinjj^ steadily in view the political interest 
 of his own sovereign, even seemed desirous to 
 ingratiate himself with the associated nobles, that 
 the ancient alliance between France and Scotland 
 might, whatever pariy was successful, be renewed, 
 or preserved * . 
 
 The commissioners appointed by the General Lords at 
 Assembly failed in their embassy to the lords at rcS to" 
 Hamilton, and the circular letters which had been ""'^^ "*"'* 
 
 ' ^ the asso- 
 
 addressed to such of the nobility as remained de- elated lords. 
 tached from both parties, were in general equally 
 
 lion, p. 30 — 44, and printed from this Collection by Keith, B. ii. ch. 
 12. Camden's Annals, p. 117, 118, In the MS. Hist, of James 
 the Sixth, p. 1 C, the author mentions, that Throkmorton was sent tu 
 approve the doings of the lords, and Crawford, in his Memoirs, rest- 
 ing probably upon the authoriiy of the MS., enlarges upon this asser- 
 tion, and supports it. Mackenzie and Blackwood agree in this repre- 
 sentation of the design of Elizabeth's interference. Their opinion, 
 however, is not probable, and it is unsupported by evidence. The 
 instructions to Throkmorton are d^^cisively against it, and Throkmor- 
 ton himself would not have undertaken such an embassy, — would not 
 have been asked to undertake it. 
 
 * It appears from the MS. Hist of James, that a French ambassa- 
 dor had arrived in Scotland in the month of June, who, finding the 
 state of the country so convulsed, Immediately returned. Sir Jame* 
 Melvil mentions, that in August, in company with Murray, came ano- 
 ther ambassador from France, to intercede for tlie queen. It was thff' 
 latter one who negotiated with the lords. Melvil's Memoirs, p, 87- 
 
284 History of the reformation 
 
 €HAP. unsuccessful. Although these noblemen made the 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 \^^^,^^^ warmest professions of attachment to the protestant 
 1567. faith, and declared their inclination to make a suit- 
 able provision for the comfortable maintenance of 
 the preachers, they stated, that in the present cala- 
 mitous situation of the country, when the capital 
 was filled with armed men, they did not consider it 
 as safe to attend the proposed meeting. The Earl 
 of Argyll, in a very long letter, replied to the one 
 which had been sent to him, stating very forcibly the 
 grounds upon which he disapproved of an assembly 
 being so soon convened, and of the steps which 
 had been adopted in the short assembly which had 
 just been dissolved *. 
 These lords These answers drew still more closely the bands 
 to make of union between the General Assembly and the 
 every con- \qj.^q hostile to the quceu. Sensible ihat they could 
 
 cession to ^ •' 
 
 the protes- not proceed in the execution of their schemes with- 
 out the decided assistance of the ministers, they bound 
 tliemselves to support whatever laws and regula- 
 tions might be conceived necessary for the full es- 
 tablishment of the protestant religion 1. 
 
 The lords considering themselves at length as 
 sufficiently established in their influence, proceeded 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 410, Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. i'09. Buik of 
 the Universall Kirk, p. 71, 72. The letter of Argyll is inserted in that 
 record, as are also three other letters of nearly the same import, by 
 Lord Boyd, and the commendators of Arbroath and Kilwinning. These 
 letters are printed by Keith from the Register, in B. ii'i. ch. vi. p. 57^ 
 —579. 
 
 -j- Knox and Spottiswoode, as last quoted. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 285 
 
 to take the measures upon which they had lone chap. 
 
 XXVII 
 
 meditated. Acting upon the resolution of depriv- ^ 
 
 ing Mary of her crown, they composed three deeds, '567. 
 
 . . . Xhcy re- 
 
 which Lord Lindsay, a man eminently fitted by his solve to de- 
 rough and brutal manneis, for any ungracious of- Jf^hg ^'^^ 
 fice, was appointed to present to her. He was in- crown, 
 structed to reason with her upon the propriety of 
 her subscribing them, and in case of her not being 
 thus persuaded, he was enjoined to have recourse 
 to violence *. 
 
 One of the deeds contained her resignation of 
 the crown, and a commission in her name to invest 
 her infant son with the sovereignty ; the second no- 
 minated her brother, the Earl of Murray, as regent 
 during the minority of the prince ; and the third 
 appointed other regents, in case Tvlurray, whose sen- 
 timents were not then known, should refuse to ac- 
 cept of this distinguished, but arduous office f. 
 
 When the purport of these papers was stated to 
 the queen, she burst forth into the most violent in- 
 dignation, and declared that nothing should prevail 
 with her to subscribe them. She soon, however, 
 changed her resolution. She saw, upon reflection, 
 that she was completely in the power of her inve- 
 
 * MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 17. Melvil's Memoirs, p. 85. 
 Camden's Annals, p. 119, Mackenzie's Life of Mary, in Vol. III. of 
 his Lives, p. 29S. 
 
 -|- The three deeds are inserted at full length by Keith, in his se- 
 cond Book, chap. xli. See also, Acts of Parliament, 15G7, and Holin- 
 shed's Chronicle, Vol. IL at the commencement of the reign of Jan)oe 
 the Sixth. 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE REFOHMATION 
 
 CHAP, terate enemies, she heard that Lindsay was, in the 
 
 XXVII 
 
 v^^i^^^ most savage manner, to bend her to compliance 
 1567. with the demands of the lords ; and havmg been 
 advised, by those who were interested in her hap- 
 piness, not to resist, having been assured by them, 
 that her confirmation, extorted as it was, could im- 
 pose no obligation upon her conscience, she, with 
 the utmost anguish, and dissolved in tears, attached 
 her signature *. 
 
 Lindsay, exulting in his success, returned next 
 morning to Edinburgh, and presented the act of 
 demission to the lords. 
 July2isr, While this important business was transacting, 
 Delibera- the General Assembly deliberated upon the demands 
 General ° which they should make for securing the new 
 Assembly, establishment ; and, in the filth session, which was 
 
 * Melvil's Memoli-s, p. 85. MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, 
 p. 17. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 211, and B. v. p. 22;?. Crawford's 
 Memoirs, p. 38, 39. Avery interesting account of this transaction 
 may be seen in Bannatyne's Journal, pubHshed at Edinburgh in 1806. 
 In the year 1571, the lords attached to the queen, joined by some per- 
 sons who, at the period of which I write, had been devoted to the 
 lords, and acquainted with the real state of facts rebpccting her resig- 
 nation, held a parliament in Edinburgh. To this parliament a suppli- 
 cation, drawn by the leading men of the party, was presented, the ob- 
 ject of which was to shew, that Mary was not justly deprived of her 
 authority, and ought to be revered as the sovereign of Scotland ; and 
 in this paper there is an official narration of all the circumstances to 
 which I have alluded. It appears also from this important document, 
 that Throkmorton had been sent by Elizabeth to comfort Mary, and 
 that he had used every possible effort to procure her liberty. See Ban- 
 natyne's Journal, p. 223—225, a work which throws much light upon 
 the period to which it relatwi 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 287 
 
 held probably on the day immediately succeeding CHAP, 
 the queen*s resignation, they presented, after ma- v,^^^^ 
 ture consideration, the following articles, which, as j^^J^^J' 
 being the charter of the protestant church in Scot- pre»entedl. 
 land, 1 shall panicularly record'. J. That the 
 acts made in the parliament held at Edinburgh on 
 the 'i4th of August 1560, touching religion and 
 the abolishing of the pope's authority, should be 
 extracted from the registers, and have the force of 
 public laws ; and that the said parliament, in so far 
 as it concerned religion, should be defended as a 
 lawful parliament, and be ratified in the first par- 
 liament which should be held within the realm. 
 
 2. That till a final arrangement should be made for 
 restoring the patrimony of the church, the act of 
 assignation of the thirds of benefices, for the sup- 
 port of the ministry, should be put in execution. 
 
 3. That, in the first lawful parliament which should 
 be held, or sooner, if an opportunity should occur, 
 the church of Christ within this kingdom should be 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 411, and Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 210, represent 
 the negotiation with Maiy as taking place after the dissolution of the 
 assembly ; but this is a mistake. It appears from Calderwood, and 
 the Register, as quoted by Keith, B. iii. ch. vi., also from the Buik of 
 the Universall Kirk, that the articles were finally sanctioned at the 
 fifth session. Now, the third session is mentioned as having been 
 upon the 2Sd; the assembly certainly met on the 21st, not the 20th, 
 as had been once intended ; and hence, although this is not expressly 
 stated, it may be inferred that the fifth session was held upon the 25th. 
 But Mary signed the deeds upon the 24th, certainly then before the 
 dissolution of the assembly. Calderwood in fact says, that the article* 
 were signed on the 25th. 
 
1S67. 
 
 288 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, put in possession of the patrimony of the church. 
 
 ,,tir- --W 4'. That none should be permitted to hold situations 
 in colleges, or to undertake the public or private 
 instruction of youth, unless found qualified, and in 
 all other respects approved by the superintendents 
 and visitors of the church. 5. That all kings and 
 princes that shall at any time hereafter reign in 
 Scotland, shall, before being crowned, solemnly 
 swear, that they will maintain and preserve the true 
 religion of Christ, presently professed within this 
 kingdom. 6. That the nobility, barons, and others 
 subscribing to these articles, shall faithfully promise 
 to root out idolatry, especially the blasphemous 
 mass, without exception of place or person, and al- 
 so shall remove all idolaters and others not admit- 
 ted to the preaching of the word, from bearing any 
 function in the church which may be a hinderance 
 to the ministry in any way, and in their places ap- 
 point superintendents, ministers, and other needful 
 
 members of the church *. 
 
 These are the principal articles proposed by the 
 General Assembly for securing the protestant esta- 
 blishment, and they provided very effectually for that 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p. 411, Spottlswoode, B. iv. p. 209, 210. Cal- 
 derwood, p. 42. Keith, from the Register, p. 581 - 583. Buik of 
 the Universall Kirk, p. 77 — 82. There are some variations in the 
 articles as given by different writers, but the Buik of the Universall 
 Kirk, or the Register, must be considered as the best authority. To 
 the substance of the account given in these 1 have adhered, although I 
 have condensed the articles, after Spottiswoode. It is remarkable that 
 Knox does not insert the article about the restoration of the patrimony 
 •f the church- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 289 
 
 important purpose. The reformed faith is not only CHAP. 
 unequivocally declared to be the religion of Scot- .^^^^.^^ 
 land, but it is taken under the especial protection of ^''^'^' 
 the executive power, its preservation being bound 
 upon the monarch by his coronation oath. The re- 
 stitution of the patrimony of the church for sup- 
 porting the ministers of religion, and for the other 
 uses for which that patrimony had been destined, is 
 also expressly demanded. The seminaries of edu- 
 cation were required to be filled with men whose 
 religious principles were in conformity with those 
 of the church ; that the pollution of idolatry, as the 
 popish religion was then termed, might not be in- 
 sidiously instilled into the mind, at a period of life 
 when prejudices are easily imbibed, and strongly 
 influence the understanding and the heart. There 
 was also to be in future only one established reli- 
 gion. The absurdity of a popish and a protestant 
 establishment, the one deprived of all power to 
 teach religion, the other destitute of the means of 
 supporting its ministers, was done away, and no ec- 
 clesiastic was to be considered as invested with a 
 spiritual character, unless receiving his commission 
 from the protestant church. 
 
 When these important requests were finally ad- The lords 
 justed, they were presented to the associated lords, them, 
 who without hesitation approved them, and they 
 were subscribed by the Earls of Morton, Glencairn, 
 Marr, the Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanquhar, Lind- 
 
 VOL. III. T 
 
1190 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ciiAP. say, Graham, Innermeath, Ochiltree, and many ba. 
 
 XXVII. . . 
 
 v,^^^^,,-^ rons and commissioners from boroughs. The com- 
 1567. missloners named by last assembly were instructed 
 to require those earls, lords, barons, and other 
 faithful brethren, who had excused themselves from 
 attending In person, to subscribe these articles, agree- 
 ably to their promise, that their subscriptions might 
 also be recorded in the register*. 
 
 On the day upon which the assembly, having con- 
 July 5th. eluded this interesting business, was dissolved, Lind- 
 say arrived in Edinburgh with the queen's resignation. 
 A council was immediately summoned, to which he 
 presented it, and a bond was framed, in which the 
 Resolution lords express their determination to crown and in- 
 the prince, augurate the young prince, to establish him in his 
 government, as it became true and faithful subjects, 
 and to resist all who opposed his authority. Al- 
 though the date of this paper is not inserted, there 
 can be no doubt that the council subscribed it on 
 the day of their meeting, and their adherents conti- 
 nued to signit till the new government was settled f. 
 The queen's abjuration of the throne was pro- 
 claimed at Edinburgh on the following day, and the 
 
 * Knox, B. V. p; 111. Spottiswoode, B. iv. p. 210. Calder- 
 wood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 42, 43. Buik of Uni- 
 versal! Kirk, p. 82. Keith, from the Register which he consulted, has 
 recorded the names of those who subscribed the articles, p. 583. 
 
 -f- Keith, B. ii. ch. xii. p." 434, 435, from the Register of the Privy- 
 Council. See also his note to p. 434, compared with the copy of the 
 bond and the signatures given by Burnet, in the Appendix to Vol. 
 III. of his History of the Reformation, and with the copy inserted by 
 Anderson in Vol. IT. of his Collections. Mclvil's Memoirs, p. 85. 
 
 11 
 
IN SCOTL \ND. 291 
 
 twentv-ninth of July was fixed for the coronation of CHAP. 
 
 , , .' , XXVII. 
 
 the king*-. ^^^^.^^ 
 
 Bat before they proceeded to invest James with '^^'^* 
 the sovereignty, the lords considered it as proper Sir jame? 
 to intimate their design to the noblemen at Hamilton, sent U) the 
 and with some difficulty they prevailed upon Sir ^^'^^.^^ 
 James Melvil to make the communication. Upon 
 his arrival at Hamilton, he informed the lords,. 
 " that the queen's majesty had demltted over the 
 government to the prince her son, whom the 
 nobles at Edinburgh intended soon to crown ; but 
 that resolving to prejudge no nobleman of his rights, 
 titles, or prerogatives, they requested them to attend 
 the coronation, that they might watch over their 
 own interests, and promote the peace and quiet of 
 the whole country." Astonished at this intelHgence, 
 some of the Hamilton party expressed a doubt re- 
 specting the fact of the resignation, or ascribed it to 
 force ; but the archbishop of St Andrews, aware of 
 the danger of such vague replies, after solemn deli- 
 beration, answered Sir James, ** that they took the 
 communication as in the highest degree friendly , 
 that they put the best construction upon the de- 
 signs of the council, and would, upon obtaining se- 
 curity for what he had stated, unite with them ; 
 that had they been informed of the intention to a- • 
 venge the king's murder, they would have support- 
 ed it ; and that, although they had now assembled 
 in considerable numbers, they had no design to of- 
 
 * Buch.Lib. xviii. p. 365. Spottiswoode, B. Iv. p. 211. 
 
292 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP. 
 XXVII. 
 
 1567. 
 
 Little 
 anxietj-^ 
 felt to ob- 
 tain their 
 support. 
 
 Their op- 
 position not 
 formidable. 
 
 fend any person, but merely to be on their guard, 
 till the issue of so great an assemblage of nobles and 
 barons, with the object of which they had not been 
 acquainted, should be apparent*." 
 
 Sir James was convinced, from the correspondence 
 which he at this time had with what may be called 
 the queen's party, that they might easily have been 
 induced to co-operate with Morton and his friends ; 
 but there was little inclination in those who had as- 
 sumed power, to sooth or to conciliate them. The 
 council paid no attention to the answer returned by 
 their messenger, and in his estimation, acted in such 
 a manner as justly to offend the Hamilton factionf. 
 Accordingly, none of the lords attached to it attend- 
 ed the coronation, and a protest was taken, that this 
 act should not interfere with the rights of the Duke 
 and his family {. 
 
 Their opposition, however, was not formidable. 
 Although they afterwards framed a bond, by which 
 they obliged themselves to defend the queen, it was 
 not followed by any vigorous attempt in her fa- 
 vour, or by any effectual obstruction to the go- 
 vernment of James §. From their conviction that 
 
 * Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 85, 86. 
 
 f Melvil's Memoirs, p. 85. 
 
 J Melvil says that they were not permitted to make protestation, but 
 it appears from Keith, note to p. 436, that there was a public protesta- 
 tion made in the name of the Duke before the coronation. Camden's 
 Annals, p 120. 
 
 § This bond is published by Melvil, republished by Crawfurd, in his 
 Memoirs, and dated by him in December. This date is most probably 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 293 
 
 the resignation of Mary was in harmony with the CHAP, 
 wishes of the people, or from their perceiving that ^*«k^^^ 
 their efforts would at the present period be proba- ^^'^"• 
 biy unavailing, they listened so far to the Earl of 
 Murray, that the most considerable of them attend- 
 ed the parliament which was held after he had ac- 
 cepted the regency*. 
 
 On the day which had been appointed, the king July 29th. 
 was crowned at Stirling. Knox preached upon the 
 occasion, and the bishop of Orkney, who, from hav- 
 ing solemnized the marriage between the queen and 
 Bothwell, ought not to have been permitted to con- 
 tammate this ceremony, anointed the infant mo- 
 narch. The crown was put upon his head by the 
 Earl of AthoU ; and the Earl of Morton and Lord 
 Hume took an oath for the king, that he would 
 maintain the protestant religion, and dispense jus. 
 tice impartially to all his subjects "j*. 
 
 There was, however, still wanting a person whose 
 talents and influence might compose the dissensions 
 which agitated the country, and protect the throne 
 
 erroneous. The bond was formed, as may be concluded from various 
 circumstances, soon after Melvil's embassy. 
 
 * Buchan. Lib. xviii. p. 366. Spottiswoode, B. v. p. 213, cbmpar-' 
 red with Keith, p. 464, 46S, and notes to p. 465. Keith is plainly a- 
 verse to believe the fact, that the most considerable of the Hamilton par- 
 ty acquiesced in the parliament, but he cannot disprove it. He intro- 
 duces his account by saying, " if we may credit Buchahan," &c. 
 
 + Buch. Lib. xviii. p. 866. Knox, p. 412. Spottiswoode, p. 211 
 Calderwood, p. 43. Keith, from Records of Privy-Council, p. 437. 
 MS. Hist, of James the Sixth, p. 1 7, 1 8. Blackwood, apud Jebb, Vol. 
 ,n. p. 224. Camden's Aanals, p. 120. 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^^^' of James. When the scheme of compelling Mary 
 V^N/^^ to resign the administration of government was a- 
 dopted, the associated lords naturally cast their eyes 
 towards the Earl of Murray. His abilities were 
 highly respected ; he continued to be viewed with 
 the strongest popular admiration, and his attach- 
 ment to the protestant religion was so decided, that 
 all who were interested in its establishment could 
 not fail to support him. They instantly dispatched 
 to him minute information respecting the state of 
 Scotland, the probable resignation of the queen, and 
 The Earl their anxiety that he should accept the regency, 
 •elicited to Although upon his arrival in consequence of this 
 acceputhe interesting intelligence, he hesitated, or affected to he- 
 sitate whether he would not decline the exalted con- 
 dition marked out for him, he heard with much sa- 
 tisfaction of the intention of so large a part of the 
 nobility to invest him with supreme power*. 
 Ills arrival He immediately left France, probably dreading, 
 * and not without cause, that if he delayed he would 
 not be permitted to leave it f. He passed through 
 England, and the lords, advertised of his arrival, 
 sent Sir James Melvil to meet him at Berwick, and 
 to announce to him that the queen had appointed 
 him to be the regent. Melvil readily undertook 
 this embassy, because he hoped that he might in- 
 cline Murray to act with gentleness towards his 
 unhappy sister. With respect to her, the lords had 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 85, 87. 
 
 t Keith, p. 443. Buchanan, Lib, xviii.p- 365. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 295 
 
 adopted different sentiments. One part, and that the chap. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 most powerful, wished that she should be treated ^^^^^^^ 
 with severity ; and apprehensive that the affection of ^^^'^' 
 a brother might soften the austerity of Murray, and tations\o 
 dispose him to favour Mary, they instructed Mel- ^^^^j^'^^^'^j^^ 
 vil to request that he would take no measures in queen. 
 concert with her without their knowledge. The 
 other party, to which Melvil himself v/as attached, 
 although they were decidedly friendly to the young 
 king, and to all which had been done by the coun- 
 cil, viewed with pity the situation of their late 
 sovereign. They enjoined Melvil to beseech Mur- 
 ray that he would conduct himself kindly and hum- 
 bly to the queen, and would endeavour to procure 
 for her as much indulgence as was consistent with 
 the secuiity of the prince's administration, repre- 
 senting, " that being now free from evil counsellors, 
 being of an excellent understanding, and a prince- 
 ly inclination, she might thoroughly repent of what 
 had passed, and might act in such a manner as that 
 they should all wish her at liberty to reign over 
 them*." 
 
 This latter mode of acting towards her, Mur- 
 ray seemed highly to approve, but he soon changed 
 his sentiments. When he went to Lochleven, far 
 from soothing the distracted feelings of the queen, 
 far from attempting to reconcile her to her condition, 
 to cheer her by presenting the prospect of happier 
 times, he reproached her with all the crimes which 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 87. 
 
CHAP. 
 XXVII. 
 
 1567. 
 
 296 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 the violence of political enmity had ascribed to her, 
 declared that she merited the harshest and most ig- 
 nominious treatment, and even alarmed her by in- 
 sinuations, which seemed to imply that she would be 
 put to death*. 
 
 This wanton barbarity, this total disregard of the 
 wretchedness of a woman, a sister, and a sovereign, 
 casts a shade over Murray's virtues, compels us to 
 regard him as capable of sacrificing to ambition all 
 the amiable affections which adorn human nature. 
 Upon Mary the effect of his savage sternness was 
 most depressing. Amidst all her misfortunes, she 
 had flattered herself that he would espouse her 
 cause, or would deliver her from the cruelty of in- 
 sult ; and the disappointment, to use the forcible ex- 
 pression of Melvil, cut the threads of love between 
 her and her brother forever f. 
 
 Even still, however, she had more confidence in 
 him than in any of her enemies ; and when he at 
 length assured her that she need have no appre- 
 hension of violence, she entreated him to accept 
 the regency, and. to govern the kingdom for her 
 son|. 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 87. Letter of Throkmorton to Elisabeth, 
 dated aoth August, copied from Cotton Library, Cal. C. i., by Craw- 
 ford. See his Collections, Vol. IIL p, 57. This letter is printed by 
 Keith,' p. 444, — 448. Camden's Annals, p. 120. Crawford's Me- 
 moirs, p. 42. 
 
 ■J- Melvil's Memoirs, p. 87. Throkmorton's letter, as last quoted. 
 
 % Throkmorton's letter of 20th of August, MS. Hist, of James 
 the Sixth, p. 18. 
 
•IN SCOTLAND. 29? 
 
 The manner in which he had spoken to the chap. 
 
 . XXVII. 
 
 queen was soon spread abroad, and was even in that v.^.^^ 
 rugged age condemned by many who espoused the ^ •'*''• 
 cause of the lords. They without hesitation remon- 
 strated with Murray; and it certainly displayed on 
 his part much littleness of mind, that he on this ac- 
 count withdrew from them his favour and esteem*. 
 
 His arrival in Edinburgh, which happened about August 
 the eleventh of August, gave rise to almost univer- 
 sal joyt. He was received by his friends^with eve- 
 ry demonstration of affection, but uncertainty with 
 regard to his decision respecting the regency, creat- 
 ed for a short time the painfulness of anxiety. 
 When urged to comply with the wishes of the coun- 
 cil, he professed to feel the utmost reluctance, re- 
 presented himself as unfit for so weighty a trust, 
 and requested a few days for deliberation];. But 
 after his return from Lochleven, — after satisfying his 
 conscience by the desire expressed by Mary that he 
 would take the reins of government ; after, fi"om 
 examining the state of parties, and receiving unequi- 
 vocal assurances of support, he perceived that he 
 had little reason to apprehend any formidable oppo- 
 sition, he yielded to the importunity of his adhe- 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 87. 
 
 f Historians differ as to the day of his arrival. He was certainly in 
 Edinburgh before the 1 5th of August. Keith, note to p. 442. 
 
 t Buch. p. 865, 366. Spottiswoode, p. 211, Crawford's Memoirs, 
 p. 41. 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE REPORxMATIOX 
 
 CHAP, rents, and on the twenty-second of August, assum- 
 x^J!i;^ ed the office of regent*. 
 
 1567. The privy-council, the nobility, the ecclesiastical 
 
 He accepts gf^tg ^jj-j^ fj^g barons and commissioners of bo- 
 
 tne re- ' 
 
 jjency. roughs, having assembled, the deed of the queen 
 was read, after which Murray declared his accept- 
 ance of the regency, and took the oath which was 
 prescribed to him. In the presence of the eternal 
 God, he swore, " that he would maintain the true 
 religion of Jesus Christ, the preaching of his holy 
 word, the right administration of sacraments, as 
 practised within the realm ; that he would abolish 
 all religion contrary to the same ; and that he would 
 rule the people committed to his charge during the 
 minority of the king his sovereign, according to the 
 will of God revealed in his word, and the laws and 
 statutes of the kingdom." He thus solemnly pro- 
 ceeded : ** I shall procure, to the uttermost of my 
 power, true and perfect peace to the church of 
 God, and whole Christian people ; I shall keep in- 
 violate the rights, revenues, and privileges of the 
 crown of Scotland ; I shall forbid and repress all 
 estates and degrees, oppression, rapine, and all kinds 
 of wrong. In all judgments I shall command and 
 procure that justice and equity be kept to all crea- 
 tures without exception, as he be merciful to me 
 
 * Keith, p. 452, 453. Throkmorton in his letter to Elizabeth, al- 
 ready quoted, mentions the advances which some of the leading men of 
 the opposite party made to Murray. Buchanan, p. 366. Knox and 
 Spottiswoode erroneously state tlut Murray assumed the regency on the 
 20th. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 299 
 
 And you, that is the Lord and Father of all mer- chap. 
 
 . J,, ' XXVII 
 
 cies*. v-^NT^ 
 
 This oath indicates a determined resolution to ^^^''' 
 support the protestant religion. All the power of upon it. 
 the state against which it had so long struggled, 
 was now turned to defend its establishment. It is 
 to be lamented that they who framed the oath did 
 not rest satisfied with the victory which their prin- 
 ciples had acquired. The conclusion of the oath 
 is more consonant to the intolerant spirit of the an- 
 cient faith, than to the real nature of the reformed 
 tenets. The regent swore, that he would root out 
 all heretics and enemies to the true worship of God, 
 who should be convicted by the true church. This 
 was, in fact, to restore the most detestable grievance 
 which prevailed under papal dominion. The ap- 
 pellation of True Church does not change the case, 
 for all denominations of Christians apply this title 
 to the communion to which they are attached. We 
 see here, then, one striking example of the inconsis- 
 tency of human nature ; but it must be observed, that 
 even this inconsistency did not annihilate the bles- 
 sings flowing from the revolution now introduced. 
 That revolution, by laying open to all the sacred 
 Scriptures ; by founding religious truth upon these 
 Scriptures, and inculcating it as a duty to search 
 them, dispensed or provided a remedy for the ia- 
 
 * Keith, B. ii. ch. xiii. p. 458. 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE REFOIIMATION 
 
 CHAP, tolerance which it should at once have condemned 
 XXVII. J . j^ 
 
 ^„^.^^^-i^> and extirpated *. 
 
 1567. The direct tendency of the reforniation to im- 
 prove the condition of those amongst whom it is 
 introduced, is clearly marked in other parts of this 
 memorable oath. As the natural consequence of 
 the feelings and sentiments which the reformers 
 had uniformly cherished and avowed, it expresses 
 solicitude for the good of the great body of the 
 people; for the impartial distribution of justice j for 
 the rights even of the meanest of the subjects ; pre- 
 senting a striking contrast to the despotic and aris- 
 tocratical maxims, which, in the ages of papal ig- 
 norance and superstition, had regulated the admi- 
 nistration of government. We see, indeed, at the 
 period of its being prescribed, the dawn of that li- 
 berty, the elements of that inestimable constitution, 
 by which Providence has so eminently distinguish- 
 ed the islands of the British empire. The pious 
 man, and the enlightened political philosopher, 
 must thus be equally gratified in the result of those 
 struggles for religious freedom which exalted the 
 lower classes of the community by giving to them 
 sentiments of independence, which lead to intellec- 
 tual improvement, to public tranquillity, and to the 
 general diffusien of confidence and security, the 
 
 * Keith, as last quoted. Speaking of the appellation, the Trew 
 Kirk, this writer most justly observes, " I make little doubt that the 
 trewcr the kirk is the less persecution will be made by it." 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 301 
 
 most invaluable blessings which a good government CHAP. 
 can bestow. ^.S^JI^/ 
 
 Murray had no sooner been invested with 1 567. 
 the regency, than he made the most vigorous administra- 
 and judicious efforts to get into his possession the ^'°"* 
 castles of Edinburgh and Dunbar. The former 
 was held by Sir James Balfour, who, though once 
 a zealous partizan of Bothwell, had been induced, 
 as has been already mentioned, to desert his patron, 
 and to declare against the murderers of the king. 
 The regent did not wish that so important a trust 
 should continue to be reposed in a man who might 
 again change his party, and he succeeded in pro- 
 curing his resignation, in favour of Kirkaldy of 
 Grange, in whom he had implicit confidence *. 
 
 The castle of Dunbar was in that age considered 
 as impregnable, and its governor, had he been hos- 
 tile, might have given much annoyance to the re- 
 gent. Murray summoned him to surrender the 
 fortress. He at first refused, but perceiving that 
 he could expect no assistance, and probably de- 
 spairing of the queen's cause, he was, by the repre- 
 sentations of his friends, induced to comply f, Oct. ist.. 
 
 * Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 90. MS. Hist, of James the 
 Sixth, p. 18, 19. The writer of this work mentions the conditions 
 upon which Balfour resigned his command of the castle. Keith, B. 
 ii. ch. xiii. p. 455. Spottiswoode, B. v. p. 213. 
 
 ■j- Spottiswoode, B. v. p; 213. MS. Hi,9t. of James the Sixth, p. 20, 
 21. Crawford inserts, in his account, '' the governor, who was no 
 •tranger to the regent's cruelty." This is not in the MS. and it shews 
 how unfaithfully that MS. was rendered. Keith, p. 455, 456, and 
 Calderwood's MS. quoted by Keith. 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE REF08MAH0N 
 
 CHAP. Murray next directed his attention to curb the 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 \^^y>^ lawless bands who violated the property of their 
 1567. countrymen ; and, proceeding vigorously against 
 them, he was very successful in checking or pre- 
 venting their depredations. In the interior of the 
 kingdom he established courts of justice for re- 
 dressing wrongs, and thus gave to the inhabitants 
 of Scotland the prospect of that tranquillity of 
 which they had so long been deprived *. 
 
 Parliament, That his authority might possess a legal sanc- 
 tion, and that the promises which had been made 
 to the church might be fulfilled, a parliament was 
 summoned to meet at Edinburgh. It was, as might 
 have been expected, most numerously attended. 
 The crown, sceptre, and sword, were carried by 
 the Earls of Angus, Huntly, and Argyll, and every 
 ceremony was performed with the most impressive 
 solemnity f . In consistency with the general spi- 
 rit of the reformation, the parliament contained a 
 large proportion of the representatives of boroughs. 
 This is considered by some historians as derogating 
 from its dignity, and weakening its authority, but 
 must be regarded by all who venerate the principles 
 of the British constitution, as giving to its decisions 
 additional force ^. 
 
 * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 90. Buchanaa, p. 367. Keith, p. 464. 
 
 f Spottiswoode, B. v. p. 214. 
 
 X Keith, (p. 465, 466,) who is much displeased with Buchanan's 
 representation (p. 3G7), of the manner in which this parliament wat 
 attended, is anxious to shew that there was little ground for what he 
 calls this writer's flourish. To prove this, he states the members in 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 303 
 
 The Earl of Murray was confirmed In the regen- CHAP. 
 
 • XXVII 
 
 cy during the king's minority ; all his acts since his .^^^-^ 
 acceptance of that office were declared to have the i^gt. 
 authority of law, and it was enacted, that whatever 
 he might afterwards do in the name of their sove- 
 reign lord, during his njhiority, should have the 
 same strength and effect as the deeds of any former 
 regent *. 
 
 The government being thus constituted and sanc- 
 tioned, parliament proceeded to the important sub- 
 ject of religion, with a view to secure and defend the 
 protestant establishment. For this purpose they re- 
 newed all the acts of the parliament 15G0, confirm- Acts relat? 
 mg, or rather re-enactmg them. 1 he first act was church, 
 entitled, An act abolishing the Pope and his usurped 
 authority ; in vhich it was ordained, that the bishop 
 of Rome, called the Pope, should have no jurisdic- 
 
 the preceding parliament in April, and In this first parliament of James. 
 In the fonner there were nine bishops, thirteen abbots, twelve earls, 
 sixteen lords, nine members from boroughs, and six officers of state ; 
 in the latter, four bishops, fourteen abbots, twelve earls, fifteen lords, 
 three masters, thirty members of boroughs, and five officers of state, 
 making a difference of eighteen in favour of the regent's parliament. 
 But this, he says, arises from there being more borough members. 
 Surely, if we consider the jmrliament as thus more fully representing 
 the great body of the people, this circumstance is no reproach to it. 
 To impress his readers with his own sentiments upon this subject, he 
 concludes by observing, that any person who inspects the registered 
 rolls, will meet with but a ver)* small number of that estate of the bo- 
 roughs in the most part of our parliaments preceding this date. See 
 the General Preface to Anderson's Collections. A list of the Regent's 
 Parliament is published by Anderson, from the Cotton Library, in Vol. 
 II. of his Collections.. 
 
 * Acts ot Parliament, collected by Sir Thomas Murray, p. 1 7.S.. 
 
so* HISTORY OP THE RKFORMATION 
 
 €I-IAP. tlon or authority In Scotland in all time cominac ; 
 
 XXVII. . . 
 
 ,^^y^ and that none of his majesty's subjects should here- 
 \5Gi. after desire title or right of the said bishop of Rome, 
 or of any of his sect, to any thing in this l^ingdom, 
 under certain severe penalties specified in the act. 
 The second act annuls those acts of parliament 
 made against God's word ; and alluding to the con- 
 fession of faith, which had been presented to the 
 estates in August 1560, as the standard by which 
 the act was to be applied for determining the true 
 faith, repeats and confirms, by parliamentary sanc- 
 tion, that confession. The act abolishing the mass, 
 and inflicting punishment upon those who celebrat- 
 ed or heard it, was then ratified ; after which the 
 protestant church was declared to be the only true 
 and holy church of Jesus Christ within the realm. 
 Respecting the admission of ministers and lay -pa- 
 tronages, it was enacted, that the examination and 
 admission of ministers within the realm was only in 
 the power of the church, openly and publickly pro- 
 fessed, and that the presentation of lay-patronages 
 should be reserved to the just and ancient patrons. 
 As a security, however, for benefices being filled, 
 patrons Were required to present within six months 
 after a vacancy, failing which, it became competent 
 to the superintendent, or others having commission 
 from the church to that effect, to fill the vacancy. 
 To guard patrons against vexatious opposition, it 
 was enacted, that if the superintendents or commis- 
 sioners refused to admit a qualified person, legally 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 305 
 
 presented by the patron, it should be lawful for the chap. 
 patron to appeal to the superintendent and ministers ^^^^^^ 
 of the province in which the benefice was situated, i567. 
 and if these also refused, to the General Assembly 
 of the whole realm, whose sentence was to be final*. 
 
 This act is very important. It not only shews 
 that the original practice of the protestant church 
 in Scotbnd favoured the exercise of private patron- 
 age, but it delineates the constitution of that church ; 
 clearly shewing that there was a gradation in its ju- 
 dicatories ; that, although the superintendent or 
 commissioner held the place afterwards assigned to 
 presbyteries, he was subject to the synod of the 
 province, and that synod to the General Assembly f. 
 It is also evident from it, that, as the General As- 
 sembly possessed the supreme ecclesiastical power 
 previous to the existence of presbyteries, these are 
 not the radical courts of the church ; that they de- 
 rived their existence, and all their privileges, from 
 the assembly ; that they may be limited and con- 
 trolled by its authority ; and that it belongs to it 
 alone to make such regulations as may be necessary, 
 from any extensive change in the religious situation 
 of the country. 
 
 The protestant church thus constituted, having 
 been declared to be the church of Scotland, parlia- 
 ment next determined the '•duty of the sovereign 
 with respect to it. It was enacted, that ail kittgs, 
 
 * Acts of Parliament by Murray, p. 184. 
 f Calderwood'i History of the Church of Scotland, p. 43, 
 VOL. III. V 
 
1567. 
 
 S06 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, princes, or " magistrates whatsoever, Ixplcjing their 
 place, who shall hereafter at any time reign, shall, 
 at their coronation, or at the time of their receiving 
 their princely authority, in the presence of the- eter- 
 nal God, promise by oath, to defend the true reli- 
 gion and the protestant church. 
 
 The most difficult arrangement with regard to 
 the church still remained to be made. The Ge» 
 neral Assembly had demanded, that at the first par- 
 liament, or sooner, the patrimony which had be- 
 longed to the ancient establishment should be trans- 
 ferred to the new, and the associated lords had ac- 
 quiesced in the demand. The regent however, 
 desirous as he was to gratify the preachers, and to 
 redeem the pledge which his party had given to 
 them, found, that in the infancy of his administra- 
 tion this was impossible, — that the attempt would 
 exasperate his enemies, and would even sow dissen- 
 sion amongst the steadiest of his friends. He was, 
 therefore, compelled to expose himself to the re- 
 proaches of the ministers, by at least deferring a 
 measure in which they very naturally felt the deep- 
 est interest. But he did not entirely overlook their 
 wretched situation. An act relating to this was 
 proposed and passed, the substance of which, as it 
 throws light upon the difficulties with which the 
 ministers had struggled, places in a striking point 
 of view their sincerity, and elucidates the sentiments 
 entertained by parliament upon the subject of cle- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 307 
 
 rical provision, It must be interesting to insert *. chap. 
 ** Because the ministers have long been defrauded J^. ^.^ 
 of their stipends, so that they are reduced to great ^^s"^* 
 poverty and necessity, and notwithstanding have 
 continued in their vocation, without pa)ment of 
 their stipends for a long space of time, but through 
 which they are, and shall be constrained to leave 
 their vocation, if no remedy be provided; tlierefore 
 cur sovereign lord, with advice of my lord regent 
 and the three estates of this present parhameat, has 
 statuted and ordained, that the whole thirds of the 
 whole benefices of this realm, shall now initantly, 
 and in all times coming, first be paid to the minis- 
 ters of the gospel of Jesus Christ and their succes- 
 sors ; and ordains the lords of session to grant and 
 give letters, charging all and sundry intromitters, 
 or that be indebted in payment of the same, to an- 
 swer and to obey the said ministers and their col- 
 lectors to be nominated by the said ministers, with 
 the advice of my lord regent, notwithstanding any 
 discharge given by our sovereign lord's mother, to 
 whatsoever person or persons of the said third, or 
 any part thereof, ay and until the church come to 
 the full possession of their proper patrimony, which 
 is the -teindsf." 
 
 * Even before the meeting of parliament, the regent took measures 
 for enforcing the payment of the thirds to ministers, bee, in the Ap- 
 pendix, No. XVIII. an order to the comptroller, which I iound 
 amongst the Dun papers. 
 
 f Collection of Acts of Parliament by Sii* Thomas Murray, p. 184, 
 115. The act farther requires, that an account of receipts iliould an- 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE REI''ORMATION 
 
 CHAP. By this act the right of the church to the teinds 
 ^^„^,^ IS expressly recognized, and virtually confirmed. 
 1567. Parliament had in contemplation a time when that 
 right would become effectual ; and accordingly the 
 provision from the thirds was not granted as an 
 equivalent, but as a temporary supply, until a final 
 arrangement could be completed. It Ayas then the 
 clear doctrine of the law and the constitution of 
 Scotland, that the teinds are not the absolute pro- 
 perty of the laymen who possess them ; that they 
 are the proper patrimony of the church, and can- 
 not cease to be so, except by such an act of the le- 
 gislature as would unhinge all property, and intro- 
 duce a precedent which might ultimately lead to 
 the most alarming political convulsions. This doc- 
 trine has in some degree been sanctioned by a late 
 parliamentary regulation, which, although it limits 
 the privileges of the clergy, and applies to them 
 principles, which, if applied to other proprietors, 
 would justly be branded as oppressive, has secured 
 them from absolute want, and put an end to pre- 
 tensions on the part of the landholders of Scotland, 
 equally fallacious and degrading to the clerical or- 
 der *. 
 
 iilially be given to the e::chequer, and that the remainder of the thirds, 
 after paying the ministers, should be applied to the use of the king. 
 ' * Act of parliament regulating the powers of the court of teinds, as 
 to granting augmentations to the clergy. Since that act another 
 has been passed, raising the stipends of those benefices destitute of all 
 funds for augmentation^ to L.150 per annum. ' This is a most wise 
 measure, while it is founded upon the strictest justice. It may be 
 
IN SCOTLAND. 309 
 
 Two .Other acts for securing the protestant fiiith, CHAP, 
 and in conformity with the articles of the General 
 
 1567. 
 
 Assembly, were passed in this memorable parlia- 
 ment ; the one ordaining that no one was eligible 
 as a judge, procurator, notary, or member of any 
 court, who did not profess the reformed religion ; 
 the other subjecting the teachers of youth to the 
 examination of the superintendents and visitors of 
 the church *. After all these measures, producing 
 so great a change in the state of the kingdom, had 
 been adopted, the parliament was dissolved. 
 
 The protestant religion may, from this period, ^^<^' 2.0th. 
 be considered as fully established in Scotland. Al- ment of the 
 though it had obtained the sanction of the parlia- l[on\n ^' 
 ment held in consequence of the treaty of Edin- Scotland. 
 burgh, that parliament was never confirmed by the 
 sovereign. So far from taking an oath to support 
 what it had enacted with regard to the faith of the 
 kingdom, she dissented from it, and openly avowed 
 her attachment to the doctrines of Rome. There 
 was thus a contest between the two establishments, 
 both of which were in existence, and even the most 
 sanguine protestants were sometimes doubtful which 
 would finally triumph. But from Murray's acces- 
 sion to the regency opposition ceased. The Romish 
 hierarchy was dissolved ; the king was a protestant, 
 and the protestant church was interwoven with the 
 
 hoped, that the scanty revenues of some of tlie Scotish universities 
 will also soon attract the notice of the legislature. 
 * Acts of Parliament, last quoted. 
 
SIO HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP, constitution which he swore to preserve. Some 
 ,^^Kj>^ points indeed were not finally arranged ; but the 
 1567. foundation was so firmly laid, that by nothing ex- 
 cept a revolution taking the monarch from his 
 throne, could it have been destroyed. The feeble 
 attempts which were made to restore Mary did not 
 shake it ; and her flight into England, combined 
 with the unprincipled policy of Elizabeth in detain- 
 ing her a prisoner, and at length condemning her 
 to the scaffold, removed every cause which could 
 impair its strength. 
 
 The disputes and divisions which soon began to 
 to disturb the harmony of the church, related to 
 questions of ecclesiastical policy and discipline, which 
 left the great base of the fabric untouched. The 
 advocates of presbytery, and the supporters of epis- 
 copacy, agreed in their opposition to the papal in- 
 fluence ; would have united the strength which they 
 wasted, often in the most frivolous controversies 
 with each other, had the fundamental principles of 
 the reformation been obviously in danger *. 
 
 * The dissensions of the protestants strongly influenced the politi- 
 cal principles, the manners, and the general lentiments of the inhabi- 
 tants of Scotland. Indeed, the inaportant events which soon marked 
 the history of that country, its intercourse with England after both 
 were placed under the same sovereign, cannot be fully explained or 
 understood without adverting to these dissensions. To trace their 
 nature and effects, would afford interesting and instructive matter for 
 another work, which, as a supplement to this history, the author, if 
 his book be honoured with public approbation, and if his other duties 
 afford him leisure; may at some future period undertake. 
 
IN SCOTLAND. Sll 
 
 That the reformers looked upon the acts of this par- cilAP. 
 liament in the light in which I have represented them, 
 cannot be doubted. They complained, indeed, that i^c 
 the revenues of the church were not restored ; and 
 perhaps thought that the regent, by proper vigour, 
 might have restored them ; but they were com- 
 pletely satisfied that government was now pledged 
 for their protection and support. Of this there can- 
 not be a more striking proof than that afforded by 
 an assembly which met about the conclusion of the 
 parliament. Willock, one of the superintendents, 
 had, during the troubles which the king's death 
 had occasioned, gone to England. The church, an- 
 xious to be benefited by the labours of a pastor 
 who had been most active in promoting the refor- 
 mation, wrote to him urging him to return. To 
 determine him to comply with the request, they re- 
 presented to him " that a godly magistrate was now 
 invested with the supreme power, that religion was 
 established and flourishing throughout all the realm ; 
 that sufficient provision was appointed for ministers ;** 
 and to sum up the whole, they concluded with these 
 remarkable words, most significantly expressing 
 their sentiments, " now shall you see the cope- 
 stone of that work, whereof you laid the founda- 
 tion*." 
 
 The object of this history is now therefore ac- 
 
 * Calderwood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 44. 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 ^|J^^" complished, and I have only to add a few genera! 
 V^v^-^ observations, which the progress of it naturally sug- 
 gests. 
 Concluding When the reformation was introduced into Scot- 
 tione. land, there was little or no probability of its acquiring 
 an establishment. The sovereign, the clergy, many 
 of the most powerful of the nobility, the wealth and 
 the influence of the nation were all directed against it ; 
 while the people, sunk in ignorance, and debased by 
 slavery, fettered by the obstinate prejudices which a 
 religion, laying fast hold of the weakness of human 
 nature, had created, could not have been expected to 
 appreciate the value of the blessing, or to feel much 
 anxiety about securing its possession. Yet, from a 
 combination of causes gradually acquiring strength, 
 the most formidable obstacles were surmounted. Ne- 
 glect and persecution failed in arresting the diffusion 
 of the reformed faith ; it was embraced by increas- 
 ing numbers, until the public voice solicited or de- 
 manded that it should be declared to be the faith of 
 the nation. They who survey the history of the 
 world, with reference to that Omnipotent Being who 
 ruleth throughout the universe, must trace, with gra- 
 titude and admiration, many signal interpositions of 
 his providence for weakening the dominion of er- 
 ror, and strengthening the cause of religious truth, 
 associated, as it happily was, with political freedom ; 
 while they who look not beyond the passions, the 
 talents, and the exertions of men, for the revolu- 
 
IN SCOTLAND. SIS 
 
 tlons which mark the history of the human race, chap. 
 must discern that the efforts to disseminate the pro- -^^^^'• 
 testant religion were made with judgment, and with 
 a perseverance which no privation and no suffering 
 could relax or destroy. 
 
 In the arduous contest for truth, Knox bore a 
 most conspicuous part. The nobles who defended 
 the principles of the reformation were often guided 
 by interested motives ; and although it cannot be 
 admitted that they were indifferent about religion, it 
 is certain that their zeal for its purity sometimes 
 yielded to the fascinating love of affluence or of ho- 
 nour. But Knox never for a moment deserted what 
 he believed to be his duty. In the most trying 
 seasons he remained inflexible, and although sus- 
 ceptible of the ardour of friendship, and connected 
 by the strongest ties with the eminent and powerful 
 men with whom he had long acted, he did not he- 
 sitate to stand alone, to forfeit their kindness and 
 their esteem, when he could not preserve these 
 without a compromise endangering the liberty or 
 religion of his country. Partaking of the roughness 
 of an age, in which the refinement of polite manners 
 was unknown, he sometimes acted with a rude 
 sternness, which, in modern times, would be consi- 
 dered as indicating a cruel and savage disposition. 
 In this respect, however, he was not singular ; he 
 would have been singular had he not thus acted. 
 But "amidst all his eagerness, amidst the severity of 
 
314 HISTORY QF T«E. REFORMATION 
 
 CHAP remonstrance or reproach, his eye was invariably 
 .^^^B^^^i^ fixed upon the improvement of" his fellow-creatures ; 
 while with one hand he planted the banners of reli- 
 gious reformation, with the other he brake the fet- 
 ters with which despotism would have chained and 
 degraded his countrymen. 
 
 The political and religious sentiments of the ele- 
 gant and profound historian of England, have led 
 him uniformly to speak of this distinguished re- 
 iormer with asperity or contempt j and writers infi- 
 nitely inferior have adopted the unfounded asper- 
 sions which he sanctioned. But let not literary 
 fame succeed in hiding what ought not to be 
 concealed, and what ought for ever to be recol- 
 lected with gratitude ; that to what has been brand- 
 ed as the sedition of Knox, we owe the first im- 
 provement of the science of government ; that to 
 what has been condemned as his fanaticism, we 
 are indebted for that emancipation from spiritual op- 
 pression, from which so much that is good has hap- 
 pily resulted. 
 
 That he was occasionally in error, that he often 
 apprehended danger where it, did not exist, that he 
 frequently acted with a vehemence which he ought 
 to have checked, that his zeal was sometimes ming- 
 led with enthusiasm, it is impossible to deny. But 
 although he was not perfect, he should still be con- 
 templated as one of the most illustrious of men. 
 His opinions upon government, upon morals, upon 
 
religion, display a vigour of vmxd, an acuteness of chap. 
 penetration, a soundness of understanding, which, 
 for the period at which he lived, are astonishing ; 
 and if they who have banis^ied ignorance, promot- 
 ed intellectual cultivation, and disseminated the in- 
 estimable blessings of civil and religious liberty, 
 ought to be revered, an attentive examination of his 
 conduct warrants us to ascribe to him a high place 
 amongst the benefactors of mankind. 
 
 One delightful circumstance connected with the 
 reformation in Scotland, must have struck all who 
 have attended to its advancement. It was a revo- 
 lution unstained by blood, unsullied by the cruelty 
 of active persecution. That its establishment was 
 too much connected with intolerance, that the anti- 
 pathy to popery, and the nature of the opposition 
 made to it were illiberal, cannot be doubted. All 
 this, however, was the fault of the times. The hu- 
 man mind, even in its utmost energy, cannot at 
 once free itself from prejudices which ages have 
 confirmed ; and candour requires, that in estimating 
 the merit of the reformers, this should not be for- 
 gotten. But their prmciples, both with respect lo 
 doctrine and to discipline, tended to cherish libera ,;- 
 ty of sentiment. These principles, after everv j.i= 
 tempt to pervert or to eradicate them, are now gr^bi- 
 ing ground ; and the most enlightened friends of 
 religion in Scotland, while they profess the fd^Ui oi 
 their fathers, and value as they ought the liberty of 
 
SlO HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION, &C. 
 
 CHAP, professing it, extend indulgence to those who differ 
 L^^iLy ^^°"^ them, mingling what never should be separa- 
 ted, zeal for what is believed to be true, with the 
 patience of forbearance, and the mildness of cha- 
 rity. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX, No. I. 
 
 Letter to which allusion has been made, as confirming 
 the charge of Wishart having been accessory to the 
 death of Cardinal Beaton. The Earl of Hertford thus 
 wrote to Henry VIII. of date April 17, IS^^ : — 
 
 <* This day arrived from Scotland Mr Wisheart, who 
 broughtmealetterfrommyLordBrimston,whichIsendyour 
 Highness herewith, and according to his requests, I have 
 taken order of the repair of the said Mr Wisheart to your 
 Majesty, for the delivery of such letters as he hath to your 
 Majesty from the Lord Brimston ; and also, for the said 
 declaration of his credence, which, as I can perceive by 
 him, consisteth of two points; one in the Laird of Grange, 
 late treasurer of Scotland, and the Master of Rothes, the 
 Earl of Rothes his eldest son, and John Charters, who 
 would attempt either to apprehend or slay the Cardinal 
 at some time when he should pass through the Fife land, 
 as he doth sundry times to St Andrew's ; and in case they 
 can so apprehend him, will deliver him up to your Ma- 
 jesty ; which attempt he says they would enterprize, if 
 they knew your Majesty's pleasure therein, and what 
 supportation and maintenance your Majesty will minister 
 to them after execution of the same, in case they shoula 
 
 VOL. III. a 
 
11 APPENDIX. 
 
 be pursued afterwards by any other enemies." The evi- 
 dence for any accusation must be poor indeed, when such 
 a document is adduced to support it. There is no other 
 reason for supposing that Wishart the reformer was 
 the person sent upon this strange embassy, than that 
 founded upon the name of the messenger being the same 
 with his, while there are innumerable reasons for con- 
 cluding that he could not be the agent of the Lords in a 
 business so inconsistent with his general principles, and 
 so shocking to a humane and generous mind. The ac- 
 cusation, as I have observed, was not brought forward 
 by Leslie, and seems to have been the invention of a pe- 
 riod long subsequent to the death of Wishart. Now, it 
 is difficult to conceive, that if he really engaged in this 
 conspiracy, this should not have been known, for it was 
 carried on in a manner not favourable for concealment ; 
 he first went to Lord Hartford, he was sent by him to the 
 King, and his business at court, if to court he did repair, 
 could not have been kept secret from all the persons with 
 whomhe must have held communication. At the timeof his 
 carrying the letters, he had attracted much notice in Scot- 
 land ; and had he suddenly suspended his preaching to 
 proceed to England, this would have excited curiosity, 
 and would probably have led to a discovery of the design 
 which he was attempting to accomplish. But it is unne- 
 cessary to urge any thing more upon a subject where the 
 truth must be so easily perceived. 
 
APPENDIX. m 
 
 APPENDIX, No. II. 
 
 Some Extracts from ArchbisJwp Hamilton's Catechism^ pub" 
 lished in black letter at St Andrew' Sy 1552. 
 « OF HERETICS. 
 
 ** Heir it is expedient to descrive quha is ane heretyk; 
 quhilk descriptioun we will nocht male be our awin proper 
 invencion, but we will tak it as it is els made and geven 
 to us, be twa of the maist excellent doctouris of haly 
 kirk, Hierome and Augustine. Thir ar the wordis of St 
 Hierome, quhilk he sais in his Commentarie upon the 
 Epistle of St Paul to the Gallathians : Quicunque aliter 
 scripturam intelligit, quam sensus Spiritus Sancti flagitat, 
 quo conscripta est, licet de ecclesia non recesserit, tamen 
 hereticus appellari potest. Quhat Christin man or wo- 
 man soevir thai ar quhilk understandis the Haly Scrip- 
 ture otherwayis than ye mind of ye Haly Spirit requiris, 
 (be quhais inspiracion the Scripture was writtin) supposs 
 he gang nocht fra the company of ye kirk, zit he may be 
 callit an heretyk. Now heir the wordis of St Augustin, 
 descryvand quha is ane heretyk.; Hereticus est, ut mea 
 fert opinio, qui alicujus temporalis commodi, et maxime 
 glorie principatusq. : sui gratia, falsas et novas opiniones 
 vel gignit, vel sequitur. Efter my opinion (sais he) he 
 is ane heretyk, quhilk, because of any warldly profeit, 
 and maist of all, because of his awin glore and promo- 
 tioun, leiffas the trew faith, and other makis or folowis 
 fals and new opinions. Gif ze speir agane at me, how 
 may ze knaw the trew sence of the Scripture intendit be 
 ye haly Spirit, and sa discerne ye verite of our faith fra 
 new and fals opiniouns callit hereseis ? Trewly this ze 
 may knaw and discerne be thre way is: First, be trew col- 
 latioun, applicatioun, and conferring ane place of th» 
 
IV APPENDIX. 
 
 Scripture til ane uther, for comonly ye sentece quhilk is 
 put in ane place of the scripture obscuirly, the same sen- 
 tece is put in ane other place of the scripture pleanly. 
 Than quha sa hais the ingyne, cunning, or knawledge to 
 Coferre ye obscuire place to ye plain place, may cum to ye 
 trew understanding of the obscuire place. And maist of 
 all, it helpis us to ye trew inteliigc nc:; of ye scripture, to 
 tak gud tent to the wordis that ar writtin immediately 
 afor the text yat we heir or reidis, and alswa jat follow- 
 is efterhend ye same ; for sum tyme ye wordis written 
 afore, sum tyme ye wordis written eftlrhend, sum tyme 
 baith ye wordis afore and efter, oppinis til us ye trew and 
 plaine sense of yat text of ye scripture quhilk we desyre to 
 vnderstand. Bot because mony men reidis ye scripture, 
 and hes nocht ye gift of ye haly spirit, callit interpreta- 
 tio sermonii, the interpretation of wordis, that is to say, 
 (after ane exposition) of difficil and obscuire places ; 
 theirfore, it is expediet to cum to ye seciid way, quhilk is 
 ye expositio of autentyk doctours, approvit be ye aucto- 
 rite of haly kirk, and resavit be lang consent of ye Chris- 
 tin peple, as Herome, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregorie, 
 Chrisostome, with mony uthir sic lyke, to quhome ye 
 haly spirit gaif ye gift of interpretacion and exposition of 
 ye scripture, and alsua leirit ye trew sence of ye same at 
 yair doctouris and eldaris, quhilk likewais leirit ye same 
 trew sence at yair doctouris and eldaris, sa ascendat to ye 
 apostils. The thrid way to knaw quhat are ye bukis of 
 haly write, quhat is the trew sence of ye same, quhat ar 
 the articlis quhilk ar heresie, is ye declaracioun, determi- 
 natioun, and decisionis of general counsellis, gaderit to- 
 gidder and concludit be ye inspiratioun of the haly spi- 
 rit, quhame the father eternall, and our salviour Jesus 
 Christ his natural sonne hais gevn to the kirk to be ledar, 
 techar, and direckar of ye same kirk, in all matteris co- 
 
APPENDIX. V 
 
 cernlng our cathollke faith and gud manneris of the Chris- 
 tin peple, quhilic catholike kirk is trewly representit in 
 al general counsellis lauchfuUy gaderit in the Haly Spi- 
 rit. Quharfor, he that will nocht heir, resaif and obey 
 ye delHnitionis and determinationis of lauchful general 
 counsellis concerning materis of our faith, he is nocht to 
 be accountit a trew Christin man." There is much sound 
 advice in this extract, and much art in connecting the 
 Popish notion of heresy with what cannot be disputed. The 
 two following extracts will afford a specimen of the mo- 
 ral instruction contained in the catechism, and of its op- 
 position to prejudices and superstitious notions then very 
 prevalent. 
 
 ** How mony maner of wayis may justice be pervertit, 
 and unjustly execute be jugis and othir officiaris of the 
 law ? Four maner of wayis. First, be hettrent and ma- 
 lice quhilk thai beir aganis ony man : Secundly, for feir 
 to displese ony gret man, or ony warldly friend : Third- 
 lie, for lufe of ony temporall geir ; and Fourtlie, for car- 
 nal affectioun of thair friendis. Be ane or ma of thir 
 four maner of wayis, justice is oft tymes nocht trewlie 
 and lauchfullie executit ; and speciallie, advocatis, procu- 
 ratoris, and scrybis, quhidder thae be of temporal court, 
 or spirituall, braikis yis comman (thou shalt not steal) twa 
 maner of wayis. First, quhen yai tak wagis to procure 
 or defende a cause, quhilk yai ken is unlauchfull and 
 aganis justice. Secundlie, quhen for thair wagis thai 
 tak on hand ane lauchfull cauee, bot for lucre of geir thay 
 diffar and puttis of the executioun of justice fra day to 
 day, and ofttymes fra zeir to zeir, to the gret skaith and 
 herschyppe of thaim quhilk hes ane rycht actioun of the 
 pley. All thay that findis ony tynt geir, gold, sylver, or 
 ony uther thing, and knawis, or may knaw with diligent 
 spering, quhay awe the same tynt geir, and wyl nocht re- 
 
VI APPENDIX. 
 
 Store it, and gyf it agane to ye trew awner, they are theif- 
 fis, and braikis this comand. Lykwayis, al thai breckis 
 this comand, quhilk wil nocht pay thair dettis when they 
 may, and suld pay them. Quhasaevir payis nocht thair 
 tendis dewlie and haillelie as thai aucht to do, thae co- 
 mit theift, and breckis yis comand. All executoris quhilk 
 takis on hand to fulfyll the last wyll of ony man or wo- 
 man, and wyll nocht pay the dettis of ye dede, and uther 
 legacies, wyll nocht help ye freindis of ye dede, nor do 
 deidis of cheritie, and suffrages of the kirk for ye saul de- 
 partit, conforme to the dedis, wyll, and ordinance, thay 
 grevouslie dyspleis God be the transgressioun of yis com- 
 mand, and may be comptit before God nocht only theifEs, 
 but oppin rtffaris. All medicinaris and chirurgeraris, 
 quhilk is nocht expert in thair facultie, and zit will tak 
 on hand to cure ony man or woman fra seiknes, quhilk 
 thai can nocht do, takad wagis largely fra the same seik 
 personis, yai commit thift agains this command. Lyk- 
 wais, all pottingareis quhilk takis silver for evil and 
 rottin stufe and droggaris, can nocht be excusit fra com- 
 mitting of thift. Thus, in the same command, Almychty 
 God forbiddis all injust and unlauchful taking, getting, 
 and keeping of uther mennis geir ; and be the contrare 
 God commandis, that all transgressouris and brekaris of 
 yis command afore rehersit, with al yir power suld mak 
 hail restitutioun of their wrangous and vnlauchfull gottiti 
 geir ; for it is ane common and trew saying of Sanct Au- 
 gustine, Peccatum non dimittitur nisi ablatum restituatur. 
 The syn is nocht forgifHn, except the wrangous geir be 
 restorit ; and gif sa be yat thow may nocht restore in deid 
 and incotinent, at the least thow suld haif ane gud will 
 and purpose to restore the wrangous geir quhen thow sal 
 be abih 
 
APPENDIX. Vll 
 
 " Thai brek this command (the first) quhasaevir usis 
 vvichecraft, nicromansie, enchantment, juglarie,or trustis 
 in thame, or seikis thair help -, quhasa lippins to wordis, 
 or dremis, quhasa lippens to defend thairself or their 
 beistis, orgeir, aganis fyre, watter, swerd, noysum beistis, 
 with certenne takinnis or writingis superstitiously. And 
 gif ony man or woman would say : Oft tymes we se thet 
 things cumis to passe, quhilk divinaris sais ; oft times 
 men and beistis ar helpet be wytched charmis ; oft tymes 
 geir tynt or stowin is gettin agane be cowngerars, — and 
 sa apperandly it is noch evil done to seike for sicklike 
 help — O yu wretchit and blind man or woman, yat thinkis 
 or sayis siclike wordis ! Knaw thou weil and understand, 
 that quhensaevir thow speris or seikis for ony help, coun- 
 sel, remede, consolation, or defence at ony wytche, sorce- 
 rar, cowngerar, or siclike decevars, thow dois greit in- 
 jure to thi Lord God, because that thow takis the ho- 
 nour and servise quhilk aucht to be gevin to God allenar- 
 ly, and giflis it to the devil, quhilk is deidly enemie to 
 thy saul j for without dout, all wytches, nigromanceris, 
 and siclyke workis be operatioun of ye devil, under a pac- 
 tion, condition, band, or obligation of service and honour 
 to be made to him. 
 
 " Nather can thai excuse thameself fra transgression of 
 the first command, yat superstitiously observes ane day 
 mair than ane other, as certane craftismen quhilk will 
 nocht begin their warke on the Saterday ; certane schip- 
 men or mariners will nocht begin to sail on the Satter- 
 day ; certane travelers will nocht begin thair journay on 
 ye Satterday, quhilke is plane superstition, because that 
 God Almychty made the Satterday as well as he made 
 all other dayis of the wouke ; Quharfor, all lesum workis 
 may be begon als well on the Satterday as ony other day 
 
Vm APPENDIX. 
 
 of the wouke, quhllk is nocht commandithaly day. Syclik 
 supersticion is amang thame that will nocht berisch or 
 erde the bodis of their freindis on the north part of the 
 kirk zard, tiowand yat thair is mair halyness or vertew 
 on the south-side than on the north. It is nocht unknaw- 
 in to us, that many and sundry uther sinfull and danable 
 kindis of witchecraftis and superstitionis ar usit amang 
 sum men and women, quhilk at this tyme we can nocht 
 reherse and reprove in special ; thairfor, according to our 
 dewties, we require zow forbeir thame all, because thai 
 ar all damnable to zour saulis." 
 
 In several parts of Scotland, some vestiges of the su- 
 perstitious practices here reproved, and of other similar 
 ones may be traced, so difficult is it to eradicate the pre- 
 judices which, in a dark and ignorant age, had been instil- 
 led into the human mind. 
 
 After explaining the first article of the Creed, the au- 
 thor subjoins some moral lessons, the first of which I 
 shall insert. " Quhen we believe with our hart, and con- 
 fesses with our mouth this first artikill — I believe in God, 
 father almychty, makar of hevin and erde, we are direc- 
 tit to the trew knawledge of the majestie of God. For 
 this is a general rewle, ilk ane makar is mair excellent 
 than is the work. God Almychty is the makar of hevin 
 and erd, and all things contenit yairin, quharfore, he is 
 mair excellent than all the creatouris of the world. Thus, 
 we may cum to sum knawledge of God's majestie, power, 
 wisdome, and gudnes, be faith of this first artikel." I 
 shall conclude the extract from this work with a part 
 of the primate's pastoral admonition, strikingly shewing 
 the effect which had been produced upon his own mind, 
 and upon the mind of his synod, by the activity and 
 zeal of the reformed teachers. I have mentioned, in the 
 
APPENDIX. IX 
 
 course of the work, the indolence of the Popish clergy. 
 This was long overlooked by those who should have cor- 
 rected it •, but the Archbisliop found it at length neces- 
 sary to direct against it the most forcible exhortations. 
 " We exhort zow all yat ar personis of kirkis, quhilk hes 
 ressavit upon zow the cure of saulis, quhat degree or 
 name saever ze have, that ze wald apply zour diligens to 
 do zour office ; that is to say, to preche and teche syn- 
 cerely the evagil of God to zour parochionaris, according 
 as ze ar oblissit to do be ye law of God and haly kirk. 
 And trew nocht yat this buke sal discharge zow afore 
 God fra executioun of zour forsaid office : for trewly it 
 is nocht set out to that intentioun, nother to give to zow 
 ony baldness or occasioun of negligence and idilnes ; 
 heirfor, for ye tendor mercy of God, and for ye lufe yat 
 ze have, or suld have, to the bitter passioun of Christ Je- 
 su our salviour, quhais spiritual flock, bocht with his 
 awin precious blud, ze have takin to keip and feid, yat 
 ze fail ze nocht to do zour office, ilk ane of zow to zour 
 awin parochionaris, seand yat thai pay to zow thair dew- 
 tie sufficiently. Consider weil, and dout nocht bot yat 
 ze ar als mikel bund to yame as thai ar bund to zow." 
 Then follow some apt quotations from Scripture, point- 
 ing out the judgments which will descend upon negligent 
 pastors, and describing the duty which they were bound 
 to practice. There are some curious examples of casu- 
 istry, some amusing illustrations of several of the peculiar 
 tenets of the Popish faith, but the specimens here given 
 will give the reader some idea of the nature of this cate- 
 chism. It will be seen from the extracts, that there were 
 no settled rules of orthography. The words seem to have 
 been written agreeably to the mode of pronunciation, and 
 this explains the fact, that the same word is often spelt 
 (diffisTently in the course of a few lines or pages. 
 
X APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. III. 
 
 " The counsali'geven be the Deyne and Chapter of Abdn., 
 to my Lord Bischope of Abdn,, the ordnar, at his LdP. 
 desyre, for reformatioun to be maid and stanching of 
 heresies, pullalant w^in ye Diocie of Abdne., and the 
 order prescrivit to be observit to the samyn effect," An. 
 1559" Copied from an old MS. amongst the papers 
 belonging to the family of Dun, by Professor Stuart 
 of the Marischal College, Aberdeen. 
 
 ** Imprimis, that my Lord of Abdn. causs the kirkmen 
 w'in his Lordschipis diocie to reforme y™selfis in all yr 
 sclanderus maner of lyving, and to remove thair oppin 
 concubinis, as weile grete as smale, under sic pains as is 
 conteint in the law and acts provincial) ; and the chap- 
 ter of Aberdene sail doe siclyk amang thayme in all 
 scharpest maner, conform to the law, als weil on thair- 
 selves as yr servandis, or ony uthir personis dwelland un- 
 der thair jurisdiction. Item, for preching to be maid 
 w^in ye hail diocie ; that yair be send letters monitorie 
 upon the hail parsonis, abbotis, and prioris, to causs 
 preching to be maid w^in thair kirkis, betwix this and 
 Fasternisis Evin nixt, at least anis in ilke paroche kirk, 
 and ane uther tyme betwiy Pasche, w' continuatioun, con- 
 forme to the acts provinciall, under painis conteinit y'^in- 
 till; and failzing yi'of, that my Lord causs send ane prech- 
 er to ever ilk kirke that is not prechet in lentren yi^efter, 
 and to tak up the painis y'^of, to be applyit to certane 
 prechers, to be sent throw the diocie, and letteris to be 
 direct y''upon, upon ye fermoraris y''of, conform to the 
 statut provincial ; swa yat ye peple be not in dainger, be- 
 causs of inlaik of preching of the trew Catholyk fay^ 
 
APPENDIX. Zl 
 
 And siclyk sequestratloun of all frutis to be maid, usque 
 ad reformationem ecclesiarum pro parte rectorum •, and 
 writtingis to be maid y^upon by my Lord to yame all y* 
 ar absent to cum, and male residence w'in the diocie and 
 chanonrie of Aberdene, and to reforme ye kirke, and 
 causs preching to be maid y^intill, according to ye acts. 
 Item, to give effect to the statute of residence to be put 
 to executioun, conforme to the foundatioune super septi- 
 ma. Item, anent ihe ordour and proceeding touching re- 
 formatioune of sic enormities as is within y*^ diocesie. 
 Imprimus, to send ane sumons q"*, infamatas personas 
 de heresia, quod compareant coram Episcopo, Decano et 
 Capitulo, suis in hac parte Consiliariis et assessoribus, ad 
 videndum et audiendum se plecti et puniri secundu juris 
 exigentia et qualitate delicti, vel purgandum se purga- 
 tione canonica. Nee non et propter absentiam ab eccle- 
 siis suis parochialibus diebus saltem Dominicis, et sig- 
 nanter quia non dedignantur (dignantur) interesse sacrifi- 
 cio Missae : And quhen thai cum to examine thame, quid 
 sentiunt de sacramento altaris, et de potestate ecclesise, et 
 sacrificio Missx, et reliquis ecclessiae sacramentis *, and to 
 gif reason of thair fayth and beleif, secundum discretio- 
 nem examinantis conforme to ye scriptour. Quhilk sum- 
 mondis sal be send to thair dwalland places that ar w'in 
 ye diocie, and execut be ane priest no'ar, with thrie ho- 
 nest witness at the leist, becauss thai cum nocht to thair 
 paroche kirkis on ane Sounday, or ony solemnit haly day. 
 Item, to y'5 effect, to constitute Maister NicoU Hay 
 scrive in this besiness, and Maister Thomas Freser, and 
 Alex' Paipe, procuratoris-fiscallis in this, and all uther 
 causis ; and every ane of the thrie to haif ten merkis to 
 be pait at the senzie be the Deyne of Mar, and to be al- 
 Ipwit in his comptis. And in lyk maner, Maister Robert 
 
Xll APPENDIX. 
 
 Lumisdaile, principal procuratour pensionar, baith to my 
 Lord and Chaptour, to be requivit to procure in the samyn; 
 and the forsaid scryve to direct allletteris, and to be sub- 
 scrivit be him, de mandate reverend.^^Patris, and to half 
 ane speciall seil to be maid to that effect ; and quhat beis 
 done y^untill my Lord to ratify, stand at, and approve in 
 all poyntis. Item, to require my I^ord Huntlie, balzie 
 of the bischoprik of Abirdeine, and all utheris fewaris of 
 the samyn, for outsetting, defence, and manteyning of 
 the catholik fayth, to be present with my Lord of Aber- 
 deine, and at his Lordchipis seit at the dayis appointit, 
 conforme to thair bandis respective : And in cais of my 
 Lord Huntlie's absence, to caus sum principall landit man 
 of his Lordchipis kyn, to be inreddynes in his Lordchipis 
 place, as he beis requiritt for assistere. 
 
 *« Item, to send certane granatouris to new Aberdeine, 
 Banchorie Ternan, Echt, Kynerne, Midmar, Auchindoire, 
 and Kierne, to moneis all thai that ar art, parte, reid or 
 counsall of the byrnyng of the kirke of Echt, or casting 
 down of ymages in ony kirke within the diocie of Aber- 
 deine to revele the samyn to my Lord Aberdeine or his 
 Commissaris in that part j and cursyngis to be execut so- 
 lemnitlie y''upon at the merkat croces of new Aberdeine, 
 and auld Aberdeine. And that the premisses may, be the 
 help of God, tak the better effect, the Deyne and Chap- 
 tour forsaidis, humlie and hartlie prayis and exhortis my 
 Lord thair Ordinar, for the honour of God, releif of his 
 awin concience, and weill of his Lordchippis diocie, evet- 
 ing of gretar selander; and becaus all thai that ar con- 
 trarius to the religioun Christiane, promittis faythfull obe- 
 dience to the prelatis, swa that thai will mend thair 
 awin lyvis, and thair inferiouris, conforme to the law of 
 God and haly kirk j in respect hereof, that his Lordship 
 
AFPKNDIX. XUl 
 
 wald be sa gude as to schew gude and edificative example 
 in speciall, in removing and dischargeiiig himself of cum- 
 pany of the gentill woman be quhom he is gretlic sclan- 
 derit ; without the quhilk be done, divers that are perti- 
 nax, sayis thai can nocht accept counsall and correctioun 
 of him quhilk will nocht correct himself ; and in lyk 
 maner, nocht to be owr familiar with thame that ar sus- 
 pect contrarius to the kirk and of the new law ) and that 
 hisLordschipevaid the samyn; that quhen his Lordschip 
 plesis vesey the feyldis to repois himself, cheis sic cum- 
 pany as efferis till his Lordschips awin estate ; and caus 
 his Lordschipis servandis to reforme thairselfis, because 
 nixt himself it seims him to begyn at his awin houshald. 
 Quhilkis premisses being done, the saidis Deyne and 
 Cheptour belevis in God, that all sail cum weil to the ho- 
 nour of God, and general reformatioun of the haill dyo- 
 cie of Aberdeine ; and thai promes to his Lordschip thair 
 hartlie concurrence and assistence with honour, service 
 and obedience at thai ruler power. 
 ** Signed, Robert Erskine, Decanus Aberdonon. 
 
 Patricius Myrton^ Thesaurarius, Abd. 
 
 Ja. Strachauchan a Balhelvy. 
 
 Joannes Leslie de Murthlak, S. R. afterwards 
 the famous Bishop of Ross, 
 
 Joannes Watson de Clat, S. S. R. 
 
 Arthurus Taillifere de Crechmond. 
 
 Jacobus Gordon de Lonmay. 
 
 Willielmus Cambell de Tuilynessil. 
 
 Alexr. Brydf Subcantor. 
 
 Alexr. Anderson^ Suprincipalis, Ca'"*. Abd." 
 
 This paper is certainly a very striking document. Sub- 
 scribed by respectable men, by Leslie, afterwards Bishop 
 of Ross, and at all times a most zealous advocate for the 
 
XIV APPENDIX. 
 
 Popish faith, it cannot be supposed to exhibit the picture 
 in too dark colours j and it does give a very melancholy 
 account of the religious state of that large district of Scot- 
 land to which it relates. It admits the open profligacy of 
 the great body of the clergy ; allows that preaching and 
 the other duties of the sacred office were most scanda- 
 lously neglected ; states that heresy was making the most 
 rapid progress, and that force alone could be expected 
 to weaken or destroy it. There is much candour in many 
 parts of the representation, but the persons who compos- 
 ed it evidently laboured under difficulty and embarrass- 
 ment, when, in discharge of the trust committed to them, 
 they found it necessary to rise above the inferior clergy, 
 and address a serious admonition to the Bishop himself. 
 They introduce the subject with as much delicacy as it 
 was possible to use, but having introduced it, they give 
 a delineation of the Prelate, plainly shewing, that he was 
 most dissolute in his morals, mean in the choice of his 
 companions, and irregular as a master of a family, ne- 
 glecting or overlooking the licentiousness of his depen- 
 dents. His conduct must have excited much abhorrence 
 before it could be requisite to give to himself the advices 
 which the counsel contains : and indeed this is apparent 
 from their attempting to make an impression on his mind, 
 by representing to him, that many who were regarded as 
 heretics, or enemies of religion, would readily submit to 
 the jurisdiction of the church, if he would amend his 
 life. This renders it evident, that the immorality of the 
 clergy was the first great cause of alienating the people 
 from the established faith, and fully confirms the accu- 
 racy of those representations about clerical depravity, 
 which we find in the works of the most zealous of the 
 early reformers, and which have been sometimes consi- 
 dered as exaggerated, or as even betraying a total want di 
 
 9 
 
APPENDIX. XY 
 
 that charity, which all Christians, who form their opi- 
 nions from the doctrines of their Saviour, should con- 
 stantly cherish. It is amusing to observe the manner in 
 "which they speak of the heretics, whom they evidently 
 contemplated with the utmost alarm. The rest of the 
 paper is in the language of the country, but unwilling to 
 convey to the people the impious doubts of the reform- 
 ers ; they narrate the charges against them, or rather the 
 grounds upon which they were to proceed in punishing 
 tliem, in Latin. They denominate them " infamatas per- 
 sonas," and plainly had every inclination to exhibit them 
 in the most unfavourable light. Yet, while they mourn 
 over the " sclanderus maner of lyving," which was too pre- 
 valent amongst the priests, while they urge the necessity of 
 removing their " oppin concubines," there is not the most 
 distant insinuation that the advocates of the new tenets 
 were guilty of any immorality *, of any of these glaring 
 vices which their own order, without paying any defe- 
 rence to public opinion, did not hesitate habitually to 
 practise. This, then, may be fairly urged as a strong tes- 
 timony in favour of the Protestant teachers ; and points 
 out another reason for the success with which they la- 
 boured in enlightening the minds of their countrymen, 
 and laying open the abuses which had contaminated the 
 ancient establishment. The onlycrimes imputed to the "in- 
 famatas personas," were their absenting themselves from 
 their parish churches, and disdaining to be present at the 
 celebration of the mass, a mode of acting which neces- 
 sarily followed from the sincere adoption of those prin- 
 ciples which they professed to found on the word of God, 
 and which, as being thus founded, they inculcated upon 
 all who listened to their instructions. 
 
XVI APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. IV. 
 
 A MEMORIAL of Certain points meet for the restoring 
 the realm of Scotland to the ancient weale ; written 
 by my Lord Treasurer (Cecil), with his own hand, 
 dated 5th August 1559, and copied by Crawford, in 
 his Collection of Papers concerning Scotland, Vol, I. 
 from the Cotton Library, Caligula, B. x. 
 
 *' Imprimis, it is to be noted, that the best worldly feli- 
 city that Scotland can have, is either to continue in a per- 
 petual peace with the kingdom of England, or to be made 
 one monarchy with England, as they both make but one 
 isle, divided from the rest of the world. If the first be 
 sought, that is, to be in perpetual peace with England, 
 then must it be necessarily provided, that Scotland be not 
 so subject to the appointments of France as it is present- 
 ly, which being an ancient enemy to England, seeketh al- 
 ways to make Scotland an instrument to exercise thereby 
 their malice upon England, and to make a footstool there- 
 of to look over England as they may. Therefore, when 
 Scotland shall come to the hands of a meer Scotsman in 
 blood, there may then be hope of some such accord ; but 
 as long as it is at the command of the French, there is no 
 hope to have accord long betwixt these two realms. 
 
 " Therefore, seeing it is at the French king's com- 
 mandment by reason of his wife, it is to be considered 
 for the weale of Scotland, that until she have children, 
 and during her absence out of the realm, the next heirs 
 to the crown, being the house of Hamiltons, should have 
 regard thereto, and to see that the crown be neither 
 impaired nor wasted. And on the other side, the nobi- 
 lity and commonality ought to forsee, that the laws and 
 old customs of the realm be not altered, neither that the 
 
APPENDIX. XVU 
 
 country bo impoveribhed by taxes imprest, or new im- 
 posts after the manner of France ; for provision whereof, 
 botli by the law of God and man, the French king and 
 his wife may be mov'd to reform their misgovernance of 
 the realm. And for this purpose, it were good that the 
 nobility and commons joyn'd with the next heir to the 
 crown, to seek due reformation of such great abuses, as 
 tend to the ruin of their country, which must be done be- 
 fore the French grow to be strong and insolent. 
 
 *' First, That it may be provided by the consent of the 
 three estates of the land, that the land may be free from 
 all idolatry, like as England is j for justification whereof, 
 if any free general council may be had, where the Pope 
 of Rome has not the seat of judgment, they may offer to 
 show their cause to be most agreeable to Christ^s reli- 
 gion. 
 
 " Next, to provide that Scotland might be governed in 
 all rules and offices by the ancient blood of the realm, 
 without either captains, lieutenants, or soldiers, as all 
 other princes govern their countries, and specially that 
 the forts might be in the hands of meer Scotsmen. 
 
 <' Thirdly, That they might never be occasioned to enter 
 into wars against England, except England should give 
 the cause to Scotland. Fourthly, that no more noblem^en 
 of Scotland should receive pension from France, except 
 it were whilst he did service in France ; for otherwise, 
 thereby the French would shortly corrupt many to betray 
 their country. Fifthly, That no office, abbay, living, or 
 commodity, be given to any but meer Scotsmen, by the 
 assent of the three estates. Sixthly, that there be a coun- 
 cil in Scotland, appointed in the Queen's absence, to go- 
 vern the realm, and in those causes, not to be directed 
 by the French. Seventhly, That it be by the said three 
 
 VOL. III. b 
 
XVIU APPENDIX, 
 
 estates appointed how the revenue of the crown shall be 
 expended, how much the Queen shall have for her por- 
 tion and estate during her absence, how many shall be 
 limited to the governance and defence of the realm, and 
 how many shall be yearly appointed to be kept in the 
 thesaurie " 
 
 Then follow those concluding observations inserted in 
 the body of this history, and which it is, therefore, not 
 necessary again to transcribe. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. V. 
 
 Extracts from a paper of Cecil, entitled, A short Discus- 
 sion of the weighty matter of Scotland, dated August 
 1559, and copied by Crawford, in Vol. Isi: of his Col- 
 lection, from the original m the Cotton Library, Cali- 
 gula, B. X. The original is written in Cecil's own hand, 
 
 <« QUESTION. 
 
 " Whether it be meet that England should help the no- 
 bility and Protcsrants of Scotland to expel the French or 
 no ? That no, — 
 
 *< First, Ii is against God's law to aid anysubjects against 
 their natural princes or their ministers. Second, It is 
 dangerous to do it ; for if the aid shall be no other than 
 may be kept in secrecy, it can't be great, and so conse- 
 quently it shall not suffire. It it shall be open, it will 
 procure wars, and t'le end thereof is uncertain. Third, 
 It may he doubted, ^hat when aid shall be given, and mo- 
 ney spe:)t, the French may compound with the Scots and 
 pardon that error, to joi i both in force against England ; 
 which is more easily to be believed, because they had ra- 
 ther make a shameful composition with Scotland, than 
 suffer it to be rejoined and united to the crown of Eng- 
 
APPENDIX. XIX 
 
 land. Fourth, It may be doubted, that to stay the pro- 
 gress of religion against the sec of Rome, the Emperor, 
 the King Catholick, the Pope and potentates in Italy, and 
 the Duke of Savoy, will rather conspire with the French 
 king, than to suffer those two monarchies to be joined 
 in one manner of religion. And in this part may be doubt- 
 ed, that many, as well Scots as English, that can like very 
 well to have those two kingdoms perfectly knit in amity, 
 will not allow them to be knit in a like religion. 
 " That yea, — 
 " First, It is agreeable both to the law of God and nature, 
 that every prince and public state should defend itself, 
 not only from perils presently seen, but from dangers 
 that be probably seen to come shortly after. Second, Na- 
 ture and reason teacheth every person, politick or other, 
 to use the same manner of defence that the adversary 
 useth in offence. Upon those two principles agreed, will 
 easily and evidently follow, that England both may, and 
 ought to aid Scotland to keep out the Frerich." Here 
 follows a long dissertation, intended to prove that Eng- 
 land had a title to the superiority over Scotland. After 
 this, Cecil proceeds to observe : " But besides this 
 former reason, which resteth upon a right and honour, 
 it followeth to consider how England ought, even for 
 the protection of itself from perpetual ruin and sub- 
 version, see, and that with good speed, that the French 
 be not suffered, by pretence of this particular disorder, to 
 bring their armies into Scotland. And in this part, both 
 God and nature doth not only allow, but also move the 
 realm of England to look to this in lime ; for in these 
 cases, when it concerneth kingdoms, baud putaram Com- 
 eth too late. To prove that England is in evident dan- 
 ger, if providence be not us'd, are to be considered these 
 following things : First, the disposition of the French to 
 
XX APPENDIX. 
 
 conquer and be masters of England, I think is unknown- 
 neither to Englishmen, nor to any of the Christian nations 
 that knoweth one nation from another. No man is so 
 simple that hath read or remembered any stories, to think 
 that that nation hath any conscience in keeping or break- 
 ing of peace with England. Next to this, it is too evi- 
 dent that they mean it, and of necessity they must both 
 mean it and follow it. 
 
 " At the making of this last peace it was manifest, how 
 they laboured to have had the Burgundians conclude a 
 peace without England, and how insolent reasons they 
 used in that point, and shewed what ground they meant 
 to work on. They could most falsely say at that time, 
 that they knew not how to conclude a peace with the 
 Queen's Majesty, nor to whom they should deliver Calis, 
 but to the Dolphin's wife, whom they took for Queen 
 of England. 
 
 " Before that, in the time of Queen Marie, what prac- 
 tices had they in many places, both abroad and here in 
 England, to deprive the Queen Majesty's title that now 
 is, and to set furth their own ? In so much, that if God 
 had not conferr'd this crown to the Queen's Majesty with 
 a notable concord of all states of the realm, it was well 
 seen in France how they meant to have set abroad their 
 devise. And too many things there be to prove their 
 burning desire to further this. Their doings at Rome, 
 to procure the last Pope's bull to declare the Queen's Ma- 
 jesty illegitimate ; their practices in Almain to set forth 
 Etkin's works against the Queen's moder ; their usurpa- 
 tion of the arms 'of England, first, in their open justs 
 where {he King was killed, and then consequently using 
 the same in plate, and to despite the Queen's Maj. ser- 
 vants in the same plate, wherein her ambassadors were 
 served, now also sent into Scotland j the consultation 
 
APPENDIX. XXI 
 
 also had upon the King's death, how this French King 
 should he proclaimed King of England, which was stay'd 
 by the wisdom of the Constable. 
 
 " Yet nevertheless, followed the engraving of the same 
 stile in the great seal sent into Scotland, and in the treaty 
 confirm'd with the King Catholick ; this that they for- 
 bear to do by proclamation, they do by paintings, grav- 
 ings, writings, and workings ; so tliat it appeareth too 
 manifest what they woidd, and what thi;y covet. Beside 
 this, how lightly they esteem the Queen's Majesty, ap- 
 peareth by their keeping of their treaty, being bound and 
 demanded to send a fourth hostage, they have neglected 
 it ; and how dishonourable oi:e of them Iiath passed here 
 with the killing of one of the Queen's Majesty's subjectii 
 doth appear too plain ; and yet they have seemed cun- 
 ningly to be complainers, that is, to bite and to \yhin like 
 dogs or Frenchmen. 
 
 *' What good disposition theFrench Queen herself is of, 
 doth well appear by her own disdainful speech to diverse 
 persons, and among others, to some of the Queen's Ma- 
 jesty's own gentlewomen being in France. Hitherto may 
 appear sufficient arguments of the earnest minds of the 
 French tovi'ard this kingdom ; which, how maliciously it 
 hath been set, former years have always declared when 
 they made no pretence to this crown. And now, how 
 this their malice is augmented and taken root by their 
 false pretended title, may easily apipear to be such, as the 
 same will never be stay'd in them as long as the French 
 Queen liveth, or as long as any issue shall come of lier 
 body ; so that this quarrel now begun, is undoubtedly 
 like to be a perpetual incumbrance of this kingdom. And 
 to manifest that it shall now in this time be put mostin use, 
 it is to be considered at this present, that the Cardinal of 
 Larraine and the whole house of Guise have the chief 
 
XXll APPENDIX. 
 
 governance, who only depend upon the^ Queen their fliecej 
 and having nothing so much to heart as to advance her 
 titles, wherein they have long flattered themselves, that 
 to augment the crown of France with England by the 
 same woman, their cousin, by whom they have gotten Scot- 
 land, shall be immortal fame to their house, and an estab- 
 lishment of the same It followeth to consider, how 
 
 near these dangers be at hand, and whether they be so far 
 ofF, as the same may be deferr'd, without present remedy. 
 
 *' True it is, and likely, that as long as the nobility of 
 Scotland shall be of greater power than the French, so 
 long will the French forbear the open invasion of Eng- 
 land j but as soon as Scotland shall either yield of itself, 
 or be compell'd to yield for lack of power and ability to the 
 French, forthwith will the French employ both their own 
 strength and the power of Scotland against England. 
 And to understand how long it is likely for the Scots to 
 keep the upper hand, is easily judged, if it be i-emem- 
 ber'd, that the Scots of themselves, when they had a king 
 of their own to aid them, never came into the field with 
 more than fifteen days victual, neither could abide longer 
 together, but were forced to return and change their num- 
 bers: so as the way to overcome them, is to prolong time 
 and not fight with them, but stand at defence. And 
 therefore, without relief of money to pay them wages, 
 they can't endure long in the field, or in strength ; so 
 that it is most evident, that without some relief, it will be 
 no long time or the Scots shall be forc'd to leave ofi^ ; 
 whose end of necessity must be the beginning of Eng- 
 land, and so the sooner the one endeth, the sooner shall 
 the other begin. 
 
 « Then followeth another, though no difficult question, 
 whether it be meeter or more profitable for England to 
 continue the Scots in their strength and defence, than to 
 
APPENDIX. XXm 
 
 leave them, and be at the tliarges of our own defc^nce ? 
 In continuaiKe of the Scots our people is spar'd, and our 
 country in peace, only some treasure is to be spent. In 
 our defence, our ptople must be spent, our country 
 spoil'd and wasted ; and as to expence of treasures, ten 
 times more to be spent that way than the otlier." He 
 then proceeds to detail the best modes of defence, gives a 
 desponding view of the state of England, of the prepara- 
 tions of France, and of the advantages which it then had 
 for rendering its efforts successful. He concludes by say- 
 ing, *' these things being but words of peace, of war, of 
 levying of men, of arming, of victualling, of money, of 
 munition, and such like, move but as words may ; but 
 when time shall come, (which almighty God prolong) 
 then will it move and stir all good English bloods, some 
 to fear, some to anger, some to be at their witt's end." 
 
 It must be evident from the perusal of this document, 
 that the question respecting the assistance to be given to 
 the Scotish Lords, was argued by the ministers of Eliza- 
 beth, as bearing upon the interests or the safety of England. 
 The general principles upon which that assistance ought 
 to be given, are laid down very perspicuously, and Cecil 
 applies them with great force. The sentiments which he 
 occasionally delivers relating to the policy of the French 
 Court, and the character of the French nation, must be 
 read with much interest j and illustrated as they are by 
 the dismal events of modern history, they strikingly evince 
 the penetration of this enlightened minister. 
 
XXIV APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. VI. 
 
 The answer to the French Ambassador by Sir William 
 Cecil and Sir John Mason, transcribed by Crawford 
 into his Collection, Vol. I. fron) a copy in the Cotton 
 Library Caligula, B. x. " To be said to Monsieur De 
 Sevre, the French ambassador, by commandment of 
 her Majesty, the 17th day of February 1559, by Sir 
 William Ce,cil and Sir John Mason, knights. 
 
 *' Because the ambassador, in the end of his talk, made 
 mention of two special matters, to the which her Majes- 
 ty's answer being short, by the reason of her long audi- 
 ence given to him, it is doubted of her Majesty how the 
 said ambassador conceived her meaning ; therefore, her 
 Majesty hath sent us expressly to signify her pleasure 
 touching the two said points. 
 
 «' The first of the two points was, where the ambassa- 
 dor said that the young French Queen bear not the arms 
 of England of her own motion, but by commadment of 
 iier father, the late king, and so the ambassador seemed 
 to excuse the deed ; her Majesty thinketh the excuse 
 either strange or very imperfect, for that the offence of 
 bearing of the arms was not only in the time of the late 
 king, as indeed it was solemnlie the day that he was slain 
 at the tournayles, but hath been continued and much in- 
 creased since his death ; so as, howsoever his command- 
 ment, being alive, might now be alledg'd for an excuse, 
 and so the fault transferr'd to another, yet for the injuries 
 continued ever since unto this day, it were also a great 
 injury to the king, being now dead, to impute the same 
 to him, being buried. But if this excuse might be re- 
 
APPENDIX. XXV 
 
 ccivcd, yet her Majesty marvelleth who shall bear the 
 blame that the Queen and her husband do not only bear 
 the arms, but also use the stile of England and Ireland, 
 naming themselves King and Queen of England and Ire- 
 land, and make their commissions with these stiles, and 
 with seals of the same arms. And if the Queen her Ma- 
 jesty may be somewhat excused, because the king her 
 husband hath authority to command her, yet doth not 
 the king therein the part of such a friend as the Queen 
 look't for, nor can be so excus'd. And though the king 
 also may have some defence devised, we know not what ; 
 yet doth her Majesty riiuch muse that the French Queen 
 herself, in granting certain priviledges in her own name, 
 only to merchants in France for simple matters of gain, 
 doth comonly use the stile of England in the same ; a 
 matter seeming of purpose to be divulged to the common 
 people. 
 
 •'These and such like, her Majesty forbare to utter, hav- 
 ing neither leisure thereto, nor much good mind to en- 
 ter into such ungrateful matters ; and therTforc, hath 
 willed that you siiould know that she liketh not to be thus 
 used in the deed, and so slenderly us'd in the excuse. 
 Neither can her Majesty, for her honour, suffer her estaffe 
 to be so neglected in the open sight of the world, like as 
 her Majesty thinketh her ambassador in France hath said 
 somewhat to the French King, or his council, in this be- 
 half. 
 
 *< The next point is, her Majesty remember'd that the 
 ambassador seemed desirous to know, whether her Ma- 
 jesty meant assuredly to keep peace with the French King? 
 Whereunto her Majesty answer'd, that except she had 
 contrary occasion offered to her, she meant no otherwise. 
 And thereupon, the ambassador touched the aiding oi: 
 comforting such as he called rebels in Scotland, and there- 
 
 / 
 
XXVX APPENDli. 
 
 in, her Majesty also wishing to end her speech, us*d the 
 less talk. But because her Majesty meaneih not to say 
 otherwise than she thinketh, ahhough she will not many 
 times speak all that she thinketh, therefore her Majesty, 
 in this case, assureth them that she doth not take the 
 nobility and nation of Scotland to be rebels as they term, 
 but, as the matter itself is manifest, they do show them- 
 selves wise and natural subjects to the crown of Scot- 
 land, to adventure the offence of the French King for de- 
 fence of his wife's right, their sovereign. And indeed, 
 if they should permit the kingdom now to be carried out 
 of the governance of the nation of Scotland, during the 
 marriage and absence of their sovereign out of their realm, 
 and whilst she is directed only by the French and no 
 Scots, both in Scotland, as by her mother and certain ad- 
 vocates of France, and in France, by the Cardinal and 
 Duke of Guise, truly the world might speak shame of 
 them. Yea, the Queen herself, if slie should overlive her 
 husband, should have a just occasion to condemn them 
 all as cowards and unnatural subjects ; specially, having 
 on their part the laws of the realm, and the force of di- 
 verse facts and covenants made by the French king j and 
 considering with what difficulty she was transported 
 thence, and married to so mighty a prince, whereas, no 
 regard is had to her kingdom, but all that may be devisM 
 to cause her neglect her crown and estate." 
 
APPENDIX. XXVU 
 
 APPENDIX, No. VII. 
 
 " A Proclamation, declaring the Quene's Majestie's (E- 
 lizabeth) purpos? to kepe peace with France and Scot- 
 land, and to provide for the suerty of her kingdomes, 
 dated March 24th 1559-1560." 
 
 " Although it is evidently seen and judged upon, not 
 only by the natural borne subjects of the crowne of Eng- 
 land, but also by many strangers in all parts of Christen- 
 dome, how many and grete occasions have been given 
 now of late tyme, and so continewed by the French, as 
 well to doubt and fear there invasion of this i^ealme 
 chiefly by the' way of Scotland, as also to apply with all 
 spede, convenient power to withstand the same, especial* 
 ly towards Scotland ; yet the Quene's most excellent Ma- 
 jestic, considering that ther may be diversitie of opinions 
 conceaved of her prooedings in this behalfe, hath thought 
 mete briefly and playnly to notifie her Majeste's certayne 
 purpose and intent, with the just occasion given thereof, 
 
 " First, her Majestic, of her good and gracious nature, 
 is content to think that the injurious pretences made by the 
 Quene of Scotland tothis realme so many manner of wayes, 
 hath byne bred and issued only out of the hartes of the 
 principalis of the house of Guise, to whom the chief go- 
 vernance of the crown of France now of late hath hap- 
 pened ; and that neither the French king, being, by 
 reason of his yong yeres, not so capable of such an inter- 
 prise, nor the Ouene of Scotts his wief, also being in her 
 minoritie, nor yet the princes of the blud royal, and other 
 estates of France, (to whom hertofore, in ancient tyme, 
 the governance of the affairis of that realme, in the 
 king's minoritie, hath belonged), have imagined, or 
 
XXVUl APPENDIX. 
 
 intended of themselfs, suche an unjust, unprobable, and so 
 dangerous an Interprise and attempte as this is, and ap- 
 peretli to be to all indifferent men. And considering the 
 said house of Guise, for their own private advancement, 
 having no other meane to practise the same but exalting of 
 their nece the Queen of Scotts, in whose respecte they in- 
 termeddle with the governance of France at this present, 
 have thus injuriously and insolently set furth, and in tyme 
 of peace, continewed in publike places, the armsandclayme 
 of these kingdoms of England and Ireland, in the name 
 of their nice the Queue, beside other notable reproches ; 
 and that (as it is by diverse, and so very likely reported), 
 without the advice of the princes of the king's blud, and 
 other grete personages, or of the sage and long experi- 
 enced counsellors of that kingdome ; and for the prose- 
 cution of this their unjust and ambitious purpose, have 
 also used the auctoritie of the King and Queue, their nice, 
 (being unnaturall for her) to enterprise the eviction of 
 the crowne of Scotland out of the power of the naturall 
 people of the land, and thereby to pi^ocede with such 
 force, as, under that collour, they have alredy partcly, and 
 partely hereafter meane, to send thither to invade this 
 kingdom of England ; which, although they have caused 
 to be unjustly and dishonourably claymed so many ways 
 by their nece, yet they well know, that otherwise than 
 by the way of Scotland they can never effectually, ac- 
 cording to their desires, offend with any evident danger. 
 Therefore, her Majestic having had the taste in many ca- 
 lamities of Godd's singular goodness ; and knowing the 
 justice of her cause, and the naturall obeysance and love 
 of her trew subjects ; and taking these insolent attempts 
 :to be but the abuse of the said house of Guise during the 
 minoritie of the King and Queue, without any consent 
 «f the greter stats of France ; and being most desirous 
 
APPENDIX. XXIX 
 
 of hir own nature and judgment to kepe peace with all 
 the princes, and (even in this hard tymc of dealing) also 
 with the kingdome of France and Scotland, and with all 
 the subjects thereof, doth give to understand to all man- 
 ner of people, that although hir Majestic hath been forced 
 to put in order, to hir great charge, certayn forces, both 
 by sea and land, for the sure garde of hir kingdome, be- 
 ing thus impeched and challenged by words, and so ap- 
 proched with force, and manassed with moch greter from 
 day to day, yet her Majestie meaneth not, nor intcndeth 
 any manner of crueltie, hostilitie, or warre ; but only 
 seeketh, and wisheth, and so hath, diverse tymes, playnly 
 and frendly required of the Cardenall of Lorrayn, and his 
 brother, and by means of them, of the French king also, 
 that these insolent titles and claymes might cease and be 
 revoked ; and that ther might be such a quiet and natu- 
 rall governance granted to the people of Scotland, that 
 they might lyve in their due obedience to their sovereign 
 lady (which they offer) without further oppression and 
 fear of conquest : and consequently, that the men of 
 warre of France might be revoked, being, by reason of the 
 former proceedings of France, in their claymes against 
 this kingdom, overdangerous to be suffered so nigh Eng- 
 land : And for the more spede therein, it hath bynn of- 
 fered, that they should also have safe conducte by water 
 or by land, or by bothe, with all favour and sucrtie that 
 might be shewed or devised for their departure ; and ac- 
 cording to their cessing from arms, her Majestie's power 
 by sea and land should also at one instant accordingly 
 cease and be ceassed ; and thereby all unkindness to be 
 buried and forgotten, and a stable peace made." I have 
 transcribed this part of the proclamation, as throwing 
 much light upon the views of Elizabeth and her coun- 
 
XXX APPENDIX. 
 
 cil, with respect to the house of Guise and the state of 
 Scotland j the conclusion it is not necessary to insert. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. VIII. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Killigrew to Sir Nicholas 
 Throkmorton, dated Greenwich, 28th May 1560, co- 
 pied by Dr Forbes from Throkmorton's papers. 
 
 <* Apon the retorne of Monsieur de Valence, the cum- 
 ing of Randan, and our loss at Lethe, the Quene's Ma- 
 jestic hath ben so desirus of an end in this matter, as yt 
 was thought meate, for divers respectes, by the Council, 
 that the Secretary shold make the same ; who, for his 
 country sake, hath been contented to take the matter in 
 hand. The worst hath been cast of his absence from 
 hence by his frendes, and at lengyth jugged for the best: 
 yf he bring home peace or warr, I must neades think it for 
 the best. I know none can love their contry better. I 
 wold the Quene's Majestie cold love it so well. Mr Se- 
 cretary and Mr Wotton depart northwards to-morrow, 
 with the French Commissioners, for the better ending 
 these trobles in Scotland : God send them good spede. 
 During this parley, it standeth you upon to writte your 
 advis in hast — Your last dispatch hath much confirmed 
 the oppinion men had of your constancy, whereof your 
 fryndes were glad, because of the rareness thereof : I 
 mean Mr Secretary, who hath found the Duke of Nor- 
 folk as constant, and feaw more," Such confidential com- 
 munications are of much importance for ascertaining his- 
 torical truth, and this letter will be seen to confirm many 
 of the statements presented to the reader in the body of 
 the work. ^^ 
 
APPENDIX. XXXI 
 
 APPENDIX, No. IX. 
 
 Proposals made by Sir William Cecil and Dr "Wotton^ 
 the En-lish Commissioners, for bccuring to the people 
 of Scotland the advantages of the treaty to be conclud- 
 ed with the French King and Queen. Cecil and Wot- 
 ton proposed to the French Commissioners to insert 
 in the treaty eitlier of the articies marked A and B. 
 
 <*A. Item, conventum, concordatum et conclusum est, 
 quod nihil eorum, quae aut in hoc praesenti trnctatu, aut 
 in tractatu inter dictos Christianiss. Regem et Reginam 
 M.iriam et Nobilitatem ac pcpu.um Scotiae de data — et 
 de quibus conventum est, intellgetur aut interpretabitur 
 in praejudicium alterius cujusdam tractatus, facti et con- 
 clusi 27* Fcbruarii ultimo praeteriti apud Barwicq inter 
 Thomam Ducem de Norfolk, nomine dictae serei.issimae 
 Reginae Eiizab. et quosdam nobiles viros regni Scotiae ; 
 sed remanebit dictus tractatus, apud dictam urbem de 
 Barwick factus, in eodeni vigore robore et statu in quo 
 erar, ante hujus praesentis tractatus inchoationem. 
 
 B. Item, conventum, concordatum et conclusum est, 
 quod quidam tractatus factus apud Berwick, 27 Februa- 
 arii ultimi, inter Thomam Ducem de Norfolk, nomine 
 serenissimae Reginae Angliae, et quosdam nobiles viros 
 de regno Scotiae, nomine Jacobi Ducis de Chastclherault, 
 et reliquorum procerum secum conjunctorum, pro de- 
 fensione antiquorum jurium et libertatum Scotiae, re- 
 manebit in eodem vigore, robore et statu, in quo erat 
 ante hujus praesentis tractatus inchoationem ; Non ob- 
 Stanti aliqua clausula, sententia seu articulo, in hoc prae- 
 senti tractatu, sive etiam in quodam alio tractatu, in hoc 
 praesenti conventu inter deputatos dictae Christianissimi 
 
KXXll APPENDIX. 
 
 Regis et Reginje Marie, et proceres ac populum regni 
 t>coti2e, Edinburgi, facto et concluso, die," &c. 
 
 Instead of these, the Bishop of Valence proposed this 
 article. " C. Ea foederis pars tantum confirmabitur, quae 
 spectat ad conservationem libertatis et jurium utriusque 
 regni Angliae et Scotise, et utriusque Reginae." When, 
 however, these parts of the treaty of Berwick, specified 
 in the Bishop's article, were collected and sent to the 
 French Commissioners, they retracted the consent which 
 had been given to that article forming a part of the treaty. 
 Some conferences were in consequence held, and several 
 proposals, considered as inadmissible, were made ; but 
 Cecil at length composed the following article, D., which 
 was adopted. 
 
 " Cum Deo Opt. Maximo, in cujus manu corda Re- 
 gum sunt, visum sit animos diet. Christianiss. Regis et 
 Reginse Marice ita inclinare, ut suam erga nobilitatem 
 et populum suum regni sui Scotice, clementiam et benig- 
 nitatem abunde ostenderint, vicissimque, dicta nobilitas et 
 populus suam erga diet. Christianiss. Regem et Reginam 
 suos principes, obedientiam, obsequiumque, sponte sua, 
 ac libenter professi sint, et agnoverint et polliciti sint de-? 
 hinc sese prasstituros, pro qua nutrienda, conservanda et 
 perpetuenda, prsefati Christianiss. Rex et Regina per dic- 
 tos suos oratores, quibusdam precibus dictse nobilitatis 
 et populi suppliciter praefatis Regi et Regin:? exhibitis, 
 ad honorem dictorum Regis et Reginse, ad bonum publi- 
 cum dicti Regni, et ad conservationem obedicntisc ea- 
 rum spectantibus, assensum praebuerunt : Quia dictus 
 Christianiss. Rex et Regina volunt hanc suam erga suos 
 benignitatem prefatae serenissimoe Reginse Elizabcthae so- 
 rori charissiiv.se et confsederatce sux testatam esse, cujus 
 intercessione et rogatione dicti Rex et Regina, animos 
 suos hue 60 propensius inclinarunt : Idcirco inter dictos 
 
APPENDIX, XXXIU 
 
 oratores ac deputatos utrinque conventum est, quod diet. 
 Christianiss. Rex et Regina Maria adimplebunt omnia 
 ilia, qux per dictos suos oratores prsefatx nobilitati et 
 
 populo Scotix concessa sunt apud Edinburguni die 
 
 mensis Julii, anno hoc presenti millesimo, quingentesimo, 
 sexagesimo, dummodo prxdicti nobiles et populus Sco- 
 tiae impleant et observent quxcunque continentur in dic- 
 tis conventionibus et articulis." The English commis- 
 sioners added this clause : « Ab illis praestanda et ob- 
 servanda." 
 
 APPENDIX, No. X. 
 
 « The baronis, gentillmen, burgesses, and utheris, trew 
 subjectis of this realme, professing the Lord Jesus 
 within the same : To the nobiiitie and staitis of par- 
 liament, presentlie assembled within the said realme, 
 desyre graice, mercie, and peice, from God the father 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the incres of his holie 
 spirit, &c. 
 
 " Pleas your honours to reduce to remembrance, how, 
 divers and sundry tymes, we (with sum of yourselves) 
 most humilly suitted at the feet of the late queen-regent, 
 fredome and liberty of conscience, with a godly reforma- 
 tioun of abuses, quhilk, be the malice of Sathan, and ne- 
 gligence of men, ar croppen in in the religioun of God, 
 and ar mentained by sick as tak upoun theme the name 
 of clergy. And albeit that our godly and maist resson- 
 able suit wes then disdaynefully rejected, quhareof no 
 small trubles have ensued, as your honours well knaw, 
 yet seing that the same necessity yet remanethe, that 
 
 VOL. ni. c 
 
XXXIV APPENDIX, 
 
 then moved us ; and mareover, that God of his mercy 
 hes now put into your hands to tak sick ordour as God 
 thareby may be glorified, this comounwelthe quieted, and 
 the policy thareof established. "We cannot ceas to crave 
 of your Honours the redres of sick enormities as mani- 
 festly ar, and of lang tyme have bene, comitted by the 
 place-halders of the ministry, and uthers of the clergy 
 within this realme. 
 
 <* And first, seing that God of his great mercy, by the 
 licht of his M^ord, hes manifested to no small nummer of 
 this realme, that the doctrine of the Romane kirk, re- 
 ceaved by the said clergy, and menteined throw thair ty- 
 rany, by fyre and swoYd, conteineth in itself mony pesti- 
 ferous errours, quhilk cannot bot bring damnatioun to 
 the saulls of sick as tharewith shall be infected ; sic as 
 ar the doctrine of transubstantiatioun ; of the adoratioun 
 of Christ's body under the forme of bread, as they tearme 
 it, of the merits of warks and justificatioun, that they al- 
 lege cumeth thareby ; together with the doctrine of the 
 papisticall indulgences, purgatory, pilgrimage, and pray- 
 ing to sancts departed ; quhilk all eyther repugne to the 
 plane Scriptures, or ells have no ground of the doctrine 
 of our master, Jesus Christ, his prophets, nor apostles. 
 First, we humilly tharefore crave of your honours, that 
 sick doctrine and idolatry, as by God's word ar bothe 
 condemned, so may they be abolished be act of this pre- 
 sent parliament, and punishment appointed for the trans- 
 gressours. Secundlie, Seing that the sacraments of Je- 
 sus Christ ar most schamefully abused and prophaned 
 by that Romane harlot and hir sworne vassals ; and al- 
 so, becaus that the trew disciplin of the ancient kirk is 
 uttei-ly now amongs us, and that sect extinguisched : 
 (For quho, within the realme, ar more corrupt in lyfe 
 
APPENDIX. XXXV 
 
 and maners, than ar they that ar called the clergy, living 
 in huredom, adultery, defluring \irgins, corrupting ma- 
 troncs, and doing all abi)minatioun, without fear o, pu- 
 nishment), we humilly tharefore desyre your honours to 
 find remedy against the one and the other. 
 
 «* Thridlie, Because that man of sin most falsly doeth 
 clame to himself the tittles of the Vicare of Christ, the 
 Successour of Peter, the heid of the kirk, that he cannot 
 erre, that all power is granted unto him, &c. ; by the 
 quhilk usurped authority, he takes upon him the distri- 
 butioun and possessioun of the haill patrimony of ihe 
 kirk, quhareby the trew ministers of the worde of God 
 lang tyme hes bene altogether neglected ; the godly 
 learning despysed ; the schuilles not provided ; and the 
 pure not only defrauded of thare portioun, but also most 
 tyraneously oppressed ; We lykways hereof desyre reme- 
 dy. 
 
 " And least your honours sould dout in ony of the 
 former premises, we offer ourselves evidently to prove, 
 that in all the rabill of the clergy thair is not ane lawfull 
 minister of God's word ; the practes of the apostles, the 
 sincerity of the primitive kirk, and thare awin ancient 
 laws sail judge of lavitull eiectioun. We fardtr offer 
 ourselfis to prove thame all theves and murtherers, yea, 
 rebells and traitours to the lawfull authority of empe- 
 rours, kings, and princes, and tharefore unworthy to be 
 suffered in ony reformed comounwealth. How mali- 
 ciously they have murthered our brethren, for no uther 
 caus bot for that they have offered unto us the licht of 
 God's word, your honours cannot be ignorant ; and in 
 quhat hasard thair tyranny hes brocht this haill realme, 
 the ages efter will considder. If ye luke in thame for 
 any uther frute in tymes to cum, then ye have sene in 
 
XXXVl APPENDIX, 
 
 thame quhom we accuse, we ar assured ye sail be de- 
 ceaved. Now hes God, beyond all expectatioun of man, 
 made yourselves, who sumtymes wer supplyantes with 
 us for reformatioun, juges, as it war, in the cause of 
 God : At least he hes so subdewed your enemies unt»? 
 yow, that by violence they ar not able to suppress the 
 verity as haretofor they have done. We tharefore, in 
 the bowells of Jesus Christ, crave of your honours, that 
 eyther they may be compelled to answer to our former 
 accusatiouns, and unto sick uther things as we justly have 
 to lay to thare charges, or ells that (all afFectioun layd 
 aside) ye pronunce thame sick by censement of this par- 
 liament, and caus thame to be so reputed, as by us most 
 justly they are accused : Especially, that they may be 
 decerned unworthy of honour, authority, charge, or cure, 
 within the kirk of God ; and so from hencefurth, never 
 to joy vote in parliament. Ouhilk if ye do not, then in 
 the fear of God we forewarne yow, that as ye leave a 
 greavous yock and a burden intollerabel upoun the kirk 
 of God within this realme, so sail they be thornes in 
 your eyes, and pricks in your sides, quhome, efter quhen 
 ye wald, ye sail have no power to remove. God, the fa- 
 ther of our Lord Jesus Christ, give yow upricht hearts, 
 seking his glory, and trew understanding, quhat this day 
 he quho hes delivered yow from bondage, both spirituell 
 and temporall, cravethe of yow by his servantes : And 
 your answer maist humilly we require.'* 
 
APPRNDIX, XXXVll 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XI. 
 
 Letter of Maitland of Lethington to Sir William Cecil, 
 erroneously dated 1560. 
 
 «« That thus long I have delayed to write unto your 
 honour, I pray impute it only to my absence. I have 
 been these forty days in the north parts of Scotland with 
 my Lord James, where we have not been altogether un- 
 occupied, but so far forth as occasion would serve, ad- 
 vancing the religion and the common cause. Since our 
 returning, I have understood the stay of Monsieur D'Osel, 
 and judge that you have wisely foreseen the inconveni- 
 encies that might have followed upon his coming hither. 
 I do also allow your opinion anent the Queen our Sove- 
 reign's journey towards Scotland ; whose coming hither, 
 if she be enemy to the religion, and so affected towards 
 that realm as she yet appeareth, shall not fail to raise 
 wonderful tragedies. Athough the religion here hath, 
 in outward appearance, the upper hand, and few or none 
 there be that openly dare profess the contrary, yet know 
 we the hollow hearts of a great number who would be 
 ^lad to see it and us overthrown, and, if time served, 
 would join with her authority to that effect. But I fore- 
 see that the difficulty thereof shall make that which is 
 most principal in intention be last in execution. Sure I 
 am, the suppression of religion is chiefly meant ; but the 
 same must be pressed at by indirect means. First of all, 
 the comfort which we have of the Queen's Majesty's 
 friendship must be cut off by dissolution of the intelli- 
 gence begun of late ; which being not feasible in her ab- 
 sence, her own presence will make more easy. The pa- 
 
XXXVlll APPENDIX. 
 
 pists, you know, be in their hearts, for religion's sake, 
 altogether enemies to this conjunction. Those that gave 
 themselves forth fur protestants, be not all alike earnest- 
 ly bent to maintain it, Some have been accustomed so 
 to feed upon the French fare, that their delicate stomachs 
 cannot well digest any other. Some be so covetous, that 
 wheresoever the lure cf commodity is shewed unto them, 
 thither will they fly. Some so inconstant, that they may 
 be easily carried away by the countenance of thtir prin- 
 cess's presence, sometimes shewing them a good visage, 
 and sometimes, as occasion shall require, frowning upon 
 them. Others there be, so careless and ignorant, that 
 they will rather respect their present ease, which shall 
 bring after it most grievous calamities, thui, with the 
 hazard of little present incommodity, put them and 
 their's in full security afterwards. These to be a great 
 number, in our late danger, we had great experience ; 
 yet I doubt not that the best sort will constantly and 
 Stoutly bear out that which they have begun. Marry 
 what difficulty and hazard shall be in it you may judge, 
 when the queen shall so easily win to her party the 
 whole papists, and so many protestants as he either ad- 
 dicted to the Freich faction, covetous, inconstant, un- 
 easy, ignorant, or careless. So long as her highness is 
 absent, in this case there is no peril *, but you may judge 
 what the presence of a prince, being craftily counselled, 
 is able to bring to pass. Every man once in a year hath 
 to do with his prince's benevolence. If at that time 
 when his particular business occurreth, her countenance 
 shall be but strange to him, in sight of the peril, in what 
 case shali the subject then be.'' Every man hath in his 
 private causes some enemy or unfriend ; What boldness 
 shall they not take, seeing an advantage, and knowing 
 
APPENDIX. XXXIX 
 
 their adversary to be out of the prince's good grace ? 
 She will not be served by those who bear any good will 
 to England. Some quarrel shall be picked to them, not 
 directly for religion at the first, but where the accusa- 
 tion of heresy must be odious, men must be charged 
 with treason. The like of this, in that realm, I think, 
 hath been seen in Queen Mary's days ; a few number 
 thus disgraced, dispatched, or dispersed, the rest will be 
 an easy prey, and then may the butchery of Bonner plain- 
 ly begin. I make not tins discourse as our meaning to 
 debar her Majesty from her kingdom, or that we would 
 wish she should never come home (for that were the 
 part of an unnatural subject), but rather desiring such 
 things as be necessary so to be provided for in the mean 
 time, that neither she, by following the wicked advice of 
 God's enemies, to lose the hearts of her subjects, neither 
 yet so many as tender the glory of God and liberties of 
 their native country, to be the sons of death. The best 
 is, that intelligence begun betwixt these two kingdoms 
 may endure and be increased, the breach whereof I 
 know will be attempted by all means possible. The great 
 desire I have of the continuance, maketh me so earnest 
 to wish that her Majesty may be induced, by good means,, 
 to enter in the same conjunction ; whereunto if she can- 
 not, by one way or other, be persuaded, then can I not 
 but doubt of the success in the end. Although I do 
 chiefly respect the common cause and publick estate, yet 
 doth my own private not a little move me to be careful 
 in this behalf. In what case I stand, you will easily 
 judge by sight of the inclosed, which I pray you return 
 unto me with speed. I know, by my very friends in 
 France, that she hath conceived such an opinion of my 
 affection towards England, that it killeth all the means I 
 
Xl APPENDIX. 
 
 can have to enter in any favour : But if it might be com- 
 passed, that the Queen's Majesty and her highnes might 
 be as dear friends as they are tender cousins, then were 
 I able enough to have as good part in her good grace as 
 any other of my quality in Scotland, If this cannot be 
 brought to pass, then I see well, at length it will be hard 
 for me to dwell in Rome and strive with the Pope. I 
 assure you this whole realm is in a miserable case. If 
 the Queen, our sovereign, come shortly home, the dan- 
 gers be evident and many ; and if she shall not come, 
 it is not without great peril. Yea, what is not to be fear- 
 ed in a realm lacking lawful government ? It is now more 
 than two years past that we have lived in a manner with- 
 out any regiment, which, when I consider sometimes 
 with myself, I marvel from whence doth proceed the 
 quietness which we presently enjoy, the like whereof, I 
 think, all circumstances being weighed, was never seen 
 in any realm. It would seem impossible that any people 
 could so long be contained in order without fear of pu- 
 nishment, and strict execution of the laws ; and indeed 
 I cannot, by searching, find out any probable reason, but 
 only that it has pleased the goodness of God to give this 
 glory to his truth preached amongst us ; but, by all world- 
 ly judgement, the policy cannot long thus endure : So 
 that, for this respect, her absence to us is most perni- 
 cious. Thus, whether she come or not, we are in a great 
 straiti 
 
 << But you will say, hath not the council the re- 
 giment ? Yes, some in appearance, but none in deed, 
 and that which is, doth in a manner serve only for a 
 shadow to so many as do willingly obey. But to know 
 what authority it hath, you must reduce to your remem- 
 brance the treaty made at Edinburgh, wherein, for the 
 
APPENDIX, Xll 
 
 government of the realm, was accorded an article, that 
 the estates in parliament should nominate twenty-four 
 persons, of the most capable of the whole realm, of whom 
 the Queen should choose eight, and the estates thereafter 
 six, which fourteen so chosen should be the council. 
 According whereunto the states, in the next parliament 
 thereafter, nominated twenty-four, whose names were 
 sent to the Queen ; but neither would her majesty, be- 
 ing required, ratify that treaty, confirm our proceedings 
 In the parliament, nor allow the nomination of the said 
 twenty-four, but hath always deferred, and thus long 
 fed us with hope of her own coming." The concluding 
 part of this interesting letter, contains proposals from 
 Lethington respecting the policy to be observed for con- 
 firming the alliance between the two kingdoms of Britain, 
 which it is not necessary here to insert. What has been 
 transcribed, gives much valuable information with regard 
 to the views of the chief men in Scotland, and to the 
 state of that kingdom before Mary's arrival. It also 
 shews with what acuteness Lethington penetrated into 
 the intentions and probable conduct of his countrymen, 
 and must impress us with a very high opinion of his po- 
 litical talents and discernment. It seems evident that he 
 was, upon the whole, averse to Mary's arrival, and that 
 this aversion was occasioned by an apprehension that he 
 had no chance of securing her favour ; had he been san- 
 guine in the hope of acquiring influence, there can be 
 little doubt that he would at this time have attached him- 
 self to the court. 
 
Xlii APP ENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XII. 
 
 Extracts from the information collected by Keith respect- 
 ing the rentals of ecclesiastical benefices, as they were 
 ascertained in consequence of several acts of council, 
 and respecting the prices of the different articles com- 
 posing these rentals. 
 
 Keith mentions, that he had been at great pains to 
 draw out an account of the revenues of the bishopricks 
 and principal religious houses. The books which he 
 consulted for this purpose were, 1. The collector's books 
 of the thirds of benefices, by way of charge and dis- 
 charge, which books are to be seen amongst the other 
 records in the laigh Parliament-house, Edinburgh. The 
 first of these books is for the years 1562, 1563, and for 
 brevity's sake, Keith, when referring to them, marks 
 them by the letter C. 2. The Book of Assumption. 
 This book contains the particular payments which make 
 up the full rental of the several benefices, and is so much 
 the more valuable that the rentals are signed either by 
 the bishops, abbots, &c. themselves, or by their cham- 
 berlains and factors ; and that by it are to be seen what 
 lands up and down the nation pertained to the church. 
 However, there is this misfortune, that it contains only 
 the north and south parts of Scotland, that part of it 
 containing the rentals of the western parts of the king- 
 dom being either altogether lost, or lying undiscovered. 
 It is much to be desired, that the information contained 
 in this work should be generally known. The difficulty 
 of ascertaining what were church-lands is daily increas- 
 ing, and affords ground for the most tedious, doubtful, 
 
APPENDIX. xliii 
 
 and vexatious litigation. At the time that Keith com- 
 posed his work, the only copy of the Book of Assump- 
 tion which he could find belonged to the family of Pan- 
 mure. It is nut now, I be.ieve, in the possession of the 
 representative of that family, and I suspect the copy seen 
 by Keith had been afterwards presented to the Advo- 
 cates' Library, in which the book now is. In the Cata- 
 logue of that library, published in 1 77G, it is not mention- 
 ed, but I find it inserted in the additional Catalogue, pub- 
 lished in 1807. Keith has distinguished the information 
 which he derived from the Book of Assumption, by pre- 
 fixing to it the letter A. 3. The original Books of As- 
 signation, and superplus of the thirds of benefices, in 
 which are sometimes contained the whole revenue of the 
 greater benefices (for these books never descend below 
 bishopricks, abbeys, nunneries, and principal priories), and 
 sometimes only the thirds. They contain also the particular 
 assignments paid to the ministers, and the superplus re- 
 dounding to the crown. When Keith quotes from these, 
 he gives intimation by prefixing the letter S, I shall 
 confine myself here to a list of the revenues of the bi- 
 shopricks ; to a specific. :tion of the prices at the period of 
 the rentals being d<rlivered, and to some general remarks, 
 referring to Keith's most interesting article for fuller in- 
 formation. 
 
 Bishoprick of Aberdeen — L. 16.>3 : 16 : 9, Scots mo- 
 ney. Wheat, 3 ch. 8 b. Bear, 35 ch. 8. b. 3 f. 3f p. 
 Meal, 24 ch. 4 b. 2 f. Oats, 8 ch. 2 b. 3 f. 2 p. 46 
 marts (cattle fed). 141 IVluttons, probably ewes, J 21 
 wedders, 65^ doz. capons, 119 doz. poultry, 55 geese, 
 19 doz. of moorfowl, 17 swine, 12 lasts 10 bar salmon. 
 I have compared this account of the revenue of the bi- 
 shoprick of Aberdeen as given by Keith, from the sources 
 
Xliv APPENDIX. 
 
 which he consulted, with one in my possession, taken 
 from the Aberdeen records. They agree in all the ar- 
 ticles except that of wedders, which is not mentioned in 
 the account from the records. 
 
 Archbishoprick of St Andrews.— Money,L.2904 : 1 7 :2, 
 Scots. Wheat, SO ch. 8 b. 3 f. 1 p. Bear, 41 ch. 10 
 b. 2 f. 1 p. Meal, 12 bolls. Oats, 67 ch. 13 b. 3 f. 
 Pease, 4 bolls. By the Book of Assumption there is a 
 deduction allowed to the archbishop, for what are called 
 necessary payments, so that the money is brought down 
 to L.2460:17s. Wheat to 21 ch. 8 bolls, 1 f. Sf p.. Bear 
 to 29 ch. JO b. 2 p., Oats, to 51 ch. .5 b. 1 f. 3i p. -,— a 
 very considerable deduction, but still leaving to the pri- 
 mate what may be justly considered as a princely revenue. 
 
 As there is great confusion and uncertainty respecting 
 the revenues attached to the sees of Brechin and Caith- 
 ness, I shall not insert them. 
 
 Dunblane Money, L.3 13. Wheat, 1 ch. Bear, 11 
 
 ch. 11 b. 3 f. I p. Meal, 50 ch. lb. if. 3i p. Oats, 
 9 ch. 1 1 bolls. 
 
 Dunkeld.— Money, L.1505 : 10 : 4. Wheat, 4 ch. 
 Bear, 37 ch. 6 b. 3 f. 3| p. Meal, 64 ch. 12 b. 2 f . 3 
 p. Oats, 28 ch. 2 b. This was an immense revenue ; 
 had it been continued to the present day, it would have 
 amounted to a sum greater than it is desirable should be 
 attached to any ecclesiastical preferment. 
 
 Galloway. — Money, L.1137 : : 8. Bear, 6 ch. 15 
 b. 4. f. Meal, 7 ch. 9 b. Salmon, 268 ; by another 
 account only 228. 
 
 Archbishoprick of Glasgow. — Money, L. 987 : 8 : 7^. 
 Bear, 7 b. 3 f. 3 p. Meal, 32 ch. 2 b. Malt, 28 ch, 
 5 b. 1 f Horse corn, 12 ch. 13 b. 3 fir. Salmon, 168. 
 
 Murray Money, L.1649 : 7 : 7. Wheat, 10 bolls. 
 
APPENDIX. Xlv 
 
 Bear, 77 ch; 6 b. 8 f. 2 p. Oats, 2 ck 8 bolls. Salmon, 
 8 last. Poultry, 223. 
 
 Orkney. — Money, L. 251 : 2 : 6. Cost, that Is malt, 
 78 last, 12 meil, li setting, 20 mark ; 4 marts, 2 swine. 
 217 poultry. Scrafish, i. e. dried scathes, 24 mais, a 
 raais containing from 1000 to 1500, according to the 
 size. Butter, 8 last, 8} bar. 6 lespund, the lespund be- 
 ing about two stones, Amsterdam weight. Oil, 4 last. 
 2 bar. Wax, 20 lb. Peats, 55 fathom. 
 
 Ross.— Money, L. 564 : 1 : 2. Bear, 78 ch. 4 b. 1 f. 
 1 p. Oats, 7 ch. 4 b. Mairts, 40. Sheep 169. Kids, 
 132, 10 doz. of capons. 57 doz. of poultry. No ren- 
 tals were given of the bishopricks of Argyll and the Isles. 
 The proportion of money in the above-stated revenues is 
 very small. This arose from the state of Scotland at 
 the period when they were assigned, and perhaps partly 
 from the views with which the assignations were made. 
 The bishops became powerful barons -, it was expected that 
 they would be attended by numerous retainers, and they 
 received what enabled them to entertain these followers, 
 in the state of rude and profuse hospitality which then 
 prevailed. We cannot wonder that martial habits some- 
 times thus usurped the ascendancy over clerical pursuits, 
 or that the households of the bishops were not regulated 
 with that strict regard to temperance and moderation, 
 which, it is to be hoped, is inculcated and practised by 
 more modern prelates. 
 
 In the beginning of the Book of Assignations for the 
 year 1573, are inserted the following prices of victual. 
 In Caithness the victual, probably the average of all kinds 
 
 of grain, 20 merks per chalder. — Ross, L.16 per ch. 
 
 Murray, alsmekil. — Aberdene, L.16 perch. — Angus and 
 Mearns, wheat, L. 24 per ch. Bear, L, 20 per ch. Meal, 
 
Xlvi APPENDIX. 
 
 20 merks per ch. — Stratherne alsmekil as Angus and 
 Mearns. — Fyle, wheat, L 26 : 13 : 4 per ch. Bear, 
 L. 21 : 6 : 8 per ch. Meal, L.16 per ch. Oats, 20 
 merks per ch. — Lothian alsmekil as in Fyfe. — Merseand 
 Teviotdale alsmekill, with Lothian inett. — Nithisdale, 
 
 L.16 per ch. with Lothian mett Galloway, L.16 per 
 
 ch. wiih the same mett. — Kyle, Carrick, and Cunning- 
 hame, L. 20 per ch. — Cliddisdail, Renfrew, and Lennox, 
 L. 20 per ch. — Siirlineshire, do. — Orkney the last of cost, 
 20 mevks. Barrel of butter L. 8. Barrel of oyl, 
 L. 5 : 6 : 8. 
 
 In the Book of Assumptions these prices are found 
 scattered up and down. Bear and meal, 10s. per boll. 
 Oats, 5s. do. Salmon, L. 4 the barrel. Mairts, L.l, 10s. 
 each. Wedders, 5s. each. Poultry, 4s. per doz. Ca- 
 pons 8s. per doz. Swine from 7s. to 10s. each. Geese, 
 Is. each. 
 
 In the Collector's books, the converted prices are thus 
 set down: Wheat, L.l the boll. Bear, L.l : 13 : 4 per 
 do. Meal, L.l : 13 : 4 per do. Malt, L 2 per do. Rye, 
 the same price. Pease and beans the same. Oats, 10s. 
 per boll. Cost, of Orkney, L- 5 per last. Victual of 
 Orkney, L.l, 5s. per boll Butter, L.l 8 per last, Oyl, 
 L 1 per barrel. Flesh of Orkney, L 3 per last. Mairts 
 of Aberdeen, L. 2 : 3 : 4 each. Ditto of Beauly, L. 2 
 each. Ditto of Orkney, L.l : 6 : 8 each. Mutton of 
 Aberdeen, 9s. each. Ditto of Kmloss, 6s. each. Ca- 
 pons of Aberdeen, 12s. per doz. Ditto of Kinloss, lOs. 
 per doz. Swine of Aberdeen, L.l each. Kids, Is. each. 
 Poultry, 4s. per doz. Geese, Is. each. Muirfowls, 4s. 
 per doz. Cheese, 6s. 8d. per stone. The proportions 
 of price between the different kinds of grain are, accord- 
 ing to the above statement from the Collector's books, 
 
 10 
 
APPENDIX. Xlvii 
 
 very different from what might have been expected, and 
 from what we find in the preceding statements. Wheat 
 is charged at L.l Scots the boil, much clieaper than 
 usual, while bear and meal are charged at L.l : 13 : 4, 
 nearly triple of the price commonly stated, and much 
 higher tlian wheat. There must have existed some par- 
 ticular reason for this in the year to which the Collector's 
 Book relates, or there must be some mistake in the state- 
 ment, which I am rather inclined to believe because the 
 statements in the Book of Assumption, relating certainly 
 to some of the same years, do not agree with the rates 
 last quoted, and are much more probable. There is on- 
 ly one other remarkable circumstance in the prices from 
 the Collector's Books, to which I shall refer : Meal is 
 charged at L.l : 13 : 4 per boll, while the price of oats 
 is only 10s. per boll. This is a most amazing difference. 
 From all the statements, it appears that the price of meal 
 exceeded that of oats much more than at the present day> 
 when agriculture is so highly improved -, but it is impos- 
 sible to conceive, that the oats, in the period alluded to 
 in the Collector's books, should be so deficient as not to 
 yield much more than at the rate of a firlot of meal from 
 a boll of oats. There are several other difficulties and 
 inconsistencies in the statements which have been given. 
 Keith takes no notice of these, and throws no light upon 
 them : I leave it to the reader to account for them as he 
 thinks most proper. I shall subjoin the prices of the 
 -rents drawn by the bishop of Aberdeen, for 1576, as ta- 
 ken from the records of that city, and these will bo seen 
 to agree very nearly with the prices scattered through 
 the Book of Assumption. Wheat, L.l per boll. Bear 
 and meal, 10s. per boll. Oats, 6s. per boll. Mairts, 
 L.l, 10s. each. Wedders, 5s. each. Poultry, 5s. per 
 
Xlvlii APPENDIX* 
 
 doz. Swine, 7s. to 10s. each. Geese, Is," each: Sal- 
 mon, L.4? per barrel. Moorfowls, 4s. per doz. Capons, 
 5s. per doz. I need not remind the reader, that all the 
 prices which have been stated are in Scots money, only 
 one twelfth part of Sterling money, bearing the same 
 denominations. Many curious reflections must be sug- 
 gested by the statements, with regard to the degree of 
 improvement, or local advantages of different parts of 
 Scotland, and respecting the comparative value of mo- 
 ney in these days and at present ; but it is foreign to my 
 purpose to enter upon the subject, and I am unwilling to 
 extend this article by any attempt to illustrate it. 
 
 After converting the victual, &c. the whole thirds of 
 benefices amounted, in the first year, to L. 72,491 : 13 : 3| 
 Sterling. This was disposed of by warrants subscribed 
 by the Queen. The superintendents, ministers, exhort- 
 ers, and readers, throughout the kingdom, received 
 L. 24,23 1 : 17:7, besides the following sums, to four 
 superintendents, and to John Knox : To the superin- 
 tendent of Angus and Mearns, 5 ch. wheat, and 10 ch. 
 bear ; to the superintendent of Fife, 2 ch. wheat, 5 ch. 
 bear, 2 ch. meal, 3 ch. oats j to the superintendent of 
 Lothian, 2 ch. wheat, 4 ch. 5 b. bear, 1 ch. meal, 3 ch. 
 8 b. 2 f. 2 p. oats ; to the superintendent of the West, 
 2ch. wheat, 5 ch. bear, 3 ch. meal, 3 ch. 8 b. oats ; and 
 to John Knox, minister, 2 ch. wheat, 6 ch. bear, 4 ch. 
 oats. One article of this discharge to the Collector 
 is, L.1018, given by the Queen to some friars, and 
 L. 754 : 3 : 11, given to a certain number of nuns. 
 Yet, after all these burdens, there remained a very large 
 proportion of the thirds, which, in terms of the acts of 
 council, should have been conveyed to the royal treasury. 
 Almost the whole of it, however, was exhausted in pen- 
 
 7 
 
APPENDIX. Xlix 
 
 sions to persons about the court, or was never realized, 
 from the thirds of several bishops, abbots, and priors hav- 
 ing been remitted. There appears in the Collector's books 
 only one or two sums granteJ for political purposes, and 
 these not amounting to L. 10,000 Scots. By comparing 
 the sum granted to the protesrant church, with the salaries 
 allotted to each minister, as specified in the course of this 
 work, it appears that a very considerable part of that sum 
 must have been allotted to readers and exhorters, a de- 
 scription of men soon superseded by the increasing num- 
 ber of ministers. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XIII. 
 
 Letter from Rac4olph to Queen Elizabeth, dated at Edin- 
 burgh, the 7th of November I564!y and copied by Craw- 
 ford, in Vol. I. of his Collection, from the origmal in 
 the Cotton Library, Caligula, B. x. 
 
 << May it please your Majesty, 
 
 ** The more I desire to serve your majesty in sort, as la 
 duty I am bound, the more discontentment I find in my- 
 self, that all things succeed not your majesty's affairs as 
 I would. How from time to time I have dealt with this 
 queen, and others with whom it pleased her that I should 
 confer, I have written as well as I can to Mr Secretary ; 
 by whom I trust that your majesty knoweth the effect of 
 that which hath been said, and how far I have hitherto 
 proceeded. Some things there are, that because they do 
 
 VOL. in. d 
 
I APPENDIX. 
 
 chiefly concern your majestie's self, I thought I would 
 write them to no man else. The chiefest are these, 
 which I know by others than by this queen's self : Some 
 suspicion that she hath gathered that your majesty's per- 
 suasion to her not to marry in the houses of Austria and 
 France, is to no other end than that you may enjoy yourself 
 whom of these houses you like best. Whether by this it be 
 meant either the Infanta of Spain, or Don Charles of 
 Austria, I know not : for, for France, they are assured 
 that there lacketh nothing but age sufficient that it is not 
 ended. To this I have said, that your majestic ever had, 
 and hath choice of them all, where you like best ; and 
 therefore needeth nothing to doubt, that by this queen 
 impediment would rise to your majesty's will : but, as I 
 thought rather, your majesty having no mind to marry at 
 any time, and intending good unto this queen, would be 
 loath that she should marry where her people should have 
 misliking, as that of Queen Mary with S>'am, or should be 
 occasion of enmity, as that of herself with France was, or 
 impoverishmentof the realm, to take him that hi^th nothing, 
 as some such as have been mentioned and spoken of, with- 
 out any great good liking, as far as ever I could perceive. 
 *< The other doubt is chis, whether your majesty intend- 
 eth as much in this offer of my Lord Robert as by me is 
 spoken, considering your majesty's own favour towards 
 him J and therefore unlikely that ever your majesty will 
 depart with him to any other, wherein she should he plain- 
 ly abused, if that she gave her consent thereunto. And 
 the most grievous of all is this, that if after many persua- 
 sions she could be brought to yield unto your majesty to 
 be bestowed as you would, and she willing to accord un- 
 to your majesty's desire, touching my Lord Robert, that 
 then your majesty might use the example of her, that she 
 
APPENDIX. 11 
 
 would be content to take him, to persuade such of your 
 majesty's realm that have misliking of it, that you should 
 marry him yourself. To both these I have answered that 
 there is no small injury done to your majesty to be judged 
 of as to pretend that in word which was never meant. 
 But most of all, that your majesty should be thouglu to 
 go about to abuse any, muc ■ less such a princess, so near 
 a kinswoman, and one of whom you have had so good 
 liking. And where the people have offered, with most 
 humble prayers unto your majesty, great soumes of money, 
 that it might be f;)und good unto your majesty to take 
 him, there need no such coloured practices to be used. 
 They ask me then the reason of your majesty's stay ? 
 To that I have said that I am ignorant ; and in my con- 
 jecture, it is either that your majesty intendeth not to 
 marry, or will not match yourself with your own subject. 
 Of your majesty's disposition, they say that they can say 
 nothing ; but that your years, your beauty, your person- 
 age require not to be married, as well as these do in their 
 mistress, they marvel. And to match with a subject they 
 think it as unfit for her as for your majesty. To these I 
 have said, that if there be any misliking that ever your 
 majesty found in my Lord Robert, it was either for that he 
 was not a king of a realm of his own, or a subject of some 
 other prince, that worthily he might be called to be a king ; 
 where, sovereignty and vertuc being met, felicity and pros- 
 perity might ensue to that kingdom that he shall possess. 
 "We have so far proceeded in these discourses, that also 
 it hath been asked, what profile or commodity shall en- 
 sue to this queen if she should have him ? I have in this 
 advised them to follow the common course of all those 
 that are marriage-makers, to know first what liking there 
 is between the parties, and after enter in talk of the con- 
 
liil APPENDIX. 
 
 ditions. Let us suppose, say they, that she will ; then 
 say I, that I have a perpetual peace to offer them, a firm 
 amity to assure them of, which hitherto hath been none 
 at all, or ever very uncertain .- That I had a man to 
 offer unto her, that I am assured, through the world, a 
 fitter was not to be found for all respects. We marrie, 
 say those, in these days, as well for lands and possessions 
 as for virtue and qualities ; for peace and amity it is as 
 much to be desired on your part as ours : I grant it need- 
 ful for us both (though their old shaken houses testify 
 yet who have received the worst), and will them to be as 
 careful of it for their part, that we fall not into the like, 
 as we will be loath of ours. It is too sore, say they again, 
 to bind us to one where so many good choices is to be had. 
 I say, that where the best is offered there need no more 
 choice. It were not amiss, say they, that she made her own 
 choice. I say again, that seeing, in her choice she will 
 but use the judgment and advice of others, she were best 
 take him whom most men allow of; and yet in this she 
 is not put from her choice, but a friendly advice given 
 her to take the best. As good, say they, in your own 
 realm, may be found as he. I will them to name him. 
 It boteth not, say they, seeing, in so earnestly pressing the 
 other upon us, you take away all hope of getting any man 
 else. The Duke of Norfolk, saith one. I will them to 
 name again, for that is not the man they mean. If that 
 you know him, say they, you ought yourself to name him. 
 I say that if they be not ashamed of him, I marvel why 
 they do not name him : (But I know for certain, that 
 the man they mean is the Lord Darnley.) They suit at 
 this, to have him rather offered by your majesty than de- 
 sired by themselves. How far they are from their pur- 
 pose, your majesty both knows, and I am assured will 
 
APPENDIX. llii 
 
 consider the unfitness of the match for greater causes 
 than I can think of ; of whicli the least will not be the 
 loss of many a godly man's heart, that by your majesty 
 enjoy now liberty of their country, and know not in how 
 short a time they may lose the same, if your majesty give 
 your consent to match her with such a one, as either by 
 dissention at home, or lack of knowledge of God and his 
 word, may persecute those that profess the same. 
 
 «' Such like complaints I hear daylie : This horrible fear 
 is so entered into their hearts, that the queen tendeth on- 
 ly to that, that some are willing to leave the same, others 
 with their power to withstand it ; the rest with patience 
 to endure it, and to let God work his will. The coming 
 hither of my Lady Lennox and her son is looked for. I 
 dare not take upon me to give my advice, where I know 
 * so far passeth mme ; but always I am of the same opi- 
 nion that I was of her husband, or rather worse This fur- 
 ther I thought fitt to come to your majesty's knowledge, 
 that if she claim here the earldom of Angus, there will 
 be a gap open to disprove a greater title that she pretend- 
 eth unto, nearer your majesty's self than is that which she 
 seeketh for here : I attribute so much to the workers 
 hereof, and know how far that they have already waited, 
 that I trust she shall be all the days of her life, or any of 
 hers, far enough from wearing of a crown. 
 
 ** The Duke so standeth in doubt of himself, that he is 
 sometimes in mind, either with leave, or without, to for- 
 sake his countrie ; but for this, I believe he feareth more 
 than he need : he hath many friends here that would be 
 loath to see him brought to that point. Much of his 
 hope is in your majesty's favour towards • im, for the suc- 
 cour of himself and his house. This much from him I 
 
 * Some word seems here to be omitted. 
 
liv APPENDIX. 
 
 am required to signify unto your majestie, with most 
 humble recommendation of his service. 
 
 <' The queen hath now determined that my Lord of Mur- 
 ray, and Lord of Lidington, shall be at Barwick, the 18th 
 of this instant, to intreat of such matters as have been 
 propounded Unto her from your majesty ; she is now de- 
 sirous that they should come to some resolution, and hath 
 willed them that all their doings tend to that end. 
 
 « How she is bent already towards my Lord Robert, I 
 know not ; I find that there are many here that wish it 
 should take effect. And if I should credit all that is spoken, 
 it shall stay only in your majestie's self. Mary, with all I 
 know, that they look for no small matter to be offered 
 unto them, as now in this conference I doubt not but it 
 will appear. I find in my Lord of Murray a marvellous 
 good will that any thing that is to your majesty's content- 
 ment should take place ; but in this he is very loath to 
 have to do. The matter is of weight, the issue uncer- 
 tain, the burden not small, the danger great unto him, if 
 ever after this, there should grow betwixt your majesty 
 and his sovereign any misliking ; or if in this she find not 
 herself well used. How many also there are that would 
 wish to see this matter quelled under his hands, your ma- 
 jesty doth sufficiently consider. Therefore, for his part, 
 he doth most humbly pray your majesty, that how ear- 
 nest soever he be in this cause, that to his mistriss's ho- 
 nour it may take effect ; that how earnest soever he be to 
 press or urge that which in his mistress's behalf or right 
 he thinketh duty to do or say, that your majesty will ra- 
 ther count him the better servant unto his sovereign, than 
 that he beareth not unto your majesty that good will of 
 service that with duty to his sovereign he may. He in- 
 sisteth also, that your majesty so far regardeth his good 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Iv 
 
 will and mind, to the entertainment of a perpetual love 
 and amity between the two realms, that whatsoever pro- 
 ceedeth from him to that end, your majesty will take in 
 good part; and the more afFectioned that he is thereto, 
 your majesty will the more bear with him, if in all ear- 
 nest sort he do seek the same. What is in the Lord of 
 Lidington your majesty knoweth, for his wisdom to con- 
 ceive whatsoever his mind is bent unto, to bring it to pass. 
 I find him well affected to this cause,but to press her in any 
 wise he will not ; whatsoever she best lik-th that he most 
 alloweth. Some there are that would that I should believe 
 that he liketh better of my Lord Darnly than any other j I 
 have heard him at other times say much to the contrary ; 
 how he is newly affected I know not; nor see no cause why, 
 except it proceedeth of his mistress's affection to establish 
 this crown to her name again, whereunto she hath, beside 
 her own desire, many that urge her thereunto, as the most 
 famous act she can leave unto her posterity. I doubt not 
 but his will is, to press us to the utmost that we are able 
 to say j and I think not but his desire will be rather to 
 know what will be the uttermost of your majesty's will 
 towards his sovereign, than that we shall know assuredly 
 what shall be her mind, or whereunto she will incline. 
 
 " To meet with such a match, your majesty knoweth 
 what witt had been of it ; how far he exceedeth the com- 
 pass of one or two heads, that is able to govern a queen 
 and guide a whole realm alone, your majesty may well 
 think ; how unfitt I am for my part, and how far he is able 
 to go beyond me, I would that it were not as I know it to 
 be. How well my Lord of Bedford thinketh of his own 
 ability, I think that it be signified unto your majesty before 
 this time by his own letters, whose care I know is greater 
 in this than in any other that ever he had. Upon these oc- 
 
Ivi APPENDIX. 
 
 caslons I have taken this boldness thus to write, rather tak- 
 ing the blame upon me, thus much to trouble your majesty 
 than that any thing should be left unknown to your high- 
 ness, that I could wish should come to your majesty's ears. 
 
 " Almighty God preserve your majesty's prosperous es- 
 tate, send your majesty continual good health, and us some 
 happy comfort, that shortly we may hear that which so long 
 and oft in your majesty hath been desired, by whom we may 
 hope to see of yourself a happy prince, to cutt off the care 
 that now ail men do take to see your majesty live a sole life." 
 
 This letter conveys much information, illustrating the 
 state of parties, and the cabals at the period at which it 
 was written. Notwithstanding the hypocrisy of Eliza- 
 beth, suspicions had even thus early begun to be enter- 
 tained in Scotland, that her conduct towards Mary was 
 directed, not by affection to that princess, or by regard to 
 the happiness of her dominions, but by concern for her 
 own comfort, or the gratification of the envy which she 
 certainly cherished ; and the manner in which Randolph 
 replied to these insinuatidns was not calculated to efface 
 them. In conformity with his instructions, he proposed 
 Leicester as the husband of Mary, but he found himself 
 encountered by a persuasion that Elizabeth intended to 
 marry this nobleman herself, and was labouring to procure 
 the consent of the Scotish queen to espouse him, merely 
 that she might urge the determination of this princess, in 
 proof that it would not be inconsistent with her own dig- 
 nity to choose a man whom Mary would have accepted. 
 Randolph endeavoured to wipe away this impression, and 
 he tells his sovereign in what manner he proceeded -, but 
 it is plain from his letter, that he was sensible that he was 
 advancing upon very delicate ground, and that he secretly 
 was persuaded that the notion which he combated had 
 
APPENDIX. Ivii 
 
 its foundation in truth. This much at least is certain, 
 that he knew Leicester to be a favourite of Elizabeth, 
 and accordingly he gratifies the queen by the most un- 
 bounded flattery towards this nobleman. I think this 
 letter affords strong reasons for concluding that Murray 
 and Lethington were at this time anxious to promote the 
 marriage with Darnly, and were determined to support 
 the dignity and the interest of their sovereign, in oppo- 
 sition to the insidious policy of Elizabeth. From Mur- 
 ray's former correspondence with the queen of England, 
 he considered it as necessary to use the most marked ex- 
 pressions of respect for her determinations ; but even 
 these expressions, secretly and confidentially made to her 
 minister, are not only limited to what he owed to his own 
 queen, but are followed by plain intimations, that he 
 would insist upon demands, having for their object to 
 strengthen the connection between the two kingdoms ; 
 demands with which, from the mode in which he al- 
 ludes to them, it is plain that he believed that Elizabeth 
 would not be gratified. Randolph expressly says, that he 
 had heard that Lethington would not urge the queen to 
 act in this important concern contrary to her inclinations ; 
 that he would be more anxious to ascertain what Eliza- 
 beth would grant, than to give a full communication re- 
 specting the intentions of his sovereign. From the whole 
 of the letter it may be inferred, that there was, on the 
 part of the English queen, much ungenerous interference ; 
 that this was not acceptable to many of the chief men in 
 Scotland ; and that however Murray and his adherents 
 afterwards opposed the queen's marriage with Darnly, 
 this match was once considered by them as the most de- 
 sirable for that princess. 
 
Iviii APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XIV. 
 
 Account of Mary's illness soon after the accident which 
 befel the Earl of Bothwell. Taken from a MS. History 
 of the Life of James the Sixth, the groundwork of 
 Crawford of Drumsoy's Memoirs, and some years ago 
 printed under the inspection of Malcolm Laing, Esq. 
 
 '< The queen being then at Jedburgh, (at the time of 
 Bothwell's being wounded), and understanding the cer- 
 taine report of this accident, was so highly grieved in 
 heart, that she took no repose in body till she saw him, 
 and therefore with all expedition addrest herself to a 
 castle in Liddisdale, called the Armitage, where the said 
 Earle lay for cureing of his wounds ; and when she had 
 considered her estate to be in great danger of life, imme- 
 diately that same night she returned to Jedburgh, where, 
 what for weariness of that sudden and long travel, 
 and great distress of her mind for the said Earle, she con- 
 tracted a burning corrupted feaver, which occupyed her 
 in such a high degree, that her senses for the two part of 
 the first day were diminished, but thereafter she conva- 
 lesced a little. And finding her body opprest with sick- 
 ness tending to death (as she thought), she caused send 
 advertisement to all the kirks adjacent to pray for her, and 
 in the mean time was resolved to render her spirit to 
 God, and gave charge that her body should be buried a- 
 mongst the rest of her predecessors. She desired God of 
 his mercy to pardon her sins, to grant her a penitent and 
 contrite heart for her offences, and that he would deall 
 with her in mercy in respect of her weakness, and re- 
 
APPENDIX. lix 
 
 mit a little of his judgement, although she had deserved 
 the same as a miserable offender : and thanked his Ma- 
 jesty who had given her so large a time for repentance, 
 praying effectuallie to give her constancie and perseve- 
 rand in that catholick undoubted true faith and religion 
 unto the end : Wherefore she, in presence of the nobles 
 and gentry their convened, made confession, saying in 
 Latine, " Credo," &c. 
 
 ** Secondly, she recommended unto them unity of minds 
 and quietness, for by discord all things are dissolved, and 
 by concord they remaine haill and together. She recom- 
 mended unto them the protection of her young son the 
 prince, that he should be brought up in the fear of God ; 
 in honest and honourable society and perfection of man- 
 ners ; and to preserve him from people of corrupt manners, 
 that may keep him from his duty towards God or the 
 world, to the end he might live a godly and righteous 
 prince above his people. She forgave all those that had of- 
 fended her, and chiefly those ungrate persons whom she 
 had promoted to high honour, and in particular her own 
 husband King Henry ; as likewayes the banished gentle- 
 men who had highly grieved her, requiring, that in case 
 they should be brought into the realm after her death, 
 they should at least be debarred from access to the young 
 prince for her request, and that they would procure some 
 ease in conscience to those that do profess the catholick 
 faith, because during her reign, she constrained none to 
 exercise in religion, otherwayes than their conscience in- 
 dicted them. She recommended unto them all her 
 French servants, that they should be recompenced for their 
 service ; and namely, one Arnoldus Columbus. She re- 
 commended her amity to the king of France by his ambassa- 
 dour then resident in Scotland, called Monsieur de la Croc, 
 
Ix APPENDIX. 
 
 and the protection of her son to his majesty, and the 
 queen-mother of France ; and that he (the ambassador), 
 should interceed at his returne, in her name, to crave for- 
 giveness of all offences, that either she had actually done, 
 or might be supposed to have done ; and that it should 
 please the king to grant the revenues of a year of her 
 dowry, after her decease, to the payment of her debts and 
 servants fees." 
 
 This interesting account of the conduct of a young and 
 accomplished princess, under the impression of imme- 
 diate dissolution, exhibits her in the most amiable light ; 
 and had she at this period been removed from the world, 
 she w^ould have been regarded, through succeedmg ages, 
 with that deep sympathy which her melancholy history, 
 and her ingratiating manners, were so well calculated toex- 
 cite. Her resignation to the will of heaven, and the fervour 
 with which she implored the divine mercy, shew that 
 her religious impressions had not been eftaced by the 
 scenes through which she had passed, while her sincere 
 attachment to the catholic faith, so earnestly expressed, 
 leads us to lament, that even when seated on a throne, 
 she was assailed by persecution. Her maternal tender- 
 ness, the anxiety which she felt for the pious and virtu- 
 ous education of her infant son, is in harmony with all 
 the best dictates of our nature, — places it beyond a doubt, 
 that whatever might have been her errors, the admiration 
 of what was good then existed strongly in her breast. 
 The behaviour of her unhappy husband she keenly re- 
 sented, and she accordingly specifies him amongst the 
 ungrateful persons whom she forgave. The exiled nobles 
 and gentlemen, whose savage atrocity had offend d and 
 shocked her, she also pardoned, but afraid that they might 
 
APPENDIX. Ixi 
 
 contaminate the prince as they had done his father, she 
 fervently implored that, if they returned to the kingdom, 
 they should never be admitted into the presence of her 
 son. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XV. 
 
 Account of Darnly's death, from the last mentioned 
 work. 
 
 After mentioning the baptism of the prince, the au- 
 thor of the MS. proceeds thus : " And, notwithstanding 
 of this great triumph, with all the banquetting, sport, 
 and pastime, that was among so noble personages, nei- 
 ther did King Henry come there, albeit he was in Stir- 
 ling all the while, neither was he permitted, or required 
 to come openly ; and therefore he addrest himself to 
 Glasgow, where his whole body brake out in an evil-fa- 
 voured pustles, by the force of young age, that potently 
 expelled the poyson that was given him to haste the end 
 of his days. So the queen, whether it was for pity or 
 hypocrisie (I will not dispute), took journey toward him 
 to Glasgow, and remained by him for the space of ten 
 days, and caused him to be transported to Edinburgh, 
 where he was placed in a desert ludgelng, near the wall 
 and faulxburg of the town, called the KIrke of Field, 
 prepared for a wicked intent, as the malicious actors per- 
 formed with their pestilent hands ; perceiving that the 
 poyson they had given him took no effect, devised this 
 other purpose, — to lay trains of gunpowder about and 
 within the walls, in great quantity j but first they came 
 
ixli APPENDIX. 
 
 in, by slight of false kies, quietly to the king's chamber, 
 where he was reposing in bed, and his servant sleeping 
 near by. First they strangled the king and then his ser- 
 vant ; they cast their dead bodies out in a desert yaird, 
 by a back-door which they had prepared before, fitt for 
 the purpose, and then kindled their traine of gunpowder, 
 which inflamed the timber of the whole house in such 
 sort, and troubled so the wall thereof, that great stones, 
 of the length of ten foot, were found distant from that 
 house be the space of a quarter of a mile. This was de- 
 vised to deceive the people, to make them believe that 
 the house and bodies was expelled and demolished by 
 the chance of sudden fire, and no other wayes j but 
 Bothwell and his men were soon near hand by, to the 
 end the wicked purpose should not fail to take effect, as, 
 by the progress of this history, shall the better be known." 
 It is evident that the writer of the work from which 
 the above account is taken, entertained some suspicion 
 that the queen was not ignorant of the scheme against 
 her husband's life ; for, speaking of her journey to Glas- 
 gow, he says, <* whether it was for pity or hypocrisie, I 
 shall not dispute ;'* and that he believed that the unhappy 
 king was lodged in the house in which the murder was 
 committed, with a view to that atrocious crime being 
 more easily perpetrated. Now, as Crawford pretended 
 to convey the substance of this MS. his work should have 
 contained the insinuation respecting the queen, and 
 should have simply stated the above facts respecting the 
 choice of the place in which Darnley was lodged. To 
 shew with how little fidelity he performed his task, I 
 shall insert here the passage in his book corresponding to 
 the one last quoted from the MS. : " There was nothing 
 wanting to compleat the universal joy (at the baptism of 
 
APPENDIX. Ixiii 
 
 the prince) but the presence of the king, who, though he 
 was in Stirling, was so far from appearing in publick 
 upon this solemn occasion (having perhaps stomached 
 his late reception from the queen, at Jedburgh), that he 
 went ofF privately to Glasgow, where he was suddenly 
 seized with a dangerous illness, which was generally re- 
 ported the effect of poyson. The queen was no sooner 
 informed of his danger, than she hasted after him, and, 
 notwithstanding her resentment of the past injury, was 
 extremely moved to find him in so bad a condition, and 
 waited very carefully upon him for the space of ten days ; 
 till the strength of nature, overcoming the venom of his 
 disease, he was able to abandon that pbce, and travel 
 (though slowly) to Edinburgh, the metropolis of the 
 kingdom, where he might be better attended, and have 
 the convenience of being served by the best physicians. 
 
 ** When he came thither (being not perfectly reco- 
 vered), he was lodged in the Kirk of Field, where the air 
 was good, either to shun the noise of the court, or to 
 discountenance those who had used them as the tool of 
 their ambition and revenge in the murder of the secre- 
 tary.; or perhaps by the cunning contrivance of those 
 who designed his death, which soon after followed : For, 
 upon the ninth of February, the house in which he lay was 
 blown up by gunpowder, and his body found at a consider- 
 able distance from the ruins." This passage unquestion- 
 ably does not convey the same views to the mind as the 
 passage from the MS. of which it is professed to be the 
 translation ; every thing unfavourable to Maryland much 
 that is said of Bothwell, is concealed ; and it is difficult 
 to avoid supposing that this was not unintentional ; 
 that the object of Crawford was to support his own ideas 
 respecting this period of Scotish history, by representing 
 
Ixiv APPENDIX. 
 
 them as the same with those which were entertained by 
 an intelligent observer of the events which, during that 
 period, occurred. This was not acting candidly with 
 the public ; and even the most favourable supposition, 
 that Crawford was not aware of the change of aspect 
 which he gave to his author, shews how insidious are 
 our prejudices, and how much steadiness and self-resolu- 
 tion it requires to escape from their influence. 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XVI. 
 
 Ciaig's explanation and defence of his conduct, in pro- 
 claiming the Queen and the Earl of Bothwell, taken 
 from the Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 85 — 87. 
 
 It appears that much blame had been attached to Craig 
 for publishing the banns, by those who were not ac- 
 quainted with all the circumstances connected with their 
 publication ; and this intrepid and virtuous minister, un- 
 willing to suffer under calumny and misrepresentation, 
 addressed, to a General Assembly which met at Edin- 
 burgh in December 1567, the paper which is to com- 
 pose this article of the Appendix. It is a very curious 
 document, and the facts contained in it, we can have no 
 doubt, are accurately stated, for it was approved by the 
 assembly, and inserted in their records. 
 
 « To the end yat all yat feares God may understand 
 my proceidings in yis matter (in the proclamation of the 
 Queen and Bothwell), I shall shortlie declair quhat I did, 
 and quhat moved me to defend ye same, leaving the finall 
 judgement of all things to the kirk. First, Be ye requeste 
 
APPENDIX. IxV 
 
 of Mr Thomas Hcpburne, in ye Queen's name, to pro- 
 tlaime hir with my Lord Bothwell, I plainlie rcfusit it, 
 because he had not hir hand wreit, and also the constant 
 bruit that my lord had ravishit hir, and keipt hir in cap- 
 tivitie. Upon Wednesday nixt, the Justice-clerk brought 
 me a wreiting subscryvit with hir hand, bearing in effect, 
 yat she was nather ravishit nor zit reteinit in captivitie> 
 arid yrfore chargit me to proclaime. My answer waS, 
 I durst proclaime na bandis (and chieflie sick) without 
 Consent and command of ye kirk. Upon Thursday nixt, 
 the kirk, efter lang reasoning with ye Justice-clerk, and 
 amangis the brethren, at lenth concludit yat ye Queen's 
 mind suld be publishit to hir subjects, thrie nixt preich- 
 ing dayes. Bot because the General Assemblie had inhi- 
 bit all sick marriages, we protestit yat they wald neither 
 solemnize, neither zit approve yat marriage, bot wald on- 
 lie declare the princessis mynd, leaving all doubtes and 
 dangers to ye counsellors, approvers, and performers of 
 ye marriage. And sa, upon Fryday nixt, I declarit the 
 haill mynd and progres of ye kirk, desireing everie maa 
 in Godis name to discharge his conscience before ye se- 
 cret counsell ; and to give baldness to utheris, I desyred 
 of the L. their present tyme and place to speik my judge- 
 ment before ye parties, protesting, gif I wer not heard 
 and setisfict, I ather wald desist from proclaiming,' or ells 
 declair my mynd publictlie before ye kirk. Thairfore, 
 being admittit efter noone before my L. in ye counsell, 
 I layed to his charge ye law of adulterie, ye ordinance of 
 ye kirk, ye law of ravishing, ye suspicion of collusion be- 
 twix him and his wyfe, the suddane dcvorcement and 
 proclaiming within ye space of four dayes, and last, the 
 suspicioun of the kingis death, quhilk his marriage wald 
 VOL. III. e 
 
Ixvi APPENDIX. 
 
 confirme. Bot heanserit nathing to my satlsfactlouiv 
 so heirfore, eftir mony exhortatiouns, I protestit yat I 
 culd not bot declair my mynd publlctlie to ye kirk, 
 Thairfore, upon Sonday efter, I had deelairit quhat thai 
 had done, and how thai wald proceid, quhidder we wald 
 or nocht. I tuik hevin and eirth to witnes yat I abhor- 
 rit and detestit yat marriage, because it was odious and 
 sclandereus to ye warld ; and seing ye best part of ye 
 reahne did approve it, ather be flatterie or be yr silence, 
 I desyrit ye faithfull to pray earnestlie yat God wald 
 turne it to ye comfort of ys realme, yat thing quhilk yai 
 intendit agains reasone and guid conscience. I, becaus 
 I hard sum persones gangand agains me, usit thir reasons 
 for my defenses. First, I had brokin nalaw be proclaim- 
 ing of yr persones at yair request. Secundlie, Gif thair 
 marriage wes sclanderous and hurtful!, I did weill for 
 warming all men of it in tyme. Thirdlie, As I had of 
 dewtie deelairit to yame ye princes will, sa did I faith- 
 fullie teach yame, by word and example, quhat God cra- 
 vit of yame. Bot, upon Tuesday nixt, I wes callit before 
 ye counsell, and accusit that I had passit the boundls 
 of my commissioun, calling ye princessis marriage odious 
 and sclanderous before ye warld. I answerit, ye boundis 
 of my commissioun, quhilk wes ye word of God, guid 
 lawes and natural reassoun wes able to prove quhatsaever 
 I spak, zea, yat yair awin consciences culd not bot bear 
 witnes yt sick a marriage wald be odious and sclanderous 
 to all yt suld hear of it, gif all the circumstances yreof 
 were richtlie considderit •, bot q'' I was coming to my 
 probatioun, my L. pat me to silence, and send me away. 
 And sa upon Wednesday, I first repeattit and ratefeit all 
 things before spoken, and eftir exhortit ye brethren not 
 to accuse me gif yat marriage proceidit, bot rather yam- 
 
APPENDIX. Ixvii 
 
 selfis, quha wald not' for feir oppoune yamselfis, but ra- 
 ther schairpit yair tounges agains me, because I admo- 
 nishit yame of yr dewtie, and sufferk not ye cankrit con- 
 sciences of hypocrites to sleep at rest, protesting at all 
 tymes to yame, yat it was not my proclaiming, bot ra- 
 ther yr silence, yat gave any lawfulnes to yat marriage ; 
 for, as ye proclaiming did talc all excuse fra yame, sa my 
 privat and public compurgatioun did saife my conscience 
 sufFicientlie. And yis farre I proceidit in ys marriage, 
 as ye kirk of Edinr. lordes, erles, and barrones, yat herd, 
 will bear me witnes : Now, seing I have bein schame- 
 fulley sclanderit, baith in England and Scotland, be 
 wrang informatioun, and fals report of yame yat haittit 
 my ministrie, I desyre, first, ye judgement of ye kirk, 
 and nixt, ye same to be publishit, yat all men may under- 
 stand quhidder I be wordie of sick an bruit or not." 
 
 This paper sufficiently establishes what was the pub- 
 lic opinion respecting Bothwell's marriage with the Queen, 
 even before jt took place. The assurance subicribed by 
 that unhappy princess, declaring that no violence had 
 been ofFered to her, and that she was under no con- 
 straint, is one of the many proofs amounting, when con- 
 joined, to moral certainty, that she was not reluctant to 
 unite herself to the profligate nobleman whom she should 
 have viewed with abhorrence. 
 
Ixviii APPENDIX, 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XVII. 
 
 Order from the Earl of Murray, the Regent, to the 
 Comptroller, respecting the stipends of ministers, is- 
 sued before the parliament in December 1567, taken 
 from the Dun papers. 
 
 *« Comptrollar, 
 ** It is our will, and we discharge you ofF all melling 
 or intrometting with ony thriddis of benefices, assignit 
 to the ministers for thair stependis, of the thrie-score sax 
 zeiris crope, bayth of silver and victuallis ; but suffer 
 and permit thame and thair collector to intromet with, 
 sell, and dispone, the same at thair plesir, conform to 
 thair assignation, without ony stop or troubland of you. 
 And gif ye haif intromettit or sauld alreddy ony pairt of 
 the said victualle, that ze caus the same to be restorit 
 and randerit agane to the saidis ministers and thair col- 
 lectors, to be sauld and disponit be yame as thai think 
 expedient ; quhilk sail be thankfuUie allowit to you iu 
 your comptis be the auditors thareof, quhome we charge 
 to defulk and allow the same, keipand thir presentis for 
 zour and thair warrand. Subscrivit with our hand, at 
 Edinbro, the second day of November 1567. 
 
 (Signed) «« James, Regent." 
 
APPENDIX. Ixix 
 
 APPENDIX, No. XVIir. 
 
 Remarks upon some passages in the Second Volume of 
 «* Caledonia, by George Chalmers, Esq." relating to 
 the treaty of Edinburgh in 1560, as it affected Scot- 
 land. 
 
 In this work, which I did not see till I had finished 
 my history, Mr Chalmers, the intelligent and respectable 
 author, endeavours to prove, that the French commission- 
 ers had no powers to consent to any arrangements in fa- 
 vour of the protestant lords, and that the concessions which 
 all historians, with the exception of Whitaker, have repre- 
 sented as made by these commissioners, were in fact never 
 made, but were imposed upon the credulity of mankind 
 by the Lord James Stewart, Lord Ruthven, and Mait- 
 land of Lethington, with the connivance of Sir William 
 Cecil. 
 
 Notwithstanding the authority of a writer who has 
 paid much attention to Scotish history, authority, how- 
 ever, which. In the present case, is not sti^engthened by 
 his violent prejudices against the reformers in Scotland, 
 and even, it would seem, against the reformation itself, 
 as it was introduced into that kingdom, all the circum- 
 stances connected with the negotiation for restoring 
 peace between France and England, and tranquillity to 
 Mary's native dominions, appear to me to place it be- 
 yond a doubt, that the bishop of Valence and Monsieur 
 Randan, must have been authorised to make concessions 
 to the protestants, and that there is sufficient evidence 
 for {he authenticity and genuineness of those concessions 
 which they are generally believed to have sanctioned. 
 Although the French court was long desirous to pro- 
 
Ixx 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ceed with much severity against the Scotish nobles and 
 those who adhered to them, men who were stigmatized 
 by that court as guilty of rebellion, yet very powerful 
 reasons, which I have stated, produced at length a most 
 earnest desire for peace with Elizabeth, who had espous- 
 ed the cause of the lords, and for terminating the com- 
 motions which distracted Scotland. Now, these objects 
 could not be obtained without pardoning those attached 
 to the Congregation, and acceding to some of the de- 
 mands which they had repeatedly made ; for the minis- 
 ters of Elizabeth had uniformly declared what the queen 
 herself, on the 16th of April, wrote to the Duke of Nor- 
 folk, that they never intended that any treaty should be 
 had with the French, but with the knowledge and con- 
 sent of the Scotch, neither that any thing should be con- 
 cluded but to the benefit of Scotland. (Haynes' State 
 Papers, Vol. I. p. 291.) Of this determination the 
 French council was fully aware ; and accordingly, De 
 Sevre had much discussion respecting Scotland, while 
 Sir Nicholas Throkmorton was constantly pressing this 
 subject upon the Cardinal of Lorrain, and stating, with 
 full force, the views of his sovereign with regard to it. 
 But a still more decisive proof that the French court was 
 sensible of the necessity of terminating the troubles in 
 Scotland, is furnished by the mission of the bishop of 
 A^alence, who arrived in England about the middle of 
 March. After, in vain, attempting to alter the resolu- 
 tions of Elizabeth, he requested permission to go into 
 Scotland, " to travcll betwixt the queen-dowager and 
 the Scots, for an accord and pacification of their griefes." 
 — (Haynes, Vol. I. p. 27i). He did accordingly enter 
 Scotland in the course of the ensuing month, and made 
 very liberal proposals to the lords, although he was not 
 successful in the object of liis embassy. — (Forbes's FuU 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ixxi 
 
 View of the Transactions of Queen Elizabeth, Vol I. p. 
 488, 489). In pursuance of the policy which dictated 
 the mission of this prelate, Francis and Mary issued 
 from Amboise, on the 1st of April, instructions to him, 
 in conjunction with the bishop of Amiens and Monsieur 
 de la Brosse, referring to the situation of Scotland. By 
 this commission, after narrating the many attempts which 
 had been made to recal the insurgents to the duty which 
 they owed to their sovereign, the French king and queen 
 gave full power to the persons named in it, to assure the 
 tjcotish lords, that, if they would submit to the queen, 
 full pardon would be given to them ; and they then thus 
 proceeded: " Pour la quelle mieulx estabhr, s'il est besoing 
 traicter aucunes choses avec nostre tres chere et tres 
 amee bonne seur et cousine la Royne d'Angleterre s'as- 
 sembleront nos dictz deputez avec ceulx de nostre dicte 
 bonne seur aians pouvoir suffisant quant a ce en tel lieu 
 propre et commode qu'ilz adviseront et dont ilz se pour- 
 ront accorder, pour negotier traicter et accorder sur ce 
 qu'il sera d'une part et d'autre propose tout ce qu'ilz 
 verront et congnoistront estre raisonnable, convenable et 
 a propos pour nostre service et bien de noz affaires, selon 
 la fiance que nous avons en eulx encore qu'il y eust chose 
 qui requist mandement plus especial qu'il n'est porte par 
 ces presentes. Promettans en bonne foy et paroUe de 
 Roy avoir pour agreable ferme et stable tout ce que par 
 les dictes Evesques de Valence et d'Amyens, et Seigneur 
 de la Brosse, et les deux in I'absence ou empeschement 
 de I'autre, aura esti faict en cest endroit ; et le tout rati- 
 fier par noz lettres patentes si besoing est toutes fois et 
 quantes que requis en serons, sans jamais aller ne venir 
 au contraire en quelque sort que ce soit : car tel est nostre 
 plaisir." This commission (Forbes, p. ^97, 398,) was 
 
Ixxii APPENDIX. 
 
 sent to Scotland by Chaperon ; and although, from some 
 apprehension of the lords, that a treaty might embarrass 
 their afFairs, it was not probably delivered to the bishop, 
 (Forbes, p. 460), yet it plainly shews what were the in- 
 tentions of the French court at the time of its being com- 
 posed. The anxiety for peace having increased in the 
 French council, and it being found necessary to com- 
 mence a negotiation with Elizabeth, a new commission, 
 dated at Chenonceau, the 2d of May, was directed to the 
 persons mentioned in the fcnr.er one, with the addition 
 of Monsieur D'Osell, and the Sieur de Randan, alluding, 
 indeed, chiefly to the commencement of a treaty with 
 the English queen, but which, having for its object the 
 restoration of tranquillity, must have been written under 
 the impression, that offers similar to those which had 
 been made or insinuated to the Scotish lords, would come 
 under consideration of the commissioners in the course 
 of the discussions about to take place. If this was not 
 the case, we must suppose that, at a time when France 
 was most anxious for peace, and making uncommon sa- 
 crifices to secure it, the commissioners appointed to treat 
 were not enabled to do that, without which, the minis- 
 ters who employed them knew that peace was impos- 
 sible. 
 
 That the matter was viewed by the members of the 
 English council in the light in which I have represented 
 it, is evident from a letter of Cecil to Throkmorton, dat- 
 ed the 22d of May, in which he tells that ambassador, 
 «* Randan hath brought a commission, dated the 2d of 
 May, directed to the bishops of Valence and Amiens, 
 &.C. authorizing them all, or two of them, to treat and 
 accord all things ;" and he adds, a little after, " we only 
 ^*>ek surety, which dependeth upon the liberty of Scot- 
 
APPENDIX. Jxxiii 
 
 land." — (Forbes, p. 460.) Now, this confidential letter 
 to Throkmorton was written after the arrival of Randan, 
 after he had delivered his private instructions to Eliza- 
 beth, with a letter to her from the French king and 
 queen, alluding to certain communications which he was 
 instructed to make to her. — (Forbes, p. 319). When 
 we consider all these circumstances, and add to them the 
 fact, that the French commissioners, men admitted by 
 all parties to have enjoyed the confidence of their court, 
 and to have been possessed of the greatest talents, and 
 most consummate diplomatic skill and address, actually 
 did treat respecting the state of Scotland, devoting the 
 greater part of the time which they spent with Cecil and 
 Wotton in arranging what related to it, it may, I think, 
 be with much reason concluded, that these men were 
 authorised and instructed to promise pardon to tlie lords, 
 and in general, to do with respect to them what was con- 
 ceived necessary for the restoration of peace. 
 
 This conclusion would hold good, even if it were ad- 
 mitted that the bishop of Valence 'and Randan acted 
 solely upon the commission dated at Chenonceau ; but 
 the fact is, that there was another commission addressed 
 to them by the French king and queen, dated at Remo- 
 rentin, on the 2d of June, in which the line of conduct 
 to be pursued by them in relation to Scotland, is marked 
 out, and a pledge is given to ratify what should be done 
 by the commissioners. This commission, however, Mr 
 Chalmers maintains to be a palpable forgery, upon this 
 ground, — that he does not see what was the use of issu- 
 ing it, and hence, that it is reasonable to infer, that it 
 was not issued by the French sovereigns, but was the 
 production of the Scotish lords. « That it was useless,** 
 Mr Chalmers says, «< is evident, because every thing for 
 
Ixxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 which it provides could have been done in consequence 
 of the commission from Chenonceau." Now, as the com- 
 mission of June certainly authorised concessions to the 
 protestant lords, this remark seems to imply, that, inde- 
 pendently of it, there were powers to concede ; in other 
 words, that Mr Chalmers, when he made the observa- 
 tion, was convinced that the opinion for which he had 
 been contending is erroneous. But, returning to his ar- 
 gument, it may be observed, that if the circumstance of 
 there being no apparent reason for issuing the commis- 
 sion of June is a good ground for concluding that the 
 French sovereigns did not issue it, upon the same prin- 
 ciple of arguing, it may, a fortiori^ be inferred, that it 
 could not be a forgery of the lords, because there are 
 numberless reasons against supposing that they could be 
 guilty of forging it. If they did forge it, this must have 
 been done after the conclusion of the treaty, for they 
 could not hope to impose so clumsy a cheat upon the 
 French commissioners ; and of course, after they had ob- 
 tained the concessions, whatever they were, which were 
 really made to them. Now, what could be the only ef- 
 fect of such a forgery ? plainly to invalidate those con- 
 cessions, which we know had imparted to them the ut- 
 most satisfaction. By conjoining the treaty, or the agree- 
 ;Tient in their favour, with a spurious document, which 
 could be at once detected, they held themselves up to in- 
 famy, and put it in the power of the French court to re- 
 dact or cancel ail which had been granted. Although, 
 tl]^en, we should suppose, that the Scotish lords were des- 
 jtity-te of all honesty and principle, a supposition not sure- 
 l^.rashly tp be made, they could not, unless they were 
 completely infatuated, or astonishingly weak, which they 
 were not, have done what was so manifestly prejudiciJL 
 
APPENDIX. IXXV 
 
 to their own cause. To sum up the argument upon this 
 point, it must be stated, that, so far from it being im- 
 probable that the French court would send the commis- 
 sion of June, nothing could be more natural. This com- 
 mission combines the two objects which were to be ac- 
 complished, and the language respecting Scotland is al- 
 most exactly that which had been used in the instruc- 
 tions from Amboise, — certainly no small proof of the au- 
 thenticity of this document. The error respecting the 
 length of Mary's reign which is to be found in it, was 
 much more likely to be committed in France than in 
 Scotland, by a person unacquainted with the early history 
 of that princess, than by Murray or Maitland, who must 
 have perfectly known the pi-ecise year of her birth, and 
 consequently the duration of her reign. This circum- 
 stance, therefore, appears to be in favour of the opposite 
 side of the question from that which Mr Chalmers ad- 
 duced it to support. 
 
 But, admitting what I think has been proved, that the 
 bishop of Valence and Randan had powers to make ar- 
 rangements respecting Scotland, and that the king and 
 queen of France had bound themselves, by the honour of 
 a sovereign, to confirm and ratify these arrangements, 
 Mr Chalmers further maintains, or seems to maintain, 
 for there is considerable obscurity in all his reasonings 
 upon this subject, that the concessions which are com- 
 monly supposed to have been made by the French com- 
 missioners, were, in fact, never made by them, but must 
 be ascribed to the same source from which he had deriv- 
 ed the instructions of the 2d of June. 
 
 There is in the Cotton Library a copy of the conces- 
 sions subscribed by the French deputies, and annexed to 
 ij is the following note : «' This is a true copy of the ori- 
 
Ixxvi APFENDIX. 
 
 ginal, conferred and collationed." Subscribed, James 
 Stewart, Ruthven, W. Maitland ; and on the back the 
 paper is entitled by Cecil with his own hand, ** Articles 
 of accord inter Regem et Reginam Francie et Scotie, ac 
 nob. et populum Scotise." This is certainly very strong 
 evidence for the authenticity and genuineness of the do- 
 cument ; but Mr Chalmers considers the attestation of 
 the Scotish nobles as entitled to no credit, because, hav- 
 ing forged the instructions pretended to have been sent 
 from France in June, it was probable that they had also 
 forged the concessions by which these instructions are 
 accompanied. If the reasoning in the former part of 
 this article be correct, the argument is confuted •, and it 
 may well be asked, what could induce Cecil, a man of 
 distinguished eminence and integrity, not only to attest 
 as true, what he knew to be false, but to lodge, amongst 
 the public papers of the kingdom, what would have been 
 immediately brought forward to prove his dishonesty. 
 Indeed, the idea that such men as Cecil, the prior of 
 St Andrews, Ruthven, and Maitland, had submitted to 
 the meanness and the guilt of forgery, where the con- 
 cealment of the crime was hopeless or impossible, is in 
 such direct contradiction to the principles and rules which 
 usually determine human conduct, that nothing but the 
 most direct and incontrovertible proof can be sufficient 
 for establishing it. The whole proof, however, is iii 
 favour of their integrity. From the article in the treaty 
 between Elizabeth and the French sovereigns, which I 
 have inserted in the Appendix, the genuineness of vi'hich 
 never has been disputed, it is evident that concessions 
 were to be made to the lords j from the correspondence 
 of Cecil during the progress of the negotiations, corres- 
 pondence \v'hich has been published by Ilaync?., it apt 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxvii 
 
 pears, that the proposed concessions agreed with those 
 certified by the prior and his friends. Knox has given, 
 m his history, the substance of the accord, as he calls it, 
 agreeing also with the attested copy, and, from numerous 
 incidental expressions in the private correspondence of 
 the statesmen of these times, it is apparent, that the 
 agreement with the lords was Mihat these lords stated it 
 to be. And to conclude the positive proof, the agree- 
 ment was proclaimed immediately after it was finished, 
 and was anxiously communicated to all who were inte- 
 rested in what it contained. Now, it was scarcely pos- 
 sible, after all this, to impose a forgery upon the world. 
 The people of Scotland would have detected the fraud ; 
 some of the nobles surely would have been virtuous 
 enough to regard it with honest indignation ; and the 
 French commissioners must have remonstrated against a 
 deception in which their oflicial character was so deeply 
 implicated. They, however, were silent ; and, amidst 
 all the correspondence which took place with regard to 
 the treaty, not the slightest insinuation was made by 
 Mary, or any of her adherents, that Cecil had acted dis- 
 honourably, or that a false document had been substitut- 
 ed for the one which had been duly sanctioned. Keith, 
 who had every inclination to undermine the authority 
 of the parliament 1560, could not take the ground 
 which Mr Chalmers has chosen, but he honestly writes, 
 « We have sufficient ground to be assured that certain 
 concessions were granted by the French commissioners 
 to certain petitions presented to them by the nobility and 
 people of Scotland." — p. 137. 
 
 Let us now attend to what Mr Chalmers has urged to 
 invalidate this striking evidence. He argues against the 
 genuineness of the concessions, because they were not 
 
IxXVlii APPENDIX. 
 
 attached to the treaty between England and France, and 
 because they are not signed by the English commission- 
 ers, but solely by the French. The two objects which 
 the deputies of the respective sovereigns had to accom- 
 plish, restoration of peace between France and England, 
 and of tranquillity to Scotland, were distinct ; and if the 
 bishop of Valence and Randan had not, from jealous re- 
 gard to the honour of Francis and Mary, declined enter- 
 ing into a direct treaty with men whom they represented 
 to be rebels, no allusion would have been made to the 
 Scotish insurgents in the treaty with Elizabeth. It was, 
 however, agreed that the insurgents, as they were deno- 
 minated, should present their requests in a separate pa- 
 per, and that an article should be inserted in the treaty 
 with England, binding the king and queen of France to 
 grant these requests. The whole of the transaction thus 
 plainly shews, that the concessions made to the lords 
 were purposely not engrossed in the English treaty, or 
 even conjoined with it. And there was no occasion for 
 the signature of the English negotiators. From them 
 the Scotish deputies had no opposition to apprehend ; 
 they therefore addressed their demands to the bishop of 
 Valence and Randan, who, upon esteeming them reason- 
 able, testified their acquiescence by their subscription ; 
 thus rendering the requests of the lords a legal document, 
 wath respect to which there could be no doubt or dis- 
 pute. And this document was naturally preserved by 
 the party who had presented it, and whose future situa- 
 tion it determined, while copies of it would of course be 
 taken by the commissioners from England and France. 
 That this was the case, may be inferred from a letter of 
 Cecil to Ehzabeth, in which, after detailing the leading 
 articles of the agreement, he says, « the better declaration 
 
APPENDIX, IXXIX 
 
 whereof we will make to your majesty at our return." 
 The form, then, in which the copy of the agreement 
 lodged in the Cotton Library appears, so far from inva- 
 lidating the genuineness of ^hat copy, tends, in my esti- 
 mation, very much to strengthen it, because the mode of 
 its being procured and certified, is precisely that which 
 anxiety to obtain it in its most accurate state would have 
 suggested. 
 
 Mr Chalmers justly observes, that It bears the date of 
 the 3d of July, a day or two before Cecil wrote that mat- 
 ters were not finally settled. But this does not appear 
 to me to be of any weight. An erroneous date, under 
 some circumstances, must weaken the authority of the 
 paper to which it is attached ; but it is obvious, in the 
 present case, that the day of final agreement was perfect- 
 ly known, and that it is not likely that such men as are 
 alleged to have been concerned in the forgery, would 
 have committed a blunder wliich any one of them was 
 able at once to correct, and which they must have known 
 would be instantly detected. The circumstance of this 
 date may be satisfactorily explained by supposing, what 
 the whole progress of the negotiation renders almost cer- 
 tain, that the demands of the lords had been extended se- 
 veral days before they were subscribed by the French 
 ministers, and Cecil may have noted the day on which, 
 in this shape, he saw them. The agreement itself bears 
 that it was signed on the 6th, which corresponds vi'ith 
 Cecil's letter above-mentioned ; it is his note on the back 
 of the agreement which specifies the 3d of July. But 
 Mr Chalmers argues against the concessions, because they 
 are not to be found in Leonard's Recueil, where there is 
 a copy of the treaty of Edinburgh, nor in a very full, cu- 
 rious, and useful collection of treaties and other instru- 
 
IXXX APPENDIX. 
 
 ments between Scotland and France, from early till late 
 times, which he saw in the Brit. Mus. Bibl. Harl. No. 
 1244, Even although no account of such silence could 
 be given, arguments of this nature cannot destroy clear 
 positive evidence, and are in general entitled to very little 
 attention. But it is to be recollected, that the conces- 
 sions were not in the form of a treaty, there being no di- 
 rect negotiation between the French sovereigns and their 
 discontented subjects in Scotland, and hence could not 
 be engrossed in any collection of treaties. They were, 
 however, alluded to in the treaty with Elizabeth, and 
 the clause of allusion is uniformly recorded. The man- 
 ner in which the whole business was conducted, taken 
 in conjunction with the secret intentions of the French' 
 court, shews that the agreement would not be permitted 
 to be inserted amongst the official papers of France, and 
 this may explain why it is not to be found in the collec- 
 tions seen by Mr Chalmers. From a careful considera- 
 tion of the evidence on both sides, it appears to me to be 
 fully established, that the king and queen of France were 
 solemnly pledged to ratify and confirm whatever was 
 <lone by their commissioners in relation to Scotland, and 
 that the concessions to which so frequent reference 
 has been made, are the concessions sanctioned by the bi- 
 shop of Valence and Randan. Now, one of these con- 
 cessions related to the holding of a parliament, and it 
 thus concludes: '' And this assembly shall be as valid, 
 in all respects, as if it had been called and appointed by 
 the express commandment of the king and queen." 
 When we cotijoin this strong language with the language 
 used in the commissions given by Francis and Mary 
 from which it is derived, there can, I should imagine, 
 be little doubt, that the decision of the parliament, by 
 
 / 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxi 
 
 which it declared itself to be a legal parliament, was a 
 sound decision, and that the strenuous advocates of Ma- 
 ry do not consult the integrity and honour of that prin- 
 cess in the vehement opposition which they have made 
 to a meeting of the estates, which, whether we regard 
 the numbers who attended it, or the subjects upon which 
 it deliberated, was one of the most respectable and im- 
 portant in the annals of Scotish history. Independently 
 of the legal ground on which it his been rested, it might 
 be defended upon those general principles which apply 
 to all governments under such circumstances as those in 
 which the government of Scotland was then placed ; but 
 I have adverted to the reasoning of Mr Chalmers, from 
 the earnest desire to apply to the investigation of the sub- 
 ject, those just rules of evidence which are sometimes • 
 too much neglected in historical disquisitions, and from 
 the wish to wipe away from some of the most eminent 
 defenders of the reformation, and of the political free- 
 dom which accompanied or followed its introduction, 
 imputations which would have blasted their reputation, 
 and presented a view of public depravity, which every 
 feeling of genuine patriotism must lead us to regard witJi 
 horror. 
 
 VOL. 111. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abso'iutioii, form of, vol. i. T7, 78. 
 
 Granted to the garrison in the castle 
 
 of St Andrews, not satisfactory,!. Sri 1 . 
 
 Academies, Scotlsh reformers propose 
 
 to found them, ii. 391. 
 
 Act of oblivion, manner in which Ma- 
 ry was prevailed upon to ratify it, iii. 
 142, 143. 
 
 Act of parliament occasioned by a 
 famine, remarks upon, iii. 143, 144. 
 
 Acts of the parliament 1,560 respecting 
 religion, remarks upon them, ii. 333 
 — 335. The queen refuses to ratify 
 them, ii. 337, and 341, 342. 
 
 Admonition of the Lords to the regent, 
 ii. 186— 1S8. 
 
 Adrian one of the best of the popes, 
 his opinion respecting the reforma- 
 tion, i. 105. His attempts to re- 
 form the church frustrated, i. lOG. 
 His epitaph, i. note to 106. 
 
 Albert of Magdeburgh countenances 
 the sale of indulgencics, i. 126. 
 
 Albigenses, i. 85. 
 
 Alexander III. of Scotland opposes 
 the levying of a tax for the cru- 
 sades, i. 32. Observations upon his 
 death, i. 32, 33. 
 
 Alexander VI. one of the popes, his 
 detestable character, i. 120, 121. 
 
 Amiens, bishop of, arrives in Scotland, 
 ii. 182. 
 
 Angus, Earl of, accompanies an army 
 which invades Scotland, i. 210. He 
 returns to Scotland, i. 220. 
 
 Apology for the excesses which attend- 
 ed the introduction of the reforma- 
 tion into Scotland, ii. 81 — 85. 
 
 Argyll, Earl of, letter of the archbi- 
 shop of St Andrews to him, ii. 
 
 37—39. His reply, ii. 39, 40. His 
 death, ii. 40. 
 Argyll, Earl of, his son, partiality to 
 the protestants. See St Andrews, 
 prior of. 
 Arran, Earl of, is made governor after 
 the death of James V. i 223, 224. 
 Character of that nobleman, i. 224, 
 See letter G 
 Arran, Earl of, his son, flies from 
 France, and is encouraged by Eli- 
 zabeth to join the congregation, ii. 
 178. His arrival in Scotland, and 
 measures adopted by him, ii. 179. 
 His intrepidity, ii. 230, 231. He 
 protests against the proclamation of 
 the council respecting the protestant 
 religion, and displeases the queen, 
 iii. 66 
 Arrangements for disseminating and 
 inculcating the reformed faith, ii. 343 
 Articles, Lords of, how chosen, ii. 
 
 327, and note 
 Articles presented by the General As- 
 sembly as the platform of the pro- 
 testant church in Scotland, iii. 287, 
 288 
 Assembly of the clergy, its proceedings 
 with respect to the reformation, ii. 
 63, 64 
 Assemblies, General, of the church, ac- 
 count of several, and of their discus- 
 sions and deliberations, iii. 33, 34. 
 100,101. 123 — 127. 136—139. 147, 
 148. 183—187.238.242—244.277. 
 280. 286 
 Assembly, General, fountain of juris- 
 diction in the church of Scotland, iii. 
 305 
 Association, bond of, framed by the 
 protestants in Scotland, ii. 30, 31 
 
Ixxxiv 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Asylums, their origin and abuse, i. 74 
 Avignon, popes fix their residence 
 there, i. 1)7 
 
 B 
 
 Basil, or Basle, council of. Its decrees 
 respecting the popes, i. 101 
 
 Beaton^ James, archbishop of St An- 
 drews^ his death and character, i. 
 16S. He is succeeded by his ne- 
 phew cardinal Beaton, i. 164. 
 
 Beaton, cardinal, organizes a plan for 
 the extirpation of heretics, i. 164. 
 State of the public mind at hl's acces- 
 sion to the primacy, p. 166. An 
 account of him, 184, 186, Principle 
 upon which he determined to act as 
 primate, p. 186. Causes which led 
 }iim to adopt it, 186, 187. His 
 oration, p. 187. He accuses Sir 
 John Borthwick, 188, 189. He 
 pronounces sentence against him, 
 191. He procures the adoption of 
 legislative measures against heresy, 
 191, 192. He attempts to obtain 
 the regency, but Is disappointed, 
 p. 223, 224 He opposes the mar- 
 riage of Mary with Edward, and 
 peace with England, 229, 230. He 
 is imprisoned, 230. He is restored 
 to liberty, 244. His artful policy, 
 
 244. He influences the nobles, and 
 prevents the alliance with England, 
 
 245, 255. His deceitful conduct to 
 the Earl of Lennox, i. 260. His 
 indecent contest with the archbishop 
 of Glasgow, 264. He renews per- 
 secution, of which there occurred 
 some affecting instances, 266 — 268. 
 He visits Angus and Mearns, 268, 
 269. He confirms the governor in 
 his new policy, 270. lie calls an 
 assembly of the clergy, 271. His 
 zeal against WIshart, 283. Violence 
 ■with which he proceeds, 2R8. He 
 regards the death of WIshart as 
 the triumph of the- church, 297, 
 
 298. He becomes unpopular, 298, 
 
 299. Conspiracy against him, 299 
 — 303. His death, 303. Senti- 
 ments which prevailed with regard 
 to it, 304 — 306. Estimate of his 
 policy, 308, 309 
 
 Benedict XIII. liis election as pope, I. 98 
 
 Berwick, treaty of, il. 252 — 256. Cor, 
 fereace at, respecting the marriage 
 of Mary, III. 16 1, 162 
 
 Beveridge, a friar, burnt for heresy, i. 
 159 
 
 Bishops, popish, reasons why they did 
 not oppose the protestant confession 
 in the parliament, 1560. 11. 331 
 
 Boniface, bishop of Mentz, some ac- 
 count of his zeal for popery, i. 19, 
 20 
 
 Boniface, VIII. one of the popes, his 
 strange decree, I. 49. Never lost 
 sight of by succeeding popes, i. 
 50 
 
 Booki prohibited by the popes, i. 1 1 5 
 
 Borthwick, Sir John, his trial, i. 190, 
 191 
 
 Bothv;ell, Earl of, his conduct with re- 
 gard to WIshart, I- 280, 283. 
 Bothwell, Earl of, intercepts some 
 money sent to the Lords of the 
 Congregation, ii, 227. Queen's 
 partiality to him, ill. 229. She 
 shews her attachment to him, iii. 
 253, 234. He is suspected to have 
 murdered the king, iii. 247. The 
 queen determines to marry him, iii. 
 240. His divorce from his wife, Iii. 
 250. He seizes thequeen,iii. 251, 252. 
 He Is offended at Craig, one of the 
 ministers of Edinburgh, who expres- 
 sed horror at the marriage, ill. 254. 
 He Is created Duke of Orkney and 
 Zetland, ill. 256. He Is married to 
 the queen, iii. p. 257. Leaves Dun* 
 bar with her and her army, ill. 266. 
 He returns to it, ill. 268. Lords 
 shew little eagerness to seize him, iii. 
 278. His melancholy fate, ill. 279 
 
 Buchanan, George, I. 161, 162. He 
 is moderator of a General Assembly 
 in 1567,111. 280 
 
 Burial of the dead, views of the refor- 
 mers respecting, ii. 408, 409. Wise- 
 ly pr .hibit it from being done in 
 churches, ii. 409, 410 
 
 Calvin, John, some account of that 
 eminent reformer, i. 388 -390 
 
 Campbell, a Dominican friar, employ- 
 ed to betray Patrick Hamilton, i. 
 144. His melancholy end, i. 143 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ixxxv 
 
 Campbell, Sir Hugh, his remonstrance 
 
 to the regent, ii. 67, 68 
 Cardan, his medical skill, i. 3T6. His 
 
 character of Edward VI. i. note to 
 
 CassilHs.Earl of, the pupil of Buchanan, 
 and the guest of Cranmer, i. 2;i9. 
 His noble conduct, i. S.*)! 
 
 Catharine of An agon, wife of Henry 
 VHI. i. 177. His anxiety to he di- 
 vorced from her occasions his rup- 
 ture with the pope, i. 188 
 
 Catholics, their attempts restrained by 
 Mary, iii. 139, 140 
 
 Causes which rendered resistance to the 
 papal encroachment ineflectual,i. 33. 
 Which led to ttle reformation, i. 94 
 
 Cecil, secretary to Elizabeth, his cor- 
 respondence with the protestants in 
 Scotland, ii. 209 — 2i l. His two in- 
 teresting papers with respect to them, 
 ii. 2 1 2 219. He is appointed to ne- 
 gotiate with tlie French commis- 
 sioners respecting Scotland, ii. 290. 
 His able management, ii. SCO— 302. 
 He concludes two treaties, ii. 302, 
 303 
 
 Celibacy of the clergy resisted in Scot- 
 land, i. 20- 23 
 
 Chalmers of Catgirth, his violent ad- 
 dress to the regent, iL 1 6 
 
 Chatelherault, Duke of, joins the con- 
 gregation, ii. 177. He resists the 
 solicitations of the regent to support 
 the court, ii. 181. His public de- 
 claration, li. 189, 190. His timidi- 
 ty, ii. 223. Takes the archbishop 
 of Glasgow's castle, and soon aban- 
 dons it, ii. 244 
 
 Christianity, its introduction into Scot- 
 land, i. 1, 2. 
 
 Church of Scotland its original state, 
 i. 4 
 
 Church, remarkable situation of, in 
 Scotland, after the parliament 1560, 
 iii. 38. Unfavourable to the pro- 
 testant clergy, iii. 39 
 
 Church, protestant, in Scotland, its ori- 
 ginal constitution, iii. 305. Duty 
 of the sovereign towards it, iii. a05, 
 306. Its patrimony, difficulty found 
 in restoring it, iii. 306. Act upon 
 the subject, iii. 307. Subsequent re- 
 gulations respecting, iii. 30« 
 
 Churches, the Scotish reformers wish- 
 ed them to be suitable to the majes- 
 ty of Cod, ii. 110 
 
 Cli-rgv, bifore the reformation, judges 
 in temporal causes, i. 51, 55- Their 
 property, i. 56 — 58. 'I'heir inde- 
 lible character, i. 66, 67. Their pe- 
 culiar privileges, i. 72 — 74. Clergy 
 in Scotland resist the authority of the 
 pope, i. 16. Alarmed by the opi- 
 nions of Luther, i. 143. Some of 
 them men of political talents, i. 169, 
 170. They advise James V. to de- 
 cline an interview with Henrj', i. 1 8 1 • 
 Repeat that advice, i. 203. Their 
 zeal for their sovereign, i. 213. Did 
 not instigate him to \he war termi- 
 nated by his defeat at Sol way moss, 
 i. 216 — 218. Assisted Beaton, i. 
 255. Many of them believed that 
 the New Testament was written by 
 Luther, i. 269. Alarmed by the 
 preaching of Knox, i. 328. Their 
 laudable determination, i. 329. Their 
 exultation in consequeixre of the sur- 
 render of the castle of St Andrews, 
 i. 337. Their frivolous controver- 
 sies, i. 358- -361. Efforts to reform 
 tliem ineffectual, i. 368. Catechism 
 published by them, an account of, 
 i. 362, 363, and note from 363 to 
 S67. Alarmed by the success of the 
 refonmation, ii. 4. Summon Knox 
 to appear before them, but do not 
 proceed against him, ii. 5, 6. They 
 condemn him after his departure 
 from Scotland, ii. 12. Some of them 
 converted to the protestant faith, ii. 
 14. Complain that they were pas- 
 sed over in the election of Lords of 
 Articles, for parliament 1560, ii. 
 328. Averse to surrender any part of 
 their benefices, iii. 103. Scheme to 
 which they consented, iii. 103, 104 
 
 Clergy, reformed, provision made for 
 them by the first Book of Discipline, 
 ii. 399. View^s of the reformers upon 
 this subject, ii. 399 — 401 . 
 
 Commendam, livings in, granted, i. 
 58, 59 \ 
 
 Commissioners, Scotish, sent to the 
 French court, to be present at the 
 marriage of Mary, ii. 22. Their 
 wise and patriotic conduct, ii. 23, 
 
Ixxxvi 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Remarkable mortality amongst them 
 upon their return, ii. 24 
 
 Confession required by the clergy, i, 
 68 
 
 Congregation, ii. 24. Congregation, 
 Lords of, their humanity, ii. 84. 
 Advantages possessed by them for 
 their contest with the regent, ii. 
 88 — 90. They take measures of 
 defence, ii. 92, 93. Their letters, ii. 
 93,94. Their striking and admirable 
 letter to the nobles attached to the 
 regent, ii. 95—97. They conclude 
 a treaty with the regent, ii. 102, 103. 
 Their bond, ii. 104, and note to 107. 
 Their views in the destruction of re- 
 ligious ediiices, ii. 114. Their troops 
 march to Cupar, ii. 118, 1 19. They 
 prepare for a battle, ii. 119 — 121. 
 They conclude a treaty, ii. 122, 123. 
 They take Perth, ii 132, 134. Get 
 possession of Edinburgh, ii. 137. 
 Their unjustifiable conduct there, ii. 
 1 38. Their letter to the regent, and 
 their proclamation, ii. 142 — 145. 
 They did not carry off bullion from 
 the mint, ii- 145, 146. Their intem- 
 perate demands, ii. 147, 148. Decay- 
 ing state of their affairs, ii. 1 5o — 1 52. 
 Their negotiations with the regent, 
 ii. 1 49, 151. 1 54. Effect produced on 
 them by the French king's death, ii. 
 155. Their perilous situation, how 
 , saved from it, ii. 157, 158. Their 
 conduct in relation to the treaty with 
 the regent, ii. 164 — 166. They re- 
 treat to Stirling, and frame a bond 
 there, ii. 166- -170. Resolve to 
 meet in different places, ii. 176. 
 They meet at Hamilton, ii. 179. 
 They address letters to the regent 
 and the governor of Edinburgh 
 castle, ii. 179, 180. They refuse to 
 listen to the bishop of Amiens, and 
 La Brosse, as ambassadors, ii. 182. 
 They enter Edinburgh with forces, 
 ii. 185. Their second admonition 
 to the regent, ii. 186—188. Pro- 
 reedings relating to the suspension of 
 her authority, ii. 199—202- Their 
 resources not commensurate to their 
 boldness, ii. 203 — 205. History of 
 their correspondence with England, 
 ii. 206—220. Advantages arising 
 
 from it, ii. 222, They besiege 
 Leith, ii. 222, 223. Difficukies, ii, 
 223. Hold a council, ii. 224. Theya- 
 gain apply to England, ii. 225 — 227. 
 Money sent to them seized, ii. 227. 
 228. Part of their forces defeated, 
 ii. 228, 229. Dismay, ii. 230. Se- 
 cond defeat, ii. 2 30, 2 3 1 . Are joined 
 by Maitland of Lethington, ii. 231, 
 232. Their despondency, ii. 232.- 
 They fall in the public estimation, 
 ii. 233, 234. Roused by the elo- 
 quence of Knox, they send Mait- 
 land to England, ii. 234, 237. They 
 choose commissioners to negotiate 
 with Elizabeth, ii. 249. Profess 
 loyalty to their own sovereign, ii. 
 254, 255. Their petition to the 
 regent, ii. 280, 281. Their last 
 bond, ii. 284. Their loyalty, ii. 
 309, 310. They consider the pro- 
 testant religion as sufficiently secu- 
 red by being left to a free parliament, 
 ii. 316. They give thanks to God 
 for the peace,ii. 3 1 8, 3 1 9. Effect pro- 
 duced on them by their attendance 
 at court, iii. 69. Conspitators a- 
 gainst Beaton, their motives, i. 306 
 — 308. 1 hey retain possession of 
 the Castle of St Andrews, iii. 311, 
 Proceedings agahist them, iii. 314 
 
 Constance, council of, i. 90 — 92, and 93 
 
 Convention held at Edinburgh, after 
 the death of Francis, iii. 7 
 
 Convention, book of discipline present- 
 ed to one, iii. 34 
 
 Convention, resolution of, to destroy 
 religious edifices, iii. 49 — 52 
 
 Council, English, send an agent to 
 Scotland, ii. 226. Resolves to sup- 
 port the congregation, ii. 237. Its 
 correspondence upon this subject, 
 note to 257 
 
 Courtiers, danger of a breach between 
 them and the ministers, iii. 152, 153 
 
 Craig, one of the ministers of Edin- 
 burgh, his manly conduct with re- 
 spect to the queen's marriage with 
 Bothwell;, iii. 253 — 256 
 
 D 
 
 Darnly, Lord, reasons for his marriage 
 with the Scotish queen, iii. 161, 162. 
 He is permitted by Elizabeth to vi' 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ixxxvii 
 
 sit Scotland, iii. i^:^- He gains the 
 uflFections of Mary, iii. 166, 167. Mis 
 incautious conduct to the Earl of 
 Murray, iii. 171. He is created 
 Duke of Albany, and is married to 
 the queen, iii. '20J. He is offended 
 with a sermon of Knox, iii. 20<». His 
 character, and his conduct to the 
 queen, iii. '^16. He is disgusted 
 with Kizzio, iii. '225. Joins in the 
 scli''me for the murder of that favou- 
 rite, iii. ti'i4. He escapes with tlie 
 queen to Dunbar, iii. 227. His con- 
 temi'tible conduct, iii. 228, 229. He 
 is discontented, iii. 232. He is not 
 permitted to he present atlliebaitism 
 of the prmce, iii. 23. "j. He leaves 
 the court, and is taken ill, iii. 237. 
 The queen goes to him, iii. 244. 
 He is brought to Edmburgh, and is 
 soon after murdered, iii. 245. Cir- 
 cumstances attending his murder, 
 and horror excited by it, iii. 245 — 
 247 
 
 David I. lavishes wealth upon the mo- 
 nastic orders, i. "S 40. His cha- 
 racter as a sovereign, iii. 40, 41 
 
 Deacons, their office, ii. 386 
 
 De Glaion, tlie Spanish ambassador, 
 his negotiations, ii. 277, 27« 
 
 De Elboeuf, Marquis of, sails with 
 troops from France to Scotland, but 
 is driven back, ii. 242 
 
 Delineation ot the popish system, in the 
 dark ages, i. 47 
 
 D'Esse, a French general, arrives in 
 Scotland, i. 349 
 
 D'Se\Te, French ambassador, his cha- 
 racter, ii. note to 258. His insinua- 
 tion and address influence Elizalieih, 
 ii. 262, 263. Paper addressed to 
 him through Cecil, ii. 263, 264 
 
 Discipline, first book of, by whprn com- 
 posed,, ii. 343. Analyzed, ii. 375, 
 &c. Principle assumed in it, ii. 
 576, 377. Tendency of the prin- 
 ciple, ii. 371), 380. Beauty and 
 simplicity of its scheme for go- 
 verning the church, ii. 413, 4i4. 
 Opinion of the archbishop of St 
 Andrews with respect to it, ii. 
 414, 415. It is not in conformity 
 to the sentiments or practice of ei- 
 ther of the established churches in 
 
 Britain, Ii. 416. It is submitted to 
 a convention by which it is rejected, 
 iii. 34 — 3G. Subscribed by th» 
 council, iii, 36 — 38. It is not rati- 
 fied by the general assembly, iii. 
 101 
 
 Disputes between the popish and 
 protcstant teachers, ii. 344 347 
 
 D'Osel contemptuously treated by 
 Elizabeth, iii. 27. 
 
 Douglas, Sir George, i. 210, and 226 
 
 Dunstan, St, a zealous advocate for the 
 celibacy of the clergy, i. 25 
 
 Easter, controversy respecting tlie pe- 
 riod of, i. 16, 17. Opinion of the 
 Scotish church upon this point, i. 
 17. Council held in England re- 
 specting it, and declaration of the 
 monarch who presided, i. 18 
 
 Ecclesiastical writers, their works alter- 
 ed by the popes, i. 1 17 
 
 Edinburgh, lords of the congregation 
 get possession of, ii. 137. Its inha- 
 bitants favour the protestant religion, 
 i. 166. They keep the church of St 
 Giles, and are disturbed in their 
 worship, ii. 167, 1(>8 
 
 Education, enlightened scheme of the 
 Scotish reformers for promoting, ii. 
 .S90 — 399 
 
 Edward VI. succeeds to the English 
 throne, i, 3.02. His death and cha- 
 racter, i. 380 — 383, with note to 
 381 
 
 Elders, nature of their office, ii. 385. 
 
 Elizabeth succeeds to the English 
 throne, ii. 58. Schemes of the house 
 of Guise to disturb her reign, ii. 58, 
 59. She refuses permission to Knox 
 to pass through her kingdom, ii. 76, 
 77. Her apprehensions of the de- 
 signs of Mary, ii. 208. Early resol- 
 ved to stir dissension in Scotland, and 
 to encourage the lords, ii. 221,222. 
 They resolve to state their situation 
 to her, ii. 235- She favours them, 
 ii. 245. She sends a fleet to the 
 Frith of Forth, ii. 246, 247. Her 
 instructions to the Duke of Norfolk 
 respecting the treaty of Berwick, ii. 
 249, 250. She is reluctant tp pro- 
 ceed to extremities, ii. 250, ^5l, 
 
Ixxxvlii 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Her motives, ii. 251, 252. She re- 
 quires from the lords professions of 
 loyalty to their queen, ii. 254. She 
 appoints Lord Grey to command 
 the army destined for Scotland, ii. 
 256. Her duplicity penetrated by 
 the French court, ii. 256. Influen- 
 ced by Le Sevre, ii. 262, 263. Her 
 delay, ii. 214 — 266. Memorial ad- 
 dressed to her by her council, li. 269 — 
 — 272. Her irresoluti9n, ii. 27S — 
 275. She vindicates her conduct 
 respecting Scotland to the king of 
 Spain, ii. 277, 278. She orders 
 Lord Grey to treat with the regent, 
 ii. 279 282. She at length steadi- 
 ly supports the congregation, ii. 286, 
 287. Her interest and glory pro- 
 moted by the treaty u-ith Scotland, 
 ii. 303 and 310. Objects in vain to 
 one article in it, ii. 311. She rati- 
 fies the treaty of Leith or Edinburgh, 
 iii. 5. She urges Mary to ratify it, 
 jii. 17, 21, and 23. She sends Ran- 
 dolph to Scotland with instructions, 
 iii. 18 — 21. She congratulates Mary 
 upon her recovery from an illness, 
 iii. 23- Her letter to the estates of 
 Scotland, iii- 25, 26. Her hatred of 
 Mary, iii. 26. Her treatment of 
 D'Osel, Mary's ambassador, iii. 27. 
 Secretly wishes that Mary should not 
 ratify the treaty, iii. 32. Her sus- 
 picious conduct with respect to inter- 
 cepting Mary, iii. 55, and note. She 
 anew urges the ratification of the 
 treaty of Edinburgh, iii. 85- Her 
 feelings towards Mary, iii. 86. She 
 declines an interview with that queen, 
 iii. 120. Her illness, iii. 134. bhe 
 js offended at the steps taken by 
 Mary, iii. 13o. Her views relating 
 to the marriage of the Scotish queen, 
 iii. 156. Her proposals and advice 
 to her, iii. 156, 157. Her insinceri- 
 ty, iii. 157—159. Her hypocrisy 
 respecting Mary's marriage with 
 Darnly, iii. 163, 164. Her commu- 
 nication with the discontented lords 
 in Scotland, iii. 1 90, 1 9 1 . They ask 
 her assistance, iii. 195, 196. Her 
 conduct censured, iii 197, 198. 
 Manner in which she acted to the 
 Scotish lords after they fled to Eng- 
 
 land, iii. 205—207. The blijh of 
 James intimated to her, iii. 231, 232. 
 She sends Sir N. Throkmorton to 
 Scotland after the imprisonment of 
 Mary, Iii. 282. 
 
 Embassy sent to Elizabeth by the Scot- 
 ish parliament, ii. 338, 339. 
 
 Embassy to the court of France, iii. 
 340--312. 
 
 Erskine of Dun, success of the refor- 
 mation in Scotland much indebted 
 to him, ii. 3. His representation to 
 the regent, ii. 71. Relies upon her 
 promises, but is deceived and exaspe- 
 rated, ii. 71, 72. 
 
 Erskine, Lord, Governor of Edinburgh 
 castle, letter addressed to him by the 
 lords of the congregation, ii. 180. He 
 receives the regent into Edinburgh 
 castle, ii. 279, 280. 
 
 Establishments, religious, questions con- 
 cerning them, ii. 369 — 374. 
 
 Excommunication, its dreadful nature, 
 i. 68. 
 
 Faith, protestant confession of, approy. 
 ed by the parliament 1560, ii. 329 — 
 332. Reasons for composing it, ii. 
 349—352. Analysis of it, ii. 352— 
 369. 
 
 Feuds in Scotland, renewal of, Iii. 1 1 J, 
 112. 
 
 Fog at the arrival of Mary, specula* 
 tions occasioned by it, iii. 54, 55. 
 
 Fordun, John, his observation upon the 
 death of Alexander III. I- 33. For- 
 rest, a Benedictine friar, interesting 
 particulars respecting him, i. 154 — 
 156. 
 
 Forrest, vicar of Dollar, burned for he- 
 resy, i. 159. Remarkable conversa- 
 tion between him and a bishop of 
 Dunkeld, i. 159, 160. 
 
 Forrester, a layman, burned for heresy, 
 i. 159. 
 
 France, connection with that country 
 becomes unpopular in Scotland, i. 
 353. State of, disposes Its court to 
 peace, ii. 287. Without success at- 
 tempts to renew the ancient league 
 with Scotland, iii. 15, 16. 
 
 Francis 1. his death, i, 332. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ixxxix 
 
 Irancis II. succeeds to the crown of 
 France, ii. 1'29. His views respect- 
 ing Scotland, ii. \:10. KfTect produ- 
 ced upon tlie lords of tlie congrega- 
 tion by liis accession, iii. 1 55. Mo- 
 tives by which he was influenced in 
 his policy respecting Scotland, iii. 
 172. He writes to the prior of St 
 Andrews, iii. 172—174. He sends 
 forces to Scotland, iii. 242. 
 
 Francis and Mary refuse to ratify the 
 treaty of Edinburgh, iii. .5, 6. 
 
 French court, its dissimulation, ii. 23. 
 Its policy, ii. 257. It wishes to ne- 
 gotiate, and grants powers for that 
 purpose, ii. 2h9, 290. 
 
 French troops, their conduct in Scot- 
 . land, i. 353—353. 
 
 Garrison In the castle of St Andrews 
 change their resolution of surrender- 
 ing, i. 3 1 3, 3 1 4. Their cause espous- 
 ed by Henry VIII. i. 316. They 
 negotiate wich the governor, i. 317. 
 Armistice, i. 319. Their dissolute 
 conduct, i. SIS, 320. 
 General councils struck at the authori- 
 ty of the popes, i. 100. 
 Glasgow, archbishop of, his just senti- 
 ments of persecution counteracted, i. 
 161. 
 
 Glencaim, Earl of, his account of the 
 unpopularity oi the lords who had 
 been prisoners in England, i. 246". 
 His manly conference with the re- 
 gent, ii. 68. He joins the army of 
 the congregation, ii. 101. Indecent 
 outrage of which he was guilty, iii. 
 278. 
 
 Gordon, Lord, is imprisoned, and his 
 property is confiscated, iii. 116. 
 
 Gordon, Sir John, his imprudent con- 
 duct and melancholy death, iii. 113 — 
 116. 
 
 Gourlay, Norman, accused of heresy, 
 and suffers death,!. 156, 157. 
 
 Government, influence exerted upon it 
 by the popish system, i. 69 — 72. 
 
 Government, Scotish, virtually sanc- 
 tions the protestant estabUshment, 
 iii. 106. 
 
 Governor, Scotish, approves the mar- 
 riage proposed by Henry, i. '220. 
 
 Measures adopted by him to promote 
 it, i. 229, 230. His manly conduct, 
 i. 2:>4. His zeal in promoting the 
 reformation, i. 241. His prudence, 
 effect of it transient, i. 242, 243. His 
 indecision, i. 2.56. Becomes inclin- 
 ed to unite with the cardinal, i. 256, 
 25 7. His zeal for the reformation 
 weakened, i. 257. He ratifies the 
 treaties with England, and goes to 
 St Andrews to the cardinal, i. 257, 
 258. He attaches himself to Bea- 
 ton, and renounces the protestant re- 
 ligion, i. 258, 259. His administra- 
 tion virtually suspended, i. 259, 260, 
 Shews hostility to the protestants, i. 
 262, 263. Prohibits the cardinal 
 from proceeding to the condemna- 
 tion of Wishart, i. 285. His con- 
 duct and views after the death of 
 Beaton, 1,312. He is encouraged to 
 resist England, I. 333. Preparations 
 for defence, i. 339. He resolves to 
 have recourse to arms, and is defeat- 
 ed, i. 342 — 344. He retires with 
 the queen-dowager to Stirling, i. 345. 
 He unites his forces with those of 
 France, i, 349. Agrees to send the 
 quetn to that kingdom, i. 350. He 
 becomes unpopular, I. 369, 370. 
 Consents to resign the regency, i. 
 373. He refuses, I. 376. Actually 
 resigns, and takes the title of Duke 
 of Chatelherauh, i. 379 ; see Chatel- 
 herault. 
 Grey, Lord, appointed to command 
 the English army sent to Scotland, ii. 
 256. He enters that kingdom, ii. 
 273. He is enjoined to treat with 
 the regent, ii- 279, He besieges 
 Leith, ii. 285. 
 Guise, house of, their schemes against 
 Elizabeth, ii. 58, 59. They urge the 
 regent in Scotland to persecute the 
 protestants, ii. 60. Their views re- 
 specting tlie marriage of Mary, iii, 
 155. 
 Giles, St, riot which took place upon 
 the anniversary of his festival, Ii. 13, 
 14. 
 
 H 
 
 Hamilton, Lords of the congregation 
 meet there, ii. 179. 
 
:^c 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hamilton. Sii* James, nature of the 
 office to which he was appointed, i. 
 U05. Some account of him, i, 205, 
 
 206. Question whether he was ap- 
 pointed to such an office examined, 
 i. note to 206. His cieath, i. 20S. 
 
 Hamilton, John, abbot of Paisley, na- 
 tural brother of the governor, re- 
 turns from France, i. 256. His in- 
 ftuence with his brother, i. 256, 257. 
 He is elected archbishop of St An- 
 drew's, i. .515. His catechism, i. 
 .?02. See St Andrews. 
 
 Hamilton, Patrick, introduces the prin- 
 ciples of the reformation into Scot- 
 land, i. 142. He alarm? the clergv, 
 by whom he is circumvented, i. l-U, 
 144. His defence when accused of 
 Jieresy, i. 145. He is condemned, 
 i. 145. His cruel sufferings and 
 death, i. 146, 147. Effects of his 
 death, i- 148. 
 
 Kaniikon, brother of Patrick, occasions 
 the death of Sir James Hamilton, i. 
 
 207, 208. 
 
 Hamilton of Preston, his wise and hu- 
 mane advice to the governor, i. 284. 
 liappniess of life, influence of the 
 popibh system upon, i. 81. 
 
 Henry Vlil. promotes the reformation 
 iu Scotland, i. 176. He sends two 
 embassies to James, i. 179, Iko. 
 Lffects of these upon many of his 
 subjects, i. 182, 18.7. He renews 
 nepotiatiou with James, i. lii5, 197. 
 lie seizes some ships belonging to 
 Scotland, i. 209. Armies sent by 
 liim, i. 210, 211. Not sincere in 
 liis desire to converse with James, i. 
 ail. His views wnh respect to 
 Scotland after the death of that 
 prince, i. 226. His correspondence 
 and negotiations with the Scotisli 
 government, i. 226, 236 His im- 
 politic conduct in seizing some Scot- 
 jsh vessels taken advantage of by 
 Beaton, i. 247, 249. Death of Hen- 
 ry, i. 5,i2. 
 
 ll^nr)' H. king of France, his death, ii. 
 129. 
 
 Heresy, numbers aocbed of it, i. 156. 
 Attempts to extirpate it, i. r>5(>. 
 
 Hereiics m Scotland dismissed without 
 punibtiment, i. 95, y*. 
 
 Heretics, their works proscribed or al- 
 tered, i, 1 1 5, 1 1 7. 
 
 Hugh, circumstances respecting his elec- 
 tion as archbishop of St Andrews, 
 i. 27, 31. 
 
 Hume, David, his note upon indulgen- 
 ces examined, i. 79 — 82- 
 
 Hiintly, Earl of, gains a victory at Hal- 
 denrig, i. 2lo, 211. He subscribes 
 the last bond with the Lords of the 
 congregation, ii. 284, 285. He is 
 disappointed by the prudent conduct 
 of the prior of St Andrews, iii. 65, 
 66. He is discontented, iii. 112. 
 He is led to rebel against his sove- 
 reign, and losses his life in battle, iii. 
 113, 115. Calamitous state of his 
 family, iii, 115, 116. Remarks up- 
 on his schemes, and upon the policy 
 which he might have adopted, iii. 
 116, 118. 
 
 Huss, John, interesting particulars re- 
 lating to his history and death, i. 91, 
 92. His followers finally embrace 
 the principles introduced at the re- 
 formation, i. 93. 
 
 I 
 
 James I. of Scotland promotes litera- 
 ture, i. 1)0. 
 
 James V. his conduct to Seton, his con- 
 fessor, i. 1 53. He is present at some 
 trials for heresy, i. 156. He con- 
 sents to the renewal of an act against 
 the opinions of Luther, i. 158. 
 Causes of his attachment to the 
 church, i. 167 — 175. Heisanxious 
 to weaken the power of the noble?, 
 and to conciliate the rest of his sub- 
 jects, i. 168, 169. He chooses his 
 ministers from the clergy, i. 170. 
 Ills partiality to France, i. 171, 172. 
 His marriages, i. 173, 174. He re- 
 fusestomeet his unclc,i. 181 and 204. 
 Hi' becomes unhappy, i. 209. His 
 wisii to pursue the Duke of Nor- 
 folk's army defeated by his nobles, 
 i. 211, 212. His disappointment 
 and indignation, i. 212. He dis- 
 bands his army and collects another, 
 of which he gives the command to 
 an unpopular leader, i. 212 — 214. 
 His army defeated at Solway-moss, 
 i. >'14, 215. He resigns himself tq 
 
INDEX. 
 
 XCl 
 
 melancholy, i. 21fi. His death, i. 
 216. His character, i. '218, 2'20. 
 
 James VJ. his coronation, iii. 293. 
 
 Jerome of Prague, i. !>2. 
 
 Ignorance f.ivoiiral)!e to the encroach- 
 ments ci the jjopes, i. 33. 
 
 Imprudence of thoRO vho embraced the 
 popish faith one caute of the refor- 
 mation, i. 9.i. 
 
 Index cxpurgatorius, ap account of it, 
 i. 114 — 120. 
 
 Indulgences, their origin, i. 75, 7b". 
 Their nature changed, i- 76, 77. 
 Thei^bad cflects, i. 7!'. Issued by I,eo 
 X. i. 124, 12.5. Abuses attending 
 the distribution of them, i. 125, 126". 
 
 Infallibility of the popes, confuted by 
 their conduct, i. 96. 
 
 Influence of Rome decreases before the 
 reformation, I. 106. 
 
 Intellectual improvement, effects of the 
 popish system upon, i. 81, 82. 
 
 John elected archbishop of St Andrews, 
 i. 28, 30. 
 
 Judicatories, gradation of, in the pro- 
 testant church of Scotland, from its 
 first establishment, iii. 
 
 Julius II, his election to be pope, and 
 his oath, i. 103. He violates it, i. 
 104. He convokes a council, which 
 confirms his pretensions, i. 105. 
 
 Justice, effect of the popish system 
 upon its administiation, i; 72, 75. 
 
 Kcilor, a friar, burned forheresy, i. 1.'9- 
 
 Kennedy, an interesting youth, burned 
 at Glasgow, i. 161. 
 
 Kircaldy of Grange, one of the con- 
 spirators against Beaton, i. 301, 302. 
 
 Knox, John, comes to St Andrews, i. 
 321, 322. His occupation there, i. 
 323. He is called to the ministry, 
 i. 324, 32 6. His first sermon, i- 
 327. He is summoned before the 
 clergy and acquitted, i. 327, 328. 
 Success of his exertions, i. 330. He 
 retires to the castle of St Andrews 
 and admonibhes the garrison, i. SS-l. 
 He becomes a prisoner of war and 
 is cruelly treated, i. 336. He ar- 
 rives again in Scotland,!. 386. His- 
 tory of his life and of the progress 
 of his ophiicns, i. 386, 392. His 
 
 popularity and influence, i. -"p-* 
 Discussions, to which his opinion 
 of attending mass gave rise, and 
 effect of them, i. 303, 394. His 
 success in disseminating the princi- 
 ples of the reformation, ii. 3, 4. 
 He is summoned to appear before 
 an ecclesiastical assembly, which is 
 not held, ii. 5, 6. His activity, ii. 
 6. His letter to the regent, ii. 7» 9. 
 He returns to Geneva, ii. Hj 12- 
 Is condemned after his departure, 
 and writes an appellation from the 
 sentence, ii. 12, 13. He is recalled 
 to Scotland- ii. 24, but is stopped in 
 his journey, 27. His manly con- 
 duct, and letter to tlie nobles, ii. 28, 
 29. Anxiety of the reformers to 
 appe3.<;e him, ii. 33. He arrives in 
 Scotland, ii- 75, 77. His memora- 
 ble sern.on at Perth, and effects pro- 
 duced by it, ii. 77, 79. He disap- 
 proves the violence of the people, 
 ii. 80. Apology for him, ii. 81, 84. 
 His activity in Fife, ii. 113. HLs 
 sermon at Crail, ii. 115. He re- 
 solves to preach at St Andrews, ii. 
 116. His sermon there, and effect 
 of it, ii. 117. He in vam endea- 
 vours to restrain some excesses at 
 Scone, ii. 135. His attempt to jus- 
 tify the improper conduct of the 
 Lords of the Congregation, ii. 144. 
 His defence of the conduct of the 
 protestants, in relation to the treaty 
 with ihe regent, ii. 164. His opi- 
 nion relating to the suspension of 
 the regent, ii. 196. He suggests 
 to the lords the propriety of seek- 
 ing aid from England, ii. 209. He 
 writes to Elizabeth, and Cecil, ii. 
 210. He removes the despondency 
 of the Lords, ii. 2 1 2. His able state- 
 ment to Cecil, ii. 212. His eloquent 
 sermon, ii. 234. His correspondence 
 with the governor of Berwick, who 
 condemns his unfair reasoning, ii. 
 236, 237. His harsh language re- 
 specting the character of the regent, 
 ii. 295, 296. Principle assumed by 
 him ill tiie first book of discipline, 
 ii. 377. He had no abhorrence at 
 episcopacy, ii. 380, 381. Delinea- 
 tion of his scheme of church govern- 
 
XCII 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ment, H. 582, &c. His sentiments 
 respecting superintendents, ii. 416. 
 His disappointment at the fate of 
 thebooyof discipline, iii. 55. He 
 officiates at the admission of Spottis- 
 woode as superintendent of Lothian, 
 iii. 40. He is dissatisfied with the 
 proclamation issued by the council, 
 upon the subject of the protestant 
 rehgion, iii. 66. He is alarmed, iii. 
 69. His sermon, which displeases 
 the courtiers, iii. 70. His memor- 
 able conference with Mary, iii. 71, 
 77. Remarks upon his principles 
 and conduct, iii. 78, 80. His vio- 
 lent supplication to the queen, dis- 
 approved by the General Assembly, 
 iii. 125, 127. He is offended by the 
 rhange of manners at court, iii. 129. 
 His exertions in the West of Scot- 
 land, iii. 131, 155. He disputes 
 with the abbot of Crosraguel, iii. 
 155. He is dissatisfied with the 
 measures of parhament, iii. 144. 
 With the magnificence of the queen, 
 'lij. 144. He displeases the Earl ot 
 Murray, iii. 145. He preaches a 
 violent sermon, which gives offence, 
 iii. 145, 14C. Another conference 
 ■with the queen, iii. 146. He es- 
 pouses the cause of Cranston and 
 Armstrong, who had been guilty of 
 a not, iii.. 149, 150. He offends his 
 friends, iii. 151. He is summoned 
 before the council and acquitted, iii. 
 151, 152. His violent sermon be- 
 fore the King, iii. 209. Causes of 
 his preaching it, iii. '210, 21 1. He 
 is permitted to go to England, iii. 
 259, 240. His letter to the bishops, 
 iii. 241. He preaches at the coro- 
 nation of James, iii. 295. Estimate ' 
 of his merit, as a promoter of the 
 reformation in Scotland, iii. 515. 
 With all his errors entitled to the 
 veneration and gratitude of the in- 
 habitants of Britain, iii. 515. 
 
 La Brosse arrives in Scotland, ii. 1 82. 
 
 Laity in the church of Rome, partook 
 only of the bread at the Lord's sup- 
 per, i. 67. Injustice shewn to them 
 in the spiritual courts, i. 75. 
 
 Lawder, manner in which he conducted 
 the accusation against Wishart,i. 288. 
 
 Learning, restoration of, one of the 
 causes of the reformation, i. lOG, 107. 
 
 Legate from the pope arrives in Scot- 
 land, i. 265. His receptiou, i, 265, 
 264, 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, insincerely proposed 
 to Mary as a husband, iii. 158. 
 
 JLeith, regent proceeds in fortifying it, 
 ii. 179. It is besieged by the lords, 
 ii. 222. 
 
 Lennox, Earl of, having been iiwited to 
 come to Scotland, arrives, ii. SK 1 , 255, 
 254. He is deceived by the cardi- 
 nal, ii. 252. He acts improperly, ii. 
 note to 261, 262. He returns to 
 Scotland from England, iii, 1 59, 168. 
 
 Leo X. his decrees against heretical 
 works, i. 115. His character, i. 
 121, 122. Too favourably delineat- 
 ed by Mr Hume, i. 122, 125. He 
 issues indulgences, i. 124, 125. His 
 imprudent conduct with respect to 
 Luther, i. 158. His bull against 
 that reformer, i. 158. 
 
 Leslies, John and Norman, conspire 
 against Beaton, i. 299, 501. 
 
 Leslie, John, afterwards bishop of Ross, 
 sent to Mary by the Catholic Lords 
 after the death of Francis, iii. 9. 
 His representations to her, iii. 9, 11. 
 
 Letter of the protestant Lords of the 
 Congregation to the Nobles who 
 adhered to the regent, iii. 95, 97. 
 
 Letters of the Lords to the regent and 
 Lord Erskine, iii. 179, ISO. 
 
 Lindsay, Lord, employed to procure 
 the queen's resignation of the crown, 
 iii. 285, 286. 
 
 Lords of the Congregation, ii. 54. See 
 Congregation. 
 
 Lords who had been prisoners in Eng- 
 land listen to Beaton, i. 250, 251. 
 
 Lords in opposition to Mary, request 
 assistance from Elizabeth, iii. 195. 
 They early resolve to deprive Mary 
 of the crown, iii. 275, 276. They 
 send a deputation to some noblemen 
 at Hamilton, inclined to favour the 
 queen, iii. 276, 277. They unite 
 with the General Assembly, which 
 cordially supports them, iii. 277. 
 Remiss in their attempts to seize 
 
INDEX. 
 
 XClll 
 
 Rothwell, ill. 378, 279- They send 
 Sir James Melvil to Hamilton, iii. 
 2 81, 282. They determine to make 
 every concession to the protestant 
 church, iii. 284.. They deprive tlie 
 queen of the crown, iii. 285, 2h6. 
 They agree to the articles ot" the Ge- 
 neral Assembly, iii. 2S'J, 290. They 
 resolve to crown the prince, iii. 2'ju, 
 
 291. 
 
 Lords at Hamilton inclined to favour 
 the queen, a deputation sent to them, 
 iii. 276, 277. They refuse to unite 
 with that faction, iii. 283. Their 
 opposition to the government of 
 James not formidable, iii. 292, 293. 
 
 Lorrain, Cardinal of, his artful con- 
 duct, ii. 260,262, 267,268. Scheme 
 devised by him for re-establishing 
 the Catholic religion in Scotland 
 rejected by Mary, iii. 117. 
 
 Luther, his early history, i. 1 2 8 . Meets 
 with a Latin bible and studies scrip- 
 ture, i. 129. His journey to Rome, 
 effect of it, i. 129, 130. His litera- 
 ture and enmity to the scholastic 
 philosophy, i. 130. Guards his peo- 
 ple against indulgences, and deter- 
 mines to oppose them, i. 131. He 
 publishes his propositions and ques- 
 tions, i. 132, 133. He replies to 
 Tetzel, i. 133. Another cause than 
 zeal for truth assigned for his acti- 
 vity, i. 134. Reasons against this 
 opinion, i. 135. He enlarges his 
 views, i. 136, 137. He might have 
 been kept in the communion of 
 Rome, 137, 158. His final rupture 
 with the pope, and commencement 
 of the reformed church, i. 138, 139. 
 He countenances Patrick Hamilton, 
 i. 142. New testament supposed to 
 have been written by him, i. 269. 
 
 M 
 
 Magdalen, daughter of Frances I. mar- 
 ried to James V. her virtues, i. 175. 
 Her death, and lamentation excited 
 by it, i. 174. 
 
 Magistrates of Edinburgh offend Mary, 
 iii. 88. 
 
 Maitland of Lethington, the younger, 
 convinced by Knox that mass should 
 not be attended, i. 394. He joins 
 
 the congregation, li, 2r.l, 233. His 
 representations to the Lord s, ii. 232. 
 He is sent to state their situation to 
 Elizabeth, ii. 2:55. Success of his 
 embassy, il. 245. He is again sent 
 to the English court, iii. 82. His 
 conversation with Elizabeth, iii- 64. 
 His opposition to Knox in the Gene- 
 ral Assembly, in some degree suc- 
 cessful, iii. 126, 127. His letter re- 
 specting the succession of Mary to 
 the English throne, iii. 1 35. He ex- 
 postulates with Knox, iii. 151. He 
 is sent to London to intimate to Eli- 
 zabeth the queen's marriage, iii. 167. 
 Resolution of the English council in 
 consequence of his intimation, iii. 176. 
 Malcolm IIL his queen exerts herself 
 
 to promote religion, i. 45. 
 Manifesto respecting France issued by 
 
 Elizabeth, ii. 272. 
 Marischal, Earl of, supports the pro- 
 testant confession of faith, ii. 332. 
 Marriage, regulations of the reformers 
 
 respecting, II. 408. 
 Martlgues, Count of, arrives in Scot- 
 land with some French troops, ii. 242. 
 Mary,^queen of England, persecutes the 
 
 protestants, I. 383. 
 Mary widow of the Duke of Longue- 
 ville, the second wife of James V. 
 her Influence over him, I. 174, 175. 
 See queen-dowager and regent. 
 Mary, queen of Scotland, her birth, i. 
 216. A marriage proposed between 
 her and Edward, son of Henry VIH. 
 i. 226. She is sent to France, i. 351. 
 Different opinions respecting her 
 marriage, i. 351, 352. Her mar- 
 riage with the dauphin, ii. 22. 
 Deeds which she subscribed, II. 23. 
 She writes to her brother the prior 
 St Andrews, II. 73. She does pot 
 ratify the acts of parliament 1560, 
 ii. 341, 342. Dcatli of her husband 
 FrancisK. ii. 342. Her situation after 
 the death of her husband, IIL C. 
 She resolves to return to Scotland, 
 ii. 7. Representations made to her 
 by John Leslie, and the prior of St 
 Andrews, ii. 7 — 1 2. She Is disposed 
 to be guided by her brollier, Iii. 13, 
 1 4. She declines ratifying the trea- 
 ty of Edinburgh, iii. IS. 22,23. Her 
 
xciv 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 illness, lii. 23. She Is hatefl by Eli- 
 zabeth, iii. 26. She is shocked by 
 that queen's conduct to D'Osel, iii. 
 ■27 — 29. Her affecting conversation 
 with Throkmorton, iii.. 2S — 30. 
 Her erroneous policy, iii. 3K Her 
 feelings upon leaving France, iii. 
 54. She arrives at Leith, having 
 probably escaped being taken by an 
 English fleet, iii. 54, 55. Her grafi- 
 fyhig reception by her subjects, iii. 
 56 — 60. Wise commencement of 
 her administration, iii. 61. Influence 
 which, through dissimulation, she 
 might have acquired, iii. 62, 63. Her 
 attachment to her religion, iii. 63,64. 
 Her increasing influence, iii. 6[). Her 
 remarkable conference with Knox, 
 iii. 71 — 79. She confides in the pro- 
 testant lords, iii. 81, S2. Her opinion 
 of Randolph the English resident, iii. 
 82. She sends Maitland to the 
 English court, ii. 82, 83. She is 
 desirous to acquire the favour of Eli- 
 beth, iii. 85. PoUtical and personal 
 enmity between these sovereigns, iii. 
 £6. Her popularity begins to de- 
 crease, iii. 86, 87. She visits difie- 
 rent parts of her kingdom, iii. 88. 
 She is ofi'ended by the magistrates 
 of Edinburgh, iii. 88, 89. Her con- 
 duct misrepresented, iii. 90. She 
 more openly professes her religion, 
 iii. 90, 91. Tendency to misre- 
 present all her actions, iii. 93 — 95. 
 She refuses to pardon a son of the 
 Earl of Huntly, iii. 114. Is denied 
 access to the castle of Inverness, and 
 arms against Huntly, iii. 115. She 
 disapproves some criminal schemes 
 proposed by the cardinal of Lorrain, 
 iii. 117. Her intended interview with 
 Elizabeth, particulars concerning, iii. 
 118 — 122. She issues a new pro- 
 clamation concerning religion, iii. 
 123. Her remarks upon a supplica- 
 tion presented to her by the protes- 
 tants, iii. 127. She wishes to intro- 
 duce into Scotland the manners of 
 the French court, and offends the 
 preachers, iii. 129. Her conduct and 
 negotiations in consequence of the 
 illness of EHzabeih, iii. 135,1 36. She 
 proceeds against the catholics and re- 
 
 gains the confidence of the protes- 
 tants, iii. 140, 141. Her fears about 
 the disposition of her parliament un- 
 founded, iii. 141. She opens that 
 assembly, iii. 142. She is exaspe- 
 rated against Knox, iii. 146. Indig- 
 nant at an attack made upon her pa- 
 lace, iii. 149. Answer of the bishop 
 of Ross to her, respecting Knox, iii. 
 151. Attention drawn to her mar- 
 riage, iii. 154. Views of the family 
 of Guise, and of Elizabeth with re- 
 gard to it, iii. 155 — 159. She recals 
 the Earl of Lennox, iii. 159, 160. 
 She becomes attached to Darnly, iii. 
 166. She sends Maitland to Eliza- 
 beth, iii, 167. She sooths the re- 
 formers, iii. 1G9. She countenances 
 Rizzio, iii. 172. Her conference 
 with Throkmorton, iii. 176, 177. 
 She attempts to reconcile Elizabeth 
 to the marriage with Darnly, and to 
 prevent the schemes of her enemies, 
 iii. 178. Her conversation with some 
 of the superintendents, iii. I79. She 
 declines answering the articles of the 
 general assembly, iii. 192. Her mo- 
 deration to the protestants, iii. 194. 
 Her situation to be pitied, iii. 196, 
 197. She defeats the schemes of her 
 enemies, iii. 198, 199. She combines 
 prudence and moderation, iii. 201. 
 Her man'iage, iii. 202. She rashly 
 gives Darnly the title of king, iii. 
 202, 203. She expels the factious 
 lords, lii. 204. Her conduct after 
 their expulsion, iii. 208, 209. Her 
 answer to the articles of the Gene- 
 ral Assembly, iii. 211, 212. Suspi- 
 cions excited by it, iii. 212, 213. 
 Confidence of the catholics renewed, 
 iii. 213. Her arduous situation, iii. 
 213. Her prospects become gloomy, 
 iii. 214. Disappointed in the cha- 
 racter of Darnly, iii. 216. She fa- 
 vours Rizzio, and listens to his coun- 
 sels, iii. 217,21s. Effect of this, iii. 
 218, 219. Advice of Sir James 
 Melvil to her, iii. 219. She re- 
 ceives an interesting letter from 
 Throkmorton, iii. 220, 221. First 
 effect of it upon her mind coun- 
 teracted, iii. 221, 222. Her let- 
 tev to the archbishop of Glasgow^ 
 
iXDrx. 
 
 xc\f 
 
 u'l. iJ2.>. Effect produced on her by 
 the murder of Kizzio, iii. '220. She 
 escapes to Dunbar, iii. 2^7. She 
 pardons the exiled lords, and endea- 
 vours to unite the nobility, iii. 2,".). 
 Her partiality to the Earl of Both- 
 well, iii. '^.i9- She again favours the 
 protestants, iii. 250. She is deliver- 
 ed of a son, iii. 231. She shews her 
 attachment to Bothwell, iii. 2;!5, 
 '2•^4. Her severe illness, iii. 2;St. 
 She declines the proposal of a divorce, 
 iii. 'ifiS. She restores jurisdiction to 
 tlie archbishop of St Andrews, iii. 
 2 12. Supplication of the protestants 
 relating to this evaded, iii. 24.2, 245. 
 She brings Darnly to Edinburgh, iii. 
 245. Her conduct upon hearing of 
 his death, iii. 245, 24G. Her impru- 
 dence and criminality in the mar- 
 riage with Bothwell, ii. 24S — 252. 
 She Grdeis the publication of the 
 bannsi iii. 255. Declares her con- 
 sent to the marriage, and creates 
 Bothwell Duke of Orkney and Zet- 
 land, iii. 256. Her marriage, 25 7 — 
 259 She in vain endeavours to ap- 
 pease the Dublic indignation, iii. 26 1, 
 262. She assembles forces, but dis- 
 avows the intention imputed to her 
 by the Lords, iii. 265. She injudi- 
 ciously leaves Dunbar, and delivers 
 herself to the lords, iii. 265 — 269. 
 She is treated with indignity, iii. 
 269> 270. She is imprisoned in a 
 small island in Lochleven, iii. 271, 
 272. With much agitation sub- 
 scribes the deeds presented to her by 
 Lindsay, iii. 2S5, 286. Her bro- 
 ther's harsh conduct depresses her 
 mind, but she asks him to accept the 
 regency, iii. 296 
 
 Masquerades, their introduction into 
 Scotland, iii. 130 
 
 Melvil, Sir James, sent by the French 
 court to ascertain the state of Scot- 
 land, ii. 105 —129 
 
 Memorial of her council to Elizabeth, 
 ii. 269 — 272 
 
 Mill, Walter, his apprehension and 
 death, ii. 4 1 — 45. Effect of his death, 
 ii. 45, 44 
 
 Ministers of religion, regulations con- 
 cerning them in the first bcok of 
 
 discipline, ii. ;;8i, &c. Manner in 
 which the Scotish reformers set them 
 apart for their office, ii. 'MiG — 598 
 
 Monasteries supprcbscd by Henry V^III. 
 i. 195, 19G 
 
 Monastic orders, their origin, I. 57. 
 Introduced into Scotland, richly en- 
 dowed and gradually con-upted, i, 
 37 — :in. Causes which attached 
 them to the see of Rome, i. 4 i — n? 
 
 Monks, their tenets, i. 43. Office of 
 preaching assigned to them, i. 45. 
 V'^eneration in which they were held 
 in Scotland, i. 46, 47 
 
 Morality, influence of the popish system 
 upon, i. 7-5 — 79 
 
 Morton, Earl of, his plans for restoring 
 to their country the exiled lords, iii. 
 222 —224 
 
 Murray, Earl of, defeats the Earl of 
 Huntly, iii. 115. He departs from 
 his austerity, and introduces masque- 
 rades, iii. 129, 130. He expostulates 
 with Knox upon his conduct, iii. 
 151 At one time favoured the 
 queen's marriage with Darnly, iii. 
 161, and 170. Causes of his change 
 of sentiment, iii. 170 — 173. His 
 violent resolution, and his political 
 errors, iii. 173, 174. Anxious to as- 
 certain the intentions of Elizabeth, 
 iii. 1 74. State of liis mind w hen he 
 declared against the queen, iii. 181. 
 Articles of the general assembly ex- 
 hibit him in an unfavourable liglit, 
 iii. 187. He applies to Elizabeth, 
 iii. 192 — 200. He is driven from 
 Scotland, ill. 204. His reception at 
 the English court, 204 — 207. He 
 returns to Scotland, and is par' 
 doned by Mary, iii. 227, and 229. 
 He goes to France, iii. 252. H« is 
 solicited to accept the regency, iii. 
 294. His arrival in Scotland, iii. 
 294. His harsh conduct to Mary, 
 iii. 295, 296. He accepts the regen- 
 cy, and takes a solemn oath, iii. 
 298 — 300. His wise administration, 
 301, 302. His power sanctioned by 
 parliament, iii. 303. 
 
 N 
 Negotiations between tlie regent and 
 the lords of the congregation, ii. 
 
XCVl 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 147 — 154. Between the English 
 and French commissioners at Edin- 
 burgh, ii. 20S — 304 
 
 Nobihty, Scotish, attached to a con- 
 nection with England, and support 
 the protestant teachers, i. 182, 183. 
 Resist the king's intention of invad- 
 ing England, ii. 21 1, 212. Their 
 indignation at the appointment of 
 Sinclair to command the army, ii. 
 214. Remarks upon their conduct, 
 ii. 215, 216, Oppose Beaton's at- 
 tempt to obtain the regency, and 
 confer it on the Earl of Arran, ii. 
 223, 224. From principle and in- 
 terest they support the reformation, 
 ii. 315, 316. Their dissatisfaction 
 with Queen Mary, iii. 260. Several 
 of them form a bond of association 
 in defence of the prince, iii. 263. 
 Their critical situation, iii. 264, 265. 
 Mary delivers herself to them, iii. 
 268. Examination of their conduct 
 towards her, iii. 272 - 275 
 
 Norfolk, Duke of, invades Scotland, but 
 soon retreats, i. 21 1. Is authorised to 
 treat with the congregation, ii. 248. 
 He concludes the treaty of Berwick, 
 ii. 252. He is astonished that the 
 English forces delay entering Scot- 
 land, ii. 266 
 
 Nuncio from the pope arrives in Scot- 
 land, i. 165 
 
 O 
 
 Oath prescribed to the popish clergy, 
 i. 53, 54 
 
 Oath taken by the Earl of Murray as 
 regent, iii. 298 — 300 
 
 Operations, military, against the con- 
 gregation, ii. 243 — 245 
 
 Ordination, manner in which the Scot- 
 ish reformers enjoined it to be prac- 
 tised, ii. 388, 389 
 
 Orkney, bishop of, who married the 
 queen and Bothwell, employed to a- 
 noint James at his coronation, iii. 293 
 
 Ormiston, laird of, his noble conduct 
 in endeavouring to protect Wishart, 
 i. 280, 281 
 
 Papal power, its origin and progress, 
 i. 5— 14 
 
 Papal schism, I. f*? 
 
 Parliament, act of one, for reforming 
 kirks and kirkmen, i. 193 
 
 Parliament, wise measures adopted by 
 one, i. 231. Instructions given by 
 it to the ambassador sent to Henry, 
 i. 231, 232. Passes an act permit- 
 ting the reading of scripture, against 
 which the clergy protest, I. 240. 
 Parliament held to~determIne whe- 
 ther Mary should be sent'to France, 
 i. 349 — 351 
 
 Parliament held by the regent, refuses 
 to insert in Its records the protesta- 
 tion of the reformers, Ii. 57 
 
 Parliament mentioned in the treaty of 
 Edinburgh assembles, ii. 322. Rea- 
 soning and decision upon its legality, 
 ii. 323 — 327. It considers the state 
 of rehglon, sanctions a confession of 
 faith, and passes several acts respect- 
 ing religion, ii. 329 — 336. Objec- 
 tions made to this part of its pro- 
 ceedings answered, Ii. 336, 337 
 
 Parliament summoned to condemn the 
 Earl of Murray, and probably to 
 make some attempt In favour of the 
 popish religion, iii. 222,223. Scheme 
 to prevent its being assembled, iii. 
 222 — 22 4 
 
 Parliament of Murray confirms his au- 
 thority, iii. 302, 303. Its acts re- 
 specting religion, iii. 303 
 
 Parties in Scotland, examination of 
 their state before the commencement 
 of hostilities in the cause of the re- 
 formation, ii. 86 — 90 
 
 Patrimony of the church, arrangements 
 of the reformers concerning, proved 
 fatal to the first book of discipline, 
 ii. 405, 406 
 
 Patronage, private, agreeable to the 
 original constitution of the protes- 
 tant church in Scotland, iii. 305 
 
 Paul, father, his character of Leo X. 
 i. 123 
 
 Peace restored, I. ~55, 356 
 
 Peace proclaimed after the war with 
 the congregation, ii. 317, 318 
 
 People of Scotland shew their loyalty 
 to Mary, iii. 200, 201 
 
 Persecution in Scotland, susj^nded by 
 political convulsions, i. 153. Per- 
 fecuiion renewed, i. 154—156. A- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 XCVU 
 
 gain suspended and renewed, i. 138, 
 160 
 
 Perth, foundation of the Scotish pro- 
 testant church laid there, ii. 69. Its 
 monasteries destroyed, ii. 79. Its 
 inhabitants, their disinterestedness, 
 ii. 80. Regent enters it, ii. 107 — 
 110. Taken by the lords of the 
 congregation, ii. 134. Meeting pro- 
 posed to be held there for fixing the 
 state of religionjiii. 179 — 182 
 
 Petition of the congregation to the re- 
 gent, ii. 51. Protestation upon its 
 being neglected, ii. 53 — 56 
 
 Pittarrow House, paintings found in it, 
 i. note to p. 272 
 
 Popes resisted by the clergy in Scot- 
 land, i. 16. By the civil and eccle- 
 siastical powers united, i. 24. By 
 the monarchs, i. 26. Causes which 
 enabled them to overcome this resist- 
 ance, i. 33, &c. Methods adopted 
 by them to preserve the influence of 
 their system, i. 62. Their mo- 
 tives for sanctioning the celibacy of 
 the clerg}', i. 21, 22. Not qualified 
 for extensive civil government, i. 
 70. Efi'ects of their becoming tem- 
 poral princes, i. 70 — 72. Their 
 lofty pretensions, as stated by their 
 adherents, i. 51, 52. These oppo- 
 sed in France, i. 52. Dexterity 
 with which they pursued their de- 
 signs, i. 55. Methods adopted by 
 them to enrich their treasury, i. 
 60 — 62. Interdicted the reading of 
 scripture, i. 64. Their claim to in- 
 fallibility exposed by themselves, 
 i. 95, 96. Their elections disgra- 
 ced by tumults, i. 96. Alarmed at 
 the progress of literature, and the 
 invention of printing, i. 113 
 
 Popish party, their activity after the 
 death of Francis, iii. 8. Their hopes 
 revive, iii. 44, 45 
 
 Popish system in the dark ages, its ef- 
 fect upon government, upon the ad- 
 ministration of justice, upon mora- 
 lity, upon intellectual improvement, 
 upon the happiness of life, i. 69—82. 
 Took advantage of many amiable 
 feelings, i. 65. Its view of the na- 
 ture of repentance, i. 65 
 
 VOL. Ml. 
 
 Preachers offended at the queen's reli- 
 gion, iii. 64. Violence of some of 
 their adherents, iii. 64. Effect pro- 
 duced on them by their poverty, iii. 
 96, 97. Assisted by a party of the 
 nobles, iii. 98, 99. Government 
 makes a provision for them, iii. 101 — 
 
 107. They are dissatisfied, iii. 107, 
 
 108. They condemn the manners 
 of the court, iii. 127. Their own 
 austerity, iii. 128 — 131. Liberty 
 assumed by them in their public dis- 
 courses, iii. 133, and 144. Their 
 views respecting tythes, iii. 238 
 
 Prince, his baptism, iii. 235 
 
 Printing, discovery of, advantage of it 
 to the reformation, i. Ill, 1 12 
 
 Proclamation, an unfair one, issued by 
 the lords of the congregation, ii. 1 62, 
 163 
 
 Proclamation respecting the protestant 
 religion not satisfactory to some of 
 the reformers, iii. 66 — 68. It does 
 much good, iii. 68, 69 
 
 Property, ecclesiastical, much of it 
 surrendered to the laity, iii. 109, 
 110 
 
 Protector of England, his error in de- 
 claring war against Scotland, i. 338, 
 339. Particulars respecting his in- 
 vasion of Scotland, i. 341 — 352 
 
 Protestants alarmed, i. 379, 380. But 
 without cause, i. 384. They en- 
 large their views, ii. 10. Their 
 numbers increase, ii. 13. Their u- 
 nion and bond of association, ii. 30 
 — 32. They assume the name of 
 the Congregation, iii. 34. Their re- 
 solutions, ii. 34 — 37. Their address 
 and petition to the regent, ii. 44, 45, 
 Their requests, ii. 45, 46. They pre- 
 sent requests to an ecclesiastical as- 
 sembly, ii. 48. The regent becomes 
 hostile to them, ii. 57—60. Theiu 
 moderation, ii. 67. They assemble at 
 Perth, ii. 71 — 73. Mode in which they 
 proposed to support the poor, ii. 402, 
 403. Dismayed by the reception of 
 Sir James Sandilands at the French 
 court, ii. 549. They present a sup- 
 plication against popery to the coun- 
 cil, and to a convention, iii. 45, 46. 
 Their situation afford* some cjccusc 
 
xcvm 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 for intolerance, ill. 47, 48. Their 
 suspicions and violence, iii. 87, 88, 
 and '«i, 92. Their alarm and ad- 
 dress to the queen, iii. 167 — 166 
 
 Protestants at Edinburgh, their vio- 
 lence, iii. 192, 193. Steps taken by 
 the queen, against them, iii. 194 
 
 Protestant Lords retire from court, iii. 
 179, 180. Trust to their influence 
 in the General Assembly, iii. 1 8 1 
 
 Protestant system, its progress from the 
 death of Hamilton, till the accusa- 
 tion of Horthwick, i. i 89 
 
 Protestant teachers mingle with the 
 people- i 1.H3, 184. Early acquire 
 great influence, ii. 350, 851 
 
 Q 
 
 Queen-dowager of Scotland, her in- 
 trigues, i. 245, 244. She supports 
 the clergy attei the death of Beaton, 
 i. S12. She aspires to 1 he regency, 1. 
 347, 34'i. She visits France, i. 370 — 
 873. She returns through England, 
 and is hospitably received by Ed- 
 ward, i. 573 — 575. She is cordially 
 welcomed by the Scotish nobles, but 
 is disappointed of the regency, i. 375. 
 Her prudence, i. 376, 377. She ob- 
 tains the regency, i. 379. See Re- 
 gent. 
 
 R 
 
 Randolph, Thomas, sent to Scotland by 
 Elizabeth, iii. 18. His embassy, iii. 
 82. His communication to Eliza- 
 beth respecting Darnly, iii. 163. 
 His correspondence relating to the 
 •discontented Lords, iii. 195, 196 
 
 Readers appointed in the church of 
 Scotland, ii. 335 
 
 Reformation, importance of, discerned 
 in the church, i. 103. Con'upt 
 lives of the popes, one cause of, i. 
 119, 120. Natural consequence of 
 the previous state of Christendom, 
 i. 125, 124. Immediate cause of 
 It, i. 124. Reformation in Scot- 
 land supported by many of the 
 nobles, i. 175, 176. Promoted 
 by Henry VIII. i. 176. Its pro- 
 gress after the death of James V. 
 i. 238. Interruption of hostilities 
 
 after the death of Beaton, favourable 
 to it, ii. 320. Promoted by thesuccess 
 of the English arms, and other con- 
 spiring causes, i 347, S4.8. First ar- 
 ticles of, presented to an assembly of 
 the clergy, ii, 63. Apology for the 
 excesses which attended its introduc- 
 tion, ii. 81 — 85. Cause of, inter- 
 woven with that of political freedom, 
 ii. 113. Widely embraced, ii. 
 314 — 316. Its perilous state after 
 the parliament 1560, iii. 4, 5. Fi- 
 nally established in Scotland, iii. 
 309 — 511. Could not have been 
 expected at its introduction, iii. 312. 
 Was much promoted by Knox, iii. 
 S 1 3 — 3 1 5. A revolution not stained 
 by blood, iii. 315, 316 
 Reformers, Scotish, unjustly depreciat- 
 ed, ii. 355. Their sentiments re- 
 specting the true church, ii. 356 — 
 359. Respecting the sacraments, ii. 
 359 — 362. Respecting government, 
 ii. 362 — 366. Admit upon this sub- 
 ject a dangerous maxim, ii. 363. Do 
 not in their confession, insist much 
 upon mysterious points, iii. 366 — 
 369. Eiititled to veneration for their 
 anxiety to diffuse knowledge, iii. 
 S97. Their example in this respect 
 proposed now to be followed in Eng- 
 land, iii. 398, 399. Divided amongst 
 themselves, iii. 99, 100 
 Regent, representation of the clergy to 
 her, and her moderate conduct, ii. 4, 
 5. Receives a letter from Knox, 
 which she treats with contempt, ii. 
 7 and 10. She summons the pro- 
 testant teachers, ii. 15. She conci- 
 liates the protestants who remonstra- 
 ted with her, ii. i6 — 21. She is an- 
 xious to hasten the marriage of her 
 daughter and the Dauphin, ii. 22. 
 Policy adopted by her in consequence 
 of the requests of the protestants, ii. 
 46, 47. She offends the clergy, ii. 
 48. She becomes hostile to the protes- 
 tants, ii. 57 — 60. Her violent con- 
 duct towards them, 66, 67. Her In- 
 cautious answer to the Earl of Glen- 
 cairn, ii. 67, 68. She is offended by 
 the proceedings of the protestants at 
 Perth, ii. C'j Iler order to Lord 
 
INDEX. 
 
 XCIX 
 
 Ruthven,'and his reply.ii. C9)70. Her 
 disingenuous conduct to the protes- 
 tants, ii. 70 — 75. Advantages whicli 
 she enjoyed in her contest with tiiein. 
 ii. 87. She intends to take Perth, 
 ii 91. Letter addressed to her by 
 the congregation disregarded, ii. 9a, 
 9<). Her attempts to negotiate with 
 them, ii. 99, lOO. She concludes a 
 treaty after the junction of the Earl 
 of Glencairn with the congregation, 
 ii. 101 — 103. Her dehcate situation, 
 and imprudent conduct, ii. 105 — 
 107. She enters Perth, ii. io8. Af- 
 fecting incident which happened 
 while she was there, ii. 108, 109. 
 She harasses the inhabitants, and 
 leaves a garrison in the pay of France, 
 ii. 109, 110. She endeavours to re- 
 cal the prior and the Earl of Argyll, 
 ii. 1 1 1. She resolves to restrain the 
 excesses of the congregation, and or- 
 ders her army to march against 
 them, ii. 118, 119. A negotiation, 
 ii. 121 — 123. She represents to the 
 French court the state of Scotland, ii. 
 12-1, 125. Her conversation with 
 Sir James Melvil, ii. 128. She 
 breaks faith with the prior and the 
 Earl of Argyll, ii. 151. She flies to 
 Dimbar, ii. 138. She takes advan- 
 tage of the imprudence of the con- 
 gregation, and issues a wise procla- 
 mation, ii. 159 — 141. She acts with 
 consummate policy, ii. 146, 147. 
 Her conduct to the commissioners of 
 the congregation, and her views at 
 this time, ii. I4h — 150. Her mili- 
 tary operations, ii. 156. She loses a 
 favourable opportunity of crushing 
 the protestants, ii. 157. She con- 
 cludes a treaty with them, ii. 158 — 
 166. Alarmed by the conduct of 
 the congregation, she fortifies Leith, 
 ii. 175, 176. She is filled with in- 
 dignation at the answer of the prior 
 to the letters of Francis and Mary, 
 ii. 1 75. She is refused the church of 
 St Giles, ii. 167. She solicits rein- 
 forcements from France, ii. IW. 
 She receives a letter from the lords 
 of the congregation, ii. 179, 180. 
 She endeavours to recal the Duke of 
 
 ChatelherauU, ii. I8l. She attempts 
 to divide the lords, ii. 185. Se- 
 cond admonition addressed to her by 
 the lords, ii. 18ij. Her answer, ii. 
 190. The lords propose to suspend 
 lier authority, ii. 191. Act of sus- 
 pension intimated to her, ii. I'lS — 
 200. She enters Edinburgh, and re- 
 establishes the popish religion, ii. 
 241. Her apprehensions from Eng- 
 land, ii. 241, 242. Her mihtary o- 
 perations, ii. 243 — 245. She remon- 
 strates with Elizabeth, upon the ar- 
 rival in the Frith of Forth of an 
 English fleet, ii. 247, 2 48. She re- 
 moves from Leith to Edinijurgh 
 Castle, ii. 279, 280. Receives a pe- 
 tition from the lords which she dis- 
 regards, ii. 2 so, 281. She negotiates 
 with Lord Grey, ii. 2s2. Her death 
 and character, ii. 290 — 296 
 
 Regular clergy, several of them em- 
 brace the reformation, i. 149. 
 
 Revenue of the crown of Scotland, 
 some information respecting, iii. 1 02, 
 103. 
 
 Rizzio, David, his increasing influence, 
 iii. 217. His imprudent conduct, 
 iii. 218. He becomes odious, iii. 
 218,219. He confirms the queen 
 in her erroneous policy, iii. 222. 
 Scheme formed against him, iii. 225, 
 224. He is murdered iii. 225. His 
 murderers flee to England, iii. 229. 
 
 Roger, John, his melancholy fate, iii. 
 269, 270. 
 
 Rough, John, chaplain to the gover- 
 nor, opposes the corruptions of the 
 church of Rome, i. 238. Is dismis- 
 sed from the governor's family, i. 
 25 7. Is disgusted with the dissolute 
 conduct of the garrison of St An- 
 drews, and preaches in the town, i. 
 320. Calls Knox to the ministry, 
 i. 324. He leaves Scotland, i. 333. 
 His death, i. 334. 
 
 Ruthven, Lord, dies in England, iii . 230 
 
 Sacraments, mode of administering 
 pointed out in the first book of dis- 
 cipline, ii, 406, 407. 
 
 Sadler, Sir Ralph, his testimony re- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 specting the Scotish clergy, i. 1 70. 
 Sent by Henry VIIT. into Scotland, 
 i. 197. His instructions and his ne- 
 gotiations with James, i. 1 99, 202. 
 His proposals regarded with much 
 interest by many in Scotland, i. 202. 
 Opposed by the clergy, i. 203. Not 
 sent a second time to James, note to 
 i. 108. Arrives in Scotland after 
 
 , the death of that monarch, i. 232. 
 His negotiations, i. 232, 237. Sent 
 ito Berwick, ii. 225, 236. Sends 
 money to the Lords of the Congre- 
 gation, ii. 227. 
 
 Saint Andrews, archbishop of, endea- 
 vours to sow dissension amongst the 
 protestants, ii. 37. His letter to the 
 Earl of Argyll, ii. 37—39. He re- 
 news persecution, ii. 40. His at- 
 tempt to save his cathedral ineffec- 
 tual, ii. 115, 117. He is reconciled 
 to the regent, ii. 117, 118. His ju- 
 risdiction restored to him, iii. 242. 
 He pronounces a sentence of divorce 
 between Bothwell and his wife, iii. 
 243. 
 
 St Andrews, castle of, surrenders and 
 is laid in ruins, i. 535, 336. 
 
 St Andrews, cathedral of, laid in ruins, 
 ii. 117. 
 
 St Andrew's, prior of, favourable to the 
 congregation, ii. 99. He negotiates 
 with them, ii. 99, 100. Induces 
 them to conclude a treaty, ii. 103. 
 He returns in disgust from court, ii. 
 111. Assembles forces to defend 
 the congregation, ii. 112. His sin- 
 gular proposal to Sir James Melvll, 
 ii. 128. The regent breaks faith 
 with him, ii. 131. He resolves to 
 take Perth, ii. 132. He receives 
 letters from Francis and Mary, which 
 he answers, ii. I73, 1 75. His intre- 
 pidity, ii. 231. His embassy to 
 Mary, iii. 7. His liberal principle 
 respecting her religion, iii. 8. His 
 representations to her successful, iii. 
 12,14. Charges against him inves- 
 tigated, iii. notes to 55, 60. His 
 proper conduct to the queen, iii. 65. 
 He is created Earl of Marr, then 
 Earl of Murray, iii. 112. 
 
 Sandilands, Sir James, sent to the court 
 
 of France, his reception there, ii. 
 
 340, 342. 
 
 Schools parochial, their importance, 
 ii. 391. Secured to Scotland by the 
 reformers, ii. 398. 
 
 Scone, excessess committed there by 
 some of the congregation, ii. 134—— 
 137. 
 
 Scotland-, sentiments of independence 
 in that c«untry weakened, i. 33. Ig- 
 norance and superstition gain ground 
 in it, i. 33 — 35. Monastic orders 
 introduced into it, i. 37, 38. In- 
 fluence of the Popes established in 
 it, i. 47. Its distracted situation 
 after the death of James, i. 221, 
 222. 
 
 Scriptures, use of them interdicted, 1. 
 64. Liberty to read them granted, 
 i. 239, 240. 
 
 Secular clergy in Scotland, their indo- 
 lence and neglect of duty, i. 43 — 45. 
 
 Sermons, funeral, disapproved Jjy the 
 reformers, ii. 409- 
 
 Seton, a Dominican friar, and confessor 
 to the king, seeks to correct the 
 abuses of the church, i. 150. Clergy 
 prejudice the king against him, i. 
 1 52. He leaves Scotland and writes 
 to the king, but is forgotten or dis- 
 regardedj i. 152^ 153. 
 
 Solway moss, rout of, i. 214, 215. 
 
 Sorbonne, divines of, arrive in Scot- 
 land, ii. 182 — 184. 
 
 Spain, king of, his interference respect- 
 ing Scotland, ii. 276 — 278. 
 
 Spottiswoode admitted to be superin- 
 tendent of Lothian, iii. 40 — 43. His 
 affecting prayer for the young prince, 
 iii. 231 
 
 Standing army, attempt to introduce it 
 into Scotland, ii. 18, 19 
 
 Stirling, lords of the congregation re- 
 treat to it, ii. 166. Convention ap- 
 pointed to be held there, ii. 176. 
 Protestants again retire to it in des- 
 pondency, ii. 232 
 
 Straiton, David, his accusation, de- 
 fence, and death, i. 157 
 
 Supererrogation, works of, use made of 
 this doctrine by the popes, ii. 66 
 
 Superintendents different from bishops, 
 ii. 385, 384. Manner in which they 
 
INDEX. 
 
 CI- 
 
 were investsd with their office) ii. 
 
 590 
 Superstition one of the causes which 
 
 promoted the ambitious views of the 
 
 popes, \. 35 
 Supplication to the queen, a violent one 
 
 proposed by Knox, disapproved by 
 
 the general assembly, iii. 125 — 125 
 Synod, one held, ii. 48, 49 
 
 Tarn worth, his embassy to Scotland, 
 iii. 205. 
 
 Tetzel, a Dominican friar, employed in 
 the sale of indulgencies, particulars 
 respecting him, i. 125 — 133 
 
 Throkmorton, Sir Nicholas, his letter 
 respecting the troubles in Scotland, 
 ii. 220, with note. His discernment, 
 ii. 257. His account of de Sevre, 
 the French ambassador, note to 258. 
 His representations, and diplomatic 
 exertions while in France, 259 — 
 267. Sent into Scotland in conse- 
 quence of M.ary's intended marriage 
 with Darnly, iii. 176. His confe- 
 rence with her, iii. 176, 177. His 
 successful negotiation with her coun- 
 cil, iii. 177, 178. He is offended at 
 the hypocrisy of Elizabeth, iii. 207. 
 His admirable letter to Mar)', iii. 
 220, 221. Sent into Scotland after 
 her imprisonment, but is not permit- 
 ted to see her, iii. 282 
 
 Transubstantiaticn, i. 67 
 
 Treaties between Henry and the Sco- 
 tish government concluded, i. 257 
 
 Treaty between the regent and the 
 lords of the congregation, ii. 158 — 
 161 
 
 Treaties concluded between the Eng- 
 lish and French commissioners, ii. 
 302, 305. Particulars respecting 
 them, ii. 303- -320 
 
 Tumult, one threatened, in conse- 
 quence of Mary's preparation to ce- 
 lebrate divine service according to 
 the popish manner, iii. 64 
 
 U 
 
 Universities founded, I. 108 
 University of St Andrews, iii. icrg 
 Universities, three recognized in the 
 
 first book of discipline, ii. 392. 
 Plan of education proposed, ii. 392 
 — 394. Manner in which they 
 were to be endowed, and conse- 
 quence which has resulted, ii. 594, 
 395. Should be assisted by govern- 
 ment, ii. 395 — 597 
 Upsafington, treaty of, ii. 220 
 Ui'ban VI. manner in which he wr:3 
 elected pope, i. 98 
 
 Valence, bishop of, appointed by the 
 French court to go to England, ii. 
 267. He visits Scotland, and inef- 
 fectually attempts to restore peace, 
 ii. 268, and 285. Is appointed one 
 of the French commissioners to treat 
 for peace, ii. 290. 
 
 W 
 
 V\''allace, Adam, his condemnation and 
 death, i, 556 — 558 
 
 Wickliffe, John, some account of that 
 great man and his tenets, 86 — 91 
 
 William, king of Scotland, his man- 
 ly opposition to the pope, i. 27 — 
 31 
 
 Williams, Thomas, chaplain to the go- 
 vernor, opposes the corruption of the 
 church of Rome, i. 238, 239. Is 
 banished from the governor's fami- 
 ly, i. 257 
 
 Willock left in Edinburgh after the re- 
 treat of the congregation, ii. 166. 
 His opinion respecting the suspen- 
 sion of the regent, ii. 193 — 196 
 
 Wine, use of it in the communion li- 
 
 • mited by the church of Rome to the 
 clergy, i. 67 
 
 Winter, an English admiral, arrives in 
 the Fritli of Forth, ii. 247 
 
 Wishart, George, his education and 
 ministry, i. 272. Cardinal Beaton 
 is alarmed by his preaching, i. 272. 
 His reputation, diligence, and huma- 
 nity, i. 273. His wonderful escape, 
 i. 276, 277. Influenced partly by 
 enthusiasm, i. 277 — 279. His in- 
 creasing dread of Beaton, i. 279. 
 His apprehension, trial, condemna- 
 tion and death, i. 280 — 292. His 
 memory defended, i. 292 — 297 
 
cu 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Worship, public, how to be conducted 
 by the Scotish reformers, ii. 406 
 
 Wotton, Dr, appointed by Elizabeth 
 to be a commissioner for treating con- 
 cerning peace with Scotland^ ii. 290 
 
 York, archbishops of, their pretensions 
 
 respecting the church of Scotland 
 resisted by the Scotish clergy, i. 24 
 —26 
 
 Zeal, political, mingles with the reli- 
 gious sentiments of the congregation 
 in Scotland, ii. 89, 90. 
 
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