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no. 5
BRITISH RULE
ín
CENTRAL AMERICA
OR
A SKETCH OF MOSQUITO
HISTORY,
BY
IRA D, TRAVIS, Ph. M.
ANN anjsok;
AKQUS PRINTING COMI>ANY.
1805.
BRITISH RULE
IN
CENTRAL AMERICA
OR
A SKETCH OF MOSQÜITO
HISTORY.
BY
IRA D. TRAVIS. Ph. M,
ANN A}î]îOU:
ATíGUS PKINTING CO-HI'ANY.
1S9Ô.
:^o.C
V, I
BRITISH RULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
BY IRA D. TRAVIS, PH. M.
The first Englishmen to secure a foothold in Central
America were the freebooters of that nationality. They,
together with the lawless elements of other European
countries, infested the Caribbean Sea during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. These lawless adventurers
represented nearly all nationalities, but by far the most
numerous class was the British*, who seem to have been
the most skillful and successful in the work of blood and
plunder. Usually they made common cause against the
power of Spain. In times of war they were looked upon
as alliesf by the diflerent powers of Europe, and in times
of peace they met with no obstacle from their rulers more
formidable than a formal disavowal of their piratical acts.
Indeed, the injuries thus inflicted on Spain were a source
of ill-disguised satisfaction to the nations jealous of the
wealth and power she derived from her extensive posses¬
sions in the New Worldj;. Moreover, her entire course
of action concerning her newly acquired possessions
tended to arouse the resentment of other nations, espe¬
cially maritime powers. In harmony with the universally
accepted theory of national polity of the time, she sought
* Gospel in Central America by Frederick Crowe, pp. 183, 183.
f History of Central America by H. H. Bancroft, II, 454. His¬
tory of the Buccaneers of America by Capt. James Burney, p. 58.
t Burney's History of Buccaneers, p. 60. Bancroft's History of
Central America, II, 454.
2 MIGHiaAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
to maiiitnin the most rigid monopoly of the resources of
her American possessions, jealously excluding all nations
from any trade or intercourse with them*. Under such
circumstances it was inevitable that a region favored with
resources far beyond those of the Old World and withal
so admirably adapted to the needs of successful freeboot-
ing should become the favoidte haunt of piratesf- More¬
over the spirit of chivalry and romantic adventure domi¬
nated the public mind to the exclusion of the less exciting
enterprises of business. Such was the condition of things
when the other maritime powers of Europe became rivals
of Spain in the New World.
Impelled by the spirit of the time and the hope of
gain, thousands flocked to the Indies and the Spanish
Main in quest of glory and wealth. Having reached the
scene of their future exploits, they chose their leaders
and established themselves in places which could be easily
defended. Once securely located in positions favorable
to the prosecution of their lawless enterprises, they
pounced upon the Spanish galleons or organized expedi¬
tions against their towns and settlements on the conti¬
nent, as occasion might dictate. In these raids they were
generally supported by the natives and runaway slaves,
who furnished them guides and a considerable portion of
the necessary forces^. These allies readily embraced the
opportunity thus afforded of avenging the cruelties they
had suffered at the hands of their Spanish oppressors, and
were, in turn, rewarded by the support of the pirates
against their enemies. Many of the permanent stations
*Cong. Globe, Vol. 34, p. 76, first session 34th Cong.
f Central America by E. G. Squier, pp. 631, 632. Narrative and
Critical History of America by Justin Winsor, Vol. VIII, p. 232-3.
Î Narrative of a Residence on the Mosquito Shore by Thomas
Young, p. 35.
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 3
of the buccaneers were on the mainland and within the
territory held by tribes friendly to them and bitterly
hostile to Spain. These tribes not only supplied them
with food and other necessaries, but formed an indis¬
pensable auxiliary in the execution of their bloody work by
which the power and prestige of Spain was broken and
the way prepared for a more peaceable and humane
development of this country blessed with unrivaled nat¬
ural resources. Among the most notable of these piratical
stations were those located on the Eastern coast of the
present states of Nicaragua and Honduras. Of these
Bluefields*,—so named from an old pirate chief who
located there with his band,—and Cape Gracias a Dios
are of especial interest in this connection. Both of them
lie within the territory of the Mosquito Indians. The
intimate and friendly relations thus established between
the Indians and freebooters endured for more than two
centuries. They afforded a constant source of annoyance
to Spain and her Central American colonies down to the
beginning of the present century. Moreover the connec¬
tion gave rise to influences which have been of very great
interest both politically and historically from the middle
of the seventeenth century down to the present time.
These intimate relations were the source of irritating con¬
troversies between England and Spain and on several
occasions they played an important part in producing war
between themf. At a later time they were the chief
cause of most of the bitter feeling and disputes between
Great Britain and the states of Central America, and are
more or less remotely connected with the recent unfor-
*Squler's Central America, p. 632.
fSquier's Central America, p. 638. Congressional Globe, Vol.
34, p. 76, First Session of 34th Congress.
4 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
túnate relations between England and Nicaragua. Finally
they have been an important element in a series of inter¬
national complications in which the United States has
been deeply interested for more than fifty years, of which
the end is not yet.
Frior to the conquest of Jamaica, by the English, in
1655, the freebooters had carried on their nefarious busi¬
ness independently of any government, but with that
conquest a new era of buccaneering was inaugurated.
From that time, for many years, the government of
England not only connived at the lawless attacks upon
Spanish commerce and towns, but through the governors
of Jamaica became directly responsible for much of the
injury done to Spanish commerce by the pirates. Fre¬
quently the governors furnished the most powerful aid to
their expeditions and shared the profits*. Spain fre¬
quently complained of this, but to little purpose. Occa¬
sionally the complaints against some one governor became
too vehement to be disregarded. Then the obnoxious
governor would be removed to some other position of
equal profit and honorf. On some occasions the governor
thus accused would be rewarded with knighthood upon
his return to England. The new governors sent out were
generally not slow to profit by the examples of their pre¬
decessors. They did not confine their efiforts to the
encouragement of attacks upon Spanish commerce, but
lent their support to raids for the sack and pillage of
towns located at considerable distances from the coast.
For a long period the only question that commanded
much attention was the probability of success or failure
•Bancroft's History of Central America, II, p. 599. Squier's
Central America, p. 633.
t Squier's Central America, p. 634.
BBITISR BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 5
from the standpoint of booty. But this state of affairs
after lasting many years began to pass away slowly as
the wealth of Spain gradually failed and her power
decayed. The former jealousy of her became less intense,
and the struggles between her and the other powers of
Europe occurred less frequently. With the departure of
such feelings came a better condition of things. Wars
were less common, and though they were by no means
unknown, yet they were conducted on more humane
principles and the rights of peaceful commerce received
more consideration at the hands of the belligerents*.
Under those circumstances it was no longer possible
for the governors of Jamaica to openly abet the piratical
raids of these outlaws. Indeed, it became necessary for
the latter to change their occupation so far, at least, as
outward appearances were concernedf. But it must not
be supposed that they were suddenly transformed from
blood-thirsty pirates into peaceable and law-abiding per¬
sons intent upon securing a livelihood by honorable
means. On the contrary, they frequently left the peaceful
pursuits of the trader and wood-cutter, which they adopted
on the decline of piracy, to indulge in the excitement of
a plundering expedition^:. The industrious Spaniard who
had collected a fine stock of logwood, or other valuables,
often found himself deprived of it by the sudden onset of
the English wood-cutters from some of the settlements
along the coast. The truth is that these settlers passed
through various stages of evolutionary development, from
that of the outlaw, pure and simple, to that of the more
or less civilized and peaceable frontiersman, who in a
*Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, VIII, p. 240.
f Squier's Central America, p. 576.
1: Bancroft's History of Central America, II, p. 623.
6 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIJENCH ASSOCIATION.
rough, crude way regarded the rights of others. But for
many years the pirate was but half buried in the denizen
of the woodcutting settlement, and it took but little to
call forth the redhanded outlaw as the uneventful routine
of a life of toil became oppressively monotonous. Yet
in the course of a long period of time the transformation
became comparatively complete, and the freebooter gave
place to the more quiet, if not altogether respectable citi¬
zen, who was to be instrumental in introducing a better
state of things in that much afflicted region. One stage
in this evolutionary process was that of contraband trade*
within the dominion of Spain. As we have already seen,
the policy of the Spanish Crown was to establish an
exclusive monopoly of trade with her American colonies.
To this policy she adhered with more or less consistency
to the last. Consequently when the freebooter undertook
trade or any similar occupation in her American posses¬
sions, he had to do so in defiance of her lawf. Although
he could do this successfully, it was attended with so
many difflculties and dangers that he wished to avoid it
when possible. Not only was this true of the individual,
but the same may be said of the Government to which he
owed allegiance. To avoid these difflculties as far as
possible, several expedients were resorted to, especially
by the British Government.
One of these was to take some tribe, within the Span¬
ish territory, under the protection of Great Britain. ■ In
the territory of the tribe thus allied to England, her sub¬
jects could continue the settlement and carry on an
extensive trade in the name of the chief or king who had
*Cong. Globe, Vol. 34, p. 76, first Sess., 34th Cong. House Ex.
Doc. No. 75, p. 306, first Sess., 31st Congress.
f House Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 306, first Sess. 31st Congress.
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEB1ÜA. 7
availed himself of the protection of the British Crown.
When once this relation was established there was no
redress for Spain but by force of arms. To this means
she sometimes resorted when she had failed to secure an
acknowledgment of her claims through diplomatic remon¬
strance. Such was the course pursued in the case of the
Mosquito Indians, that has attracted so much attention in
our country during the last half century. Soon after the
conquest of Jamaica the king of the Mosquitos was in¬
duced to place himself under the protection of the British
Crown.* He acknowledged the suzerainty of Great
Britain, and was commissioned kingf by the governor of
Jamaica. British officers were sent to Blueflelds, the
capital of the Mosquito Coast, to look after the interests
of the British and give counsel to the Indian Govern¬
ment, or, in other words, to rule, in the name of the
Mosquito king, for the benefit of England. By this means
the infiuence of England was greatly extended in this
region. A thriving trade was carried on with the interior.
The capture of natives for the Jamaica market and the
return of fugitive slaves was the most important business
of the Mosquitos and a large portion of the whites. Thus
a state of ill-feeling was fostered between the Spanish
and native tribes of the interior on the one hand and the
English settlers and the Mosquitos on the other.
Spain remonstrated vigorously against this procedure,
but to little purpose:];. England sometimes promised to
remedy the evils complained of, but under one pretext or
another managed to postpone the fulfillment of her prom¬
ise. More frequently she denied the right of Spain to
* House Ex. Doc. Ko' 45, p. 308, Ist Session, 31st Congress,
t Senate Ex. Doc. No. 190, 1st Session, 47th Congress.
} International Law Digest by Francis Wharton, Vol. Ill, p. 24.
8 memo AN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
any dominion on the coast on the ground that the Mos¬
quitos constituted an independent nation which had never
been subject to the Crown of Spain*. But Spain always
insisted that the Mosquito Coast was a part of her lawful
possessions within Central America. Thus the dispute
continued until it constituted one of the causes of war
between England and Spain about the middle of the
eighteenth centuryf. By the terms of the treaty of 1763j;
it was stipulated that Great Britain should withdraw her
settlements from the Mosquito Coast, demolish her forti¬
fications and abandon her protectorate over it. Yet, not¬
withstanding this solemn treaty engagement, England
found means of evading the execution of it, and her rela¬
tions with the Indians remained practically unchanged
for many years. This violation of her treaty obligations
was an important element in inducing Spain to take up
arms against England during the American Revolution.
The Mosquito question was made the subject of treaty
stipulations in the Convention of 1783§, in which the
provisions of 1763 were renewed and enlarged so as to
make the requirements still more stringent than formerly.
But even this was evaded through the instrumentality of
a "prudential interpretation " U of it, to use the words of
Fox.
This course of conduct on the part of England gave
rise to fresh complications which were settled by a sup¬
plementary treaty in 1786, in which England was placed
♦Senate Ex. Doc. No. 37, p. 73, second Session, 32d Cong. House
Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 388, first Session, 31st Cong.
f The Seven Years' War.
Î Art. XVII., Definitive Treaty of Peace, signed at Paris, Feb.
18, 1763.
§ Definitive Treaty of Peace, signed at Versailles Sept. 3, 1783.
I House Ex. Doc., Vol. I, pt. I, p. 58, first Session of 34th Con¬
gress.
BRITISH RULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 9
under the strongest obligations to abandon all of the
territory of Central America and the "islands adjacent
thereto without exception," save a small tract of country
in the northern part of what is now British Honduras, in
which her subjects were to he entitled to cut logwood and
mahogany. But even there they were forbidden to
establish any plantations, or do anything derogatory to
the sovereign rights of Spain. This provision of the
treaty was reluctantly carried out by Great Britain so far
as the settlement and fortifications were concerned. Yet,
notwithstanding the formal withdrawal from the Mosquito
Coast, she continued to maintain very intimate relations*
with the Indians, much to the detriment of Spanish inter¬
ests in that section of the country. This Spain was
powerless to prevent, owing to the part she bore in the
French Kevolution and the Napoleonic warsf during the
next quarter of a century. The opportunity thus afforded
by the distracted state of Spain was eagerly seized by
Great Britain for the further extension of her infiuence
in that quarter of the globe. Moreover the decade fol¬
lowing the close of the Napoleonic wars was even more
favorable to the acquisition of territorial possessions at
the expense of the Spanish Crown. Her revolted colonies
occupied her attention to the exclusion of other and less
important matters, so the encroachments of Great Britain
went steadily on, without serious resistance, to the close
of the first quarter of the present century. By this time
the British had secured a firmer, though less conspicuous
foothold upon Central America than ever before.
Such was the condition of things at the time the Cen-
* House Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 307, first Session 31st Cong. Crowe's
Gospel in Central America, p. 207.
f Congressional Globe, Vol. 26, p. 247, second Session, 32d Cong.
10 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
tral American states secured their independence and set
up a republican government for themselves. During the
existence of that republic English interference was less
active and influential in the affairs of that country than it
was during the Spanish rule. But with the dissolution of
the republic a new series of encroachments was inaugu¬
rated which were even more arrogant and offensive than
those of any former period. No doubt that was in a large
part due to the distracted and divided condition of the
states themselves, which were then, as they have since
continued to be, the victims of revolutionary and factional
strife. But a more important factor in causing this
renewed and intensified application of the old policy is to
be found in the bitter jealousy England entertained toward
the United States,* on account of her growing power and
influence. She feared that the United States was seeking
territorial dominion in that quarter, which would be
destructive of English political interests not only in Cen¬
tral America, hut on the Pacific coast as well. That such
fears were entertained by the English is plainly shown
by the whole course of British diplomacy in Central
America, and is corroboratedf by the assertions of her
statesmen. That it was a fundamental principle of the
English foreign policy of the time, to check the expan¬
sion of the American political and commercial systems is
plainly shown by the course pursued during the decade
embracing the period of the Mexican war. No sooner
had it become evident that the Mexican war could only
result in the acquisition of large tracts of land by the
* Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. 143, p. 1511; Vol. 140,
p. 468. Cong. Globe Appendix, second Sess., 33d Cong., Vol. 37, pp.
91 and 93. Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 37, p. 31, second Sess., 33d Cong,
f Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. 140, p. 468,
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBIC A. 11
United States, than the British government set up various
claims to portions of Central America, and seized others
for the alleged purpose of enforcing the payment of debts
due her subjects*. Some of those claims were justified
on the ground of former seizures made by British officials
whose acts had been formerly disallowed by the Crown.
The significant fact in all these proceedings is that
the claims and seizures of the British gave them control
of practically all the eastern coast of the Central Ameri¬
can isthmus, and the most important portions of the
western coast as well. Her protectorate of the Mosquito
Coast was openly proclaimed, and the port of San Juan
de Nicaragua (Greytown) was seized by force only six
days after the signing of the preliminary articles of peace
between the United States and Mexico, in 1848f. This
high-handed act was justified on the ground that the port
and river of San Juan were within the territory of the
Mosquitos, over which the Republic of Nicaragua had no
right to exercise any dominion:|;. By the seizure of the
port of San Juan and the extension of the Mosquito pro¬
tectorate England gained dominion over nearly one-third
of the territory of Central America§, and full control of
the route for inter-oceanic communication by the way of
the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua!. Thus she
became master of the only route considered feasible for
a ship canal between the two oceans. But not content
with that, the following year she seized Tiger Island,
*Cong. Record, Vol. 22, p. 2971. Cong. Globe Appendix, first
Session, 34th Cong., p. 303.
fCong. Globe Appendix, first Sess., 34th Cong., p. 806. Cong.
Record, Vol. 22, p. 2971.
Í House Ex. Doc. No. 75, first Sess., 31st Cong., pp. 305 and 306.
§ House Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 93, first Sess., 31st Cong.
II Cong. Globe, first Sess., 34th Cong., p. 1422.
12 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
which commanded the entrance to the Gulf of Fonseca,
thereby securing control of the jnost important ports, on
the Pacific coast, belonging to three of the states*. Thus
she was in a position to dictate terms not only to Central
America, but to any power which should attempt the
construction of any inter-oceanic communication by way
of the Isthmus. This state of afifairs was reached almost
simultaneously with the territorial expansion of the United
States, which for the first time gave her a vital interest
in any means of inter-oceanic communication through
Central America. It is very difficult to over-estimate the
importance attached, at that time, to a more direct means
of communication between the Eastern and Western por¬
tions of the country than by way of Cape Horn. The
generally accepted opinion was that our ability to maintain
the integrity of our national domain and secure the legit¬
imate advantages of our newly acquired possessions
depended upon water communication across the Isthmusf.
That such should have been the common belief of the
people of that generation may seem strange to us in these
days of trans-continental railroads and telegraph lines.
But we must remember that to the people of that period
it was a grave question whether a railroad could be con¬
structed across the Kocky Mountains and the barren
plains lying between the mountains and the Mississippi
River. Moreover the construction was by no means the
only difficulty in the way of railroad communication.
Many believed that, if it were possible to build it, a rail¬
road could not be successfully operated over such a vast,
barren tract—"The Great American Desert"—lying
* House Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 219, first Sess., 31st Cong. Senate
Ex. Doc. No. 43, p. 3, second Sess., 31st Cong.
fCong. Globe Appendix, p. 438, first Sess., 34th Cong,
BRITISH tííJLE IN CENTRAL AMERICA 18
beyond the Mississippi River.* However absurd such a
notion seems when viewed in the light of present achieve¬
ments, it should be remembered that it was very real to
the minds of the American people in the latter part of
the fifth decade of the present century. So real, in fact,
was this great barrier to direct communication across our
western country, that Congress as late as 1853 appropri¬
ated money for the purchase of camels to be used by the
army, as a means of transportation across this desert
region, f
In view of the then existing circumstances it is not
strange that the United States government early turned
its attention to securing the construction of a ship-canal
across the Isthmus as the only means of maintaining the
national unity and promoting its commercial welfare.
Not only did the government take a deep interest in the
matter, but also the American people. As early as 1849
the American Chargé d' Affaires of Central America,
acting upon the well-known wishes of the people at large,
but contrary to the instructions of the United States gov¬
ernment, negotiated a treaty securing to the United States
and her citizens the exclusive right to construct and con¬
trol any means of transportation, from ocean to ocean,
byway of Nicaragua.:}; Notwithstanding the favorable
character of the concessions, the treaty was not acceptable
to our government, owing to the onerous duties im¬
posed upon the United States, the most important of
which was the maintenance of the sovereignty of Nic-
caragua and the defense of her territory in case of attack. §
Owing to these unfortunate provisions the treaty was
* North American Review, Vol. 82, p. 285.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 62, p. 1, Vol. 8, third Sess., 34th Cong
f Senate Ex. Doc. No. 194, p. 41, first Sess., 47th Cong.
§ American Diplomacy by Freeman Snow, p. 830.
14 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
never submitted to the Senate for ratification. The nego¬
tiator, Mr. Hise, was recalled and his successor, Mr.
Squier, acting under instructions from the State depart¬
ment, negotiated a new treaty. This treaty secured all
the substantial advantages of the former without its objec¬
tionable features. Under it the United States undertook
to guarantee the neutrality of the canal or other means of
transportation, while the exclusive right of construction
and operation was granted to its citizens.*
But the carrying out of this treaty was sure to bring
the government into collision with Great Britain so long
as the existing relations continued between her and the
Central American States. If peaceable relations were to
be maintained between England and the United States,
the former must be induced to withdraw from the Mos¬
quito Coast, or the latter must relinquish the construction
of the canal under the provisions of the above mentioned
treaty. But the attempt to induce Great Britain to
renounce her protectorate of the Mosquitos and acknowl¬
edge the sovereignty of Nicaragua revealed her unalter¬
able determination to retain her hold upon that region.f
The other alternative could not be entertained for a
moment by the United States, since it involved either
British control of the canal, or the abandonment of the
enterprise. Either of these would be destructive to
American interest and humiliating, beyond endurance, to
the national honor.
Although declining to withdraw her claims upon the
Mosquito Coast, England signified her willingness to have
* This treaty was never ratified in consequence of the negotiation
of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.
f'House Ex. Doc. No. 75, p. 335, first Sess., 31st Cong. Whar¬
ton's Digest of Inter. Law, Vol. II, p. 184.
BRITISH RULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA. I5
the canal constructed on terms equally favorable to the
commerce of all nations.* In order to avoid the diffi¬
culty, already mentioned, and at the same time accom¬
plish the work so vitally connected with our national
prosperity, the United States Government determined to
avail itself of the only opportunity of securing, by peace¬
able means, the construction. Thé importance attached
to trans-isthmian communication rendered inevitable a
conñict between Great Britain in case the matter could
not be adjusted by diplomacy.f There was also a feeling
of bitter hostility against England, among the people at
large, on account of her arrogant encroachments in Cen¬
tral America, which were popularly attributed to her
intense jealousy of American commercial and political
influence on this side of the Atlantic. In fact, so strong
was the feeling against England, at that time, that a war
with her would have been very popular. But the gov¬
ernment was very anxious to avoid a contest of that
character if it could be prevented without national dis¬
honor, j: Accordingly in the face of these difficulties the
administration of President Taylor determined to open
negotiations with the British Government looking to the
construction of a commercial highway across the Isthmus
of Central America, under the joint guarantee of Eng¬
land and the United States. § This method of procedure
having been determined upon, the American minister at
London was instructed to invite the British Government
to join with the United States in guaranteeing the neu-
*Cong. Globe Appendix, Vol. 4, p. 76, 1st Sess. of 34th Cong.
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 27, 2nd Sess. 32nd Cong.
t House Report, Vol. 4, p. 2, No. 1121. SenateEx. Doc. No. 27.
p. 13, 2nd Sess., 32nd Cong.
X Senate Ex. Doc. No. 27, pp. 31 and 34, 2d Sess. 32d Cong.
§ House Reports, Vol. 4, No. 1121.
16 MICHIGAN POLIIICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
trality of any means of transportation that might be
constructed across the Isthmus. To this proposition
Great Britain readily consented and appointed a minister
to proceed to the United States and conduct the negotia¬
tions for her on the proposed basis. The result of these
negotiations was the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, signed April
19, 1850, and ratified July 4th of the same year.* The
most important provisions of the treaty are found in
Article I, in which it is declared that "Neither the one
nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself any
exclusive control over the said ship canal, agreeing that
neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications com¬
manding the same or in the vicinity thereof, or occupy,
or fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any domin¬
ion over Nicaragua, Costa Kica, the Mosquito Coast, or
any part of Central America; nor will either make use
of any protection which either afibrds or may afford * * *
for the purpose of erecting or maintaining any such
fortifications, or of occupying or fortifying or colonizing
Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any por¬
tion of Central America."
Hardly had the ratifications been exchanged when a
difference of opinion arose as to the construction of the
above mentioned article, and as time passed it became
evident that it would he impossible for the two countries
to agree as to its true meaning, since their interpretations
were diametrically opposed. One of the disputed ques¬
tions which arose was that relating to the Mosquito pro¬
tectorate. The United States held that England must,
according to the terms of the treaty, abandon it abso¬
lutely. England, on the other hand, claimed that she
was not bound to change her relations with the Mosqui-
*U. 8. Statutes at Large, Vol. 9, p. 995.
BRITISH RULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
17
tos in the least, since the treaty was merely " prospective
in effect," and left her all the possessions she had at the
time the treaty was negotiated. Holding to that inter¬
pretation she refused to abandon the protectorate. The
United States as stoutly maintained her position, and
insisted that according to the letter and spirit of the
treaty Great Britain should relinquish the protectorate
and withdraw from all parts of Central America. Thus
a spirited controversy was kept up, almost without inter¬
ruption, for the next ten years. During that period
various expedients were proposed, in turn, by the con¬
tracting parties for the adjustment of the difficulty. But
these proposals were either rejected or failed of their
purpose when adopted. Both arbitration and abrogation
by mutual consent, were offered and declined by each in
turn.* The final effort at direct settlement was made in
1856, when direct negotiations were undertaken, in the hope
of reaching a satisfactory adjustment of the controversy
by embodying in a supplementary convention provisions,
concerning disputed points of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty,
acceptable to both parties. The attempt resulted in what
is known as the Dallas-Clarendon treaty, signed at Lon¬
don October 17, 1856. This the Senate ratified with
numerous amendments which were accepted by the Brit¬
ish Government with a single exception, on which all
attempts to reach an agreement proved futile, and the
exchange of ratifications failed in 1857. The relations
of the two powers were thus left in a more critical con¬
dition than ever before.
All methods of direct adjustment having been ex¬
hausted, the British ministry decided to resort to the
* British Blue Book on Central American Affairs for 1860, pp,
83, 85, 86, 87, and 96.
2
18 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
expedient of indirect adjustment. The plan adopted was
to negotiate a series of treaties with the Central Amer¬
ican States themselves, which were affected by the dis¬
puted construction of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. By
this means it was proposed to settle in detail what they
had failed to adjust by a single act. Moreover it was
the purpose of the British Government to frame these
treaties in such a way as to accord with the general tenor
of the American interpretation of the Clayton-Bulwer
treaty.* To that end a special envoy was to be appointed
to Central America for the purpose of conducting the
negotiations. The plan of the British government was
communicated to the government at Washington and
received its approval. Accordingly, in October, 1857,
Sir W. G. Ouseley was appointed to represent the British
government in the negotiations in Central America. His
instructions directed him to proceed to Washington and
confer freely with the United States government in
regard to the disputed questions, and endeavor to ascer¬
tain its views concerning Central American difficulties.
After spending considerable time at Washington f he
proceeded to Central America, where, in the course of
the next three years, a series of treaties were negotiated,
by him and his successor, which were finally accepted by
the United States as a satisfactory disposition of the con¬
troverted points, j; Future developments, however, would
seem to indicate that the acceptance of those treaties as
satisfactory was based on an incomplete knowledge of
their real significance. §
•British Blue Book on Central American Affairs for 1800, p. H.O.
f British Blue Book on Central American Affairs for 1800, p. 151.
t Buchanan's Annual Message, Dec. 3rd, 1800.
§ Wharton's Digest of International Law, Vol. II, p. 241.
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 19
Among the most important of those conventions was
that of Managua, signed Jan. 28, 1860, for the purpose
of disposing of the Mosquito Question in a satisfactory
manner. It provided for the acknowledgment of Nica-
raguan sovereignty over all that portion of the Mosquito
territory lying within her boundaries, but set apart for
the Indians a portion of that country as a reservation.
Within the reservation they were to have the right of
governing themselves according to their tribal customs,
but subject to the sovereignty of Nicaragua. They were
debarred from ever alienating their reservation to any
foreign power, but could, whenever they desired, seek
incorporation in Nicaragua upon equal footing with other
citizens. On the other hand, the Republic was to pay
them 15,000 per annum, for ten years, in consideration
of the surrender of Greytown and large tracts of territory
they had claimed. The Mosquitos were permitted to
retain their flag, but must acknowledge the sovereignty
of the Republic. A commissioner was authorized to visit
the reservation for the purpose of protecting the sovereign
rights of the Republic. Great Britain engaged formally
to withdraw her protectorate within three months after
the acceptance of the treaty. Yet from the very nature
of the case it was difficult, if not impossible, for her to
do so without loss of honor.* For years she had main¬
tained relations of the most intimate character with the
Mosquitos under the guise of a protectorate. During that
time she had assumed the role of defender against the
pretensions of Spain and later of the Central American
States. As a consequence of the relations she had sus¬
tained to them, many of her citizens had settled there
and become possessed of vested interests, which could
*Cong. Globo Appendix, p. 256, third Sess., 32d Cong.
20 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
not be surrendered -without heavy loss. Moreover, so far
-were the Indians from possessing any adequate govern¬
ment that, as Lord John Russell said of them, "They
simply furnished a name under which foreigners set up a
government of their own according to the usages of civ¬
ilized nations, and hy means of which they carried on a
prosperous business.* Under such circumstances it is
not strange that the British protectorate, though formally
abandoned, was in reality maintained in all its former
vigor. England, being a party to the treaty, had the
right to insist upon its fulfillment hy Nicaragua, and was
not slow to take advantage of the inevitable controversies
which arose between the Mosquitos and Nicaraguans con¬
cerning their respective rights. The occasions for inter¬
ference became more and more frequent as time passed.
The government of the Reserve, having fallen under
the complete control of the foreign elements, gradually
came to be conducted in accordance with civilized cus¬
toms, f At the same time it was managed in the interests
of the commercial and business portions of the commun¬
ity, to the neglect of the natives. A government of that
character, possessing the support of the British nation,
and having but little respect for such a power as Nica¬
ragua, was not slow to set up claims incompatible with the
interests and self-respect of that Republic. Especially
was that apt to be the case when such encroachments
redounded to the business and commercial interests of the
community and were warmly supported by England.
When Nicaragua protested against these violations of
•House Ex. Doc., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 58, first Sess., 34th Congress.
Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 30, p. 137, third Sess., 53d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 142, third Sess., 53d Cong. Sen. Ex.
Doc. No. 20, p. 127, third Sess., 53d Cong.
BRITISH RULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 21
her sovereign rights by the Mosquito government, the
cause of the latter was usually espoused by England.
This condition of things gave rise to many disputes
between the two powers, which gradually came to assume
a more serious character. Finally, in 1880, the British
government induced Nicaragua to submit the questions
in dispute to the arbitration of the Emperor of Austria.*
This was done without the knowledge or consent of the
United States government, which claimed the right to a
voice in any adjustment of such a controversy on the
ground that it might easily result in the practical trans¬
ference of the sovereignty of the Mosquito territory from
Nicaragua to Great Britain. Such a transfer of dominion
would not only be incompatible with the Monroe Doctrine
and our national interests, but a direct violation of the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Consequently, when the fact of
submission was learned, the United States refused to be
bound by it. As a matter of fact, the decision was most
unfortunate for Nicaragua, since it denied her the right
of full sovereignty over the Mosquito reservation and
confirmed and emphasized the right of Great Britain to
interfere in behalf of her former allies. The foreigners
were not slow to take advantage of this circumstance to
promote their own interests, which resulted in making the
Reservation more obnoxious to Nicaragua than ever
before. Indeed, it was little short of a formal renewal
of the English protectorate, which was exercised with
renewed vigor. The natural consequence of this was to
give rise to new complications more annoying than the
preceding. The Mosquito government at once began
fresh encroachments upon the rights of Nicaragua, while
*8en. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 95, third Sess., 53d Cong. Sen. Ex.
Doc. No. 20, p. 76, third Sess., 53d Cong.
3
22 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
at the same time it ignored the interests of the Indians.
In pursuance of this course they relied upon the support
of Great Britain, and soon came to assume a position of
practical independence of Nicaragua.* At the same time
it is to be remembered that the government was largely
in the hands of the business and commercial elements of
the Reservation, which conducted it wholly for their
special benefit. Under the fostering care of such a rule
it is not strange that the business of the colony rapidly
increased. Large amounts of American and British cap¬
ital sought investment there, and a thriving commerce
sprang up between the Mosquito Coast and foreign
nations,—but chiefly with the United States, f
Thus the so-called Mosquito rule continued for a con¬
siderable period to be conducive to the commercial pros¬
perity of the settlement, but it gradually passed into the
hands of a few irresponsible men who managed the affairs
of the Reserve in their own interests, to the exclusion of
all others. They not only kept the principal positions
in their own hands, but also filled the minor offices with
persons of their own choosing. This course soon pro¬
duced the alienation of the respectable portions of the
foreign element, and placed them on the side of the
natives in opposition to the existing rule. Thus the way
was prepared for a "conservative revolution." In spite
of these unfavorable conditions the district under foreign
rule continued to enjoy a degree of freedom and prosper¬
ity unknown to other parts of Nicaragua, if not of Central
America. I In fact so great was the contrast between it
and other parts of the country, that it aroused both the
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 14, third Sess., 53d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 87, third Sess., 53d Cong.
J Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 70, third Sess., 53d Cong.
BBITISH BULE IN OENTBAL AMEBIGA.
23
people and the government of the republic to the keenest
jealousy. While such a state of things continued, Nica¬
ragua was sure to be on the alert for an opportunity to
extend her authority over the Mosquito district and bring
it completely under her rule. To that end she was im¬
pelled by avarice, as well as national pride. The revenue
of this thriving settlement would be most acceptable to
her depleted treasury, while the complete incorporation
of the territory would gratify a long cherished ambiti|On.
With this object in view, the President of Nicaragua
appointed General Lacayo commissioner to the Mosquito
Reservation in November, 1893.* Such appointment was
in accord with the treaty of 1860. General Lacayo was
instructed to assert the sovereignty of Nicaragua over
this territory, and also to take such steps as would bring
about its complete incorporation into Nicaragua. More¬
over, he was to extend the laws and language of the
Republic over the Mosquito territory. If possible this
was to be accomplished by diplomatic methods. On his
arrival at the Reserve, General Lacayo immediately
opened negotiations with the chief and his ofiBcials with
a view to securing their adhesion to the cause of Nica¬
ragua. All his efforts in that direction proved unavail¬
ing,f nothwithstanding the fact that the Indians were
considerably dissatisfied with the government carried on
in their name, but from which they were practically ex¬
cluded.
Soon after this, viz : in December, 1893, war broke
out between Nicaragua and Honduras, and the following
month the troops of the latter invaded the territory of
*Sen. Ex. Doo. No. 20, p. 13, third Sess., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 84, third Sesa., 53d Cong.
24 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
Nicaragua and occupied Cape Gracias a Dios,* lying
about sixty miles north of the Reservation, on the Carib¬
bean Sea. Nicaragua, professing fear of an invasion of
the Reserve for the purpose of conquest, seized upon this
as a pretext for the occupation of Bluefields, the capital
of that district. The town was occupied on the night of
February 11, 1894, by a body of Nicaraguan troops.f
On the following day the Mosquito flag was hauled down
and the local olficials displaced by those of the Nicara¬
guan commissioner. To complete the work and make
Nicaraguan rule secure, the town was declared in a state
of siege. A few days later martial law was declared to
the whole of the Mosquito Reservation. Military gov¬
ernors with extraordinary powers were placed over every
town and hamlet throughout the reserve. New taxes
and commercial restrictions were imposed. | The whole
government was conducted by decree of the com¬
mander.
Clarence, the chief of the Indians, protested against
these proceedings as an invasion of his rights and de¬
manded the withdrawal of the troops. § On a former
occasion, when soldiers were temporarily landed there
while en route for the seat of war, he had made a similar
demand, and at the same time intimated that unless his
demand was complied with he would appeal to the British
government. Whether or not his threat was carried out
is uncertain. However that may be, it was not long
after the formal occupation of Bluefields before the
British Consul entered a vigorous protest against the
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 2, third Sess., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 58, third Seas., 53d Cong,
t Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 85, third Seas., 53d Cong.
J Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 2, third Seas., 53d Cong.
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBIC A. 25
Nicaragnan occupation of the Keservation.* He not
only denied the right of the Republic to exercise any
jurisdiction within the Indian reserve, or to interfere in
any way with its internal affairs, but he also demanded
the restoration of the Mosquito flag and the status quo,
pending such arrangements as might be made by the high
contracting parties of 1860. At the same time ships of
war were dispatched to the scene of turmoil by the gov¬
ernments of Great Britain and the United States in
response to the urgent appeals of the foreign residents
there for the protection of life and property. Among
the ships ordered there for that purpose was the ill-fated
Kearsarge of the United States Havy. British ships of
war soon made their appearance on the coast, and late in
February, 1894, landed a force which compelled the
restoration of the Mosquito flag and the raising of martial
law.f An arrangement was also entered into by the
British officers and Nicaraguan authorities, by which all
the troops of the latter were to be withdrawn from the
town of Bluefields, except a detachment sufficient for
police duty.
Not long after this an agreement was made between
the British consular and naval officers and the Commis¬
sioner of Niearagua for the establishment of a provisional
government pending the settlement of the difficulties by
the signatory powers.:!; Americans were invited to par¬
ticipate in this movement, but refused, notwithstanding
the urgent solicitations of the British officers who threat¬
ened, as a last resort, to withdraw their forces and leave
the Americans unprotected, if they persisted in their
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 14, third Bess., 53d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 53, third Bess., 53d Cong.
l:Ben. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 54, third Bess., 53d Cong.
26 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
refusal to co-operate in the undertaking. But all such
eflforts finally failed, the United States officers having
warned the Americans against participation in any enter¬
prise which might be construed as derogatory to the
sovereign rights of Nicaragua. No sooner did the United
States government learn of this proposal to set up a pro¬
visional government by the joint action of the British
and Nicaraguan officials, than it entered a very vigorous
protest against any such action on the ground of its being a
violation of the sovereign rights of Nicaragua, as well as
contrary to the stipulations of the treaty of Managua.*
The firm stand thus taken by our government against such
foreign intervention was the chief cause of its failure.
Shortly after this the British marines were withdrawn
and the Keservation was left in the hands of the Nica¬
raguan authorities. But owing to the arbitrary character
of the rule it soon became very unpopular with the peo¬
ple generally, f This dissatisfaction steadily increased as
the days passed and found expression in various ways.
Finally, in the latter part of March, 1894, a formal ex¬
pression of dissatisfaction was given by means of a mass-
meeting at which all nationalities were well represented.
The avowed purpose of the meeting was to secure the
restoration of the so-called Mosquito rule, and resolutions
were passed requesting Chief Clarence to resume the
government of the Reservation. While the resolutions
expressed the almost universal wish of the people, they
failed to obtain the sanction of either the American or
British governments, both of which had warned their
subjects against any course in opposition to the ruling
authorities there. Yet, notwithstanding this disavowal,
•Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, pp. 3 and 136, third Sess., 58d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 136, third Sess., 53d Cong.
BEITISH BULE IN GENTE AL AMEBIC A. 27
things continued in a critical condition. This was due to
the hostility of the populace to the government* and the
intense suspicion the authorities entertained toward the for¬
eigners who resided there. The weight of this suspicion
fell upon the Americans, who constituted the intelligent
and enterprising portion of the community.f This state
of affairs continued until early in the month of July, when
matters came to a crisis at Bluefields.
On July 5th a dispute arose between some policemen^
and a government official concerning the pay of the
former, which speedily took the form of an altercation
in which physical force was U8ed.§ The military were
called upon to aid the officials and succeeded in dispers¬
ing the crowd that had collected at the scene of disturb¬
ance. But the turmoil continued till after nightfall, when
the populace armed and began an attack upon the gov¬
ernment house, in which the officials and soldiers were
quartered, whom they closely besieged during the night.
On the following day Chief Clarence issued a bulletin
announcing that he had resumed his rightful authority,
and calling upon all persons to recognize him ruler in the
reserve.! He immediately proceeded to the formation of
a government and made some effort to restore order. A
Council of State was appointed by him, consisting of two
American and twelve British subjects, some of whom
were mulattoes from Jamaica. An American was ap¬
pointed chief of police. On the evening of July 6th, an
attack** was made upon the national troops at the Bluff,
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 147, third Sess., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 71, third Sess., 58d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 133, third Sess., 53d Cong.
§Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 117, third Sess., 53d Cong.
I Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 118, third Sess., 53d Cong.
**Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 140, third Sess., 53d Cong.
28 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
about five miles distant from the town, where the soldiers
were stationed when withdrawn from the town in the
month of March previous. The soldiers located there
were surprised by the attack. Two of their number were
killed and several wounded, while a considerable quantity
of arms fell into the hands of the assailants. In the midst
of these troubles Captain O'Neil, of the United States
Navy, on the request of the Nicaraguan Commissioner
landed a force of marines for the protection of life and
property.* Captain O'Neil immediately set about the
task of preventing further bloodshed. He freely offered
his services in order to bring about an understanding
between the Commissioner and the populace. It is due
chiefiy to his eflorts that an amicable conclusion was
finally reached. The Commissioner consented to with¬
draw the troops and surrender the right of ruling the
Keservation.f Thus further bloodshed was prevented
for the time, and the Mosquitos were left masters of the
situation. Yet it was apparent to the more intelligent of
their own number that they could not hope to hold out
against the force that the government of the Kepublic
was sure to send against them, unless they could get
assistance from other sources. Indeed, there is good
reason to believe that the revolt of July 5th and 6th
would never have been undertaken, had they not expected
Great Britain to come to their assistance. | But in that
they were destined to disappointment. Not only did the
British government fail to come to their support, but the
foreign residents of the reserve, save the Jamaica negroes,
refused to have anything to do with the attack upon the
*8en. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 144, third Sess., 53d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 141, third Sess., 53d Cong,
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 164, third Sess., 53d Cong,
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 29
lawful authorities. Yet in the face of the most positive
evidence that the white foreigners took no part in the
revolt, the Americans were accused by the government
officials of Nicaragua of stirring up the troubles.* This
accusation on the part of Nicaragua had much to do with
bringing about the conditions which led to the subsequent
controversies between the United States and Nicaragua,
which will be referred to later.
The open revolt against the sovereign authority of
Nicaragua aroused the most intense excitement through¬
out the Kepublic. Nor was the determination to put
down all opposition to her authority less manifest, f It
was fully resolved to secure the complete incorporation
of the Reserve by force of arms, if necessary. To that
end a large force was raised and sent to reoccupy the
town of Bluefields. About the middle of August the
occupation was completed without resistance. Chief
Clarence and a large number of the negroes fled to
Jamaica upon the approach of the national forces.
No sooner had the town been fully occupied by the
military than the government of the State set about mak¬
ing an example of those who had taken any part in the
government after the July revolt.;]; For that purpose
movements were immediately inaugurated to bring them
into custody. The weight of the blow fell on those who
had been members of the provisional council appointed
by Ciiief Clarence when he resumed his rule in July. The
method adopted for bringing them into custody was much
more effective than honorable. A messenger was sent
out to invite them to meet the Commissioner at his office
*Son. Ex. Doc. No. 20, pp. 124 and 168, third 8ess., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, pp. 124 and 134, third Sess., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 179, third Sess., 53d Cong.
30 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
at a certain hour, which they readily consented to do, not
suspecting that they were to be made the victims of mis¬
placed confidence.* But no sooner had they reached the
appointed place than they were undeceived, for instead
of finding the Commissioner there, as they had reason to
expect, they found themselves confronted by a file of sol¬
diers, whose commanding officer informed them that they
were prisoners. Against such perfidious action they pro¬
tested and demanded to know the charges on which they
were detained, but this was denied them. Nor were they
more successful in their eflbrts to get a few hours respite
in which to arrange their business matters and consult
with their friends, f Not only were such privileges
refused them, but also an opportunity to make any prep
arations for personal comfort during the jouiney to the
Capital, which they were informed must be begun at
once. A few hours later they were started on the twelve
days' journey to Managua. During that time the pris¬
oners were treated with disrespect and subjected to
unnecessary discomforts. On arriving at Grey town,
while en route for the Capital, they appealed to the dip¬
lomatic and consular officers of their respective govern¬
ments to intervene in their behalf and secure their release
or an impartial trial. This appeal met with a ready
response from these officers, but their efforts in behalf of
the prisoners were unavailing, and they were obliged to
continue their journey to the Capital. When they reached
that place renewed attempts were made by the American
and British Ministers to obtain their release or a fair
trial, but to no purpose. Without even the form of a
trial, they were banished from the country, j: These arbi-
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 30, p. 180, third Sess., 53d ConR.
f Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 30, p. 180, third Sess., 53d Cong.
isen. Ex. Doc. No. 30, p. 181, third Sess., 53d Cong,
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 31
trary acts were not only contrary to the principles of
International Law, but a direct violation of the treaty of
1867 between the United States and Nicaragua. The
company thus banished consisted of two Americans and
several Englishmen. Among the latter was Mr. E. D.
Hatch,* the British proconsul at Bluefields, whose arbi¬
trary arrest and banishment is the chief cause of the
recent unfortunate relations between Great Britain and
Nicaragua. Both the United States and Great Britain at
once entered vigorous protests against the high-handed
course of Nicaragua and demanded reparation. But the
reluctance of Nicaragua to comply with their requests
was so great that the decree of banishment was not raised
from the Americans until three or four months later, f
But in regard to the British subjects generally, the com¬
pliance was even more tardy, and in the case of proconsul
Hatch it amounted to a positive refusal to restore him.
Nor did she change her attitude concerning his case and
consent to the payment of the indemnity of $75,000 de¬
manded by Great Britain till compelled to do so by the
recent seizure of the port of Corinto by a British naval
force.
Let us return to the course of political events at Blue-
fields after the second occupation by the forces of Nica¬
ragua. No sooner had the government passed into their
control than they inaugurated a movement for the incor¬
poration of the Reservation into the Republic upon the
terms provided in the treaty of 1860. t In this eflfort they
received the hearty support of the United States, since it
was in complete accord with the policy adhered to by our
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 173, third Sess., 53d Cong,
tSen. .Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 194, third Sess., 53d Cong.
iSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 194, third Sess., 53d Cong.
32 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
government ever since the acquisition of California gave
us a practical interest in Isthmian control. In order to
carry out that purpose, a convention, composed of the
leading men of the different tribes of that territory, was
assembled. After giving the subject due consideration,
the Indian Kepresentatives on November 20, 1894, de¬
clared for incorporation. *
By the terms of this act the Indians are admitted to
citizenship upon the same footing as other citizens with
some immunities in their favor, f such as exemption from
personal taxes and involuntary military service in time of
peace or war. All Indians of both sexes over eighteen
years of age are to enjoy the right of suffrage. The local
communities are guaranteed the right of local self-gov¬
ernment, since the act of incorporation provides that they
shall be under the control of officers of their respective
localities, and none but Mosquito Indians shall be elected
to fill such offices. The local officers may be removed
by order of the intendant, or on motion of the people.
The act of incorporation further provides that the district
of the Mosquito Reservation shall henceforth be known
as the Department of Zelaya, in honor of the President
under whose administration the incorporation was con¬
summated. Notwithstanding various reports to the con¬
trary, England acknowledged the sovereignty of Nicaragua
over that region and gave the United States Government
the most positive assurance that such was the case.j:
Thus ended the Mosquito Question, that originated
more than two centuries ago in a buccaneering settlement
within the territory of their Indian allies, which, fostered
by the enmity of Great Britain towards Spain, resulted in
*Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 204, third Scss., 53d Cong.
fSen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, pp. 205 and 200, third Sess., 53d Cong.
^Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 20, p. 3, third Sess., 53d Cong,
BRITISH BULE IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 33
the establishment of the English protectorate over the
Mosquito Coast. This became, in turn, the source of
international complications between Great Britain and
the Central American States, involving, for the last fifty
years, the United States also.
34 MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
The more important works and authorities consulted
in the preparation of the foregoing paper are given in
the following list. It has not been deemed advisable to
give specific references for every statement made in the
paper. Yet in the case of the more essential facts one
or more authorities are cited, but in no instance are the
citations to be understood as embracing all the sources
that have been consulted.
American Whig Review, Vols. 11 and 13.
American Diplomacy, by Freeman Snow.
Annual Register, Vols. 28 and 44.
British Honduras, by Capt. Geo. Henderson.
Blackwood's Magazine, Vols. 79 and 81.
British Blue Book, for 1860, on Central American Affairs.
Central America, by E. G. Squier.
Central America, by John Baily, R. M.
Cong. Globe, 2d and 3d sessions of 32d Congress, Vol. 27.
•' " 1st " " 33d " Vol. 28, Pt. I.
" " " " " " " Vol. 29.
" " " " " 34tii " Vol. 34.
Congressional Record, Vol. 22, Pt. III.
Democratic Review, Vols. 25, 40 and 41.
Diplomatic Review, Vol. 3.
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Edinburgh Review, Vol. 104.
Essays on International Law, by T. J. Lawrence.
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Gospel in Central America, by Frederick Crowe.
Guatemala, or the United Provinces of Central America, by
Henry Dunn.
History of the United States, by James Schouler, Vol. V.
BBITISH BULE IN CENTBAL AMEBICA. 35
History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, by
J. P. Rhodes, Vol. I.
Harper's Magazine, Vols. 11, 17 and 18.
History of Central America, by H. H. Bancroft, Vols. I, II and
III.
History of Guatemala, by Don Domingo Jaurros.
Historical Geography of the British Colonies, by C. P. Lucas,
Vols. I and II.
History of the Buccaneers of America, by Capt. James Burney.
History of the Bucaniers of America, by John Esquemeling.
Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Vols. 140, 141, 143, 143 and
145.
Herslet's Commercial and Slave Trade Treaties, Vols. 2, 3, 10
and 11.
House Executive Documents:
No. 75, 1st session 31st Congress.
" 56, 2d " 32d
" 103, 1st " 34th
House Reports:
No. 145, 2d session of 30th Congress.
" 1698, 1st " 47th
" 1121, 1st and 2nd sessions of 46th Congress, Vol. 4.
Incidents of Travel in Central America, by John L. Stephens.
International Law, Lawrence's Wheaton.
Life of James Buchanan, by Geo. T. Curtis.
Life of Daniel Webster, by Geo. T. Curtis.
Le Canale de Panama, by Lucien N. B. Wyse,
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. VIII, by Justin
Winsor.
Narrative.of a Residence on the Mosquito Shore, by Thomas
Young.
Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the East Coast of Cen¬
tral America, by O. W. Roberts.
Nicaragua, by E. G. Squier, Vol. II.
Nicaragua, Past, Present and Future, by Peter P. Stout.
Niles National Register, Vols. 61, 62, 63, 64, 73 and 74.
North American Review, Vol. 82.
Senate Executive Documents:
No. 43, 2d session of 31st Congress.
No; 27, " " 32d
No. 13, 1st " 33d "
No. 44, 2d " 33d "
MICHIGAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.
No. 35, 1st and 2d sessions of 34th Congress.
No. 68, 1st session of 34th Congress.
No. 9, 1st session of 35th Congress.
No. 20, 3d session of 53d Congress.
Spanish America, by R. H. Bonnycastle.
Seven Years' Travel in Central America, by Julius Froebel.
Travels in Central America, by R. G, Dunlop.
The Panama Canal, by J. C. Rodrigues.
Treaties and Conventions of the United States.
Waikna, or the Mosquito Coast, by Samuel A. Bard.
Works of William H. Seward, Vol. 1.
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