Report. No. 606. 62d Congress, ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 2d Session. | INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. April 26, 1912. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union and ordered to be printed. Mr. Jones, from the Committee on Insular Affairs, submitted the following REPORT. [To accompany H. R. 22143.] The Committee on Insular Affairs, to whom was (H. R. 22143) entitled “A bUl to establish a qualified independent government for the Philippines and to fix the date when sucn quali- fied independence shall become absolute and complete, and for other purposes,” beg leave to report that they have had the same under con- sideration and recommend that the said bill do pass with the follow- ing amendments, to wit: Insert the words “and maintained” after the word “established,” in line 17 on page 2 of the bill. Strike out the word “such” after the word “around,” in line 10 on page 4 of the biU, and msert in heu thereof the words “any and all.” Strike out the period after the word “Philippines,” in line 13 on page 4 of the biU, and insert in lieu thereof a comma and add the words “and shall further guarantee that all property rights by whom- soever legally acquired shall be held inviolate.” Strike out the word “nineteen” after the word “April,” in line 19 on page 4 of the bill, and insert in lieu thereof the word “eighteen.” Strike out the words “thirty-nine” after the words “composed of” in fine 19, on page 5 of the bill, and insert in heu thereof the words “thirty-eight.” Insert the word “and” after the word “Mindoro ” in line 3, on page 6 of the bill. Strike out all of the paragraph after the word “law” in line 5, on page 12 of the bill, and insert in heu thereof the words: Provided, however, That from and after the fourth day of July, niueteen hundred and thirteen, for a period of eight years, all public acts of the government of the Philip- pines shall be transmitted, as soon as practicable after their enactment, to the Presi- dent of the United States, who shall have the absolute veto power over the same, such veto power to be exercised, if at all, within thirty days after the reception by him of such act. If he approve or fail to veto such act, the same shall be transmitted 2 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOE THE PHILIPPINES. to the Congress of the United States. The Congress of the United States during said eight years’ period may annul any bill passed by the Congress of the Philippines at any time after it may have gone into effect. Strike out after the word “was” in hne 10, on page 13 of the bill, the remainder of the paragraph, and insert in lieu thereof the word “sent.” Strike out the words “temporary or probationary” after the word “the” in line 8, on page 26, and the words “for the ensuing eight years” after the word “estabhshed” in line 9, on page 26, of the bill. Before proceeding to outline the purposes, or to discuss the various features and different provisions of this bill, it may be well to indi- cate briefly, and in general terms, the character of the instruments of government employed in the administration of the affairs of the people of the Philippine Islands during the 13 years that have elapsed since the ratifications of the treaty of peace between the Kingdom of Spain and the United States were exchanged at the city of Washing- ton. This exchange, which took place on the 11th day of April, 1899, constituted the consummating act in the negotiations whicn residted in the leestablishment of peace between these two nations, and the transfer of sovereignty over the Philippine Islands from Spain to the United States. From this time on and up to the 1st day of Septem- ber, 1900, the commander of the American Army of occupation in the Philippine Islands, acting as military governor, exercised complete and undivided authority, legislative as well as executive, throughout the Philippine Archipelago. In other words, it may be said that dur- ing this period the government of the Philippine islands was essen- tially a military autocracy. In an official communication, bearing date the 7th day of April, 1900, the President of the United States informed the Secretary of War of the appointment by liim of a commission to the Phihppine Islands, composed of five eminent Americans, namely, the lion. Wilham H. Taft, Prof. Dean C. Worcester, lion. Luke I. Wright, Hon. Henry C. Ide, and Prof. Bernard IMoses, of wliicli Mr. Taft was to be the presi- dent. This Executive order set forth vith some particularity the powers and duties conferred upon tliis commission, and transferred, on and after the 1st day of September, 1900, from the military gov- ernor to tliis new governing body, of at least doubtful constitutionahty, “that part of the government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative nature.” By a subsequent Executive order, bearing date June 21, 1901, the Hon. William II. Taft, the president of the Philippine Commission, was appointed civil governor of the islands and empowered to exercise all executive authority on and after the 4th day of July, 1901. From and after that date the military governor was reheved from the per- formance of civil duties, except as to those districts in which insurrec- tion against the Government of the United States continued to exist or in which public order was not completely estabhshed. Thence- forth and up to the enactment by Congress of the act of July 1, 1902, the Taft Commission, in the meantime increased to eight members by the addition of three Filipinos, exercised all legislative authority in the Phihppine Islands, whilst the executive functions of the so-called civil government thus set up by the President, acting in the capacity of Commander in Chief of the ^Wmy and Navy, were divided between a mihtary commander and a civil governor. II^DEPENDE2JT ' GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 3 Thus it appears that durmg the period which elapsed between the time of Spanish evacuation and the enactment by Congress of the act of July 1, 1902, a period of something more than tliree years, there existed in the Philippine Islands no less than three distinct forms of government differing materially the one from the other. The act of Julj’ 1, 1902, although in express terms declared to be merely a tem- porary measure of civil administration, has, with slight and unim- portant amendments, remained the organic law of the Philippines for practically a decade. The bill which your committee has had under consideration not onl}' provides in the near future, and for a definite probationary period of eight years, for a larger participation of the Philippine people in the affairs of their government than they now enjoy; but it will, if enacted into law, confer upon them at the end of that period the absolute control of their affairs, both domestic and foreign, together with their complete and unqualified independence. THE FILIPINOS DESIRE INDEPENDENCE. When the existing law was being considered by the Committee on Insular Affairs 10 years ago some of its advocates testified that a majority of the educated and substantial people of the Philippine Islands, whose opinions the Federal Party was said to represent, favored the permanent annexation of the islands to the Uniteil States. A prominent Filipino who at one tune occupied the position of secre- tary of state under the Malolos government, of which Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo was the president, but who subsequently, and at that very time, was an officeholder under the Taft Commission, claiming to be the authorized spokesman of the Federal Party, testified at the com- mittee hearings that a majority of all the Filipino people favored American annexation rather than independent self-go veiTiment. WTiatever influence this testimony may have had in shaping the PhUippme legislation of 10 years ago, it should certainly have none in this day and generation, for the Federal Party itself, the only political organization in the Philippine Islands ever favoring perma- nent annexation, has long since ceased to exist, and its successor, the rrogresista Party, is quite as outspoken in its advocacy of independ- ence as is the Nacionalista, which h.as always stood for an independent self-government. There is, therefore, to-day practically, if not abso- lutely, no division of sentiment among the civilized, Chiistian inhabi- tants of the Philippine Archipelago in respect to this question, what- ever may have been the case a decade ago. The highest aspiration, the one great, overmastering desire of the Philippine people is to see their country free and independent. The blood shed and the untold privations for years endured for freedom’s sake by this, the only Chiistian people in the vast Orient, abundantlv testified in the past to their longing for independence. The unparalleled and phenomenal spread of education tln-oughout the archipelago in recent years, a larger participation in public affairs, a wider and more intimate knowl- edge of the problems of government, and the valuable experience gained through actual practice in a popular legislative assembly have not only contributed immensely toward preparing the Filipinos for the exercise of self-government, but have at me same time quickened and intensified their desire to become a free and independent people. 4 INDEPENDENT GOVEENMENT FOE THE PHILIPPINES. NO AMEEICAN SENTIMENT FAVOEABLE TO PEEMANENT EETENTION. It is doubtful if there is to-day any considerable or even appreciable public sentiment in the United States favorable to the permanent retention of the Philippines. When these islands were first acquired, and for a few years thereafter, there was a more or less prevalent belief that their permanent retention would prove of great com- mercial advantage to the United States. It is true that during the past two years, those in which Philippine products have had free access to the markets of the United States, the value of the trade between the two countries was materially increased, and yet if ever}?^ dollar in value of the merchandise imported into the Philippine Islands from the United States during the fiscal year 1911 had been clear profit to the American manufacturer, the sum total would not have equaled the cost to the people of the United States of the main- tenance for a single year of our military establishment in the Philip- pines. The total value of the importations, exclusive of those for the use of the Army, Navy, and the Government of the Philippine Islands, and for government-aided railroads, all of which were tree of duty, was $15,052,808, while the value of the Philippine products ejmorted to the United States during the fiscal year was $16,813,864. Thus it is apparent that the combined values of the exports and imports for the year 1911 do not equal in amount the total annual cost of the Philippine Islands to the American people. So the commercial argument which at one time was vigorously advanced in favor of the permanent retention of the Philippine Islands has now been practically abandoned. CAPACITY FOE SELF-GOVEENMENT. Those who oppose fixing a definite time at which the Philippine Islands shall acquire their independence, although professing to favor their ultimate independence, base their opposition upon the assump- tion that the Filipinos are not as yet capable of governing themselves. They do not hazard even a guess as to when that time may be expected to arrive; in the judgment of most of them it may be a generation, possibly two or three generations. The menace to the peace and happiness of the American people which lies in the indefinite reten- tion of the Philippine Islands is not to be compared, in their judg- ment, to the harm which they fear may result to the Filipinos if they are prematurely given the independence which they crave, and to which, it is admitted, they will some day be entitled. The grievous financial burdens which their long-continued retention as a colonial dependency will entail upon the American taxpa^'ers is as notliing, they contend, compared to the moral obligations wluch the Unitecl States have assumed. Thus the “moral” or “altruistic” argument, based upon the alleged incapacity of the Filipinos for self-govern- ment, is the only argument now heard in favor of the indefinite retention of the Philippines. But, is it true, according to any just and fair standard, that the Philippine people are not capable of self-government? For, if not true, then the only argument seriously advanced by those who would deny them independence must fall to the ground. The facts, or INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 5 alleged facts, relied upon to establish their incapacity for self-gov- ernment are (a) that the Pliilippine population is made up of many different tribes, inhabiting different islands, or different parts of the same islands, and speaking different dialects or languages; (b) that because of tliis isolation and difference of language they possess no common means of intercommunication; (c) that a number of these tribes are uncivilized and unchristianized and will always remain so, and that the Moros, the most savage and adventurous, as well as the most numerous, of the wild tribes, can never be brought to live peaceably under any government which may be established by Christian Filipinos; and, lastly (d), that the percentage of illiteracy, even among the Christian inhabitants, is too great to permit of any intelligent administration of government. In fine, it is contended that, wanting in education and civilization and lacking a common religion and a common language, it follows that the Philippine peo- ple liave not that community of thought, of feeling, and of interest, that national unity and sjurit, or that intelligence and educational capacity, essential to the successful establishment and permanent maintenance of a free, autonomous, and stable government. According to the census of 1903, the population of the Philippine Islands was 7,635,426. Of these, 6,987,686 are classified as civilized. Only 647,740 are described as wild or uncivilized. Of the so-called uncivilized tribes, 277,547 are Moros, who inhabit the southeastern and western portions of the island of Mindanao, which is the southern- most and next to the largest of all the islands, and the islands of the Sulu group; 211,520 are Igorots dwelling in northern Luzon; 56,189 are Bukidnon, of the Province of Agusan, in eastern Mindanao and the remainder are scattered in small groups throughout the islands. These official figures indisputably prove that the vast majority of the Philippine people are civilized, and many of the most beautiful cathedrals to be found anywhere in the world, as well as other sub- stantial and costly church edifices scattered throughout the civilized portions of the islands, attest most strongly to the deep religious character of the Filipinos. But even were it admitted that the Moros are intractable and incapable of civilization, the census figures show that they constitute less than 4 per cent — or, to be exact, just 3.7 per cent — of the whole population of the islands. Indeed, these figures show that they are actually outnumbered by the civilized Filipinos of Mindanao, not- withstanding that 226,158 of the 277,547 Moros (2,323 of whom are themselves civilized) dwell in that island. It is a fact not generally appreciated, if known, that 296,845 Christian Filipinos also inhabit the island of Mindanao. In Zamboanga, in the Moro Province, one of the most delightful of the cities of the Philippine Archipelago and the fourth in commercial importance, there were 44,322 inhabitants in the year 1903, almost equally divided between Christians and non- Christians. These facts conclusively prove that the Moros may well be regarded as a negligible quantity in considering the question of the capacity of the Philip])ine people for self-government. But the work of education and civilization is progressing even among the Moros, with far better results than any of the historians and writers upon this subject of a decade ago believed to be possible. The remainder of the wfild tribes are so widely distributed through- out the archipelago, and have hi the past given so little trouble to 6 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. their civilized neighbors, that their goAXTiiment has never been looked upon as a serious problem — they nfust continue in a large degree the wards of the nation Avhatcver may be the form of government under which they live. Is it then unreasonable, in view of the foregoing facts; to indulge the hojie that these wild people, all of whom are of Malayan origin, Avould more readily submit to the restraints of a government participated in by them, and established for their pro- tection by members of their own race, than to those imjiosed by an alien people? Do the facts liereinbefore set forth justify the belief that tlie government of the wild men of the Philippine Islands vdll ever become to the Filipinos, if given their independ ‘iice, so di.iicult a problem as has been that of the American Indians to the Govern- ment of the United States ? It is true, of course, that the Philijijiine Archipelago is composed of many islands, and that tliero is no native language which is uni- versally spoken. A large majority of the wliole people, however, speak either Tagalog, Visayan, or llocano, which are the three prin- cipal languages of the islands. Nearly half of the Christian pojnda- tion or 3,219,030, are Visayans, and there are 1,400,695 Tagalogs in the island of Luzon, to say nothing of the members of other tribes who to the number of 2,000,000 speak Tagalog. For 300 years the ollicial language of the Philippines has been Spanish, and whilst the percent- age of the rural population speaking it was never very large, it was, nevertheless, spoken throughout the arcliijielago by the educated and odice-holding classes and is ipiite unn^crsally spoken in Manila and other cities and large towns. There has been a noticeable disposition in some quarters to create the impression that the Filipinos are an ignorant and illiterate people, d'his was very far from the truth, even ])rior to American advent. To demonstrate this it is only necessary to adA^ert to a feAV salient facts bearing upon the subject of education during the long years of Spanish control. The UniA'orsity of St. Joseph Avas founded by the Jesuits in ]\Ianila very nearly 325 years ago, and 1 7 years before the doors of the first American college Avere ojiened the Dominican Order of the Catholic Church in the Philipjiine Islands established, also in Manila, the University of St. Thomas, Avhich for more than three centuries has been in successfid operation. And yet the Tagalogs had attained a Avell-defined civilization long before the adA'ent of either the Dutch or the Spanish. Prior to the year 1863 there Avere parochial schools throughout the islands, but it was not until that year that primary schools Avere established, under the ro_yal decree of December 20, in ewery municipality of the archi])elago. In addition to the many private and church schools Avhich had long been in existence ])rior to 1866 Sjianish school statistics for that year shoAv that there had then been established 1,674 GoA-ernment-sup])orted schools, attended by 230,358 Filipino boys and girls. There Avere that year 1,681 matricu- lates at the University of St. Th )inas engaged in the study of the higher branches of learning. There Avere also located in IManila prior to the revolution against Spain five colleges deA^oted to the education of Avomen, among them the College of Santa Isabel; a college of agri- cidture; a nautical school; a su])crior school of jAuinting, sculpture, and engraA'ing; a military acadeiny; and a number of other colleges ol more or less importance, Avhere the higher branches Avere taught. There Avere, too, as many as 9 other colleges and 67 high-grade Latin INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 7 schools located in various sections of the islands. A j)eople enjoying such superior educational advantages as these can scarcely be char- acterized as ignorant and illiterate. Especially can it not be said of the Tagalogs, who for ages have possessed a rich hterature of their own. Even in the outlying Christian settlements of northern Luzon a majority of the population could read and write their own lan- guage long before the power of Spain over the islands was broken. It will scarcely be denied that since American occupation immense progress has been made in the direction of education. Not only have thousands of public schools been established aU over the archipelago, but the standards of most of the old ones have been raised. In aU of the new, and in many of the old, English is employed and taught, and the natives are evincing a praiseworthy desire to become ]iro- ficient in it. Many night schools have been established for the benefit of the laboring classes, and they, as well as the higher schools, are aU well attended. For nearly 10 years the average public-school enroll- ment has not been less than 500,000. The report of the secretary of education for the year ending June 30, 1911, shows that the enroll- ment for that school year reached the high-water mark of 610,493, not including 5,302 pupils enrolled in the schools of the Moro Province. The total number of public schools in operation last year, according to this report, was 4,404, and the total number of teachers employed at the end of the school year was 9,086, of whom 8,403, or over 92 per cent, were Filipinos. It is shown, too, that there was a general improvement on the part of the Filipino teachers during the year, both in scholastic attainments and in abihty to teach. A splendidly equipped normal school was established in 1901 and reorganized in 1909. This institution is annually training hundreds of young men and women to teach under the conditions which exist in all Provinces of the islands, civilized or uncivilized. The first Philippine Legislature provided for the establishment of the University of the Thilippines, which was organized something over two years ago. It provides advanced instruction in literature, philosophv, and the sciences and arts, and affords professional and technical training for students who have passed through other colleges. The total registration of students at this institution of higher learning in August of last year was 1,220. All the lectures, of course, are in English and many of the learned professors are Filipinos. The late James A. Le Roy, who, for two years was connected with the Pliilippine Commission, and who, therefore, possessed exceptional opportunities for .securing information upon the subject, says in his admirable book on the Philippines, published in 1905, that “approximately one-half the Christian pojiulation over 10 years of age is literate,” and that this included “the people of the most backward and outlying Cliristian settlements in the mountains of north central Luzon, in unsettled islands like Mindoro and Palawan, and on the outskirts of Mindanao.” In the Tagalog Provinces, where the percentage of literacy is liighest, it is stated by this author that the number able to read “is something over 70 per cent of the population above 10 years of age.” This was seven years ago, and before the American system of education was fairly underway; before there were thousands of trained Filipino teachers conducting the schools in the English language. So much for the literacy of the Filipinos. 8 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. The Hon. Newton W. Gilbert, secretary of public instruction in the Philippine Islands, at one time a Member of the House of Repre- sentatives and of this committee, makes the striking statement in his annual report for the year 1910 that “more persons in the Philip- pine Islands speak and write the English language than speak and write any other language or dialect. If this were true in 1910, how much larger will be the proportion of those who speak and write English in 1921 ? But there is more recent and much stronger testi- mony than this in refutation of the oft-repeated assertion that the FUipinos possess no common language and therefore are lacking in the means of communication among themselves. In a carefully pre- pared article in the American Year Book for 1911 it is stated that more Filipinos speak the English language than speak any other one language or dialect. This is to say, that more tnan one-half of the Christian inhabitants, who constitute more than nine-tenths of the total population of the Philippine Islands, have acquu-ed the ability to speak the English language in the short space of 10 years. If this great progress has been made by the Filipinos within the last decade in the acquisition of the English language, what may not be expected of this wonderful people within the next 10 years ? English-taught schools are rapidly multiplying all over the islands, and progression along all lines of education will be much more rapid in the coming than it was in the last decade. In view of the past advancement of the Philippine people in this direction, is it unreasonable to believe that when the 4th day of July, 1921, arrives English will be the common language of the Philippine Islands, and that it will afford the Philippine people that medium of communication deemed so essential to their fitness for independent existence and self-govern- ment ? Among other arguments advanced against granting the Filipinos independence is their alleged lack of homogeneity. The truth is they are more homogeneous than the people of the United States. The Director of the Philippine Census, Gen. J. P. Sanger, United States Army, says in his chapter on Population : As compaxed with the schedules of the Twelfth Census of the United States, those of the Philippine Census are somewhat simpler, the difference being due mainly to the more homogeneous character of the population of the Philippine Islands. FILIPINO EXPERIENCE IN GOVERNMENT. The Filipinos are not so lacking in administrative ability and in actual experience in government as has been frequently represented. There were Philippine deputies in the Spanish Cortes during portions of the first half of the nineteenth century, and in the year 1820 seven- teen Filipinos sat in the Spanish Parliament. The Philippine con- stitution, written by Apolinario Mabini, and proclaimed by the Malolos Government in 1899, is justly regarded as a notable intel- lectual achievement. Among those who represented the Philippine Republic, established by Gen. Aguinaldo m 1908, in the Malolos Congress were many Filipinos of learning, great ability, and unques- tioned patriotism. A number of these have held, and others are still holding, positions of trust and responsibility under the present Govern- ment. Two of its members have since been commissioned to repre- INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 9 sent the Philippine Islands in the capacity of Resident Commissioners to the United States, and one of them is to-day occupying a seat on the floor of the House of Representatives. Dr. Schmman, the distinguished president of Cornell University, who was a member of the first Philippine Commission, and therefore qualified to speak upon the subject, wrote of the Filipinos 10 years ago : But whatever be done with them (the Mohammedans) the civilized and Christianized democracy of Luzon and the Visayans desire independence. They are fairly entitled to it, and united as they now are, I think they might very soon be intrusted with it. In their educated men, as thorough gentlemen as one meets in Europe or America, this democracy of 6,500,000 Christians has its foreordained leaders. That there are many highly educated and thoroughly cultured Filipinos has not been, and will not be, seriously questioned. There are many who, having received their educations at the best schools and universities of Europe, have returned to the Phflippines, and are prominent in the professional and educational life of the islands. Some of these have achieved much distinction. Of the seven mem- bers of the Supreme Court of the Phihppine Islands, three are Fill; pinos, the Hon. Cayeteno Arellano being the chief justice. The attorney general is the Hon. Ignacio Villamor, a Filipino. Of the Philippine Commission, five of its members are Americans and four Filipinos. There are four executive departments of the insular Gov- ernment, one of which, finance and justice, is presided over by Sec- retary Gregario Arenata. The director of labor, the Hon. Manuel Tino, is a Filipino. The codification committee is composed of three Americans and three Filipino lawyers, the chairman of which is the Hon. Manuel Araullo. Of the 29 judges of the courts of first instance 14 are Filipinos, and practically all of the judges of the lower courts are Filipmos. The provincial boards of the Provinces are composed of a governor, a treasurer and a “third member.” The governors and “third mem- bers” of the organized Provinces, with the single exception of Batanes, where the governor is appointive, are all elected by the people, and are, in every instance, IMipmos. Eleven of the treasurers are Fili- pinos. The fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, although appointive, are in the main, if not invariably, Filipinos. On June 30, 1911, over 70 per cent of all the provincial officials in the Philippine Islands were Ffiipinos, and out of the more than 12,500 municipal and township officers, to quote from the last annual report of the executive secre- tary, “there are really but three American municipal officers in the seK-governing municipalities and two of these were elected by popular vote.” No reference to Filipinos whose public services entitle them to a place in the history of their country, past or present, would be com- plete which omitted the name of the patriot, Rizal, whose glorious martyi’dom stirred the hearts of Christendom and precipitated a revolution against Spain. Dr. Jose Rizal, by reason of his brilliant attainments and his sublime devotion to the cause of his suffering countrymen, was easily the foremost product of the Philippine people. The anniversary of the execution of this young martyr, December 30, 1896, has been made a national holiday, and throughout the Phfiippines his memory is universally revered. 10 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOE THE PHILIPPINES. THE RETENTION OF THE PHILIPPINES REPUGNANT TO REPUBLICAN IDEALS AND DISASTROUS TO AMERICAN INTERESTS. In considering the question of Philippine independence, as proposed in this bhl, and in reaching the conclusions to which we have come, your committee have not by any means regarded it solely from the standpoint of the people of the Philippine Is- lands. On the contrary, our views are largely, if not mainly, controlled by what are believed to be the true mterests of the people of the United States. The free principles upon which the American Government is founded are wholly incompatible with the idea of holding and governing against their consent any people who aspire to independence and are capaple of governmg themselves. More- over, the ])olicy of the United States has always been against expan- sion beyond the seas. Such expansion as has marked the marvelous growth and progress of the United States has until very recently been over land and confined to tliis continent. It has embraced contiguous territory inhabited by a homogeneous people, and never land in another hemisphere, separated from us by thousands of miles of water and inhabited by an alien people differing from us in manners, customs, civilization, and race. The mcidents which led up to the War vTth Spain had not the remotest connection ivith the Philippines. It was not a war of conquest. It was a war waged to free from intolerable oppression a people almost witliin sight of our shores and not one to bring under the dominion of the United States a people struggling for their liberties and residing upon the opposite side of the globe. The Spanish-American War was fought to free C'uba and not to enslave the Philippines' to erect a republic in the Occident, not to establish a subject colony in the Orient. From the very beginning the Filipinos never welcomed American sovereignty. Phey accepted it only when unable longer to resist the superior strength of the United States. The late President McKinley declared in a speech delivered in the city of Chicago that “the War with Spain was undertaken, not that the United States should increase its territory, but that oppression at our very doors should be stopped.” He added, “This noble sentiment must con- tinue to animate us and we must give to the world the full demon- stration of the sincerity of our purpose.” To carry “tliis-noble sentiment” into effect is the object of tins bill, and, in the opuiion of this committee, it is so framed as to accomplish the ])urpose with honor to the American people and with just and proper regard for tbe future welfare and the best interests of the Filipinos. Secondary only in importance to the high moral questions of princmle and riglit involved in the indefinite retention of the Philip- pine islands is that of their constant menace to the peace and well- being of the American people. Instead of constituting a source of strength to the United States in the event of war with a first-class naval power, they would, by reason of their geographical position, become one of great weakness. Had not the Sj)anish army and navy been so fully occupied with the war in Cuba the story of Dewey’s engagement in 5lanila Bay might have been one of far different import. To fortify and defend aU the principal ports of the Phil- ippine Islands would require more money, shi])s, armies, munitions of war, and supplies than even a country possessing the enormous IITBEPENDENT GOVEENMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 11 resources of the United States could command, and if, therefore, the purpose in holding the Pliilippines is merely to maintain in the Orient a base for military and naval operations, then that purpose can much more readily, and more effectively, be accomphshed by retaining only the naval bases, harborage waters, and coaling sta- tions provided for in the measure under consideration. As to whether or not the United States could successfully defend the Philippine Islands against a first-class naval power, that is a question about wliich there may be honest differences of opuiion. That their defense, whether ultimately successful or not, would involve the sacrilice of tens of thousands of American hves and the expenditure of vast sums of money does not admit of two opinions. That it would mean the destruction of American commerce on the high seas and the prostration of all legitimate American enterprise and business during 'the continuance of the war will-hardly be denied. It has recently developed, however, that it is the oiiinion of our mUitary experts that it would not be expedient, in the event of war with any strong naval power, for the United States to attempt to defend the Plhlippines. The policy of the United States in such an event will be, we are told, to abandon the islands, and, for the tune being at least, to leave them to their fate. If this is to be accepted as the policy and purpose of the United States, then it is difficult to understand of what advantage the fortification of the islands, or any one of them, can possibly be to this country in case of a foreign war. On the contrary, it would seem to be the part of wisdom to discontinue at once the expenditure of the vast sums wliich Congress is annually asked to appropriate for the fortification of the islands, and the maintenance there of a large body of troops. Whether in the event of war our troops are volun- tarih* withdravTi as a wise strategic or precautionary measure, or they are driven out or captured by a superior hostile force, the result will be the same. The fortifications which have been constructed, and those now in course of construction, will fall into the hands of the enemy, and will render more difficult the ulthnate recovery of the islands should any attempt be made in that direction. If, therefore, the opinion expressed by the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs is shared by other military authorities, and there is little room for doubt as to this, then a decent regard for national pride, if no higher con- sideration, would seem to dictate that the sooner we withdraw from the Philippine Islands, and relinquish sovereignty over them, the better it will be for the people of the United States. THE COST OF MAINTAINING AMERICAN SOVEREIGNTY IN THE PHILIPPINES. Estimates vary widely as to the cost to the United States of main- taining American sovereignty over the Pliilippine Islands. It will never be possible to compute with any degree of accuracy what the total cost has been from the date of American advent up to the present time. The late Senator Hoar declared more than 10 years ago that the United States had expended up to that time the enormous sum of 8600,000,000, and his figures have never been successfully challenged. Within the past 10 years the United States have expended many millions in the islands for strictly military purposes. 12 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. More than $10,000,000 have heen expended witliin that period in the construction and equipment of fortifications alone. The mean number of troops maintained by the United States in the Philippines during the fiscal year 1911 was 17,370, of whom 12,277 were Americans and 5,093 natives. It is estimated that it costs the Government $1,500 annually to maintain each soldier in the foreign service. Computed upon this basis the cost alone of maintaining the military forces in the Philippine Islands last year was over $26,000,000. It would be difficult to even estimate what part of the naval expenses of the United States should properly be chargeable to tliis account. It is probably safe to affirm that the sum which would be annually saved, under the conditions of peace and tranquilhty which now prevail, were the United States to relin- quish sovereignty over the Pliilippine Islands, would not fall much short, if any, of $50,000,000. The foregoing constitutes in a measure the grounds upon which your committee base their conclusion that the inhabitants of the Philip- pine Islands can be safely intrusted with their independence, and that the withdrawal of American sovereignty over those islands would be mutually advantageous to the Fihpinos and the people of the United States. NEUTRALIZATION. Fear has been expressed that if granted their independence the Philippines would become the easy prey of some land-grabbing nation, since the Filipinos possess neither a navy nor a standing army \vith which to defend themselves against foreign aggression. Tliis subject need not be discussed in tliis report further than to say that a joint resolution has been reported from this committee requesting the President of the United States to open negotiations with such foreign governments as in his judgment should be parties to the compact, including those of Great Britain, Germany, France, Russia, Japan, and Spain, with a view to securing and safeguarding the independence of the Plulippines through an international agreement. It is not be- lieved that efforts to secure such an international agreement would be attended with any great difficulty, since little, if any, responsibility would attach to the signatory powers. The independence provided for in this bill, however, is in no respect contingent upon the success- ful negotiation of any treaty of neutrality. If, for anv reason, failure should attend these neutralization efforts, the Pliilippine Islands would be in no worse position in this respect than many other coun- tries similarly situated whose independence is not guaranteed by international convention. Notable among the small countries whose independence, although preserved inviolate for ages, has never been guaranteed by inter- national treaty or otherwise, may be instanced the independent mon- archy of Siam. This small Kingdom of southeast Asia resembles in many respects the Philijipine Islands. The population of Siam is only a little less than that of the Philippines, anti it is divided among a number of tribes who inhabit different portions of the country. The Siamese number 3,000,000, or less than half of the population, whilst the remainder is made up of Laos, Chinese, Malays, Cambodians, Bermese, and many others. There are, too, many small, uncivilized tribes which inhabit the mountainous sections, several of which INDEPENDENT GOVEBNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 13 possess the characteristics of the Negritos of the Philippine Islands. There are many different dialects spoken in Siam, and yet this non- Christian country, with no standing army, has never fallen a victim to any land-grabbing nation. And although the percentage of illit- eracy is far greater in Siam — it being 90 per cent — than in the Philip- pines, it maintains a stable as well as an independent government. This brings us to the consideration of the various provisions and different features of the biU. WHAT THE BILL PROPOSES. The Philippine Government as it is at present constituted consists of a Governor General, appointed by the President of the United States, and a legislature composed of two houses, the Phihppine Com- mission and the Philippine Assembly. The Philippine Commission is composed of nine members, all of whom are appointed by the Presi- dent of the United States, and four of whom are the heads of the four executive departments of the Government. The assembly is com- posed of 81 members, all of whom are chosen by the qualified electors of the 31 regularly organized Provinces, the three special Provinces, and the city of Manila. The general purpose of this bill is to establish in the Philippine Islands a provisional government more liberal and autonomous in character than that created under the provisions of the act of Congress of July 1, 1902, this temporary government to begin on the 4th day of July, 1913, and to continue for the period of eight years thereafter. In other words, there is to be a probationary period of eight years, during which the Filipinos are to be permitted to enjoy a larger measure of popular self-government than they now have. It is further provided that on and after the 4th day of July, 1921, the United States shall relinquish all rights of sovereignty over the Philip- pine Islands, and grant to the inhabitants thereof fuU and complete independence. CONDITIONS PRECEDENT TO INDEPENDENCE. The terms and conditions upon which Philippine independence is to be granted are (a) that the United States shall retain and exercise the rights of sovereignty over such lands and harborage waters as are actually necessary for naval and coaling stations and convenient ter- minal points for cables, these lands and harborage waters to be selected by a commission composed of the President, the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Navy of the United States; (b) that the Govern- ment of the Philippines shall assume and carry into effect the treaty obhgations of the United States with Spain; (c) that the Government of the Philippines shall guarantee that no higher tax shall be levied upon the property or business of citizens of the United States than is levied upon that of citizens of the Philippines, and that no law shall be enacted or agreement entered into whereby the citizens of any other country are given trade advantages over those of the United States ; (d) and that citizens of the United States shall have freedom of access to and of travel in the Philippines for business and missionary pur- poses, and that all property rights by whomsoever legally acquired ’shah be held inviolate. 14 INDEPENDENT GOVEKNMENT FOB THE PHILIPPINES. In making selection of naval and coaling stations and cable ter- minals it is expressly stipulated that the bay and harbor of Manila shall not be taken. The city of Manila is not only the capital but the very heart of the Philippine Islands, and it obviously would not be just to the Philippine people for the United States to retain the island of Corregidor, wdiich commands the entrance to Manila Bay. There are other deep-water harbors equally as susceptible of fortification and defense, such for instance as Subig Bay, within 60 miles of Manila, which would meet all the recjuirements of the United States for naval bases and coaling stations. The United States has already expended considerable sums in the fortification of the entrance to Subig Bay, and the immense floating dry dock, Dewey, has been located at Olon- gapo in this bay. CONGEESS OF THE PHILIPPINES. The most important changes which this bill makes in the present government are to be found in section 6, which vests the legislative power of the Philippine Islands in a congress of the Philippines, and in those immediately follovdng which define its powers and prescribe the method of the election of its members. This congress is to bo com- posed of a senate and a house of representatives, each of which is to be elective. The senate is to be composed of 38 members who are to be elected for a term of four 3 ^ears, one from each of the 31 regularl}' organized Provinces as they are now constituted, one each from the special Provinces of Mindoro and Palawan, one each from the non-Christian Provinces of Moro, ^fountain, Agusan, and Nueva Vizcaya, and two from the citv of Manila. The small Province of Batanes for the pur- pose of electing a senator is to be regarded as a part of the Province of Caga}’'an. The house of representatives is to be composed of 87 members, elected biennially from the assembly districts as at present consti- tuted, except that the ^lountain, Agusan, and Nueva Vizca 3 'a Prov- inces shall each elect one and the Moro Province three representatives. Each male citizen 21 vears of age or over, who has been a resident of the Philippines for one 3 ^ear and of the municipalitv in which he shall olTer to vote for six months, and who either had held ollice under Spanish rule, or who owns ])ropert 3 " to the value of 500 pesos, or pays annual taxes to the amount of 30 jiesos or more, or who is able to read and write either Spanish, English, or a native language is declared to be a qualified voter. Senators and representatives must be 25 3 "ears of age and able to read and write either S]>anish or English. From the foregoing it will be noted that the chief respects in which the Congress provided for in this bill dilfers from the present legisla- ture are, fii’st, that both of its branches are elective; second, that the inhabitants of the non-Christian Provinces are given representa- tion in both bodies; and third, that the ability to read and write a native language is made to fulfill the educational test. A glance at the structure of the Philippine Legislature and a cursory examination of the various and complex functions of the commission make apparent the necessity for radical changes in that bod\". The commission, as has been shown, is comjiosed of appointive members, of whom one is the chief executive of the Phihppme Islands. As a INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 15 constituent part of the legislature it participates, together with the assembly, in all legislation relating to the affairs of the general gov- ernment of the organized Provinces. It is, however, under the law, the sole legislative body for the non-Christian Provinces, and as such assmnes the pow’er and authority to appropriate money out of the general funds of the insular treasury for uses in non-Chirstian territory without the assent of the assembly. The commission, therefore, not only shares with the assembly the powder to legislate for the Christian people of the islands, but it exercises the exclusive power of legislating for the non-Christian tribes. It not only expends the revenues raised in the non-Christian Provinces for the exclusive benefit of the inhabitants of those Prov- inces, but it actually appropriates for their use and benefit such other funds as it mav deem necessary out of the insular treasury, funds raised by the legislature. This is a most anomalous condition of affairs, and it is not surprising that it has given rise to much unfa- vorable comment and been productive of serious friction. In addi- tion to tliis incongruous mixture of legislative power, four of the members of the commission are heads of executive departments and one is the Governor General. Thus it is seen that all the executive authority in the Philippines is vested in a majority of the commis- sion. The secretary of the interior, under whose department the affairs of the non-Christian tribes are administered, is for aU practical purposes their governor and legislature. The elective assembly has no share in the government of the non-Christians and without the concurrence of the commission can not legislate for the Christian population. This is a condition of affairs which, in our opinion, needs to be remedied. Experience in the Philippine Islands, as else- w’here, has showui that there should be a complete separation of the executive and legislative functions of government. Giving representation to the people of the non-Christian Provinces marks a decided departure from the policy which has heretofore obtained in respect to them. These Provinces will be represented in the Philippine Congress, if this bUl becomes law, by four senators and six representatives. This is a fair proportion of the total mem- bership of the two houses according to population, and yet small compared to the whole number of senators and representatives. It must be borne in mind in this connection that there are quite a num- ber of civilized Christians residing in non-Christian Provinces. Espe- cially is this true of the Moro Province, where, as has been shown, about one-half of the population of the city of Zamboango are Christians. Moreover, there are among the Moros themselves, as well as among the Igorots, a considerable number w^ho are classified in the census as civilized. The educational and property qualifications prescribed will, however, unquestionably restrict tne electorate of the Moro Province to a greater extent than will be the case in the organ- ized Christian Provinces, but with the spread of education there will be a steady increase in the number of those who can exercise the right of suffrage. There has been much comment upon and many unfair deductions dra'wn from the fact that there were only 200,000 votes cast at the last election for assemblymen. The proportions of this vote may be easily accounted for. In the first place many of the electorate were indifferent as to the exercise of their political rights because they felt 16 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOB THE PHILIPPINES. that, inasmuch as the assembly would be powerless to accomplish anything without the concurrence of the commission, it would be little more than a moot assembly. But this comparatively small vote may be mainly accounted for by the fact that the educational test then applied restricted the voting to those who could read and write eitl^^r the Enghsh or the Spanish language. The one respect in which this bill proposes to change the suffrage qualifications of the present law is to permit those who can read and write in anv language to vote. It is obvious that t hi s wdU immensely increase the electorate, and of itself result in a very heavy vote in the future. The Philippine Assembly has more than justified the faith of those who have steadfastly maintained that the Philippine people are capable of popular self-government. There have now been two legislatures, the inaugural session of the first having been convened on October 16, 1907. The membership of the two assembhes was in the main composed of wise, patriotic, and thoroughly capable legis- lators. The testimony is all to the effect that the delegates devoted themselves earnestly, assiduously, and patriotically to the perform- ance of their duties and that they showed a marked aptitude for legislative work. No small number of them displayed conspicuous abffity. President Taft, who was then Secretary of War, was present at the opening of the first legislature, and in an elaborate report subsequently made by lum had this to say of the assembly: The assembly has shown a most earnest desire, and its leaders have expressed with the utmost emphasis their intention, to labor for the material prosperity of the Philip- pines and to encourage the coming of capital and the development of the various plans for the improvement of the ^iculture and business of the islands which have com- mended themselves to those in the past responsible for the government there. When Mr. Taft wrote his report, the legislature had not been in session sufficiently long to enable him io speak as to the manner in which the assembly actually performed its legislative duties. In an article written by Dr. James Alexander Kobertson, reviewing the work of the extraordinary session of the second Philippine Legislature, which appeared in the November, 1910, number of the American Political Science Review, the writer has much to say that is highly commendatory of the assembly, or popular branch, of that body. Dr. Robertson, who is the librarian of the Philippine Library, and who therefore has had exceptional opportunities for observing the assembly at close range, says of it, among other things: WTien one considers the lack of opportunity that the Filipinos have had for repre- sentative government, this extraordinary session marks an epoch in the history of the Philippine Islands. This remark is no idle panegyric, but is based on actual contact and conversation with various members of the assembly, as well as attendance at many of the open meetings of the assembly. The assembly just closed was remarkable in several respects — for the discipline exercised by the speaker; for the great earnestness displayed by the representatives in general; for their dignity of bearing; and for their freedom from jingoism; and, outwardly at least, from party passion — outwardly, I say, because considerable party passion and personal feeling did at times creep into committee and secret meetings. In general, it may be said that this assembly, in its quietness and dignity of action, has established a precedent that can be well taken as a form for future sessions. Among the delegates who have shown high order of ability may be mentioned Senor Sergio Osmena, the speaker or presiding officer, and Senor Vicente Singson. These two Fffipino statesmen, the two most INDEPENDENT GOVEENIMENT FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 17 striking figures in the assembly, are the leaders, respectively, ot the Nacionalista and Progresista parties. Of Speaker Osmena Mr. Taft said in the report hereinbefore referred to: He is a young man, not 30, but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmena as its presiding officer. There are many who regard Senor Pablo Ocampo, at one time Resident Commissioner to the United States, now a delegate from the city of ^Manila, as the equal in ability of either Osmena or Singson. The names of many other delegates possessing superior intelligence and high ideals might be mentioned, such, for instance, as Gregorio Nieva, Jaime C. de Veyra, Alberto Barretto, Thomas G. Del Rosario, Mariano Ponce, and Macario Adriatico, the last named being the representative of the partially organized Proifince of Mindoro. A people who have made so manifest their capacity for the per- formance of the legislative functions of popular government as the Philippine people have done in the past five years, as is shovm in the history of the popular branch of the Philippine Legislature, can, it is believed, be safely intrusted with the exercise of full legislative power. There is no good reason for believing that the same discriminating judgment will not be shown in the future by the Philippine people m the election of the upper house of a Philippine Congress as has been demonstrated in the past in the selection of the membership of the present popular assembly. The first general election for senators and representatives of the Philippine Congress is not to take place until the year 1913, and the bill expressly provides that during the existence of the eight-year provisional government the President of the United States shall have absolute veto power over any bill which it may pass. It further pro- vides that the Congress of the United States may during that period annul any bill passed by the Philippine Congress. Moreover, during this period the President of the Philippines is also given the right to exercise the veto power over all legislation enacted by the Philippine Congress. THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE. The bill provides that the executive power of the Phihppines for a period of eight years, commencing on ,the 4th day of July, 1913, shall be vested in a president to be appointed by the President of the United States, by and with the consent of the Senate of the United States, who shall hold his office for a term of four years. During this period of eight years the power of the president of the Phihppines to make treaties with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senate of the Philippines, wiU be subject to the approval of the President and two- thirds of the members of the Senate of the United States. After the 4th day of July, 1921, the president of the Philippines is to be elected by the qualified voters thereof. EXECUTIVE OFFICES. In addition to the appointment of secretaries of the departments of the interior, commerce and police, finance and justice and pubhc instruction, as those departments are at present constituted, the H. Kept. 606, 62-2 2 18 INDEPENDENT GOVERNMENT FOE THE PHILIPPINES. president of the Philippines is authorized to appoint a secretary of state and a secretary of war and navy, except that for the period of eight years succeeding the 4th day of July, 1913, the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, shall appoint the secretary of state. As the duties of the secretary of state wiU concern the foreign relations of the Philippines, and the exercise thereof might in some way involve the United States during the existence of the provisional government, it was deemed wise that this official should be appointed by the President of the United States during that period. The sections of the bill to which attention has thus been specifi- cally directed, embrace what are regarded as its most important and far-reaching features. The remaining sections do not involve any radical changes in the existing organic law and relate more or less to matters of detail. In conclusion, it is only necessary to add that, in the opinion of this committee, if this bill as amended is enacted into law, it will enable the Philippine people to set up a stable and enduring government of their own. The act by which the United States shall forever relin- quish sovereignty over the PhiUppine Islands and give to their inhabit- ants an independent government republican in form \vill constitute a glorious page in the history of the American Republic. o '^^j'’'' '•■>' N« v;»Ar i' a£^' ■ 'V . ^ I b*‘# jA- , . i) r*»^,>^lfe->' ■* ■, • -. 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