NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY EVAN STON ILLINOIS mjjTj CRIMINAL PRISONS OF LONDON. THE CRIMINAL PRISONS Of LONDON AND SCENES OF PRISON LIFE. RY HENRY MAYHENP", AUTHOR GF "LONDON LABOUR AND THE LONDON POOR«'' AND JOHN BINNY, AUTHOR OP "THIEYES AND SWINDLERS," IN "LONDON LABOUR AND THE LONDON POOR.*' ■WITH HTTMEHOXTS ir,X.-U"STE..A.TI02Sr3 JffiOM PHOTOGRAPHS. LONDON; CHARLES GRIFFIN AND COMPANY, 10, STATIONERS' HALL COURT. ADVERTISEMENT. The present volume completes the series of papers on the lower phases of London Life, so ably commenced by Mr. Henry Mayhew. In the first portion of " London Labour and the London Poor/^ the respectable portion bf the world were for the first time made acquainted with the habits and pursuits of many thousands of their feUow-creatures, who daily earn an honest livelihood in the midst of destitution, and exhibit a firmness and heroism in pursuing ''their daily round and common task" worthy of the highest com¬ mendation. Yet these had long been regarded as the dangerous classes, as men and women who were little higher than Hottentots in the scale of civilization ! The publication of Mr. Mayhew's investigations, illustrated by the recitals of the people themselves, for the first time led to a knowledge of the poorer world of London, of which the upper classes knew comparatively nothing. Acquaintance with disease is half way towards its remedy, and the knowledge thus acquired, has led to various amehorations of the hardships undergone by these classes, and to a better understanding between the various ranks of society, although much stiU remains to be done. In the second department of the series " Those who wül not work," Mr. Mayhew and his able assistants have laid bare the really festering sores of London, and have shown which are in reality the dangerous classes, the idle, the profligate, and the criminal ; those who prey upon the health and the property of others, and who, or many of whom, would not be tolerated in any other European capital. Here, however, the extreme jealousy with which the law guards the liberty of the subject when not engaged in any criminal act, so ties up the hands of the executive, that vice is allowed to parade itself with the most brazen effrontery. In the present volume the readers Avill, also for the first time, find a complete account of the Criminal Prisons of London, compiled, like the preceding portions of the work, from actual investigations, mostly made within the walls, or supplied by the ofl&cers connected with them. It is scarcely necessary to point out the great contrast which the prisons of the present day present to those of the past century and the early part of the present. Formerly the only object in view was punish¬ ment, occasionally of the most careless leniency, and at other times of the most vüi CONTENTS. TUE CONVICT PEISONS OP LONDON—(í-oní¿»«eá) ; Thb Hulks at Woolwicu Iü7 The History of the Hulks 198 Convict Labour and Discipline at Wool¬ wich 202 Value of Labour at the Hulks 203 Convict Gratmties 205 Badges, etc 206 A Day on Board the " Defence" Hulk 208 The Turning Out of the Convicts 208 Oflicers' Duties 213 Muster and Breakfast, Diet, etc 214 Debarcation of Prisoners for Work in the Arsenal 216 The Library and School at the Hulks ... 218 The Working Parties in the Arsenal 221 The Convicts' Burial Ghwund 223 The Convicts at Dinner 226 The " Unité" Hospital Ship 228 The "Sulphur" Washing Hulk 229 The " Warrior" Hulk 229 Millbank Peison—Tee Convict Dépôt ... 232 Plan, History, and Discipline of the Prison 235 The Present Use and Regulations of the Prison 240 The Interior of the Prison 244 The Reception Ward 244 The Chain-room 246 The Cells at Millbank 248 The School-room 249 Working in Separate Cells 250 Peculiar Wards 256 Refractory and Dark Cells 258 Guardmg the Prisoners, etc 259 Breakfast, etc 261 Exercising 262 Large Associated Rooms 263 The InfirSiary 264 The General Ward 265 The Prison Garden and Churchyard 266 The Female Convict Prison at Millbank ... 269 THE CORRECTIONAL PRISONS OP LONDON The Middlesex House of Coeeection, CoLDBATH Fields 277 The History and Construction of the Prison 280 The Discipline of Coldbath Fields Prison 284 The Interior of the Prison 289 The Interior of the "Main" Prison and Counting the Prisoners 290 The Prisoners' own Clothes Stores 292 Liberation of Prisoners 293 Arrival of Prisoners 294 Visit of Prisoners' Friends 296 Of " Hard " and " Prison " Labour 299 TheTread-MUl 303 The Tread-Wheel Fan ..; 307 Crank Labour 307 ShotDrUl 308 Oakum Picking 310 The Tailors' and Shoemakers' Room 313 The Printing OlEce and Needle Room ... 315 Mat Room 316 Artisan Prisoners 317 Education and Religious Instruction of the Prisoners 319 Chapel ^20 The Prison Accommodation 322 Cells 322 Dormitories 326 Of the Silent System 328 274 Middlesex House of Coeeection, Cold- Bath Fields {continued) ; Report Office , 336 Of the Different Kinds of Prisons and Pri¬ soners, and the Diet allowed to Each 339 Vagrants' Prison 339 Misdemeanants' Prison 340 Fines 341 Of the Prison Kitchen and Diet 346 The Middlesex House of Coeeection, Tothill Fields 353 Of the Old "Spitals," Sanctuaries, etc. ... 354 The History, Character, and Discipline of the Prison 359 Of the Boy Prisoners at TothiU Fields and Boy Prisoners generally 376 The Interior of Tothill Fields Prison 398 The Boys' Work at Tothill Fields ... 420 The Boy Prisoners' School-room and Library 429 Reception and Discharge of Prisoners ... 431 Of Juvenile Offenders in connection with the increase of crime in this Country ... 439 The Female Prison at Tothill Fields, and Female Prisoners generally 453 The Interior of the Female Prison 468 The School-room, Work-room, etc. ... 470 The Nursery 473 The Female Work-room 475 The Female Prisoners' Clothes Stores 483 CONTENTS. ix THE CORKEOTIONAL PRISONS OP L( Thb süekit House dp Coebbotion, Wands¬ worth 487 The -History and Construction of the Tnaon 489 History of the House of Correction 492 Capacity and Cost 494 Reasons for Building the Chapel on the Separate System 496 Form of Hard Labour Adopted 496 Of the System of Prison Discipline 497 The Interior of the Prison 500 Reception CeUs 505 Prisoners' Old Clothing-room / 506 Reception Store-room 508 Cells 509 Oakum Picking 510 Mat Making 510 Shoe Making 512 Chapel 512 Exercising Gh-ounds 515 The Pump Hotise 514 Mill House 515 Hand Labour Machines 515 School 516 The Bakery 517 The Kitchen 518 Punishment CeUs 518 Store-rooms 519 The Female Prison, Wandsworth 522 The Reception Ward 523 Central HaU 524 Matron's Clerk 525 The Laundry 526 The Teacher 527 Punishment Cells 528 The Storekeeper 528 Visiting the Cells 530 Return of the Terms of Imprisonment at Wandsworth / 531 —{continued) : The City House op Correction, Hollow ay 533 Tlie History and Construction of the Prison 535 The Interior of HoUoway Prison 539 The Outer Gate and Courtyard 539 Office, Cells, etc., of the Reception Ward 541 Discharge of Prisoners 543 Mode of Receiving Prisoners 546 Stores 547 Newly Arrived Prisoners | 549 Main Passage 551 Central HaU 553 CeUs 554 Mat Rooms 555 Schools of the Male Prison 5â^ State of Education 562 Tailors' mid Shoemakers' Room 562 Infirmary 566 Chapel 567 Hearing Reports 569 The Treadwheel 570 Exercising Grounds 571 The Kitchen 572 The Engineers' Department 574 Visiting the Prisouers in their CeUs 575 The JuvenUe Wing of the Prison 578 Ordinary Distribution of a Prisoner's Time 580 The Female House of Correetion, Holloway 580 Reception Ward 580 Laundry 581 The School 582 The Outer Watchman 583 Employment of Prisoners 583 List of the Dietary for Prisoners 584 Average Expenses of HoUoway Prison 586 Return showing the Time and Value of Prisonera' Labour 587 THE DETENTIONAL PRISONS OP LONDON NewoatbJail -, 586 Interior of Newgate Jail 593 The Bread Room 594 Murderers' Busts •... 595 TheEÄtchen 597 Corridor of Male Prison 597 CeUs 598 Visiting ofPrisoners by their Friends 600 The Murderers' Cells 601 Burying Ground of the^urderers 601 586 Newqatb Jail {continued) : Exercising Grounds 602 Old Associated Rooms 603 The Chapel 004 The Female Prison 605 Reception CeUs, Punishment CeUs, &c. 605 The Laundry gjjg The BoUer Room 607 The Sessions House 607 General Statistics of Newgate Jail 610 X CONTENTS. THE CORRECTIONAL PRISONS OF LONDON—(co»í««««íi) : Th« Houbb of Obtention, Cli-jkkbnwei.l 611 Seoaptioii Ward t. . v* .. 611 Central Hall 616 The Chapel ^. 616 The Kitchen , > 617 Visiting tíie Celia 618 Exercising 6roua<)s 620 The Fehialo Friw>n . 621 Beceptíon Ward 621 The lAûndry 621 The Comdor, etc . V. 621 Crsneral Statistics of Glerkcnwell Prison .. 622 HoBBBMONaBR LANB Jxil 623 Eooeption Word ..".'i.. 62^ HonsEMONOBB Lamb Jail—(eontii'iud) The Kitchen,-etc < ^ T.. .'n.. 626 The Engineer 626 Tl^e Chapel : 627 Exercising Grounds 627 Visiting the QeÚát 628 The" Infinnai-y 630 The Femgle Prison ...... 630 Reception Ward ; ...... 630 The Laundty 630 The Teache^ ^ 63i 'Visiting the CëlU 631 General- fStetistios of Horsemongef Lane JaU 632 *#* All after page 498 is' tvriMilA bg Mr, JtAn Sinng,. LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS. Feontispiece, London Traffic aa seen from the Top of St. Paul «. London as a Geeat Woeld : — The Port of London. Map of the Population of London. Legal London:— Map of the Inns of Court. Map of the Metropolitan Prisons. Opening of the Courts, Westminster. Ceiminal London':— Ticket of Leave Men. Male and Female Convicts. Pentonville Pbison :— Bird's-eye View. Corridor. Portcullis Gateway. Convicts Exercising. Separate Cell. The Chapel during Divine Service. Chief Warder. Instrument for Signalling the Prisoners. The Female Convict Peison at Beiiton :— Bird's-eye View. Separate Cell in the old Part. Separate CeU in the new Part. Principal Matron. Wash House. Ironing Room. The Chapel. The Convict Nursery, Female Convicts Exercising. Females at Work during Silent Hour. The Hulks at Woolwich :— The "Defence" Hulk and the " Unité" Hos¬ pital Ship. Chapel on Board the " Defence." A Ward on Board the "Defence." Sectional View of the " Defence." Plans of the Decks of the " Defence." The Hulks at Woolwich—(continued) ; Convicts forming a Mortar Battery. Convicts Scraping Shot. The Escape SignaL Tlie Convicts' Burial Ground. The Convict's Flower. Convicts returning to the Hulks. The "Warrior" Hulk with the "Sulphur" Washing Ship. The Deck of the " Unité" Hospital Ship. Millbank Peison :— General View. Lird's-eye View. General Plan. The Workshop under the Silent System. The Chain Room. Prisoner at Work in Separate CelL Prisoner in Refractory Cell. Convicts Working in the Garden Ground. Female Convict in Canvas Dress. Burial Ground. House op Coeeection, Coldbath Fields :— Gateway. Bird's-eye View. Ground Plan. Fumigating Prisoners' Clothing. Friends Visiting Prisoners. Large Oakum Room under the Silent System. Prisoners Working at the Tread Wheel. The Tread Wheel Fan. The Tailors' and Shoemakers' Room. Mat Room. Dormitory. Liberation of Prisoners. House op Coeeection, Tothill Fields :— General View. Bird's-eye View. Ground Plan. Workshop on the Silent System. xü LIST OF ILLUSTEATÍONS. House op Cokeectioit, Tothili FieiiDS— {pontirmed) : Girls' School Room. Boys Exercising. Female Prisoners' own Clothes Store. Boys' School Boom. Court Yard and Governor's House. Serving Dinner in the Boys' Prison. Mothers with their Cliildren Exercising. subebt House op Coeeection, Wandswoete :— General View. Bird's-eye View. Glround Plan. Interior, with the Prisoners Turning out after Dinner. Veiled Female Prisoner. Cell, with Prisoner at Crank Labour. Pump Boom. Adult School in the Chapel. Ventilating haft. Prisoner's Mattrass. Cell Indicator. Whip, or Bod. Whipping Post. City House op Coeeeotioit, Hoixowat Bird's-eye View. General View. Ground Plan. Outer Gate. The City House op Coeeection, Holuoway— {continued) ; Tread Wheel and Oakum Shed. Inner Gate. Interior of the Eitehen. Heating Apparatus. Lifting Apparatus for Serving Dinner. Separate Washing Cell. Newgate Jail:— General View. Chamberlain's Gate. Old Newgate. Ground Plan before the Becent Alterations. Present Ground Plan. Gateway, and Prisoners' Friends. Court, with Trial Going on. Prisoners' Consulting Boom. Condemned Cell. House op Detention, Cleekenwell :— Bird's-eye View. General View. Ground Plan. Interior, Prisoners' Friends Visiting. Prison Van Taking up Prisoners. Hobsemongeb Lane Jail:— General View. Groimd Plan. THE POET OF LONDON. THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. » INTRODUCTION. § 1- LONDON CONSlDfiRED AS A GREAT WORLD. " Londres ti est pirn une ville : c'est une province comerte de maisons," says M. Horace Say, the celebrated French economist. The remark, however, Hke most French mots, is more sparkling than lucid; for, if the term " province" be used—and so it often is by the inconsiderate—as if it were synony¬ mous with the Anglo-Saxon " shire," then assuredly there is no county in England nor " departemend' in France, which, in the extent of its population, is comparable to the British Metropolis. Not only does London contain nearly twice as many souls as the most extensive division of the French Empire, but it houses upwards of a quarter of a million more indi¬ viduals than any one county in Great Britain.* How idle, therefore, to speak of London as a mere province, when it comprises within its boundaries a greater number of people than many a kingdom ! the population of the British Metropolis exceeding—^by some five hundred thousand persons—^that of the whole of Hanover, or Saxony, or "Wurtemburg ; whilst the abstract portion of its people congregated on the Middlesex side of the Thames only, out-numbers the entire body of individuals included within the Grand Duchy of Baden.j- • The popiilation of the department du Nnrd is, in round numbers, 1,130,000 ; and that of the Seine 1,365,000. The population of Lancaster, on the other hand, is 2,031,236. t The population of the above-mentioned countries is, according to the returns of 1850, as follows:— Saxony, 1,836,433 ; Hanover, 1,758,856 ; Wurtemburg, 1 743,827 ; Baden, 1,349,930.—M'Culloeh's Gm graphieal Bictionar" 4 THE GREAT WORLD DP LONDON. Nay, more: towards the close of the 14th century, there were not nearly so many men, women, and chüdren scattered throughout all England as there are now crowded within the Capital alone.* ' Further : assuming the population of the entire world, according to the calculations of Balhi (as gpven in the Salanee Politiq^ du Globe), to be 1075 millions, that of the Great Metropolis constitutes no less than 1-450th part of the whole; so that, in every thousand of Die aggregate composing the immense human family, two at least are Londoners. In short, London may be safely asserted to be the most densely-populated city in all the world—containing one-fourth more people than Pekin, and two-thirds more than Paris ; more than twice as many as Constantinople ; four times as many as St. Petersburg ; five times as many as Vienna, or New York, or Madrid ; nearly seven times as many as Berlin ; eight times as many as Amsterdam ; nine times as many as Rome ; fifteen times as many as Copenhagen ; and seventeen times as many as Stockholm, f Surely then London, being, as we have shown, more numerously peopled than any single province—and, indeed, than many an entire state—may be regarded as a distinct Would ; and, in accordance with this view, Addison has spoken of the British Metropolis as composed of different races like a world, instead of being made up of one cognate family like a town. " When I consider this great city," he says, J " in its several quarters or divisions, I look upon it as an aggregate of various nations, distinguished from each other by their respective customs, manners, and interests. The courts of two countries do not so much differ from one another as the Court and City of London in their peculiar ways of Hfe and conversation. In short, the inhabitants of St. James's, notwithstanding they live under the same laws and speak the same language, are a distinct people from those of Cheapside, by several climates and degrees, in their ways of thinking and conversing together." Viewing the Great Metropolis, therefore, as an absolute world, Belgravia and Bethnal Green become the opposite poles of the London sphere—the frigid zones, as it were, of the Capital ; the one icy cold from its exceeding fashion, form, and ceremony ; and the other wrapt in a perpetual winter of withering poverty. Of such a world. Temple Bar is the unmistakable equator, dividing the City hemisphere from that of the West End, and with a line of Banks, representative of the Gold Coast, in its immediate neighbourhood. What Greenwich, too, is to the merchant seamen of England, Charing Gross is to the London cabmen—^the zero from which aU the longitudes of the Metropolitan world are measured. Then has not the so-caUed World of London its vast continents, like the veritable world of which it forms a part? What else are the enormous trans-Thamesian territories of South- wark and Lambeth? Moreover, the localities of St. Benetfink, and St. Benetsherehog, or even Bevis Marks, in the heart of the City, are as much terra incognita, to the great body of Londoners themselves, as is Lake Tchad in the centre of Africa to all but the Landers or Dr. Barths of our race. Again, as regards the metropolitan people, tlm polite Parisian is not more widely different from the barbarous Botecudo, than is the lack-a-daisical dandy at Almack's from the Billingsgate "rough." Ethnologists have reduced the several varieties of mankind into five distinct types; but surely the judges who preside at the courts in Westminster are as morally distinct from the Jew " fences " of Petticoat Lane as the Caucasian from the Malayan race. Is not the "pet parson," too, of some West End Puseyite Chapel as ethically • The population of England in the year 1377 was 2,092,978. t The figures from which the above deductions are made are as follows :—Pekin (reputed population 2,000,000; Paris, 1,650,000 ; Constantinople, 950,000; St. Petersburg, 600,000; Vienna, 500,000; New York,'500,000; Madrid, 450,000 ; Berlin, 380,000 ; Amsterdam, 300,000; Rome, 275,000 ; Copenhagen, 160,000; Stockholm, 150,000 Hagdyn's Dictionary oj Dales. Sixth lidition. i Spectator, No. 340. LONDON CONSIDERED AS A GREAT WORLD. 5 and physically different from the London prize-fighter, and he again from the City Alderman, as is the Mongol from the Negro, or the hegro from the Red Indian. In the World of London, indeed, we find almost every geographic species of the human family. If Arabia has its nomadic tribes, the British Metropolis has its vagrant hordes as weU. If the Carib Islands have their savages, the English Capital has types almost as brutal and uncivilized as they. If India has its Thugs, London has its garotte men. Nor are the religious creeds of the entire globe more multiform than those of the Great Metropolis. We smile with pity at the tribes of the Bight of Benim, who have a lizard for their particular divinity ; and throw up our hands and brows in astonishment on learning that the Bissagos offer up their prayers to a barn-door cock. But have we not among us, in this " most enlightened Metropolis," and in these most " enlightened times," people who devoutly believe that Mrs. Joanna Southcott was designed to have been the mother of the Messiah ? others who are morally convinced that Joe Smith was inspired by the Almighty to write the Book of Mormon—an unsuccessful novel that is regarded as a second gospel by thousands; others again who find a special revelation from the Most High in the babbling of nonsense by demented women—the uttering of " unknown tongues," as it is termed ? and others still whose steadfast faith it is, that the special means of communing with the spirits of the other world are alphabets and secret tappings under the table ! Further: the philological differences of the several races scattered over the globe are hardly more manifold than are the distinct modes of speech peculiar to the various classes of Metropolitan society. True, the characteristic dialect of Bow-bells has ahnost become obsolete ; and aldermen, now-a-days, rarely transpose the v's and w's, or " exasperate " the h's, and no longer speak of some humble residence as " an 'ouse, an 'ut, or an 'ovel," nor style it, with like orthoepy, a " Hightahan wiUer," or a " French cottage horny {ornée)." But though this form has passed away, there are many other modes of speech still peculiar 10 the Metropolitan people. Your London exquisite, for instance, talks of taking—aw—^his afternoon's wide—aw—in Wotton Wo—aw—aw—or of going to the Opewa—aw—or else of wunning down—aw—to the Wa.ces—aw—aw. The affected Metropolitan Miss, on the other hand, loves the ble-ue ske-i, and her hootie little doggie and birdie, and delights in being key-ind to the poor, and thinks Miss So-and- so looked " sweetly pretty" at church in her new bonnet. Then the fast young gentleman positively must speak to his governor, and get the old brick to fork out some more tin, for positively he can hardly afford himself a weed of an evening—^besides he wants a more nobby crib, as the one he hangs out in now is only fit for some pleb or cad. It really isn't the Stilton. Moreover, there is the " Cadgers' (beggars') cant," as it is called—a style of language which is distinct from the slang of the thieves, being arranged on the principle of using words that are similar in sound to the ordinary expressions for the same idea. " S'pose now, your honour," said a " shallow cove," who was giving us a lesson in the St. Giles' classics, " I wanted to ask a codger^ to come and have a glasé of rund with me, and smoke a pipe^ of haccer^ over a game of ca/rds^ with some Mokes' at hymé—I should say, Splodger^ will you have a Jack-surj?as«^ of finger-and-iAwiwi,' and blow your yard of tripe* of nosey-me- knacker* while we have a touch of the broads* with some other heaps of coke' at my drum"? "* Again, we have the " Coster-slang," or the language used by the costermongers, and which consists merely in pronouncing each word as if it were spelt backwards :—" I say. Curly, will you do a top of reeb (pot of beer) ?" one costermonger may say to the other. " It's oU'doog, Whelkey, on doog (ño good, no good)," the second may reply. " I've had a reg'lar troseno (bad sort) to-day. I've been doing b g dab (bad) with my toi (lot, • It will be readily observed, by means of the numbers, that the above cant words are mere nonsensical terms, rhyming with the vernacular ones to which the same figure is annexed. 6 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. or stock)—^ha'n't made a (penny), s'elpme." " Wky, I've cleared a_/?«#<íA-e«í»'c (half-a- crown) a'ready," Master Wkelkey will answer, perhaps. " But kool the esilop (look at thé police) ; kool him (look at him) Curly ! Fbm-us ! (be off.) I'm going to do the tigktner (have my dinner)." Lastly comes the veritable slang, or English "Argot," i.e., the secret language used by the London thieves. This is made up, in a great degree, of the mediaeval Latin, in which the Church service was formerly chanted, and which indeed gave rise to the term cant (from the Latin cwnta/re), it having been the custom of the ancient beggars to " intone" their prayers when asking for alms.* "Can you roker Romany (can you speak cant)?" one individual " on the cross" will say to another, who is not exactly " on the square;" and if the reply he in the affirmative, he will probably add—" What is your monekeer (name) ?— Where do you stall to in the huey (where do you lodge in the town) ?" " Oh, I drop the main toper (get out of the high-road)," would doubtless be the answer, " and slink into the ken (lodging-house) in the back drum (street)." " WUl you have a shant o' gatter (pot of beer) after all this dowry of parny (lot of rain) ? I've got a teviss (shilling) left in my dye (pocket)." To speak of the " World of London," then, is hardly to adopt a metaphor, since the metropolitan people differ from one another—as much as if they belonged to different races— not only in their manners and customs, as well as religion, but in their forms of speech ; for, if we study the peculiar dialect of each class, we shaU find that there is some species of cant or other appertaining to every distinct circle of society ; and that there is a slang of the Drawing-room, of Exeter Hall, of the Inns of Court, the Mess-table, the Editor's-room, the Artist's Studio, the Hospital, the Club-house, the Stable, the Workshopj the Kitchen, ay, and even the Houses of Parliament—as distinctly as there is the slang of Billingsgate and the " padding ken." But London is not only a World : it is a Great World as weU. We have been so long accustomed to think of worlds as immense masses, measuring some thousands of miles in diameter, that it seems almost like hyperbole to class a mere patch of the earth, like the British Metropolis, among the mundane bodies. The discoveries of the present century, however, have revealed to us an order of celestial worlds, many of which are hardly as big as German kingdoms. • The word " patter," which is the slang for speech, is borrowed merely from the "pater-noster»" that the old-established mendicants delighted to mumble. So, too, the term " fake" (to do anything) is merely the Latin facere ; and a " fakement" (anything done or written, as a beggar's petition), the classic /aci- mentum. But a large number of foreign words have since been introduced into this species of cant, for as secrecy is the main object of all cantoloquy, every outlandish term is incorporated with the "lingo," as soon as it can he picked up from any of the continental vagrants frequenting the " padding kens" (low lodging- houses) throughout the country. Thus the term "caraer," for a gentleman's house (Italian casa), has been borrowed from the organ hoys ; and " ogle" (Dutch, Oogelijn, a little eye), from the Hollanders on board the Billingsgate eel-boats. " Fogle," for a handkerchief, a " bird's eye wipe" (German, vogel, a bird), has been taken, on the other hand, from the German vagrants, such as the bird-cage men, &c. ; " showfull," base money, which is likewise the Teutonic shoful (bad stuff—trash), has had the same origin ; and "bone,"' which is the slang for good, and evidently the French hon, has been got, probably, from the old dancing- dog men. The gipsy language has also lent a few words to the stock of slang, whilst the British, and even the Anglo-Saxon speech of our forefathers have many a phrase preserved in it (the vulgar being, as. Latham says, the real conservators of the Saxon tongue). For instance, the slang term " gammy " (bad) comes from the Welsh gam, crooked, queer ; and the cant expression, " it isn't the cheese," is pure old English, signifying, literally, it is not what I should choose ; for Chaucer, in the Canterbwry Tales, has the line— " To cAerse, whether she wold him marry or no." Moreover, fanciful metaphors contribute largely to the formation of slang. It is upon this principio that the mouth has come to he styled the " tater-trap the teeth, " dominoes the nose, the " paste-horn the blood "claret;" shoes, "crab-shells j" umbrellas, "mushrooms" (or, briefly, "mush") ; prisons, "stone jugs," and so on. A BALLOON VIEW OF LONDON. 7 These "asteroids," or "planetoids," as they are sometimes called, are supposed by astronomers to he fragments of a great planet—mere star-chips, or splinters of some shattered larger sphere—^that formerly occupied the ethereal gap between Mars and Jupiter.* Even so, then, may London itself be considered as a kind of terroii—a distinct chip of the greater world, the Earth. The discs of the minor celestial spheres, Humboldt tells us in his Cosmos, "have a real surface, measuring not much more than half that of France, Madagascar, or Borneo." Indeed, Mr. Hind says, that " the largest of the twenty-five small planets probably does not exceed 450 miles in diameter ;"f so that such a planetary world is not so long—by upwards of a himdred miles—as even our own little island. Now, as this is the measure of the largest of the minor planetary spheres, surely we can conceive that some of those bodies may be barely bigger than the Metropolis itself, seeing that the English Capital covers an area of no less than 120 odd square miles in extent. If then, by some volcanic convulsion—some subterranean quake and explosion—the earth were suddenly to burst, like a mundane bomb, and, being shattered into a score or two of ter- roid fragments, the great Metropolis were to be severed from the rest of the globe, London is quite large enough to do duty as a separate world, and to fall to revolving by itself about the sun—with Hampstead and Sydenham for its north and south poles, doomed alike to a six months' winter—^with the whole line of Oxford Street, Holbom, and Cheapside scorching under the everlasting summer of what would then be the metropolitan torrid zone ; and whilst it was day at Kensington, night reigning at Müe End. What a wondrous W orld, too, would this same abstract London be ! AWorld with scarcely an acre of green fields in all its 120 square miles of area—a World unable to grow hardly a sack of com, or to graze a fiock of sheep for itself—a World choke-fall of houses, and reticulated with streets, as thick as the veins on a vine-leaf—and a World with two millions and a half of people crowded within it almost as close as negroes in the hold of a slave ship ! Can Ceres, or Pallas, or Jimo, or Astrea, or Iris, or indeed any other of the twenty-five minor planets, be in any way comparable to it ? § 2. A BALLOON VIEW OP LONDON. Theeb is an innate desire in all men to view the earth and its cities and plains from " exceeding high places," since even the least imaginative can feel the pleasure of beholding some broad landscape spread out like a bright-coloured carpet at their feet, and of looking down upon the world, as though they scanned it with an eagle's eye. For it is an exquisite treat to all minds to find that they have the power, by their mere vision, of extending their consciousness to scenes and objects that are miles away; and as the intellect experiences a special delight in being able to comprehend aU the minute particulars of a subject under one associate whole, and to perceive the previous confusion of the diverse details assume the form and order of a perspicuous unity ; so does the eye love to see the country, or the town, which it usually knows only as a series of disjointed parts—as abstract fields, hills, rivers, parks, streets, gardens, or churches—^become all combined, like the coloured fragments of the kaleidoscope, into one harmonious and varied scene. With great cities, however, the desire to perceive the dense multitude of houses at one single * Mr. Daniel Sirkwood, of Fotsville Academy, has ventured theoretically to restore the fractured primi¬ tive planet, by calculations of the remaining fragments; and he finds that it must have had a diameter of about half that of the earth, and a day of more than twice the length of our own.—Beporlt of tht British Association t Illustraied London Asironotny, page 60. 8 THE GREAT'WORLD OF LONDON. glance, instead of by some thousand different views, and to observe the intricate net-work of the many thoroughfares brought into the compass of one large web as it were ; the various districts, too, with their factories, their markets, their docks, or their mansions, all dove¬ tailed, one into the other, as if they were the pieces of some puzzle-map—^is a feeling strong upon every one—the wisest as well as the most frivolous—upon all, indeed, from the philoso¬ pher down to the idler about town. We had seen the Great Metropolis under almost every aspect. We had dived into the holes and corners hidden from the honest and well-to-do portion of the London community. We had visited Jacob's Island (the plague-spot of the British Capital) in the height of the cholera, when to inhale the very air of the place was to imbibe the breath of death. We had sought out the haunts of beggars and thieves, and passed hours communing with them as to their histories, habits, thoughts, and impulses. We had examined the W orld of London below the moral surface, as it were ; and we had a craving, like the rest of mankind, to contemplate it from above ; so, being offered a seat in the car of the Royal Nassau Balloon, we determined upon accompanying Mr. Green into the clouds on his five hundredth ascent. It was late in the evening (a fine autumn one) when the gun was fired that was the signal for the great gas-bag to be loosened from the ropes that held it down to the soil ; and immediately the buoyant machine bounded, like a big ball, into the air. Or, rather let us say, the earth seemed to sink suddenly down, as if the spot of ground to which it had been previously fastened had been constructed upon the same principle as the Adelphi stage, and admitted of being lowered at a moment's notice. Indeed, no sooner did the report of the gun clatter in the air, than the people, who had before been grouped about the car, appeared to fall from a level with the eye ; and, instantaneously, there was seen a multitude of flat, upturned faces in the gardens below, with a dense chevaux de frise of arms extended above them, and some hundreds of outstretched hands fluttering fareweR to us. The moment after this, the balloon vaulted over the trees, and we saw the roadway outside the gardens stuck all over with mobs of little black Lilliputian people, while the hubbub of the voices below, and the cries of "Ah iai-loon!" from the boys, rose to the ear like the sound of a distant school let loose to play. Now began that peculiar panoramic effect which is the distinguishing feature of the first portion of a view from a balloon, and which arises from the utter absence of aU sense of motion in the machine itself, and the consequent transference of the movement to the ground beneath. The earth, as the aeronautic vessel glided over it, seemed positively to consist of a continuous series of scenes which were being drawn along underneath us, as if it were some diorama laid ^at upon the ground, and almost gave one the notion that the world was an endless landscape stretched upon rollers, which some invisible sprites below were busy revolving for our especial amusement. Then, as we floated along above the fields, in a line with the Thames towards Richmond, and looked over the edge of the car in which we were standing (and which, by the bye, was like a big " buck-basket," reaching to one's breast), the sight was the most exquisite visual delight ever experienced. The houses directly underneath us looked like the tiny wooden things out of a child's box of toys, and the streets as if they were rtits in the ground ; and we could hear the hum of the voices rising fr-om every spot we passed over, fidnt as the buzzing of so many bees. Far beneath, in the direction we were sailing, lay the suburban fields; and here the earth, with its tiny hills and plains and streams, assumed the appearance of the little coloured plaster models of countries. The roadways striping the land were like narrow brown ribbons, and the river, which we could see winding far away, resembled a long, gray, metallic-looking snake, creeping through the fields. The bridges over the Thames were positively like planks ; and the tiny black barges, as they floated along the stream, seemed A BALLOON VIEW OF LONDON. 9 no bigger than summer insects on the water. The largest meadows were about the size of green-baize table covers ; and across these we could just trace the line of the South-Westem Eailway, with the little whiff of white steam issuing from some passing engine, and no greater in volume than the jet of vapour from an ordinary tea-kettle. Then, as the dusk of evening approached, and the gas-lights along the different lines of road started into light, one after another, the ground seemed to be covered with little illumination lamps, such as are hung on Christmas-trees, and reminding one of those that are occasionally placed, at intervals, along the grass at the edge of the gravel- walks in suburban tea-gardens ; whilst the clusters of little lights at the spots where the hamlets were scattered over the scene, appeared like a knot of fire-flies in the air ; and in the midst of these the eye could, here and there, distinguish the tiny crimson speck of some railway signal. In the opposite direction to that in which the wind was insensibly wafting the balloon, lay the leviathan Metropolis, with a dense canopy of smoke hanging over it, and reminding one of the fog of vapour that is often seen steaming up from the fields at early morning. It was impossible to tell where the monster city began or ended, for the buildings stretched not only to the horizon on either side, but far away into the distance, where, owing to the coming shades of evening and the dense fumes from the million chimneys, the town seemed to blend into the sky, so that there was no distinguishing earth from heaven. The multitude of roofs that extended back from the foreground was positively like a dingy red sea, heaving in bricken biUows, and the seeming waves rising up one after the other till the eye grew wearied with following them. Here and there we could distinguish little bare green patches of parks, and occasionally make out the tiny circular enclosures of the principal squares, though, from the height, these appeared scarcely bigger than wafers. Further, the fog of smoke that over-shadowed the giant town was pierced with a thousand steeples and pin-like factory-chimneys. That little building, no bigger than one of the small ehina houses that are used for burning pastilles in, is Buckingham Palace—with St. James's Park, dwindled to the size of a card-table, stretched out before it. Yonder is Bethlehem Hospital, with its dome, now of about the same dimensions as a beU. Then the little mites of men, crossing the bridges, seemed to have no more motion in them than the animalcules in cheese ; while the streets appeared more like cracks in the soil than highways, and the tiny steamers on the river were only to be distinguished by the thin black thread of smoke trailing after them. Indeed, it was a most wonderful sight to behold that vast bricken mass of churches and hospitals, banks and prisons, palaces and workhouses, docks and refuges for the destitute, parks and squares, and courts and alleys, which make up London—all blent into one immense black spot—to look down upon the whole as the birds of the air look down upon it, and see it dwindled into a mere rubbish heap—^to contemplate from afar that strange conglome¬ ration of vice, avarice, and low cunning, of noble aspirations and humble heroism, and to grasp it in the eye, in all its incongruous integrity, at one single glance—to take, as it were, an view of that huge towm where, perhaps, there is more virtue and more iniquity, more wealth and more want, brought together into one dense focus than in any other part of the earth—to hear the hubbub of the restless sea of life and emotion below, and hear it, like the ocean in a shell, whispering of the incessant stru^lings and chafings of the distant tide—to swing in the air high ahove aU the petty jedousies and heart-burnings, small ambitions and vain parade of "polite" society, and feel, for once, tranquil as a babe in a cot, and that you are hardly of the earth ea^y, as. Jacob¬ like, you mount the aerial ladder, and half lose sight of the " great commercial world" beneath, where men are regarded as piere counters to play with, and where to ¿b your neighbour as your neighbour would do you constitutes the first principle in the religion 20 THE GEEAT "WOELD OF LOHDOH. of trade—to feel yourself floating through the endless realms of space, and drinking in the pure thin air of the skies, as you go sailing along almost among the stars, free as *' the lark at heaven's gate," and enjoying, for a brief half hour, at least, a foretaste of that Elysian destiny which is the ultimate hope of all. Such is the scene we behold, and such the thoughts that stir the brain on contem¬ plating London from the car of a balloon.* * There are some peculiar effects in connection with balloon travelling that are worthy of further mention. The first is the utter absence of all sense of motion in the vehicle. Motion, indeed, at all times is only made known to us by those abrupt changes in our direction which consist of what are termed joltings ; for the. body, from its " vis inertia," partaking of the movement of the conveyance in which it is travelling, is, of course, thrown forcibly forwards or sideways, directly the course of the machine is violently arrested or altered. In a balloon, moreover, we are not even made conscious of our - motion by the ordinary feeling of the air blowing against the face as we rush through it ; for as the vessel travels ioith the wind, no such effect is produced. And it is most striking to find the clouds, from the same cause, apparently as motionless as rocks ; for as they too are travelling with the balloon, and at precisely the same rate, they naturally cannot but appear to be absolutely still. Hence, under such circumstances, we have no means of telling whether we are ascending or descending, except by pieces of paper thrown out from the car, and which are of course left below if the machine be rising, and above if it he falling ; indeed, when the balloon in which Albert Smith ascended from Yauxhall burst, and he and his aerial companions were being precipitated to the earth with the velocity of a stone, the only indication they got of the rate of their descent was by resorting to the little paper " logs," before mentioned. And Mr. Green assured me, that though he has travelled in the air during a gale of wind at the rate of ninety-five miles in the hour, he was utterly unconscious not only of the velocity with which he had been projected, as it were, through the atmosphere, but also of the fury of the hurricane itself—feeling as perfectly tranquil all the while as if he had been seated in his easy-chair by his own fireside; nor was it until he reached the earth, and the balloon became fixed to the ground by means of the grapnel, that he was sensible of the violence of the wind (and it was the same with us during our trip) ; for then, as the machine offered a considerable obstruction to the passage of the air, the power of the gale was rendered apparent—since, strange to SKy^without resistance there is no force. Hence there is hut little danger in aeronautic excursions whUe the balloon remains in the air—and so indeed there is with a ship, as long as it has plenty of sea room ; whereas, directly the aerial machine is fixed to the ground, it is like a stranded vessel, and becomes the sport of the wind, as the ship, similarly circumstanced, is of the waves. Another curious effect of thé aerial ascent was, that the earth, when we were at our greatest altitude, positively appearád concas)e, looking like a huge dark bowl rather than the convex sphere, such as we naturally expect to see it. This, however, was a mere effect of perspeetive, for it is a law of vision that the horizon or boundary line of the sight always appears on a level with the eye—the fore-ground being, in all ordinary views, directly at the feet of the spectator, and the extreme hack-ground some five feet and a half above it, while the relative distances of the intermediate objects are represented pictorially to the eye by their relative heights above the lowest, and therefore the nearest object in the scene—so that pictorial distance is really at right angles to tangible distance, the former being a line parallel with the body, and the latter one perpen¬ dicular to it. Hence, as the horizon always appears to be on a level with our eye (which is literally the centre of a hollow sphere rather than of a flat circle during vision), it naturally seems tô rise as we rise, until at length the elevation of the circular boundary line of the sight becomes so marked, owing to our own elevation, that the earth assumes the anomalous appearance, as we have said, of a concave rather than a convex body. This optical illusion has, according to the best of our recollection, never been noticed or explained before, so that it becomes worthy of record. Another curious effect, but upon another sense, was the extraordinary, and indeed painful, pressure upon the ears which occurred at our greatest altitude. This was precisely the same sensation as is produced during a ^escent in a diving-bell, and it at first seemed strange that such a result—which, in the case of the diving-bell, obviously arises from the extreme condensation of the air within the submerged vessel, and its consequent greater pressure on the tympanum— should be brought about in a balloon immediately it enters a stratum of air wbere tbe rarefaction is greater than usual. Here were two directly opposite causes producing the same effect. A moment's reflection, however, taught us that the sensation experienced in the diving-hell arises from the drum of the ear being unduly strained by the pressure of the external air ; whereas the sensation experienced in the balloon was produced by the air mside the ear acting in the same manner. SIZE AND POPULATION OF LONDON. 11 ^ 3. SOME IDEA OP THE SIZE AND POPULATION OF LONDON. Ix is strange how hard it is for the mind to arrive at any definite notion as to aggregate numbers or dimensions in space. The savage who can count only up to ten, points to the hairs of his head, in order to convey the complex idea of some score or two of objects; and although educated people can generally form a concrete conception of hundreds, without losing all sense of the individual units composing the sum, it is certain, nevertheless, that when the aggregate reaches thousands and millions, even the best disciplined intellects have a very hazy notion of the distinct numerical elements making up the gross idea— the same as they have of the particular stars that go to form some unresolved nebulae, or of the several atoms in the forty thousand millions of süiceops shells of insects that Ehrenberg assures us are contained in every cubic inch of the polishing slate of Bilin. Is it not, then, the mere pedantry of statistics to inform the reader, while professing to describe the size and population of the Great Metropolis, that, according to the returns of the last census, it is 78,029 statute acres, or 122 square miles, in extent; that it contains 327,391 houses ; and that it numbers 2,362,236 souls within its boundaries ! ' Surely the mind is no more enabled to realize the immensity of the largest city in the world by such information as this, than we are helped to comprehend the vastness of the sea by being told that the total area of all the oceans amounts to 145 millions jf square miles, and that it contains altogether 6,441 billions of tons of common salt.* "We wiU, however, endeavour to conjure up a more vivid picture of the giant city in the brain, not only of those who have never visited the spot, but of those who, though living in it all their lives, have hardly any clearer ideas of the town, in its vast integrity, than the fishes have of the Atlantic in which they swim. We must premise, then, that it is as difficult to tell where the Metropolis begins, and where it ends, as it is to point put the particular line of demarcation between the several colours of the rainbow ; for the suburban villages blend so insensibly into the city, that one might as weU attempt to define the precise point where the water begins to be salt at the mouth of some estuary. Hence, it has been found necessary to pass special Acts of Parliament in order to let Londoners know how far London really extends into the country, and to define the size of the Great Metropolis according to law.f This is, however, very much of a piece with the renowned stroke of legislation performed • See Amted's Geohgy, page 28. t The following are the terms of the Burial Act (15 and 16 Vict., cap. 85) :—" For the purposes of this Act, the expression ' the Metropolis' shall be construed to mean and include the Cities and Liberties of London and Westminster, the Borough of Southwark, and the Parishes, Precincts, Townships, and Places mentioned in the Schedule (A.) to this Act." SCHEDULE A. The City of London and the Liberties thereof, the Inner Temple, and Middle Temple, and all other Places and Parts of Places contained within the exterior Boundaries of the Liberties of the City of London. In Middlesex. The City and Liberties of Westminster. The Parishes of St. Margaret and St. John the Evangelist. The Parish of St. Martin in the Fields. The Parish of St. George, Hanover Square. The Parish of St. James. The Parish of St. Mary-le-Strand, as well within the Liberty of Westminster as within the Duchy Liberty. The Pariah of St. Clement Danes, as well within the Liberty of Westminster as within the Duchy Liberty. 12 THE GEEAT "WOELD OE LONDON. by the progress-hating King Canute, since it is quite as absurd for rulers to say, " Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther," to the bricks and mortar of London, as to the waves of the ocean. In the year 1603, for instance, we find that the legal limits of London, " within and without the walls," were but little better than fifteen Jimdred statute acres ; whereas in the next century the Metropolis, " according to law," had swoUen to upwards of twenty ifwuscmd acres. Then at the beginning of the present century the area was farther extended to thirty thousand acres; and in 1837, it was again increased to forty-six thousand; whilst now it is allowed by Act of Parliament to cover a surface of no less than seventy-eight thousand acres in extent. The Pariah of St. Paul, Covent Garden. The Parish of St. Anne, Soho. Whitehall Gardens (whether the same be parochial or extra-parochial). Whitehall (whether the same he parochial or extra- parochial). , Richmond Terrace (whether the same he parochial or extra-parochial). The Close of the CoU'egiata Church of St. Peter. The Parishes of St. Giles in the Fields and St. George, Bloomshury. The Parishes of St. Andrew, Holbom, and St. George the Martyr. The Liberty of Hatton Garden, Sa&on Hill, and Ely Rents. The Liberty of the Rolls. The Parish of St. Paneras. The Parish of St. John, Hampstead. The Parish of St. Marylehone. The Parish of Paddington. The Precinct of the Savoy. The Parish of St. Luke. The Liberty of Glasshouse Yard. The Parish of St. Sepulchre. The Parish of St. James, Clerkenwell, including both Districts of St. James and St. John. The Parish of St. Mary, Islington. The Parish of St. Mary, Stoke Newington. The Charterhouse. The Parish of St. Mary, Whitechapel. The Parish of Christchurch, Spitalfields. The Parish of St. Leonard, Shoreditch. The Liberty of Norton Folgate. The Parish of St. John, Hackney. The Parish of St. Matthew, Bethnal Green. The Hamlet of Mile-end Old Town. The Hamlet of Mile-end New Town. The Parish of St. Mary, Stratford, Bow. The Parish of Bromley, St. Leonard. The Parish of All Saints, Poplar. The Parish of St. Anne, Limehouse. The Hamlet of Ratcliffe. The Parish of St. Paul, Shadwell. The Parish of St. George in the East. The Parish of St. John, Wapping. The Liberty of East Smithfield. The Precinct of St. Catherine. The Liberty of Her Majesty's Tower of London, consisting of— The Liberty of the Old Artillery Ground. The Parish of Trinity, Minories. The Old Tower Precinct. The Precinct of the Tower Within. The Precinct of Wellclose. The Parish of Kensington. The Parish of St. Luke, Chelsea. The Parish of Fulham. The Parish of Hammersmith. Lincoln's Inn. New Inn. Gray's Inn. Staple Inn. That Part of Fumival's Inn, in the County of Mid¬ dlesex. Ely Place. The Parish of Willesden. In Kent. The Parish of St. Paul, Deptford. The Parish of St. Nicholas, Deptford. The Parish of Greenwich. The Parish of Woolwich. The Parish of Charlton. The Parish of Plumstead. In Surrey, The Borough of Southwark. The Parish of St. George the Martyr. The Parish of St. Saviour. The Parish of St. John, Horsleydown. The Parish of St. Clave. The Parish of St. Thomas. The Parish of Battersea (except the Hamlet of Penge). The Parish of Bermondsey. The Parish of Camherwell. The Parish of Clapham. The Parish of Lambeth. The Parish of Newington. The Parish of Putney. The Parish of Rotherhithe. The Parish of Streatham. The Parish of Tooting. The Parish of Wandsworth The Parish of Christchurch. The Clink Liberty. The Hamlet of Hatoham in the Parish of Deptford. SIZE AND POPULATION OF LONDON. 13 Indeed, the increase of the metropolitan population within the last ten years tells ns, that further house-room has to be provided in London every twelvemonth for upwards of forty t>imiagTid new comers. Of these about half are strangers ; for, as the annual excess of births over deaths in the Metropolis amoimts to but little better than half the yearly increase in the number of the people, it is manifest that nearly twenty thousand individuals must come and settle in the town every year, from other parts—a rate of immigration as great as if the entire population of Guernsey had left their native island for the " little village."* No wonder, then, that the returns show that there are continually 4,000 new houses in the course of erection ; for it may be truly said our Metropolis increases annually by the addition of a town of considerable size. Hence, even though, as Maitland says, London had a century ago absorbed into its body one city, one borough, and forty-three villages, it stiU continues daily devouring suburbs, and swallowing up green field after green field, and the builders go on raising houses where the market-gardeners a short time ago raised cabbages instead—^the Metropolis throwing out its many fibres of streets Hke the thousand roots of an old tree stretching far into the soü ; so that it is evident that though the late Burial Acts pretended to mark out the limits of the Capital in 1852, stiU, in another decenniad another Act will have to be passed, incorporating other hamlets with the town ; even as the Old Bills of Mortality, which were issued by the Company of Parish Clerks in 1603, were forced in a few years after the date to add St. Gües in the Fields and ClerkenweU to the metropolitan circle, and at the end of the century to include also the villages of Hackney, and Islington, and Newington, and Eotherhithe ; whilst the New Bills have since encompassed the hamlets of Kensington, and Paddington, and Hammersmith, and Fulham, and CamberweU, and "Wandsworth, and Deptford, and Greenwich, and Plumstead, and Lewisham, and Hampstead ; until at length the Capital has been made to consist, not only of some score of Wicks, and Townships, and Precincts, and Liberties, but to comprise the two great boroughs of Southwark and Greenwich, as well as the Episcopal Cities of Westminster and London proper. Indeed, the monster Metropolis now comprehends, within its par¬ liamentary boundaries, what once constituted the territories of four Saxon Commonwealths— the kingdom of the Middle Saxons, East Saxons, the South Kick, and the Kentwaras. Now as regards the actual size of this enormous city, it may be said that its area is considerably more than twice the dimensions of the island of St. Helena, and very nearly double that of Jersey—^being not quite so large as Elba, but nearly one-half the superficial extent of Madeira. Not only does it stretch into the three counties of Middlesex, Surrey, and Kent, but the length of that portion of the Thames which traverses the Metropolis—and divides the river, as it winds along, into two great metropolitan provinces as it were—measures no less than twenty miles from Hammersmith to Woolwich ; whilst in its course the river receives the waters of the navigable Eoding and Lea on the one side, and the Ravensboume and Wandle on the other, together with many other minor streams that are now buried under the houses, and made to do the duty of sewers, though they were, at one time, of sufficient capacity to be the scenes of naval battles, f ♦ The above statement is proved thus :— 2,362,236 = Population of London in 1861. 84,944 = Births in London, in 1855. 1,948,417 = „ „ 1841. 61,506 = Deaths „ „ 413,819 = Increase of Population in 10 years. 23,438 = Annual excess of Births over Deaths. 17,943 = Annual Immigration. 41,381*9 = Anniml increase. —— 41,385* = Annual Increase. + " Anciently," says Stowe, " until the Conqueror's time, and two hundred years afterwards, the city of London was watered—besides the famous river of Thames, on the south—with the river of Wells, as it was 14 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOHDON. From east to west, London stretches from Bow to Hammersmith on the Middlesex side of the river, and from Plumstead to Wandsworth on the Surrey side, and there is nearly one continuous street of houses joining these extreme points, and measuring about fourteen miles in length ; whilst the line of buildings runniog north and south, and reaching from HoUoway to Camberwell, is said to be upwards of twelve miles long. If, however, we estimate only the solid mass of houses in the centre, where the tenements are packed almost back to back, and nearly as close as the bales of cotton in the hold of a merchant ship, the area so occupied is found po be larger, even, than the Island of Guernsey.* Again, an enumeration of the gross amount of buildings which make up the dense crowd of houses in London is quite as useless, for aU imaginative purposes, as is the specification of the number of statute acres comprised within its area, for helping us to conceive its size. A statement, on the contrary, of the mere length of the line that the buildings would form if joined all together in one continuous row, will give us a far better idea of the gross extent of the whole. This is easily arrived at by assuming each of the tenements to have an average frontage of fifteen feet in width ; and thus we find that the entire length of the buildings throughout London amounts to near upon one thousand miles, so that if they were all ranged in a Une, they would form one continuous street, long enough to reach across the whole of England and France, from York to the Pyrenees ! If, then, such be the mere length of the aggregate houses in London, it may be readily conceived that the streets of the MetropoUs—which, on looking at the map, seem to be a perfect maze of bricks and mortar—should be some thousands in number ; and, accordmgly, it appears that there are upwards of 10,500 distinct streets, squares, circuses, crescents, terraces, villas, rows, buildings, places, lanes, courts, alleys, mews, yards, rents, &c. particularized in that huge civic encyclopaedia, the London Post-Office Directory. Many of these thoroughfares, too, are of no inconsiderable dimensions. Oxford Street alone is more than one mile and a third long, and Regent Street, from Langham Church to Carlton Terrace, measures nearly one müe in length ; whilst the two great lines of thoroughfare parallel to the river, the one extending along Oxford Street, Holborn, Cheapside, Comhill, and Whitechapel to Mile-end, and which is really but one street with different names, and the other stretching from Knightsbridge along Piccadilly, the Haymarket, PaU Mall East, the Strand, Fleet Street, Cannon Street, Tower Street, and so on by Ratcliffe Highway to the "West India Docks—are each above six miles from one end to the other. then called (but Fleete dike afterwards — "because it 'runnetb past the Fleete," he adds in another place) on the west ; with the water called Wallbrooke running through the midst of the city into the river of Thames, serving the heart thereof ; and with a fourth water or bourne, which ran within the city through Langboume ward, watering that part in the east. In the west suburbs was also another great water called Oldbome, which had its fall into the river of Wells." * • • • Moreover, " in a fair book of Parliament records now lately restored to the Tower," he adds, " it appears that a Parliament being holden at Carlisle in the year 1307 (the 35th of Edward I.), Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, complained that whereas in times past the course of water running at London under Oldbome bridge and Fleete bridge into the Thames, had been of such breadth and depth that ten or twelve ships navies at once, with merchandise, were wont to come to the aforesaid bridge of Fleete and some of them to Oldlorne bridge ; now the same course, by filth of the tanners and such others, is sore decayed ; also by raising of wharfs ; but especially by a diversion of water made by them of the new Temple, in the first year of King John, for their mills, standing without Baynard's Castle, and divers other impediments, so that the said ships cannot enter as they were wont, and as they ought." ♦ • • • Further, we are told by the same historikn, that " in the year 1602, the seventh of Henry VII., the whole course of the Fleete dike (then so called) was scowered down to the Thames, so that boats with fish and fuel were rowed to the Fleete bridge and to Oldbome bridge, as they of old time had been accustomed, which was a great commodity to aU the inhabitants in that part of the city."—Stowe's Survey (Thoms' Edition), pp. 6, 6. • lie comparative density of the buildings in the different parts of London may be indicated by the fact, that in the heart of the city there are upwards of 30 houses to the acre ; whereas in the outlying localities of" SIZE AIÍD POPULATION OP LONDON. 16 But " if you wish," said Dr. Johnson, "to have a just notion of the magnitude of this city, you must not be satisfied with seeing its streets and squares, but must survey the little lanes and courts. It is not," he added, "in the showy evolution of buildings, but in the multiplicity of human habitations, which are crowded together, that the wonderful immensity of London consists." Indeed, the gross extent of the London streets, smaU as well as great, is almost incredible ; for a return by the Police, in 1850, makes the aggregate length of the metro¬ politan thoroughfares amount to no less that 1750 miles—so that, according to this, the highways and byeways of tbe Capital must be even longer than the lines of the five principal London railways—the North Western, Great Western, South Western, Great Northern, and Eastern Counties—all added on one to another ; or considerably more than three times the length of the railway from London, vid Calais and Ghent, to Cologne. The cost of form¬ ing this astounding length of paved roadway, I have elsewhere shown to amoimt to no less than £14,000,000 ; and that not only have these same roadways to be entirely relaid every five years, but the mere repairs upon them cost upwards of £1,800,000 per annum. Kensington and Carnberwell, there are but little more than two houses ; and in Hampstead not quite one house to the same extent of ground—as may be seen by the following TABLE SHOWTTTG THE ABEA, NTJMBEE OE HOUSES, AJi'D PEOPOETION OF HOUSES TO EACH ACEE IN LONDON, 1851. Districts. Area in Statute Aerea. Total Numb er of Houses. Number of Houses to the Acre. Districts. Area in Statute Acres. Total Number of Houses. Number of Houses to the Acre. west districts. east districts. Kensington Chelsea . , . St. George, Hanover Square Westminster . St. Martin-in-the-Fields St. James, Westminster 7374 86.5 1161 917 305 164 19,082 7,953 9,404 6,978 2,465 3,633 2-5 91 8 0 7-6 8-0 22*1 Shoreditch Bethnal Green Whitechapel . St. George-in-the-East Stepney .... Poplar .... 646 760 406 243 1,257 2,918 16,182 13,819 9,161 6,351 17,348 7,283 250 18-1 22-5 26-1 13-8 2-4 Total West Districts 10,786 49,515 4-6 Total, East Districts 6,230 70,144 11-2 north districts. south districts. Marylehone . Hampstead Paneras .... Islington Hackney .... 1,509 2,252 2,716 3,127 3,929 16,448 1,822 19,698 14,736 10,517 10-9 0-8 7-2 4-7 2-6 St. Saviour, Southwark. St. Olave Bermondsey . . . St. George, Southwark . Newington Lambeth Wandsworth . Camberwell Eotherhithe Greenwich Lewisham 250 169 688 282 624 4,015 11,695 4,342 886 5,367 17,224 4,856 2,436 7,466 7,513 11,205 21,759 9,163 10,572 3,058 15,801 6,624 19-4 14-4 10-8 26-6, 17-9 Total North Districts central districts. St. Giles Strand .... 13,533 245 174 63,221 4,996 4,210 4,519 7,549 6,616 4,945 2,850 8,373 4-6 20'3 24-1 5'4 0-7 2-4 3-4 2-9 0-3 Holbom Clerkenwell . St. Luke East London . West London . London City . 196 380 220 153 136 434 23-0 19-8 300 32'3 20-9 19-2 Total, South Districts 45,542 100,453 2-2 Total, Central Districts 1,938 44,058 22-7 Total for all London 78,029 327,391 41 16 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOHDON. Of the enormous mass of human beings comprised in the London population, it is even more difficult to have an adequate conception, than to realize to our minds the gross number of its houses and length of its streets. One way, however, in which we may arrive at a vague idea of the dense human multitude is, by comparing the number of people resident in the Metropolis with those that lined the thoroughfares on the day of the Duke of Wellington's funeral; and judging by the extent of the crowd collected on that occasion, as to the probable dimensions of the mob that would be formed were the people of London to be all gathered together into one body. It was calculated on that occasion that there were a million and a half of people in the streets to witness the procession, and that these covered the pathways aU along the line of route for a distance of three miles. Hence it follows, that were the whole of the metro¬ politan population ever to be congregated in the streets at one and the same time, they would form a dense mass of human beings near upon five miles long. Or, to put the matter stUl more forcibly before the mind, we may say, that if the entire people of the Capital were to be drawn up in marching order, two and two, the length of the great army of Londoners would be no less than 670 miles ; and, supposing them to move at the rate of three miles an hour, it would require more than nine days and nights for the aggregate population to pass by !* • The distribution and relative density of the population throughout London is numerically as follows :— TABLE SHOWING THE DISTBIBTJTION AND pENSITT OF THE POPHLATIOH OF lONBGN IN 1851. Disteicts. Area in Statute Acres. 1 Males. Females. i 1 Total of Persons. dumber or Persons to Acre. Disteicts. 1 Area in Statute Acres Males. Females. Total of Persons. = 2 u S £1 C L. 5 M < C o West Disticts. East Districts. Kensington Chelsea St. George, Hanover Square . Westminster St. Martin-in-the- Fielils St. James, Westmin¬ ster . . . . 7,374 865 1,161 917 305 49,949 25,475 31,920 32,494 11,918 70,055 31,063 41,310 33,115 12,722 120,004 565,38 73,230 65,609 24,640 16-2 65-4 63-0 71-5 80-8 Shoreditch . Bethnal Green . Whitechapel St. George-in-the- East Stepney Poplar 646 760 406 243 1,257 2,918 52,087 44,081 40,271 23,496 52,342 23,902 57,170 46,112 39,488 24,880 58,433 23,260 109,257 90,193 79,759 48,376 110,777 47,162 169-1 118-6 196-4 199-0 88-1 16-1 164 17,377 19,029 36,406 215-9 Total, East Districts 6.230 236,179 249,343 485,522 77-9 Total, West Districts 10,786 169,133 207,294 376,427 34-9 South Districts. North Districts. Mar.vlebone Ham patead Paneras . - ' . Islington . Hackney . 1,509 2,252 2,716 3,127 8,929 69,115 4,960 76,144 42,702 25,083 88,581 7,026 90,812 52,567 33,346 157,696 11,986 166,956 95,329 58,429 104-5 5-3 61-4 30-4 14-8 St. Saviour, South- wark St. Olave, ditto . Bermondsey St. George, South- wark Newington 250 169 688 282 624 4,015 11,695 4,342 886 5,367 17,224 17,432 9,660 •23,511 25,374 30,255 63,673 23,011 23,574 9,127 50,639 15,708 18,299 9,715 24,617 26,450 34,561 75,652 27,753 31,093 8,678 48,726 19,127 35,731 19,375 48,128 51,824 64,816 139,325 50,764 54,667 17.805 99,365 34,835 142-9 114-6 69-9 208-5 103-8 34-7 Total, North Districts Central Districts. St. Giles . Strand Holbom Clerkenwell St. Luke . East London West London London City 13,533 245 174 19« 380 220 153 136 434 218,064 25,832 21,570 22,860 31,489 26,178 21,536 14,604 27,149 272,332 28,382 22,890 23,761 33,289 27,877 22,870 14,186 28,783 490,396 54,214 44,460 46,621 64,778 54,055 44,406 28,790 55,932 36-2 221-2 255-5 237-8 170-4 245-7 -290-2 211-6 128-8 Wandsworth Camberwell Kotherhithe Greenwich Lewisham . 4-3 12-5 20-0 18-5 2-0 Total, South Districts 45,542 291,964 324,671 616,635 11-3 jTotal, Central Districts 1,938 191,218 202,038 393,25b 202-9 Total, for all London 78,029 1,106,558 1,255,678 2,362,230 30-2 But a better idea of the comparative density of the population in the several districts of London, will be obtained by reference to the subjoined engraving. PERSONS TO SQUARE ACRE. J. East London . 290-2 19. Stepney .... 88-1 2. Strand 255-5 20. St. Martin-in-tlie-Tields . 80 8 3. St. Lnke 245 7 21. Westminster 7i -5 4. Holb'irn 237-8 22. Bei mondsey 69-9 rt. St. Gilíes . . . 221 2 23. Chelt-ea .... 65-4 6. St. James, Westminster . 215-9 24. SL George. Hanover Square 63-0 7. N\'e8t Ixindon . 211-6 25. Panora.s . 69 4 8. St. George, Soulhwark 208 5 199-0 26. Lambeth .... 34-7 30-4 9. St. George in the East 27. Islington. 10. Whitecbapel . 196-4 28. Rotlieibiibe 2U-0 11. Clerkenwoll . 170-4 29. Ken.tmgton 16 2 12. Shoreilitch 169-1 30. poplar .... 16 1 13. St. Saviour, Southwark . 142-9 31. llaokney . 14-8 14. London, Uity . 128-8 32. Carat>erwell 12 5 15. Bethnal Green 118-6 83. Greenwich 6-4 16. St. Olave, South« ark 114 6 34. Han-iiistead 5 3 17. Marylebone 1< 4-.5 3.5. Wandsworth . 4 6 8. Newiuglou l'}3-8 36. LewLsham 2-0 vP MAP ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE DISTRIBUTION AND DENSITY OF THE POPULATION OF LONDON IN 1851. ■ (The blackest portions indicate the quarters which are the most thickly peopled ! and, on the contrary, the lightest portions those in which the population is the thinnest.) 18 THE GREAT WORLD OE LOHDOH. Further, to put the matter even more lucidly before the mind, we may say that no less than 169 people die each day in the Metropolis, and that a babe is bom within its boundaries nearly every five minutes throughout the year ! * " Considered in connection with the insular position of England in that great highway of nations, the Atlantic," says Sir John Herschel, " it is a fact not a little explanatory of the commercial eminence of our country, that London occwpies very nearly the centre of the terres¬ trial hemisphere." But whether the merchant fame of Great Britain be due to its geographical good luck, or to that curious commingling of races, which has filled an Englishman's veins with the blood of the noblest tribes belonging to the multiform family of mankind—the Celtic, the Roman, the Saxon, the Scandinavian, and Norman—so that an Englishman is, as it were, an ethno¬ logical compound of a Welshman, an Italian, a German, Dane, and Frenchman—to whichever cause the result be due, it is certain that all people regard the British Capital as the largest and busiest human hive in the world. The mere name, indeed, of London calls up in the mind—^not only of Londoners, but of country folk and foreigners as well—a thousand varied trains of thought. Perhaps the first idea that rises in association with it is, that it is at once the biggest bazaar and the richest bank throughout the globe. Some persons, turning to the west, regard London as a city of palatial thoroughfares, and princely club-houses and mansions, and adorned with parks, and bristling with countless steeples, and crowded with stately asylums for the indigent and afflicted. Others, mindful but of the City, see, principally, narrow lanes and musty counting- houses, and tail factory chimneys, darkening (tiU lately) the air with their black clouds of smoke ; and huge blocks of warehouses, with doors and cranes at every floor ; and docks crowded with shipping, and choked with goods ; and streets whose traffic is positively deaf¬ ening in the stranger's ear ; and bridges and broad thoroughfares blocked with the dense inass of passing vehicles. Others, again, looking to the east, and to the purlieus of the town, are struck with the appalling wretchedness of the people, taking special notice of the haK-naked, shoeless children that are usually seen gamboling up our courts, and the capless, shaggy-headed women that loll about the alleys or lanes, with their bruised, discoloured features, telling of some recent violence ; or else they are impressed with the sight of the drunken, half-starved mobs collected round the glittering bar of some palatial gin-shop, with the foul-mouthed mothers there drugging their infants with the drink. In fine, this same London is a strange, incongruous chaos of the most astounding riches and prodigious poverty—of feverish ambition and apathetic despair—of the brightest charity and the darkest crime ; the great focus of human emotion—the scene, as we have said, of countless daily struggles, failures, and successes ; where the very best and the very worst • The returns of the Eegistrar-Qeneral as to the number of births and deaths occurring in London duiing the year 1855, are as follows :— § 4. LONDON PROM DIFFERENT POINTS OF VIEW. 1855.—Births, Males Females 1855.—Deaths, Males . Females . 43,352 . 41,592 . 37,203 . 30,303 I Total, 84,944. I Total, 61,506. LOÎTDON FROM DIFFERENT POINTS ÖF VIEW. 19 types of civilized society are foxind to prevail—where there are more houses and more house¬ less—^more feasting and more starvation—^more philanthropy and more bitter stony-hearted- ness, than on any other spot in the world—and atl grouped around the one giant centre, whose huge dark dome, with its glittering ball of gold, is seen in every direction, looming through the smoke, and marking out the Capital, no matter from what quarter the traveller may come. " I have often amused myself," says Dr. Johnson, " with thinking how different a place London is to different people. They whose narrow minds are contracted to the considera¬ tion of some one particular pursuit, view it only through that medium. A politician thinks of it only as the seat of government in its different departments ; a grazier, as a vast market for cattle ; a mercantile man, as a place where a prodigious deal of business is done upon'Change; a dramatic enthusiast, as the grand scene of theatrical entertainments; a man of pleasure, as an assemblage of taverns. • » • * • intellectual man is struck with it as comprehending the whole of human life in its variety, the contemplation of which is inexhaustible." Of the first impressions of London, those who drew their infant breath within its smoky atmosphere are, of course, utterly unconscious ; and, perhaps, there is no class of people who have so dull a sense of the peculiarities of the great town in which they live, and none who have so little attachment to their native place as Londoners themselves. The Swiss, it is well known, have almost a woman's love for the mountains amid which "they were reared ; indeed so fervent is the affection of the Helvetian for his native hills, that it was found necessary to prohibit the playing of the "Ranz des Vaches," in the Swiss regiments of the French army, owing to the number of desertions it occasioned. The German, too, in other lands, soon becomes afiSicted with, what in the language of the country is termed, "Seimwéh"—that peculiar settled melancholy and bodily as well as mental depression which results from a continual craving to return to his " fatherland." Indeed, though the people of almost every other place throughout the globe have, more or less, a strong attachment for the land of their birth, your old-established Londoner is so little remarkable for the quality, that it becomes positively absurd to think of one bom within the sound of Bow-hells displaying the least regard for his native paving-stones. For whilst the scion of other parts yeams to get back to the haunts of his childhood, the Londoner is beset with an incessant desire to be off from those of hû. All the year through he looks forward to his week's or month's autumnal holiday abroad, or down at one of the fashionable English watering-places ; and even when he has amassed sufficient means to render him independent of the Metropolis, he seldom or never can bring himself to end his days in some suburban "Paradise Place," or "Prospect Row," that is "within half an hour's ride of the Bank»" and (as inviting landladies love to add) " with omnibuses passing the door every five minutes." But he retires, on the contrary, to one of the pleasant and secluded nooks of England, or else to some economical little foreign town, where he can realize the pleasures of cheap claret or hock, and avoid the income-tax. Hence it has come to be a saying among metropolitan, genealogists, that London families seldom continue settled in the Capital for three generations together—there being but few persons biun and bred in the Metropolis whose great-grandfather was native to the place. Formerly, in the old coaching days, the entrance into London was a sight that no country in the world could parallel, and one of which the first impression was well calculated to astound the foreigner, who had been accustomed in his own coimtry to travel along roads that were about as loose in the soil and as furrowed with rats as ploughed fields, and in mails, too, that were a kind of cross between a fly-wagon and an omnibus, and not nearly so rapid as hearses when returning from a funeral, and with the horses harnessed to the 20 THE GEEAT WORLD OF LONDON. unsightly vehicle with traces of rope, and a huge-booted driver continuaUy shouting and swearing at the team. The entry into the MetropoEs, on the contrary, was over a rôadway that was positively as hard as steel and as level as water, and upon which the patter of the horses hoofs rang with an almost metallic sound. Then the coachman was often an English gentleman, and even in some cases a person of rank,* whilst the vehicle itself was a very model of lightness and elegance. The horses, too, were such thorough-bred animals as England alone could produce, and their entire leathern trappings as brightly polished as a dandy's boots. In those days, even London people themselves were so delighted with the sight of the mails and fast coaches leaving the Metropolis at night, that there was a large crowd invariably congregated around the Angel at Islington, the White Horse Cellar, Piccadilly, and the Elephant and Castle across the water, at eight every evening, to see the royal stages start into the coimtry by their different routes. On the King's birthday, too, the scene at those inns was assuredly as picturesque as it was entirely national. The exterior of the taverns was studded over with lights of many colours, arranged in tasty luminous lines, the sleek-coated blood horses were all newly harnessed, and the bright brass ornaments on their trappings glittered again in the glare of the ihumination. The coachmen and guards were in, unsuUied scarlet coats worn for the first time that day ; and there were gay rosettes of ribbon and bunches of flowers at each of the horse's heads as well as in each coachman's button-hole ; while the freshly-painted mails were packed so thickly in front of the tavem- door, that the teams were all of a heap there ; and the air kept on continuaLly resounding with the tinny twang of the post horns of the newly arriving or departing vehicles. ^ i. The Entry into London hy " Mail." We are not among those who regret the change in the mode of travelling, and we allude to the old mail-coaches here simply as having been especially characteristic of the country and the Capital. Now that all the world, however, travels by rail, there is butRttle peculiar in the style by which the entry into London is made, to impress the mind of strangers. Never¬ theless, as the trains dart through the different suburbs, the eye must he duU indeed that is not struck with the strange sights seen by the way, even though the journey be performed among the house-tops of the metropolitan outskirts. What an odd notion the stranger must acquire of the Metropolis, as he enters it by the South-Western Railway ! How curious is the flash of the passing VauxhaU Gardens, dreary with their big black trees, and the huge theatrical-looking summer-house, built for the orchestra and half-tumbling to decay ; and the momentary glimpse of the Tartarus-like gas-works, with their tall minaret chimneys, and the red mouth of some open retort th,ere glowing like the crater of a burning volcano ; and the sudden whisking by of the Lambeth potteries, with their show of sample chimney-pots, and earthen pans, and tubing, ranged along the walls ; and, the minute afterwards, the glance at the black rack-like sheds, spotted aU over with the snowy ends of lumpä" of whiting, thrust at intervals through the aper¬ tures ; and then the sickening stench of the bone-boilers, leaking in through every crevice of the carriage ; and the dreary-looking attics of the houses as the roofs fly past ; and, lastly, • Aristocracy patronized the coach-box as drivers of stages. Sir Vincent Cotton drove the " Age," Brighton coach; Mr. Willan, the "Magnet;"' Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt Jones, the "Pearl;" Mr. Bliss, the » Mazeppa ;" and Captain Probin, the " Beading ;" all being renowned for their whips and fast coaches, and doing their lOj and 11 miles per hour. There were also the " Hirondelle," which ran between Cheltenham and Liverpool, 133 miles in 12J hours ; the " Owen Qlendower," between Birmingham and Aherystwith, a very hilly country, at the rate of lOi miles per hour ; two coaches, the " Phenomenon" and the " Blue," ran between London and Norwich at a rate of 12 miles per hour, doing 112 miles in 9 J hours; the "Quicksilver" and the " Shrewsbury "Wonder" were likewise famous fast coaches; and the "Manchester Telegraph" ran 13 miles per hour, including stoppages. Publie Carriaget of Oreat Britain.—By J. E. Bradfield. LONDON FEOM DIFFERENT POINTS OF VIEW. 21 while the train stops for the collection of the tickets on the high viaduct over the Westminster Bridge Road, the protracted peep down into the broad street above which the carriages rest, and the odd bird's-eye view of the huge linendrapers' shop there, with the diminutive- looking people, and cabs, and carts, hurrying along deep down in the roadway under the train ! Or, if the visitor enter London by the South-Eastem line, coming from Dover, or Brighton, the scene is equally distinctive. No sooner does the train near London than the huge glass temple of the Crystal Palace appears glittering in the Hght, like so much ice- work. Then stations rush rapidly by, tahleted all over with showy advertising hoards and hüls announcing cheap clothing, or cheap tea, or bedding, or stationery, or razors, and the huge letters seeming to he smudged one into the other by the speed. Then as the knot of neighbouring lines draw together Hke so many converging radii, distant trains are seen at all kinds of levels, flitting across the marshes without the least apparent effort, and with a cloud of white steam puffing fitfully from the chimney of the engine at the head, while the little wheels of the carriages are observed to twinkle again with their rapid twirling. In a minute or two the train turns the angle of the line, and then through what a hricken wilderness of roofs it seems to be ploughing its way, and how odd the people look, as they slide swiftly by, in-their wretched garrets ! Next, a smeU of tan pervades the air ; and there are glimpses of brown hides hanging in sheds below. Now, the church of St. John, Horsleydown, shoots by with the strange stone pillar stuck on the top of it, in lieu of a steeple ; and immediately afterwards the tangle of railway lines becomes more and more intricate, the closer the train draws to the terminus, tül at length the earth appears to be ribbed over with the iron bars in every direction, and the lines to be in such confusion that it seems a iniracle how the engine can find its way among the many fibres of the iron web. Nor, if the visitor come by the London and North "Western line from Liverpool or the great manufacturing districts, are the sights less striking ; for here the train plunges with a loud shriek into the long, dark perforation under Primrose Hül, and when it shoots into the light again, the green banks are seen studded with little viUas, ranged two and two beside th® road. Then, as the carriages stop outside the engine-house for the coUection of the tickets, what a hurry-skurry and riot there appears to be among the passing locomotives ! Here one engine pants and gasps, as it begins to move, as if it were positively overcome with the exertion, and when the wheels refuse to bite upon the rail, it seems to chuckle again half-savagely at its own failure, as they slip round and round. Another goes tearing by, its shrill whistle screeching Hke a mad human thing the while, and men shoot out of Httle sentry-boxes, and shoulder, with á nûHtary air, fuxled-up flags. In a minute or two afterwards the train moves on once more, and the carriages go rattling along the bed, as it were, of some dried-up canal, with Httle cottage mansions perched on the top of the sl-gnting railway wall, and great iron girders over-head, stretching across the hricken channel HVp the rafters of a loft. But the most pecuHar and distinctive of all the entries to the Great MetropoHs is the one by the river ; for, assuredly, there is no scene that impresses the mind with so lively a sense of the wealth and commercial energy of the British Capital as the view of the far-famed Port of London. •jj Ü. The Port of London. Seen from the Custom House, this is indeed a characteristic sight ; and some timp. since we were permitted, by the courtesy of the authorities, to witness the view from the "long room" there. The broad highway of the river—which at this part is near upon 300 yards in width- was almost blocked with the tiers of shipping ; for there was merely a narrow pathway of grey, glittering water left open in the middle ; and, on either side, the river was blaià with 22 THE GEEAT "WORLD OF LONDON. the dense mass of hulls collected alongside the quays ; while the masts of the craft were as thick as the pine stems in their native forests. The sun shone bright upon the water, and as its broken beams played upon the surface it sparkled and twinkled in the light, Hko a crumpled plate of golden foil ; and, down the " silent highway," barges, tide-horne, floated sideways, with their long slim oars projecting from their sides like the flns of a flying fish; whilst others went along, with their masts slanting down and their windlass clicking as men laboured to raise the " warm-brown " sail that they had lowered to pass imder the bridge. Then came a raft of timber, towed by a small boat, and the boatman leaning far back in it as he tugged at the sculls ; and presently a rapid river steamer flitted past, the deck crowded so densely with passengers that it reminded one of a cushion stuck aU over with black pins ; and as it hurried past we caught a whiff, as it were, of music from the little band on board. The large square blocks of warehouses on the opposite shore were almost hidden in the shadow which came slanting down far into the river, and covering, as with a thick veil of haze, the confused knot of sloops and schooners and " bilanders" that lay there in the dusk, in front of the wharves. Over the tops of the warehouses we could see the trail of white steam, from the railway engines at the neighbouring terminus, darting from among the roofs as they hurried to and fro. A little way down the river, stood a clump of Irish vessels, with the light peeping through the thicket, as it were, of their masts—some with their sails hanging all loose and limp, and others with them looped in rude festoons to the yards. Beside these lay barges stowed full of barrels of beer and sacks of flour ; and a few yards farther on, a huge foreign steamer appeared, with short thick black funnel and blue paddle-boxes. Then came hoys laden with straw and coasting goods, and sunk so deep in the water that, as the steamers dashed by, the white spray was seen to beat against the dark tarpaulins that covered their heaped-up cargoes. Next to these the black, surly-looking colliers were noted, huddled in a dense mass together, with the bare backs of the coalwhippers flashing among the rigging as, in hoisting the ""Wallsend" from the hold, they leaped at intervals down upon the deck. Behind, and through the tangled skeins of the rigging, the eye rested upon the old Suffrance wharves, with their peaked roofs and unwieldy cranes ; and far at the back we caught sight of one solitary tree ; whilst in the fog of the extreme distance the steeple of St. Mary's, Eotherhithe, loomed over the mast-heads—grey, dim, and spectral-Uke. Then, as we turned round and Iboked towards the bridge, we caught glimpses of barges and boats moving in the broad arcs of light showing through the arches ; while above the bridge-parapet were seen just the tops of moving carts, and omnibuses, and high-loaded railway wagons, hurrying along in opposite directions. Glancing thence to the bridge-wharves on the same side of the river as ourselves, we beheld bales of goods dangling in the air from the cranes that projected from the top of " Nicholson's." Here alongside the quay lay Spanish schooners and brigs, laden with fruits ; and as we cast our eye below, we saw puppet-Kke figures of men with cases of oranges on their backs, bending beneath the load, on their way across the dumb-lighter to the wharf. Next came Billingsgate, and here we could see the white,bellies of the fish showing in the market beneath, and streams of men passing backwards and forwards to the river side, where lay a small crowd of Dutch eel boats, with their gutta-percha-Hke hulls, and unwieldy, green-tipped rudders. Immediately beneath us was the brown, gravelled walk of the Custom House quay, where trim children strolled with their nursemaids, and haÜess and yellow-legged Blue-coat Boys, and there were youths fresh from school, who had come either to have a peep at the shipping, or to skip and play among the barges. From the neighhouring stairs boats pushed off continually, while men standing in the stem wriggled themselves along by working a scull behind, after the fashion of a fish's tail. LONDON PEOM DIEFEEENT POINTS OF VIEW. 2a Here, near the front of the quay, lay a tier of huge steamers with gilt sterns and mahogany wheels, and their bright brass binnaeles shining as if on fire in the sun. At the foremast head of one of these the "blue Peter" was fiying as a summons to the hands on shore to come aboard, while the dense clouds of smoke that poured from the thick red funnel told that the boiler fires were ready lighted for starting. Further on, might be seen the old " Perseus," the receiving-ship of the navy, with her topmasts down, her black sides towering high, like immense rampart-walls, out of the water, and her long white ventilating sacks hanging over the hatchways. Immediately beyond this, the eye could trace the Tower wharves, with their gravelled walks, and the high- capped and red-coated sentry pacing up and down them, and the square old grey lump of the Tower, with a turret at each of. its four corners, peering over the water. In front of this lay another dense crowd of foreign vessels, and with huge lighters beside the wharf, while bales of hemp and crates of hardware swung from the cranes as they were lowered into the craft below. In the distance towered the huge 'massive warehouses of St. Katherine's Dock, with their big signet letters on their sides, their many prison-like windows, and their cranes and doors to every fioor. Beyond this, the view was barred out by the dense grove of masts that rose np from the water, thick as giant reeds beside the shore, and filmed over with the gray mist of vapour rising from the river so that their softened outlines melted gently into the dusk. As we stood looking down upon the river, the hundred clocks of the hundred churches at our back, with the golden figures on their black dials shining in the sun, chimed the hour of noon, and in a hundred different tones ; while solemnly above all boomed forth the deep metallic moan of St. Paul's ; and scarcely had the great beU ceased humming in the air, before there rose the sharp tinkling of eight beUs from the decks of the multitude of sailing vessels and steamers packed below. Indeed, there was an exquisite charm in the many different sounds that smote the ear from the busy Port of London. Now we could hear the ringing of the " purlman's" bell, as, in his Kttle boat, he fiitted in and out among the several tiers of colliers to serve the grimy and half-naked coalwhippers with drink. Then would come the rattle of some heavy chain suddenly let go, and after this the chorus of many séamen heaving at the ropes ; whilst high above aU roared the hoarse voice of some one on the shore, bawling through his hands to a mate aboard the craft. Presently came the clicking of the capstan-palls, telling of the heaving of a neighboiiring anchor; and mingling with all this might be heard the rumbling of the wagons and carts in the streets behind, and the panting and throbbing of the passing river steamers in front, together with the shrill scream of the railway whistle from the terminus on the opposite shore. In fine, look or listen in whatever direction we might, the many sights and soimds that filled the eye and ear told each its different tale of busy trade, bold enterprise, and bound¬ less capital. In the many bright-coloured fiags that fiuttered from the mastheads of the vessels crowding the port, we could read how all the corners of the earth had been ransacked each for its peculiar produce. The massive warehouses at the water-side looked realiy likp the storehouses of the world's infinite products, and the tall mast-like factory chimneys behind us, -with their black plumes of smoke streaming from them, told us how all around that port were hard at work fashioning the products into cunning fabrics. Then, as we beheld the white clouds of steam from some passing railway engine puffed out once more from among the opposite roofs, and heard the clatter of the thousand vehicles in the streets hard by, and watched the dark tide of carts and wagons pouring over the bridge, and looked down the apparently endless vista of masts that crowded either side of the river—we could not help feeling how every power known to man was here used to bring and difflise the riches of all parts of the world over our own, and indeed every other country. 24 THE GREAT WORLD OE LOHDOH. ^ iii. London from the Top of 8t. Paul's. Thero is, however, one other grand point of view from which the Metropolis may be contemplated, and which is not only extremely characteristic of the Capital, but so popular among strangers, that each new comer generally hastens, as soon as possible after his arrival in London, to the Golden Gallery to see the giant city spread out at his feet. Hence, this introduction to the Great World of London would be imcomplete if we omitted öom our general survey to describe the peculiarities of the scene from that point. It was an exquisitely bright and clear winter's morning on the day we moimted the five hundred and odd steps that lead to the gallery below the ball and cross crowning the cathe¬ dral—and yet the view was aU smudgy and smeared with smoke. Still the haze, which bung like a thick curtain of shadow before and over everything, increased rather than diminished the monster sublimity of the city stretched out beneath us. It was utterly unlike London as seen below in its every-day bricken and hard-featured reality, seeming to he the spectral illusion of the Great Metropolis—such as one might imagine it in a dream—or the view of some fanciful cloud-land, rather than the most matter-of-fact and prosaic city in the world. In the extreme distance the faint colourless hiUs, " picked out" with little bright patches of sunshine, appeared like some far-off shore—or rather as a mirage seen in the sky—^for they were cut off from the nearer objects by the thick ring of fog that bathed the more distant buildings in impenetrable dusk. Clumps of houses and snatches of parks loomed here and there through the vapour, like distant islands rising out of a sea of smoke ; and isolated patches of palatial hospitals, or public buildings, shone in the accidental lights, as if they were miniature models sculptured out of white marble. And yet dim and unsatisfactory as at first the view appeared, one would hardly on reflec¬ tion have had it otherwise; since, to behold the Metropolis without its characteristic canopy of smoke, but with its thousand steeples standing out against the clear blue sky, sharp and definite in their outlines, as " cut pieces " in some theatrical scene, is to see London unlike itself—London, without its native element. Assuredly, as the vast Capital lay beneath us, half hidden in mist, and with only a glimpse of its greatness visible, it had a much more BubUme effect from the very inability of the mind to grasp the whole in all its Rteral details. Still, there was quite enough visible to teach one that there was no such other city in the world. Immediately at our feet were the busy streets, like deep fissures in the earth, or as if the great bricken mass had split and cracked in all directions; and these were positively black at the bottom with the tiny-looking living crowd of vehicles and people pouring along the thoroughfares. What a dense dark flood of restless enterprise and competition it seemed ! ' And there rose to the ear the same roar from it, as rises from the sea at a distance. The pavements, directly underneath us, were darkened on either side of the roadway with dense streams of busy little men, that looked almost like ants, hurrying along in opposite directions; whilst what with the closely-packed throng of carts, cabs, and omnibuses, the earth seemed all aUve with tiny creeping things, as when one looks into the grass on a warm summer's day. To peep down into the trough of Ludgate Hül was a sight that London alone could show ; for the tops of the vehicles looked so compact below that they reminded one of the illustra¬ tions of the " testudo," or tortoise-like floor, formed by the up-raised shields of the Roman soldiers, and on. which, we are told, people might walk. Here were long lines of omnibuses, BO bigger ^ban children's tin toys, and crowded with pigmies on the roof—and tiny Hansom cabs, with doU-Hkc drivers perched at the back—and the flat black and shiny roofs of miniature-like Broughams and private carriages—and brewers' drays, with the round backs of the stalwart team, looking like plump mice, and with their load of beer hutts appearing LONDOîf FEOM DIFFEEENï POINTS OF VIEW. 27 no bigger than oyster-barrels—and black looking coal-wagons, that, as yon gazed down into them, seemed more like coel-loxes—and top-heavy-like railway vans, with their little bales of cotton piled high in the air—and the wholesale linen-drapers' ugly attempts at phaetons—and the butchers' carts, with little blue-smocked men in them—^indeed every kind of London conveyance was there, all jammed into one dense throng, and so compactly, too, that one might easily have run along the tops of the various vehicles. Then, how strange it was to watch the Une of conveyances move on, altogether, for a few paces, as if they were each part of one long railway train ; and then suddenly come, every one, to a dead halt, as the counter stream of conveyances at the bottom of the hill was seen to force its way across the road. As we turned now to note the other points of the surrounding scene, what a forest of church-steeples was seen to bristle around the huge dome on the top of which we were standing ! The sight reminded one of the fact, that before the Great Fire there was a church to every three acres of ground within the City walls ; for there were the spires still ranged close as nine-pins, and impressing one with a sense that every new street or pubUc building musfknock a number of them down, as if they really were so many stone skittles j for, as we peered into the fog of smoke, we could make out others in the misty back-ground, whose towers seemed suspended, Uke Mahomet's coffin, midway between heaven and earth, as if poised in the thick gray air ; whilst, amid the steeple crowd, we could distinguish the tall column of thé Monument, with its golden erown of flames at the top, and surróimded by a host of factory-chimneys that reminded one of the remaining pillars of the ruined temple of Serapis ; so that it would have puzzled a simple foreigner to tell whether the City of London were more remarkable for its manufactures or its piety. Then, what a charm the mind experienced in recognizing the different places and ohjeets that it knew tmder a wholly different aspect ! Yonder flows the Thames, circling half round the vast bricken mass that we call Lamheth and Southwark. It is a perfect arc of water ; and the many bridges spanning it, like girders, seem to link the opposite shores of London into one Metropolis, Uke the mysterious ligament that joined the two Siamese into one life. Then there stands the Exchange, hardly bigger than a twelfth-cake ornament, and with the equestrian statue of "Wellington, in front of it, smaller than the bronze horse surmounting some library time¬ piece ; and there the Post-office, dwindled down to the dimensions of an architectural model. That low, square, flat-roofed building is the dumpy little Bank of England ; and that ring of houses is Finsbury Circus ; it looks from the elevation like the bricken mouth of a well. This, we mentally exclaim, as we continue our walk round the gallery, is the Old Bailey, with the big cowl to its roof; and close beside it are the high and spiked walls of Newgate prison ; we can see half down into the exercising wards of the felons from where we stand. And this open space is Smithfield. How desolate it looks now, stript of its market, and with its empty sheep-pens, that seem from the height to cover the ground Ukf» a grating ! The dingy domed, sohtary buûding beyond it, that appears, up here, like a " round-house," is the Sessions House, Clerkenwell ; and t^e, amidst the haze, we can just distinguish another dome, almost the fellow of the one we are standing upon ; it's the London University. Next, glancing towards the river once more, we see, where the mist has cleared a bit, the shadowy form of the Houses of Parliament, with their half-flnished towers; from the distance it has the appearance of some tiny Parian toy. But the Nelson and the York Columns are lost to us in the haze ; so, too, is the Palace ; and yet we can see the TTillg of Highgate and Surrey ; ay, and even the Crystal Palace, shimmering yonder like a bubble in the light. So dense, however, is the paU of smoke about the City, that beyond London Bridge nothing is to be traced—neither the Tower, nor the Docks, nor the India House—and the ou^es even of the neighbouring streets and turrets are blurred with the thick haze of 28 THE GREAT WORLD OE LONDON. the fumes, into half-spectral indistinctness. Though, were it otherwise, it would not, we repeat, he a true picture of London. § 5 THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON. It will, doubtlessly, have been noticed that, in speaking of London generally, it has been our wont here to use certain antithetical phrases, such as " wealth and want," " charity and crime," " palaces and workhouses," &c. It must not, however, he supposed that we have done this as a mere rhetorical flourish, for none can object to such piebald painting moro than we. The mind's eye must be dim, indeed, that requires things to be put in the strong contrast of black and white before it can distinguish their peculiarities ; and as the educated organ of the artist gets to prefer the sober browns and delicate neutral tints to the glare of positive colour, so long literary culture teaches one to despise those mere verbal trickeries which are termed " flowers of speech," and in which a showy arrangement of phrases is used as a cloak for a beggarly array of ideas. But London is essentially a city of antithesis—a city where life itself is painted in pure black and white, and where the very extremes of society are seen in greater force than any¬ where else. This constitutes, as it were, the topographical essence of the Great Metropolis— the salient point of its character as a Capital—the distinctive mark which isolates it from aR other towns and cities in the world ; for though the middle class and the medium forms of civilized life prevail in the Metropolis to an unparalleled extent, this does not constitute its civic idiosyncracy ; but it is simply the immensity of the commerce which springs from this same vmpwrallelei prevalence of merchant people in London, and the consequent vastness of its wealth, as weU as the unprecedented multitude of individuals attracted by such wealth to the spot, that forms the most prominent feature in every one's ideal picture of the town. Then, again, it is owing partly to the excessive riches of London that its poverty appeal's to he in excess also—not that there really is, perhaps, a greater proportion of misery to be found within the metropolitan boundaries than within other large cities; but as London is the largest of aU cities, there is naturaRy the greatest amount of human wretchedness to be seen concentrated within it ; wretchedness, too, that is made to look stfll more wretched simply from the fact of its being associated with the most abundant comfort in the world. Moreover, from the immense mass of houses, the mind is positively startled at the idea of there being any houseless in the Capital ; and so, too, from the enormous consumption of food by the aggregate population, as weR as the sumptuousness of the civic banquets, the anomaly of there being any famishing within it, becomes deeply impressed upon the mind ; while the exceeding charity of the Metropolis, where many of the asylums for the humblest even rival in architectural grandeur the dweRing-places of the proudest in the land, naturaRy, gives a deeper dye, from the mere contrast, to the criminaRty of the London people—^whose pickpockets, it must be confessed, are among the most expert, and whose "dangerous classes" are certainly the most brutaRy ignorant in aR Christendom. For these reasons, therefore, we shaR now proceed to set forth some of the principal social and moral contrasts to be noted in London town. ^ i. Of the Riches and Poverty of London. Country people have a saying that the streets of London are paved with gold, and certainly, when we come to consider the aggregate wealth of the Metropolis, it amounts to so enormous a sum as tp admit almost of the buRion being sprqad over the entire surface of the 1,750 mRes of paving that make up the London thoroughfares. In the first place, it has been already stated that the paving of the streets themselves THE CONTRASTS GE LONDON. 29 costs no less than £14,00.0,000 ; so that when we come to leam that the expense of con- Btracting the Metropolitan roadways amounts, upon an average, to £8,000 a mile, the very stones of the streets seem almost to be nuggets of gold. Again, the treasures buried beneath the soil are equally inconceivable ; for there are no less than 1,900 miles of gas-pipes laid under these same London stones, and about the same length of water-pipes as well ; so that these, at only a shilling a foot each, would cost nearly half a million of money. Further, there are the subterranean tunnels of the sewers—^the blicken bowels, as it were, of the Capital—of which there are also some hundreds of miles stretching through London beneath the pavement. Hence we find that there is a vast amount of wealth sunk both in and under the London .nadways, and that upon every square yard of earth, trodden under the feet of the people, there has been an enormous sum expended., The amount of money spent, and the vastness of apparatus employed, simply in lighting London and the suburbs with gas, would seem to dispel all thoughts of poverty ; for, according to the accoimt of Mr. Barlow, the capital employed in the pipes, tanks, gas-holders, and apparatus of the aggregate London gas-works, amounts to between £3,000,000 and £4,000,000 ; and the cost of lightmg averages more than half a million of money per annum —there being no less than 360,000 gas-lights friagiag the streets, and consuming as much as 13,000,000 cubic feet of gas every night. Those who have seen London only in the day-time, with its flood of life pouring through the arteries to its restless heart, know it not in all its grandeur. They have still, in order to comprehend the multiforfii sublimity of the great city, to contemplate it by night, afar oflf from an eminence. As noble a prospect as any in the world, it has been well said, is London viewed from the suburbs on a clear winter's evening. Though the stars be shining in the heavens, there is another firmament spread out below with its millions of bright lights glittering at the feet. Line after line sparkles like the trails left by meteors, and cutting and crossing one another till they are lost in the haze of distance. Over the whole, too, there hangs a lurid cloud, bright as if the monster city were in flames, and looking from afar like the sea at dusk, made phosphorescent by the million creatures dwelling within it. Again, at night it is that the strange anomalies of London life are best seen. As the hum of life ceases, and the shops darken, and the gaudy gin palaces thrust out their ragged and squalid crowds to pace the streets, London puts on its most solemn look of aU. On the benches of the parks, in the niches of the bridges, and in the litter of the markets, are huddled together the homeless and the destitute. The only living things that haunt the streets are the poor wretched Magdalens, who stand shivering in their finery, waiting to catch the drunkard as he goes shouting homewards. There, on a door-step, crouches some shoeless child, whose day's begging has not brought it enough to purchase even the penny night's lodging that his young companions in beggary have gone to. "Where the stones are taken up and piled high in the road, whUe the mains are being mended, and the gas streams from a taU pipe, in a flag of flame, a ragged crowd are grouped round the glowing coke fire —some smoking, and others dozing beside it. Then, as the streets grow blue with the coming light, and the church spires and roof tops stand out against the clear sky with a sharpness of outUne that is seen only in London before its million chimneys cover the town with their smoke—^then come sauntering forth the unwashed poor ; some with greasy wallets on their backs to hunt over each dust-heap, and eke out life by seeking refuse hones or stray rags and pieces of old iron ; others, whilst on their way to their work, are gathered at the comer of some street round the early breakfast-staU, and blowing saucers of steaming coffee, drawn from tail tin cans that have the red-hot charcoal shining crimson through the holes in the fire-pan beneath them ; whilst already the little slattern girl, with her basket slung before her, screams, " Water-creases through the sleeping streets. 30 THE GREAT "WORLD OF LONDON. But let us pass to a more cheering subject—let us, in the exceeding wealth of our city, forget for the moment its exceeding misery. We have already shown what a vast amoimt of treasure is buried, as we said before, not only in, but under the ground of London; and now we will proceed to portray the immense value of the buildings raised upon it. The gross rental, or yearly income from the houses in the metropolis, as assessed to the property and income tax, amounts to twelve and a half millions of pounds, so that at ten years' purchase, the aggregate value of the buildings throughout London, wiR amount to no less than the prodi¬ gious sum of one hundred and twenty-five millions sterling.* Nor is this all: this sum, enormous as it is, expresses the value of the houses only; and in order to understand the worth also of the furniture that they contain, we must consult the returns of the Assurance Companies, and thus we shall find that the gross property insured is valued at more than one hundred and sixty-six million pounds.^ • table shewing the assessment op property to the income tax and poor rates in the several districts throughout london. Districts. i West Districts. I Kensington iChelsea . iSt. George, Hanover Square Westminster . St. Martin in the Fields . St. James, West¬ minster Total . North Districts. 'Marylebone Hampstead PancrasJ Islington Hackney. Total Central Districts St. Giles . ■ Strand . Holbom . iClerkenwell St. Luke . I East London I West London London City Total .CI B 17,151 7,591 8.792 6,642 2,307 3,399 45,882 15,826 1,719 18,584 13,528 9,818 59,475 4,700 3,962 4,311 7,224 6,349 4,739 2,657 7,297 p ,2 co 5 132 1 «S O p 876,854 167,897 1,009,572 272,790 226,852 416,843 2,970,808 1,132,324 66,656 1,251,737 309,629 170,347 41,239 2,930,693 305,880 353,786 261,665 300,928 193,443 202,598 256,278 1,279,148 3,153,726 650,115 166,998 675,440 223,200 249,555 412,823 1,378,131 836,372 69,357 572,731 329,781 196,073 2,004,314 232,129 220,872 61,206 188,372 141,658 139,767 124,540 ,562,428 2,760,972 si . I. £ o 3 £« ai ^ ac « S CI. 51-1 22-1 114-7 41-0 98-3 1226 64-7 721 38-7 67-3 22-8 17-3 33-6 65-0 89-2 60-6 41-6 30-4 42-7 96-4 17Ô-2 76-4 37-7 21-9 76-8 33-6 1080 121-4 73-6 52' 40-3 30-8 23-9 14-8 33-7 49-3 59-8 11-9 26-0 22-3 29-2 46-8 214-2 93-6 Districts. the East Districts. Shoreditch Bethnal Green Whitechapel . St. George in East . Stepney . Poplar . Total . South Districts. St. Saviour, South- wark . St. Olave, ditto Bermondsey . St. George, South wark . Newington Lambeth . Wandsworth . Camber-well . Rotherhithe . Greenwich Lewisham Total . Total for all London 15,337 13,298 8,812 6,146 16,259 6,831 EIÍ CO el — S E- £ s cc J •< o 66,683 4,600 2,360 7,007 6,992 10,458 20,447 8,276 9,412 2,792 14,383 5,927 92,654 305,933 325,846 110,072 209,192 184,543 289,093 258,979 1,386,725 71,282 94,231 107,225 153,830 207,877 534,372 368,526 208,338 59,677 290,534 150,359 2,246,251 12,688,203 £ 215,694 130,159 8-2 177,719 23-7 21-2 151,343 279,461 193,940 1,148,316 122,156 86,140 127,667 113,999 165,900 458,861 231,476 209,337 58,909 261,987 159,283 1,995,715 12287448 30-0 18-3 37-9 14-0, 8-4- 20-1, 21-3 17-1, 28-3 20-7 15-4 39-9 15-3 22-0 19-8 26-1 44-5 22-1 21-3 20-1 25-3 24-2 41-1 17-2 26-5 36-5 18-2 16-3 15-8 22-4 27-9 22-2 21-0 18-2 26-8 21-5 40-1 + The revenue derived from the duty paid on Insurances, amounts in round numbers to £250,000 for the flndon offices only ; and this, at 3s. per £100, gives upwards of £166,000,000 for the aggregate value of the «ndon Assurances, though only two-fifths of the houses are said to be insured. t The reason of their being so great a difference between the assessments for the income tax and poor's ites in thU district, is because the Inns of Court are estimated in the one and not in the other. THE CONTRASTS GE LONDON. 81 If, then, the value of the house property throughout the Metropolis amounts to so incom- nrehensible a sum, it is almost impossible to believe that any man among us should want a roof to shelter his head at night. The scenes, however, that are to be witnessed in the winter time at the Refuge for the Destitute, in Playhouse Yard, tell a very different tale ; for those who pay a visit to the spot, as we did some few winters back, will find a large crowd of houseless poor gathered about the asylum at dusk, waiting for the first opening of the doors, and with their blue, shoeless feet, ulcerous with the cold, from long exposure to the snow and ice in the street, and the bleak, stinging wind blowing through their rags. To hear the cries of the hungry, shivering ehildren, and the wranghug of the greedy men assembled there to obtain shelter for the night, and a pound of dry bread, is a thing to haunt one for life. At the time of our visit there were four hundred and odd creatures, utterly destitute, collected outside the door Mothers with infants at their breast—fathers with boys cHnging to their side—the friend¬ less—the penniless—the shirtless—^the shoeless—^breadless—homeless ; in a word, the very poorest of this the very richest city in the world. The records of this extraordinary institution, too, tell a fearful, history. There is a world of wisdom and misery to be read in them. The poor who are compelled to avail themselves of its eleemosynary shelter, warmth, and food, come from all nations. Here are destitute Erenchmen, Germans, Italians, Scotchmen, Irishmen, Africans, Americans, Spaniards, Portuguese, Poles—^besides the destitute of our own country ; and there are artisans belonging to all trades as well—compositors, carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, smiths, seamen, sweeps, engineers, watchmakers, artists, clerks and shopmen, milliners and gentlemen's servants, and navvies, and surveyors—^indeed the beggared man of every craft and calling whatsoever. The misery of many that are driven to seek the hospitality of such asylums is assuredly of their own making, and there are many there, too, who pursue mendicancy as a profession, preferring the precarious gains of begging to the regular income of industry. Many who trade upon the sympathy of those who desire to ease the sufferings of the deserving poor. But with these there also are mixed not a few whose callings yield a subsistence only in the summer time—^brickmakers, agricultural labourers, garden women, and the like—whose means of subsistence fail them at the very season when the elements conspire to render their necessities more urgent. The poverty indicated by the journals of the refuge for the houseless, is quite as startling to aU generous natures as are the returns of the house property of London. Eor we found— making allowance, too, for those who had remained more than one night in the establish¬ ment—that, since the opening of the asylum in 1820, as many as 1,141,588 homeless indi¬ viduals had received shelter within the walls ; and that upwards of 2| mülions of pounds, or nearly 10,025 tons, of bread had been distributed among the poor wretches. If, then, we are proud of our prodigious riches, surely we cannot but feel humbled at our prodigious poverty also. Again, we turn to the brighter side of the London picture, and once more we ourselves are startled with the army of figures, marshalling the wondrous wealth of this Great Metropolis. The late Mr. Rothschild called the English Metropolis, in 1832, the bank of the whole world: "I mean," said he, "that aU transactions in India and China, in Germany and Russia, are guided and settled here." And no wonder that the statement should be made ; for we leam that the amount of capital at the command of the entire London bankers may be estimated at sixty-four millions of pounds ;* and that the deposits or sums ready to be • See table of the bill currency of the United Kingdom in Banfield's " Statistical Companion" for 1854. 32 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOUTDOH. ínyested by the insurance companies may be taken at ten million pounds, -RTiiist the arammt employed in discounts, in the Metropolis alone, equals the inconceivable sum of seventy- eight million pounds. Indeed, it is asserted upon good authority, that the loans of one London house only, exceeded, in the year 1841, thirty millions sterling, which is upon an average nearly three milhons of money per month ; such loans occasionally amounting to as much as seven hundred thousand pounds in a single day. But this is not all. In London there exists an establishment called the " clearing¬ house," whither are taken the checks and hüls, on the authority of which a great part of the money paid and received by bankers is made, and where the checks and hüls drawn on one banking-house are canceUed by those which it holds on others. In the appendix to the Second Report of the Parhamentary Committee on Banks there is a return of the payments made through the clearing-house for the yea^- 1839, and though aU the sums under £100 were omitted in the statement, the total was upwards of 954 million poimds ! whilst the annual payments, through three bankers only, exceeded 100 millions sterling. Such an extent of commerce is not only unparaleUed, but requires as great faith as a miracle to enable us to credit it. Nevertheless, a walk to the several docks of London— those vast emporta of the riches of the entire world—^wiR enable even the most sceptical to arrive at some sense of the magnitude of our metropoHtan trade. These docks, indeed, are the very focus of the wealth of our merchant princes. The cranes creak again with the mass of riches. In the warehouses are stored heaps of indigo and dye stuffs, that are, as it were, so many ingots of untold gold. Above and below ground you see pües upon pUes of treasure that the eye cannot compass. The wealth appears as boundless as the very sea it has traversed, and the brain aches in an attempt to comprehend the amount of riches before, above, and beneath it. There are acres upon acres of treasures —^more than enough, one would fancy, to enrich the people of the whole globe. As you pass along this quay, the air is pungent with the vast stores of tobacco. At that it overpowers you with the fumes of rum. Then you are nearly sickened with the stench of hides and huge bins of horns ; and, shortly afterwards, the atmosphere is fragrant with coffee and spice. Nearly everywhere you see stacks of cork, or else yeUow bins of sulphur, or lead-coloured copper ore. As you enter one warehouse, the flooring is sticky, as if it had been newly tarred, with the sugar that has leaked through the tiers of casks ; and as you descend into the dark vaults, you see long lines of lights hanging from the black arches, and lamps flitting about midway in the air. Here you sniff the fumes of the wine—and there are acres df hogsheads of it—together with the peculiar fungous smeU of dry-rot. Along the quay you see, among the crowd, men with their faces blue with indigo, and gangers with their long brass-tipped rules dripping with spirit fresh from the casks they have been probing. Then wiU come a group of flaxen-haired sailors, chattering German ; and next a black seaman, with a red-cotton handkerchief twisted turban-üke round his head. Presently, a blue-smocked butcher pushes through the throng, with fresh meat and a bunch of cabbage in the tray on his shoulder ; and shortly afterwards comes a broad straw-hatted mate, carrying green parroquets in a wooden cage. Here, too, you wiU see sitting on a bench a Borrowful-loolring woman, with new bright cooking-tins at her feet, telling you she is some emigrant preparing for her voyage. Then the jumble of sounds as you pass along the dock blends in anything but sweet xincord. The sailors are singing boisterous nigger-songs from the Yankee ship just entering he dock ; the cooper is hammering at the casks on the quay ; the chains of the cranes, loosed of their weight, rattle as they fly up again ; the ropes splash in the water ; some captain shouts his orders through his hands ; a goat bleats from a ship in the basin ; and empty casks roU along the stones with a hoüow drum-like sound. Here the heavy-laden ships have their rimwales down in the water, fer below the quay, and you descend to them by ladders, TICKET-OF-T,EAYE MEN. (From a Flintog'-ap^i by liorbfrt \VatUiri-, 17r), Rogent Stropi.) 3 THE CONTEASTS OF LOEDON. 35 whilst in another basin the craft stand high up out of the dock, so that their gjreen copper- sheeting is almost level with the eye of the passenger, and above his head a long line of bowsprits stretch far over the quay, with spars and planks hanging from them as a tem¬ porary gangway to each vessel. " It is impossible," says Mr. M'CuUoch, " to form any accurate estimate of the amount of the trade of the Port of London. But if we include the produce conveyed into and from the Port, as well as the home and foreign markets, it will not," ho tells us, "be overrated at the prodigious sum of %ixty-jke millions sterling per annum." Of this enormous extent of commerce the Docks are the headquarters. But if the incomprehensibility of this wealth rises to sublimity, assuredly the want that co-exists with it is equally incomprehensible and equally sublime. Pass from the quay and warehouses to the courts and alleys that surround them, and the mind is as bewildered with the destitution of the one place as it is with the superabundance of the other. Many come to see the riches, but few the poverty abounding in absolute masses round the far-famed Port of London. He, therefore, who wishes to behold one of the most extraordinary and least known scenes of the Metropolis, should wend his way to the London Dock gates at half-past seven in the morning. There he will see congregated, within the principal entrance, masses of men of all ranks, looks, and natures. Decayed and bankrupt master butchers are there, and broken- down master bakers, publicans, and grocers, and old soldiers, sailors, Polish refugees, quondam gentlemen, discharged lawyers' clerks, "suspended" government officials, almsmen, pen¬ sioners, servants, thieves—^indeed every one (for the work requires no training) who wants a loaf, and who is willing to work for it. The London Dock is one of the few places in the Metropolis where men can get employment without character or recommendation. As the hour approaches eight, you know by the stream pouring through the gates, and the rush towards particular spots, that the " calling foremen" have made their appearance, and that the " casual men " are about to be taken on for the day. Then begins the scuffiing and scrambling, and stretching forth of countless hands high in the air, to catch the eye of him whose nod can give them work. As the foreman calls from a book the names, some men jump up on the back of others, so as to lift themselves high above the rest and attract his notice. All are shouting ; some ciy aloud his surname, and some his christian name ; and some call out their own names to remind him that they are there. How the appeal is made in Irish blarney ; and now in broken English. Indeed, it is a sight to sadden the most callous to see thousands of men struggling there for only one day's hire, the scuffle being made the fiercer by the knowledge that hundreds out of the assembled throng must be left to idle the day out in want. To look in the faces of that himgry crowd is to see a sight that is to be ever remembered. Some are smiling to the foreman to coax him into remembrance of them ; others, with their protruding eyes, are terribly eager to snatch at the hoped-for pass for work. Many, too, have gone there and gone through the same struggle, the same cries, and have left after all without the work they had screamed for. Until we saw vtdth our own eyes this scene of greedy despair, we could not have believed that there was so mad an anxiety to work, and so bitter a want of it among so vast a body of men. Ho wonder that the calling foreman should be often carried many yards away by the struggle and rush of the multitude around him, seeking employment at his hands ! One of the officials assured us that he had more than once been taken off his feet, and hurried to a distance of a quarter of a mile by the eagerness of the impatient crowd clamouring for work. If, however, the men fail in getting taken on at the commencement of the day, they then retire to the waitine-vard. at the back of the Docks, there to remam hour after hour, in 36 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LONDOH. hope that the wind may blow them some stray ship, so that other gangs may be wanted, and the calling foreman come to seek fresh hands there. It is a sad sight, too, to see the poor fellows waiting in these yards to be hired at fonrpence per hour—for such are the terms given iu the after-part of the day. There, seated on long benches ranged against the waU, they remain, some telling their miseries, and some their crimes, to one another, while others dose away their time. Eain or simshine, there are always plenty of them ready to catch the stray shilling or eightpence for^the two or three hours' labour. By the size of the shed you can judge how many men sometimes stay there, in the pouring rain, rather than run the chance of losing the stray hour's job. Some loiter on the bridge close by, and directly that their practised eye or ear tells them the calling foreman is in want of another gang, they rush forward in a stream towards the gate— though only six or eight at most can be hired out of the hundred or more that are waiting. Then the same mad fight takes place again as in the morning ; the same jumping on benches ; the same raising of hands ; the same entreaties ; ay! and the same failure as before. It is strange to mark the change that takes place in the manner of the men when the foreman has left. Those that have been engaged go smiling to their labour, while those who are left behind give vent to their disappointment in abuse of him before whom they had been supplicating and smiling but a few minutes previously. There are not less than 20,000 souls living by Dock labour in the Metropolis. The London Docks are worked by between 1,000 to 3,000 hands, according as the business is brisk or slack—that is, according as the wind is, fair or foul, for the entry of the ships into the Port of London. Hence there are some thousands of stomachs deprived of food by the mere chopping of the breeze. "It's an iU wind," says the proverb, " that blows nobody any good;" andimtil we came to investigate the condition of the Dock labourer, we could not have believed it possible that near upon 2,000 souls in one place alone lived, chameleon-hke, upon the very air ; or that an easterly wind could deprive so many of bread. It is, indeed, " a nipping and an eager air." That the sustenance of thousands of families should be as fickle as the very breeze itself, that the weather-cock should be the index of daily want or daily ease to such a vast body of men, women, and children, is a climax of misery and wretchedness that could hardly have been imagined to exist in the very heart of our greatest wealth. Hor is it less wonderful, when we come to consider the immense amount of food consumed in London, that there should be such a thing as known among us. The returns of the cattle-market, for instance, tell us that the population of London consume some 277,000 buEocks, 30,000 calves, 1,480,000 sheep, and 34,000 pigs; and these, it is estimated by Mr. Hicks, are worth between seven and eight millions sterling. In the way of bread, the Londoners are said to eat up no less than 1,600,000 quarters of wheat. Then the list of vegetables supplied by the aggregate London " green markets ''—includ¬ ing Covent-garden, Farringdon, Portman, the Borough, and Spitalfields—^is as follows :— 310,464,000 pounds 89,672,000 plants 14,326,000 heads 32,648,000 roote . 1,850,000 junks . 16,817,000 roots . potatoes cabbages broccoE and cauliflowers turnips ditto, tops carrots peas beans French beans 438,000 bushels 133,400 „ 221,100 „ THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON. 37 19,872 19,560 34,800 91,200 4,492,800 132,912 1,489,600 94,000 87,360 32,900 dozen . . dozen bundles >) >> » plants . . dozen hands bushels . . dozen bxtndles bushels . . dozen bundles vegetable marrows asparagus celery- rhubarb lettuces radishes onions ditto (spring) cucumbers herbs* Again, the list of the gross quantity of fish that is eaten at the London dinners cr suppers is equally enormous :— Wet Fish. 3,480,000 poimds of salmon and salmon trout 29,000 hoxes, 14 fish per box 4,000,000 26,880,000 6,752,000 5,040,000 33,600,000 23,250,000 42,000,000 252,000,000 4,000,000 1,505,280 127,680 4,200,000 8,000,000 10,920,000 10,600,000 14,000,000 96,000 live cod averaging 10 lbs. each soles averaging j lb. each whiting averaging 6 ounces haddock . . ., . . . averaging 2 lbs. each plaice averaging 1 lb. each mackerel averaging 1 lb. each fi-esh herrings .... 250,000 barrels, 700 fish per barrel „ „ . . .in bulk sprats eels from Holland . . . ) England and Ireland ) 6 fish per 1 lb. Det Fish. barrelled cod . dried salt cod smoked haddock bloaters . . red herrings . dried sprats 15,000 barrels, 50 fish per barrel 5 lbs. each 25,000 barrels, 300 fish per barrel 265,000 baskets, 150 fish per basket 100,000 barrels, 500 fish per barrel 9,600 large bundles, 30 fish per bundle Shell Fish. . . . oysters 309,935 barrels, 1,600 fish per barrel 1,200,000 . . . lobsters averaging 1 lb. each fish 600,000 . . . crahs . . averaging 1 lb. each fish 192,295 gallons . shrimps . . . . 324 to the pint 24,300^ bushels . whelks 224 to the J bushel 50,400 „ . mussels 1,000 to the ^ bushel 32,400 „ . cockles 2,000 to the ¿ bushel 76,000 „ . periwinkles .... 4,000 to the ^ bushel • These returns, and those of the fish, cattle, and poultry markets, -were originally collected by the author, for the first time in London, from the several salesmen at the markets, and cost both much time and money ; though the gentlemen -who fabricate books on London, from Mr. M'Culloch down-wards, do not hesi¬ tate to dig their scissors into the results, taking care to do with them the same as is doue with the saulen handkerchieils in Petticoat Lane—^viz., pick out the name of the ovmer. 88 THE GEEAT WORLD OF LONDOH. Further, in the matter of game poultry, the metropolitan consumption from one market alone (Lcadenhall) amounts to the following :— Tame Bibds aud Domestic Fowls. 1,266,000 188,000 235,000 60,000 284,500 fowls geese ducks turkeys pigeons Total, 2,033,500 Wild Bieds, on Animals, on Game. 45,000 grouse 84,500 partridges 43,500 pheasants 10,000 . teal 30,000 widgeons 60,000 . . snipes 28,000 .... plovers 213,000 .... larks 39,500 . wild birds 48,000 hares 680,000 Total, 1,281,500 rabbits By way of dessert to this enormous banquet, the supply of fruit famished by all the London markets is equally inconceivable :— 686,000 bushels of . apples 353,000 pears 173,200 dozen lbs. of cherries 176,500 bushels of . plums 5,333 >> greengages 16,450 damsons 4,900 }f buUace 276,700 7f gooseberries 171,000 sieves . . currants (red) 108,000 currants (black) 24,000 99 currants (white) 1,527,500 pottles . . strawberries 35,250 99 raspberries 127,940 99 mulberries 9,018 bushels of . hazel nuts 518,400 lbs. of . . filberts Then, as a fitting companion to this immense amount of solid food, the quantity of liquids consumed is as follows :— 65,000 pipes of wines 2,000,000 gallons of spirits 43,200,000 gallons of porter and ale 19,215,000,000 gallons of water, supplied by the several companies to the houses. THE CONTRASTS OP LONDON. 39 And lastly, for the purposes of heating and lighting, the Metropolis hums no less than 3,000,000 tons of coal. But if the great meat and vegetable and poultry markets of the Metropolis are indications of the good living indulged in by a large proportion of the people, there are at the same time other markets which may be cited as proofs of the privation undergone by large numbers also. The wretched man who Kves by picking up bits of rag in the street—and there is a considerable army of them—cannot be said to ádd much to the gross consumption of the Capital ; still he even attends his market, and has his exchange, even though he deals in cmpons of linen, and traffics in old iron rather than the precious metals. Let us, then, by way of contrast to the luxury indicated by the preceding details, follow the bone-grubber to his mart—^the exchange for old clothes and rags. The traffic here consists not of ship-loads of valuables brought from the four quarters of the globe, but simply of wallets of refuse gathered from the areas, mews, and alleys of every part of London ; for that which is bought and sold in this locality is not made up of the choicest riches of the world, but simply of what others have cast aside as worthless. Indeed, the wealth in which the merchants of Rag Pair deal, so far from being of any value to ordinary minds, is merely the offal of the well-to-do—^the skins sloughed by gentility—^the dehris, as it were, of the fashionable world. The merchandize of this quarter consists not of gold-dust and ivory, but literally of old metal and bones ; not of bales of cotton and pieces of rich silk, but of bits of dirty rag, swept from shop doors and picked up and washed by the needy finders ; not of dye-stuffs, nor indigo, nor hides, but of old soleless shoes, to be converted by the alchemy of science into Prussian blue wherewith to tint, perhaps, some nobles' robes, and bits of old iron to be made into new. Some, dozen years ago, one of the Hebrew merchant dealers in old clothes purchased the houses at the back of Phil's Buildings—a court leading out of Houndsditch, immediately facing St. Mary Axe, and formed the present market, now styled the " Old Œothes Exchange," and where Rag Pair maybe said to be at present centralized. Prior to this, the market was held in the streets. About three or four o'clock in winter, and four or five in summer, are the busiest periods at the "Old Clothes Exchange;" and then the passage leading to the Mart from Houndsditch wül be seen to be literaRy black with the mob of old-clothes men congregated outside the gates. Almost all have bags on their backs, and not a few three or four old hats in their hands, whQe here and there faces with grizzly beards will be seen through the vista of hook noses. Immediately outside the gateway, at the end of the crowded court, stands the celebrated Barney Aaron, the janitor, with out-stretched hand waiting to receive the halfpenny toU, demanded of each of the buyers and sellers who enter ; and with his son by his side, with a leathern pouch filled with half a hundred weight of coppers he has already received, and ready to give change for any stiver that may be tendered. As the stranger passes through the gate, the odour of the collocated old clothes and old rags, and old shoes, together with, in the season, half-putrid hare skins, is almost overpower¬ ing. The atmosphere of the place has a peculiar sour smeU blended with the mildewy or fungous odour of what is termed " mother indeed the stench is a compound of moitidiness, mustiness, and fustiness—a kind of houqmt de müle sewers," that is far from pleasant to christian nostrils. ITie hucksters of tatters as they pour in with their bundles at their backs, one after another, are surrounded by some half-dozen of the more eager Jews, some in greasy gaber¬ dines extending to the heels and clinging almost as tight to the frame as ladies' wet bathing- gowns. Two or three of them seize the hucksters by the arm, and feel the contents of the bundle at his back ; and a few tap them on the shoulder as they all clamour for the first sight of the rontents of their wallets. 40 THE GREAT WORLD OE LONDON. " Ha' you cot any preaMug (broken pieces) ?" cries one iirbo buys old coats, to cut into cloth caps. " Cot any fustian, old cordsh, or old poots ?" " Yer know me," says another, in a wheedling tone. " I'm little Ikey, the pest of puyers, and always gives a coot prishe." Such, indeed, is the anxiety and eagerness of the Israelitish buyers to get the first chance of the bargains, that it is as much as the visitor can do to force his way through the greedy and greasy mob. Once past the entrance, however, the stranger is able to obtain a tolerable view of the place. The "Exchange" consists of a large square plot of ground, about an acre in extent, and surrounded by a low hoarding, with a narrow sloping roof, hardly wider indeed than the old eaves to farm-houses, and projecting far enough forward to shelter one person from the rain. Across this ground are placed four double rows of benches, ranged back to back, and here sit the sellers of old clothes, with their unsightly and unsavoury store of garments strewn or püed on the ground at their feet, whilst between the rows of petty dealers pass the merchant buyers on the look-out for "bargains." The first thing that strikes the mind is, that a greater bustle and eagerness appear to rage among the buyers of the refuse of London, than among the traders in the more valuable commodities. Every lot exposed for sale seems to have fulfilled to the utmost the office for which it was designed, and now that its uses are ended, and it seems to be utterly worthless, the novice to such scenes cannot refrain from marvelling what remaining quality can possibly give the least value to the rubbish. Here a " crockman" (a seller of crockery ware), in a bright-red plush waistcoat and knee-breeches, and with legs like balustrades, sits beside his half-emptied basket of china and earthen-ware, while at his feet is strewn the apparently worthless collection of paletots, and cracked Wellingtons, and greasy napless hats, for which he has exchanged his jugs, basins, and spar ornaments. A few yards from him is a woman, enveloped in a coachman's drab and many-caped box-coat, with a pair of men's cloth boots on her feet, and her limp- looking straw bonnet flattened down on her head, from repeated loads ; the groimd .before ker, too, is littered with old tea-coloured stays, and bundles of wooden busks, and little bits of whalebone, whilst beside her, on the seat, lies a small bundle of old parasols tied together, and looking like a quiver full of arrows. In the winter you may see the same woman surrounded with hare skins ; some so old and stiff that they seem frozen, and the fresher ones looking shiny and crimson as red tinsel. Now you come, as you push your way along the narrow passage between the seats, to a TUHTi with a small mound of old boots, some of which have the soles torn off, and the broken threads showing underneath like the stump of teeth ; others are so brown from long want of blacking, that they seem almost to be pieces of rusty metal, and others again are speckled all over with small white spots of mildew. Beside another huckster is piled a little MUock of washed-out light waistcoats, and old cotton drawers, and straw-bonnets half in shreds. Then you see a Jew boy holding up the remains of a theatrical dress, consisting of a Wapk velvet body stuck aU over with bed furniture ornaments, and evidently reminding the young Israelite of some " soul-stirring" melo-dramathathehas seen on the Saturday evening at the Pavilion Theatre. A few steps farther on, you find one of the merchants blowing into the ftir of some old imitation-sable muff, that has gone as foxy as a Scotchman's whiskers. Next, your attention is fixed upon a black-chinned and lanthom-jawed bone-grubber, clad in dirty greasy rags, with his wallet emptied on the stones, and the bones from it, as weU as bits of old iron and horse-shoes, and pieces of rags, aU sorted into different lots before him ; and as he sits there, anxiously waiting for a purchaser, he munchqs a hunk of mouldy pie crust that he has had given to him on his rounds. THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON. 41 In one part of the Exchange you recognÍ7P the swarthy features of some well-known travelling tioker, with a complexion the cojour of curry powder, and hands brown, as if recently tarred ; while in front of him is reared a pyramid of old battered hritannia-metal teapots and saucepans ; and next to him sits an umbrella mender, before whom is strewn a store of whalebone ribs, and ferruled sticks fitted with sharp pointed bone handles. Then the buyers, too, are almost as picturesque and motley a group as the sellers, for the purchasers are of all nations, and habited in every description of costume. Some are Greeks, others Swiss, others again Germans ; some have come there to buy up the rough old charity clothing and the army great coats for the Irish " market." One man with a long flowing beard and tattered gaberdine, that shines like a tarpaulin with the grease, and who is said to be worth thousands, is there again, as indeed he is day after day, to see if he cannot add another sixpence to his hoard, by dabbling in the rags and refuse with which the groimd is covered. Mark how he is wheedling, and whining, and shrugging up his shoulders to that poor wretch, in the hope of inducing him to part with the silver pencil-case he has " found" on his rounds, for a few pence less than its real value. As the purchasers go pacing up and down the narrow pathways, threading their way, now along the old bottles, bonnets, and rags, and now among the bones, the old metal and stays, the gowns, the hats, and coats, a thick-lipped Jew boy shouts firom his high stage in the centre of the market, " Shinsher peer, an aypenny a glarsh !—an aypenny a glarsh, shinsher peer ! " Between the seats women worm along carrying baskets of trotters, and screaming as they go, " Legs of mutton, two for a penny ! "Who'll give me a hansel/' And after them comes a man with a large tray of " fatty cakes." In the middle of the market, too, stands another dealer in street luxuries, with a display of pickled whelks, like huge snails floating in saucers of brine ; and next to him is a sweet¬ meat stall, with a crowd of young Israelites gathered round the keeper eagerly gambling with marbles for "Albert rock" and " Boneyparte's ribs." At one end of the Exchange stands a cofiee and beer shop, inside of which you flnd Jews playing at draughts, or wrangling as they settle for the articles which they have bought or sold ; while, even as you leave by the gate that leads towards Petticoat Lane, there is a girl stationed outside with a horse-pail fuU of ice, and dispensing haL^enny egg-cupsful of what appears to be very much like frozen soap-suds, and shouting, as she shakes the bucket, and maked the ice in it rattle like broken glass, " Now, hoys ! here's your coolers, only an aypenny a glass ! —an aypenny a glass ! " In fine, it may tnily be said that in no other part of the entire world is such a scene of riot, rags, filth, and feasting to be witnessed, as at the Old Clothes Exchange in Houndsditch. ^ ii. The Charity and the Crime of London. The broad line of demarcation separating our own time from that of all others, is to found in the fuUer and more general development of the human sympathies. Our princes and nobles are no longer the patrons of prize-fights, but the presidents of benevolent institutions. Instead of the bear-gardens and cock-pits that formerly flourished in every quarter of the town, our Capital bristles and glitters with its thousand palaces for the indigent and suffering poor. If we are distinguished among nations for our exceeding wealth, assuredly we are equally illustrious for our abundant charity. Almost every want or iU that can distress human nature has some palatial institution for the mitigation of it. We have rich societies for every conceivable form of benevolence—for the visitation of the sick ; for the cure of the maimed, and the crippled ; for the alleviarion of the pangs of child-birth ; for giving shelter to the houseless, support to the aged and the infirm, homes to the orphan and the foundling ; for the refbrmation of juvenile offenders and prosti¬ tutes, the reception of the children of convicts, the liberation of debtors, the suppression 42 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LONDOH. of vice ; for educating the ragged, teaching the blind, the deaf and the dumb ; for guarding and soothing the mad ; protecting the idiotic, clothing the naked, and feeding the hungry. Hor does our charity cease with our own coimtrymen ; for the very ship-of-war which we build to destroy the people of other lands, we ultimately convert into a floating hospital to save and comfort them in the hour of their affliction among us. Of the sums devoted to the maintenance of these various institutions, the excellent little work of Mr. Sampson Low, jun., on the "Charities of London in 1852-3," enables us to come to a ready and very accurate conclusion. Accordingly we find, upon reference to this work, that there are altogether in the Metropolis 530 charitable institutions, viz. :— Ninety-two Medical Charities, having an aggregate income during the year of £266,925. Twelve Societies for the Preservation of Life, Health, and Public Morals, whose yearly incomes equal altogether, £35,717. Seventeen for Eeclaiming the Fallen, or Penitentiary and Eeformatory Asylums = £39,486. Thirteen for the EeHef of Street Destitution and Distress = £18,326. Fourteen for the Eehef of Specific Distress = £27,387. One hundred and twenty-six Asylums for the Eeception of the Aged = £87,630. Nine for the Benefit of the Blind, Deaf and Dumb = £25,050. Thirteen Asylums for the Maintenance of Orphans = £45,464. Fifteen for the Maintenance of other Children (exclusive of Parochial Schools) = £88,228. Twenty-one Societies for the Promotion of Schools and their efficiency = £72,247. Twenty-five Jewish Miscellaneous Charities = £10,000. Nineteen for the Benefit of the Industrious = £9,124. Twelve Benevolent Pension Societies = £23,667. Fifteen Clergy Aid Funds = £35,301. Thirty-two other Professional and Trade Benevolent Funds = £53,467. Thirty Trade Provident = £25,000. Forty-three Home Mission Societies (several combining extensive operations abroad) = £319,705. Fourteen Foreign Mission Societies = £459,668.* To this list must be added five imclassed Societies = £3,252. Also an amount of £160,000, raised during the year for special funds, iucluding the proposed Wellington College, the new Medical College, the Wellington Benevolent Fund, &c. —m airing altogether, as the subject of our " Eeport,"— Five hundred and thirty Charitable Societies in London, with an aggregate amount disbursed during the year of £l,805,635.f But the above aggregate amoimt of the metropolitan charitable donations, large as the sum is, refers only to the moneys entrusted to public societies to distribute. Of the amount disbursed by private individuals in charity to their poorer neighbours, of course no accurate estimate can be formed. But if we assume that as much money is given in private as in public charity (and from our inquiries among the London beggars, and especially the " screeving" or begging-letter "writing class, we have reason to believe that there is much more), we shall have, in round numbers, a gross total of three and a half milhms of money annuaEy distributed by the rich among the poor. Now, as a set-off against this noble indication of the benevolence of our people, we "will • The sales of Bibles and other religious publications, realising above £100,000, is not included in either of the last-mentioned amounts. t These figures have been compiled from the various statements of the year during 1852-3, for the which they are respectively made up to—averaging March 31, 1853. Grammar Schools and Educational Establishments, as Merchant Taylors' and St. Paul's, are not included—neither Parochial and other Local Schools—or Miscellaneous Endowments in the gift of City Companies and Parishes. THE COHTRASTb OF LONDOH. 43 again humble the Londoner's pride by giving him a faint notion of tíie criminality of a large body of London folk. In the Eeports of the Poor-Law Conunissioners we find that between the years 1848 and 1849 there were no less than 143,064 vagrants, or tramps, admitted into the casual wards of the workhouses throughout the metropolitan districts.* There are, then, no less than 143,000 admissions of vagrants to the casual wards of the Metropolis in the course of the year ; and granting that many of these temporary inmates appear more than once in the calculation (for it is the habit of the class to go from one eleemosynary asylum to another), stiU we shall have a large number distributed throughout the Metropolis. The conclusion we have come to, after consulting with the best authorities on the subject, is, that there are just upon 4,000 habitual vagabonds distributed about London, and the cost of their support annually amounts to verjr nearly £50,000.f " One of the worst concomitants of vagrant mendicancy," says thePoor-Law Report, "is the fever of a dangerous typhoid character which has universally marked the path of the mendicant. There is scarcely a workhouse in which this pestilence does not prevail in a greater or less degree ; and numerous Union officers have fallen victims to it." Those who are acquainted with the exceeding filth of the persons frequenting the casual wards, will not wonder at the fever which follows in the wake of the vagrants. " Many have the itch. I have seen," says Mr. Boase, " a party of twenty all scratching themselves at once, before settling into their rest in the straw. Lice exist in great numbers upon them." That vagrancy is the nursery of crime, and that the habitual tramps are first beggars then thieves, and finally the convicts of the country, the evidence of all parties goes to prove. But we cannot give the reader a better general idea of the character and habits of this class than by detailing the particulars of a meeting of that curious body of people which we once held, and when as many as 150 were present. Never was witnessed a more distressing • The items making up the above total—that is to say, the number of vagrants admitted into the several Metropolitan Workhouses—may be given as follows :—Paneras, 19,859 ; Chelsea, 15,199 ; Stepney, 12,869; West London, 9,777 ; Fulham, 9,017 ; Holborn, 7,947 ; St. Margaret, Westminster, 7,419 ; St. George, Southwark, 6,918 ; London City, 6,825 ; Newington, 9,575 ; Shorediteh, 5,921 ; Paddington, 5,378 ; East London, 4,912 ; Islington, 4,561 ; Kensington, 3,917 ; Wandsworth, 3,848 ; St. Luke's, 3,409 ; Whitechapel, 3,304 ; Botherhithe, 2,627 ; Lambeth, 2,516 ; CamberweU, 2,104 ; St. Martin's in the Fields, 1,823 ; Poplar, 1,737 ; Bethnal Green, 1,620 ; Greenwich, 1,404 ; Hackney, 833 ; St. Giles, 581 ; St. James, Westminster, 371 ; Clerkenwell, 88 ; Strand, 68 ; St. George in the East, 31 ; St. Saviour, 15 ; Lewisham, 12 ; St. Olave, Southwark, 0 ; Bermondsey, 0 ; St. George, Hanover Square, 0 ; Marylebone, 0 ; Hampstead, 0. t The above conclusion has been arrived at from the following data :— Average number of Vagrants relieved each night in the Metropolitan Unions . . 849 Average number of Vagrants resident in the Mendicants' Lodging-houses of London . 2,431 Average number of individuals relieved at the Metropolitan Asylums for the houseless poor 750 Total .... 4,030 Now, as five per cent, of this amount is said to consist of characters really destitute and deserving, we airive at the conclusion that there are 3,829 vagrants in London, living either by mendicancy or theft. The cost of the vagrants in London in the year 1848, may be estimated as follows :— 310,058 vagrants relieved at the Metropolitan Unions, at the cost of 2d. per head £2,584 13 0 67,500 nights' lodgings afforded to the houseless poor at the Metropolitan Asylums, including the West End Asylum, Market Street, Edgeware Bead 3,134 1 4} 2,431 inmates of the Mendicants' Lodging-houses in London, gaining by "cadging" upon an average. Is. per day, or altogether, per year . . 44,365 15 0 £50,084 9 41 Deduct 5 per cent, for the cost of relief for the truly deserving . . . 2,504 4 5 The total will then he ... . £47,580 4 llj 44 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LONDON. spectacle of squalor, rags, and wretchedness. Some were young men, and some were children One, who styled himself a " cadger," was six years of age, and several who confessed them selves as "prigs" were only ten. The countenances of the boys were of various character Many were not only good-looking, but had a frank ingenuous expression, that seemed in no way connected with innate roguery. Many, on the other hand, had the deep-sunk and half- averted eye, which is so characteristic of natural dishonesty and cunning. Some had the regular features of lads bom of parents in easy circumstances. The hair of most of the lads was cut very close to the head, showing their recent liberation from prison ; indeed, one might teU, by the comparative length of the crop, the time that each boy had been out of gaol. AE but a few of the elder lads were remarkable, amidst the rags, filth, and wretchedness of their external appearance, for the mirth and carelessness impressed upon the countenance. At first their behaviour was very noisy and disorderly, coarse and ribald jokes were freely cracked, exciting general bursts of laughter ; while howls, cat-calls, and aE manner of unearthly and indescribable yeEs threatened for a time to render aE attempts at order utterly abortive. At one moment, a lad would imitate the bray of the jackass, and immediately the whole hundred and fifty would faE to braying Eke him. Then some ragged urchin would crow like a cock ; whereupon the place would echo with a hundred and fifty cock-crows ! Next, as a negro-boy entered the room, one of the young vagabonds would shout out swe-ee-p; this would he received with peals of laughter, and foEowed by a general repetition of the same cry. Presently a hundred and fifty cat-caUs, of the shrülest possible description, would almost spEt the ears. These would be succeeded by cries of, "Strike up, catgut scrapers!" "Go on with your barrow!" "Flare up, my never-sweats !" and a variety of other street sayings. Indeed, the uproar which went on before the commencement of the meeting vtíE be best understood, if we compare it to the scene presented by a pubEc menagerie at feeding time. The greatest difficulty, as nught be expected, was experienced in coEecting the subjoined statistics as to the character and condition of those present on the occasion. By a persevqring mode of inquiry, however, the foEowing facts were eEcited :— With respect to age, the youngest boy present was six years old; he styled himself a cadger, and said that his mother, who was a widow, and suffering from El health, sent him into the streets to beg. There were 7 of ten years of age, 3 of twelve, and 3 of thirteen, 10 of fourteen, 26 of fifteen, 11 of sixteen, 20 of seventeen, 26 of eighteen, and 45 of nineteen. Then 19 had fathers and mothers stiE Eving, 39 had only one parent, and 80 were orphans, in the fuEest sense of the word, having neither father nor mother aEve. Of professed beggars, there were 50 ; whilst 66 acknowledged themselves to be habitual "prigs ; " the anouncement that the greater number present were thieves pleased them exceed¬ ingly, and was received with three rotmds of applause. Next it was ascertained that 12 of them had been in prison once (2 of these were but ten years of age), 5 had been in prison twice, 3 thrice, 4 four times, 7 five times, 8 six times, 5 seven times, 4 eight times, 2 nine times (and 1 of these thirteen years of age), 5 ten times, 5 twelve times, 2 thirteen times, 3 fourteen times, 2 sixteen times, 3 seventeen times, 2 eighteen times, 5 twenty times, 6 twenty-four times, 1 twenty-five times, 1 twenty-six times, and 1 twenty- nine times. The announcements in reply to the question as to the number of times that any of them had been in gaol, were received with great applause, which became more and more boisterous as the number of imprisonments increased. "When it was announced that one, though only nineteen years of age, had been incarcerated as many as twenty-nine times, the clapping of hands, the cat-caEs, and shouts of "bray-vo !" lasted for several minutes, whEst the whole of the boys rose to look at the distingiEshed individual. Some chalked on their hats the figures which designated the sum of the several times they had been in gaol. THE C0NTEA8TS OF LONDON. 45 As to the cause of their vagabondism, it was found that 22 had run away from their homes, owing to the ill-treatment of their parents; 18 confessed to having been ruined through their parents allowing them to run wild in the streets, and to be led astray by bad companions; and 15 acknowledged that they had been first taught thieving in a lodging- house. Concerning the vagrant habits ctf the youths, the following facts were elicited:—78 regularly roam through the country every year ; 65 sleep regularly in the casual-wards of the unions ; and 52 occasionally slept in trampers' lodging-houses throughout the country. Eespecting their education, according to the popular meaning of the term, 63 of the 150 were able to read and write, and they were principally thieves. 50 of this number said they had read " Jack Sheppard," and the lives of " Dick Tuipin," and " Claude du Val," and all the other popular thieves' novels, as well as the Newgate Calendar, and lives of the robbers and pirates. Those who could not read themselves, said that "Jack Sheppard" was read out to them at the lodging-houses. Numbers avowed that they had been induced to resort to an abandoned course of life from reading the lives of notorious thieves, and novels about highway robbers. When asked what they thought of Jack Sheppard, several bawled out—" He's a regular brick !"—a sentiment which was almost universally concurred in by the deafening shouts and plaudits which followed. When (juestioned as to whether they would like to have been Jack Sheppard, the answer was, "Yes, if the times were the same now as they were then!" 13 confessed that they had taken to thieving in order to go to the low theatres; and one lad said he had lost a good situation on the Birmingham railway through his love of the play. 20 stated that they had been flogged in prison, many of them having been so punished two, three, and four different times. A policeman in plain clothes was present, but their acute eyes were not long before they detected his real character, notwithstanding his disguise. Several demanded that he should be turned out. The officer was accordingly given to understand that the meeting was a private one, and requested to withdraw. Having apologized for intruding, he proceeded to leave the room ; and no sooner did the boys see the " Peeler " move towards thg door than they ^ave vent to several rounds of very hearty applause, accompanied with hisses, groans, and cries of " Throw hini over ! " Now, we have paid some little attention to such strange members of the human family as these, and others at war with all social institutions. We have thought the peculiarities of their nature as worthy of study in an ethnological point of view, as those of the people of other countries, and we have learnt to look upon them as a distinct race of individuals, as distinct as the Malay is from the Caucasian tribe. We have sought, moreover, to reduce their several varieties into something Hke system, believing it quite as requisite that we should have an attempt at a scientific classification of the criminal classes, as of the Infusoriae or the Cryptogamia. An enumeration of the several natural orders and species of criminals will let the reader see that the class is as multifarious, and surely, ih a scientific point of view, as worthy of being studied as the varieties of animalcules. In the first place, then, the criminal classes are divisible into three distinct families, i.e., the beggars, the cheats, and the thieves. Of the beggars there are many distinct species. (1.) The naval and the military beggars ; as turnpike sailprs and "raw" veterans. (2.) Distressed operative beggars; as pretended starved-out manufacturers, or sham frozen-out gardeners, or tricky hand-loom weavers, &c. Í3.) Eespectable beggars; as sham broken-down tradesmen, poor ushers or distressed authors, clean family beggars, with children ip very white pinafores and their faces cleanly washed, and the ashamed beggars, who pretend to hide their faces with a written petition. (4.) Disaster beggars; as shipwrecked mariners, or blown-up miners, or bumt-out trades¬ men, and lucifer droppers (5.) Bodily afflicted beggars; such as those having real or pretended sores ar swollen legs, or being crippled or deformed, maimed, or paralyzed, or 46 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LOHDOH. else being blind, or deaf, or dumb, or subject to fits, or in a decline and appearing TpitE bandages round the head, or playing the " shallow cove," i. e., 'appearing half-clad in the streets. (6.) Famished beggars; as those who chalk on the pavement, "I am starving," or else remain stationary, and hold up a piece of paper before their face similarly inscribed. (7.) Foreign beggars, who stop you in the street, and request to know if you can speak French; or destitute Poles, Indians, or Lascars, or Hegroes. (8.) Petty trading beggars ; as tract seUers, lucifer match sellers, boot lace venders, &c. (9.) Musical beggars ; or those who play on some musical instrument, as a cloak for begging—as scraping fiddlers, hurdy-gurdy and clarionet players. (10.) Dependents of beggars; as screevers or the writers of "slums" (letters) and "fakements" (petitions), and referees, or those who give characters to profes¬ sional beggars. The second criminal class consists of cheats, and these are subdivisible into—(1.) Govern¬ ment defrauders ; as "jiggers" (defrauding the excise by working illicit stills), and smugglers who defraud the customs. (2.) Those who cheat the public ; as swindlers, who cheat those of whom they buy; and duffers and horse-chanters, who cheat those to whom they seE; and " Charley pitchers," or low gamblers, cheating those with whom they play; and "bouncers and besters," who cheat by laying wagers; and "fiat catchers," or ring-droppers, who cheat by pretending to find valuables in the street; and bubble-men, who iustitute sham annuity offices or assurance companies ; and douceur-men, who cheat by pretending to get government situations, or provide servants "with places, or to teU persons of something to their advantage. (3.) The dependents of cheats; as "jollies" and "magsmen," or the confederates of other cheats ; and " bonnets," or those who attend gaming tables ; and referees, who give false characters to servants. The last of the criminal classes are the thieves, who admit of being classified as fol¬ lows :—(1.) Those who plunder yñÜx violence ; as "cracksmen," who break into houses; "rampsmen," who stop people on the highway; "bludgers" or "stick slingers," who rob in company "with low women. (2.) Those who hocus or plunder persons by stupefying ; as " drummers," who drug liquor ; and " bug-hunters," who plunder drunken men. (3.) Those whoplimder by stealth, as (i.) "mobsmen," or those who plunder by manual dexterity, Mke "buzzers," who pick gentlemen's pockets; ""wires," who pick ladies' pockets; "prop-nailere," who steal pins or brooches; and "thumble screwers," who "wrench off watches; and shoplifters, who purloin goods from shops; (ü.) "sneaksmen," or petty cowardly thieves, and of these there are two distinct varieties, according as they sneak off -with either goods or animals. Belonging to the first variety, or those who sneak off "with goods, are "drag-sneaks," who make off "with goods from carts or coaches; " snoozers," who sleep at railway hotels, and make off with either apparel or luggage in the morning; "sa"wney-hunters," who purloin cheese or bacon from cheesemongers' doors ; " noisy racket men," who make off "with china or crockery- ware from earthenware shops; "snow-gatherers," who make off "with clean clothes from hedges; "cat and kitten hunters," who make off-with quart or pint pots from area railings; "area sneaks," who steal from the area; " dead-lurkers," who steal from the passages of houses; "tul friskers," who make off "with the contents of tUls; "bluey-hunters," who take lead from the tops of houses ; " toshers," who purloin copper from ships and along shore; "star-glazers," who cut the panes of glass from -windows; "skinners," or women and boys who strip children of their clothes ; and mudlarks, who steal pieces of rope, coal, and wood from the barges at the wharves. Those sneaks-men, on the other hand, who purloin animals, are either horse-stealers or "wóoUy bird" (sheep) stealers, or deer-stealers, or dog-stealers, or poachers, or "lady and gentlemen racket-men," who steal cocks and hens, or cat-stealers or body snatchers. Then there is still another class of plunderers, who are neither sneaks-men nor mobs¬ men, but simply breach-of-trust-men, taking those articles nnly which have been confided to them ; these are either embezzlers, who rob their employers ; or illegal pawnrás, who THE COHTEASTS OF LOHDON. 47 pledge the blankets, &c., at their lodgings, or the work of their employers ; dishonest servants, who go off with the plate, or let robbers into their master's houses, bill stealers, and letter stealers. Beside these there are (4) the " shoful-mm," or those who plimder by counterfeits ; as coiners and forgers of checks, and notes, and wills ; and, lastly, we have (5) the dependents of thieves; as "fences," or receivers of stolen goods; and "smashers," or the utterers of base coin. How, as regards the number of this extensive family of criminals, the return published by the Constabulary Commissioners is still the best authority ; and, according to this, there were in the Metropolis at the time of making the report, 107 burglars; 110 house¬ breakers; 38 highway robbers ; 773 pickpockets; 3,657 sneaks-men, or common thieves; 11 horse-stealers, and 141 dog-stealers ; 3 forgers; 28 coiners, and 317 utterers of base coin ; 141 swindlers or obtainers of goods under false pretences, and 182 cheats; 343 receivers of stolen goods; 2,768 habitual rioters ; 1,205 vagrants; 50 begging letter writers ; 86 bearers of begging letters, and 6,371 prostitutes; besides 470 not otherwise described: making alto¬ gether a total of 16,900 criminals known to the police; so that it would appear that one in every hundred and forty of the London population belongs to the criminal class. Further, the police returns tell us the total value of the property which this large section of metropolitan society are known to make away with, amounts to very nearly £42,000 per annum. Thus, in the course of the year 1853, property to the amount of £2,854 was stolen by burglary ; £135 by breaking into dwelling-houses ; and £143 by breaking into drops, &c. ; £1,158 by embezzlement; £579 by.forgery; £1,615 by fraud; £46 by robbery on the highway ; £250 by horse stealing ; and £104 by cattle stealing; £78 by dog stealing; £1,249 by stealing goods exposed for sale ; £413 stealing lead, &c., from unfurnished houses ; £1597 by stealing from carts and carriages ; £122 by stealing linen exposed to dry ; £421 by stealing poultry from an outhouse ; £1,888 stolen from dwelling-houses by means of false keys ; £2,936 by lodgers ; £8,866 by servants ; £4,500 by doors being left open ; £2,175 by false messages ; £2,848 by lifting the window or breaking the glass ; £559 by entry through the attic windows from an empty house; £795 by means unknown; £3,018 by picking pockets ; £729 was taken from drunken persons ; £48 from children ; £2024 by prostitutes ; £418 by larceny on the river—amounting altogether to £41,988; and this only in those robberies which became known to the poHce. How, as there is a market even for the rags gathered by the bone-grubber, so is there an " exchange" for the articles collected by the thieves. This is the celebrated Petticoat Lane, or Middlesex Street, as it is now styled, where the Jew fences most do congregate, and where all manner of things are bought and no questions asked. Our picture of the contrasts of London—of the extreme forms of metropolitan life—would be incomplete without the following sketch of the place. The antipodes to the fashionable world is Petticoat Lane, which is, as it were, the capital of the «»fashionable empire—the metropolis of the las-ton. It is to the East End what Eegent Street is to the "West. Proceeding up the Lane from Aldgate, the locality seems to be hardly dififerent from other byeways in the same district ; indeed it has much the character of the entry to Leather Lane out of Holbom, being narrow and dark, and flanked by shops which evidently depend little upon display for their trade. The small strip of roadway as you turn into the Lane is generally blocked up by some costermonger's barrow, with its flat projecting tray on the top, littered with little hard knubbly-looking pears, scarcely bigger than turnip-radishes, and which is brought to a dead halt every dozen paces, while the corduroyed proprietor pauses to tum round, and roar, " Sixteen a penny, lumping pears!" Ab you worm your way along, you pass little slits of blind alleys, with old sheets and 48 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. patchwork counterpanes, like large fancy chess-boards, stretched to dry across the court, and hanging so still and straight that you see at a glance how stagnant the air is in these dismal quarters. The gutters are aU grey, and bubbling with soap-suds, and on the door¬ steps sit crouching flufify-haired women ; whilst at the entrance are clusters of sharp-featured boys, some in men's coats, with the cuffs turned half-way up the sleeves, and the tails trailing on the stones, and others with the end of their trousers roUed up, and the waist¬ bands braced with string high across their chests. As you move by them, you see the pennies spin from the midst of them into the air, and the eager young group suddenly draw back and peer intently on the ground, as the coins are heard to jingle on the stones. Up another alley you catch sight of some women engaged in scrubbing an old French bedstead that stretches half across the court, while others are busy beating the coffee- coloured mattress that leans against the waU, .previous to making its appearance at the iumiture-stall above. In the opposite court may be seen a newly-opened barrel of pickled herrings, with the slimy, metallic-looking fish ranged like a cockade within; and here against the waU dangle the split bodies of drying &h—^hard-looking " finny-haddies" (Finnan haddocks), brown and tarry-like as a sailor's " sou'-wester," and seeming as if they were bats asleep, as they hang spread open in the dusky comers of the place. A little higher up, the Lane appears to be devoted chiefiy to the preparation and sale of such eatables as the Israelites generally delight in. Almost every other shop is an " establish¬ ment" for the cooking and distribution of fiied fish, the air around being redolent of the vapours of hot oil ; and, as you pass on your way, you hear the flounders and soles fiizzing in the back parlours, whilst hot-looking hook-nosed women rush out with smoking fiying-pans in their hands, their aprons stained with grease almost äs if they were water-proofed with it, and their cheeks red and shiny as tinsel-foil with the fire. The sloping shop-boards here are covered with the dishes filled with the fresh-cooked fish, looking brown as the bottom of a newly-sanded bird-cage ; by the side of these are ranged oyster-tubs filled with pickled cucum¬ bers, the soft, swollen vegetables floating in the vinegar like huge fat caterpülars. Mingled with these are strange-looking butchers' shops, with small pieces of pale, blood¬ less meat dangling from the hooks, and each having a curious tin ticket, like a metallic cap¬ sule, fastened to it. This is the seal of the Rabbi, certifying that the animal was slaughtered according to the Jewish rites ; and here are seen odd-looking Hebrew butchers and butcher- boys, with their black, curly hair, greasier even than the locks of the Whitechapel Israelites on a Saturday, and speckled with bits of suet. Their faces, too, appear, to eyes unused to the sight, so unnaturally grim above their blue smocks, that they have very much the appear¬ ance of a small family of 0. Smiths costumed for the part in a piece of Adelphi cUablerie. Nor are the bakers' shops in this locality of a less peculiar or striking cast; for here the beads and eyebrows of the Hebrew master bakers are unnaturally white with the flour, and give them the same grotesque look as would characterize a powdered Jew footman in the upper circles ; while among the loaves and bags of flour in the shop, you often catch sight of dusty, thin, passover biscuits, nearly as big as targets. As you proceed up the Lane, the trade of the place assumes a totally diflferent character ; (here the emporia of fried fish, and butcher's meat, and pickled cucumbers pass into petty marts for old furniture and repositories of second-hand tools. Now, in front of one shop, you see nothing but old foot-rules and long carpenters' planes, aR ranged in straight lines and shiny and yellow with recent bees-wax. Behind the trellis of tools, too, you occasionally catch sight of the figure of a man engaged in polishing-up the handle of an old centre-bit, or scouring away at the rusty blade of some second-hand saw. The pavement in front of the fumiture-shops is littered with old deal chairs and tables ; and imitation chests of drawers with the fronts removed, and showing the coarse brown- paper-like gg^Tfing of the doubled-up bed within ; and huge unwieldy sofas are there with a kind of canvas tank sunk under the seat, and reminding one of those odd-looking carts in CONVICTS EXERCISINO Aï PENTONVILLE PRISON. THE COHTEASTS OF LOÎÎDOIÎ. 51 which tiie load is placed helow the axle of the wheels. As you pass along the line of lumbered-up shops, you discover vistas of curious triangular cupboards ; bulky, square-looking arm-chairs in their canvas undress ; narrow brown tables, with semicircular flaps hanging at their sides, and quaint oval looking-glasses ; and yeUow-painted bamboo chtdrs, with the rushes showing underneath, as ragged as an old fish-basket ; while the floor is encumbered with feather beds, doubled up, and looking like lumps of dirty dough. Adjoining the old fumiture-shops are second-hand clothes marts, with the entii-e fronts of the shops covered outside with rows of old fiistian trousers, washed as white as the inside of a fresh hide, and with tripey corduroys, and fluffy carpenters' flannel jackets ; the door-posts, moreover, are decked with faded gaudy waistcoats, ornamented with fancy buttons, that have much the appearance of small brandy-balls. A few paces further on, you come to a hatter's, with the men at work in the shop, their irons, heavy as the sole of a club-boot, standing on the counter by their side, and the place filled with varnished brown paper hat-shapes, that seem as if they had been modelled in hard-bake. Nor are the Jewesses of Petticoat Lane the least remarkable of the characters appertaining to the place. In front of almost every doorway is seated some fat Hebrew woman, with gold ear-rings dangling by her neck, as big as a chandelier drop, and her fingers hooped with thick gold rings. Some of the ladies are rubbing up old brass candlesticks, and some scouring old tarnished tea-kettles, their hands and faces, amidst all their finery, begrimed with dirt. In one part of the Lane, you behold one of the women with a bixnch of bright blue artificial flowers in her cap, as big as the nosegays with which coachmen delight to decorate their horses' heads on the 1st of May, busy extracting the grease from the collar of a threadbare surtout; in another part you may perceive an Israelite maiden, almost as grubby and tawdry as My Lady on May Day, engaged in the act of blacking a pair of high- lows ; while at the door of some rag and bottle warehouse, where, from the poverty-stricken aspect of the place, you would imagine that the people could hardly be one week's remove from the workhouse, you see some grand lady with a lace-edged parasol in her white- kidded hand, and a bright green and red cashmere shawl spread out over her back, taking leave of her greasy-looking daughters, previous to emerging into all the elegancies of Aldgate. "Were it not for such curious sights as the above, it would be difficult to account for that strange medley of want and luxury—^that incongruous association of the sale of jewellery and artificial flowers, with that of old clothes, rags, and old metal, which constitutes, perhaps, one of the most startling features of Petticoat Lane. "How is it," the mind naturally inquires, "that, in a place where the people who come to sell or buy are among the very poorest in the land, there can be the least demand for such trumpery as rings, brooches, and artificial roses ? Does tfie bone-grubber who rummages the muck-heaps for some bit of rag, or metal, that will help to bring bim a few pence at the day's end—does he feast on fried fish and pickled cucumbers? Is he, poor wretch! who cannot even get bread enough to stay his cravings, the purchaser of the hali^enny ices ? Are the fetty cakes made for them who come here to sell the shirt off their backs for a meal ?" Verily, the luxuries and the finery are not for such as these ; but for those who live, and trade, and fatten upon the misery of the poor and the vice of the criminal. If all the old rags and clothes, and tools and beds in Petticoat Lane, had tongues, what stories of unknown sufferings or infatuate vice would they not tell ! In those old tool shops alone what volumes of silent misery are there not contained ! They who know what a ipechanic will suffer before he parts with the implements of his trade—who know how he will pawn or sell every valuable, however useful, make away with every relic, however much prized, before he is driven to dispose of those implements which are another pair of linn/lB to him, and without which it is impossible for him to get either work or bread—^those who 4» 52 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOKDOJS". know this, and know ftirther how a long illness, a fever, laying prostrate a working man's whole family, and brought on, most probably, by living in some cheap, close, pent-up court, will compel a poor fellow to part, bit by bit, with each little piece of property that he has accumu¬ lated out of his earnings when in health and strength—^how his watch, as well as the humble trinkets of his wife, will go first to get the necessary food or physic for them all— how the extra suit of Sunday elothes, and the one silk gown, and the thick warm shawl are parted with next—^how, after this, the blankets and under-clothing of the wife and children disappear, one by one, for though they shiver in the streets, at least no one sees how thinly they are clad, or hwws how cold they lie at night—^how then the bedding is sold from imder them to keep them a few days longer from the dreaded poor-house—and how, last of all, when wife and children are stripped nearly naked, when the man has sold the shirt from his back to stay the cravings of his little ones, when they have nothing but the boards to lie upon—how then, and not till then, the planes and saws and centre-bits are disposed of, and each with the same pang too, as if the right hand of the man was being cut from him—those, we say, who know the sufferings which have preceded the sale of many of these implements —^who know, too, the despair which fills the mind of a working man as he sees his only means of independence wrested from him, wiU not pass the old tool shops in Petticoat Lane idly by, but rather read in each wretched article some sad tale of humble misery. Still all the tools are not there from such a cause ; no ! nor half of them; perhaps the greater part would be found, if the matter were opened up, to have been disposed of for drink—^by fatuous sots, who first swilled themselves out of work, and then guzzled away now a plane and now a saw, raising first a glass on this to stay the trembUng of the hand in the morning, and then a drop on that to keep down the " horrors"—^until at length nothing remained but " the house," or street-cadging and lying, as the broken-down mechanic. But are we all so immaculate that we have no sympathy but for the deserving poor. Is our pity limited merely to those only who suffer the least, because they suffer with an unaccusing conscience ; and must we entirely shut out from our commiseration the wretch who is tormented not only with hunger, but with the self-reproaches of his own bosom. Granting that this cast-iron philosophy is right and good for society, shall not the thought of the suffering wife and children, even of the drunkard and the trickster, move us to the least tenderness ? " How long," the thoughtful traveller wiU wonder to himself, as he continues his journey mournfully up the Lane, " did the family go without food before that bed was brought here for sale ? Those fustian and flannel jackets, what sad privations were experienced by their former owners, ere they were forced to take them off their backs to raise a meal ? What is the wretched history of those foot-rules and chisels ? How long did the little ones starve before that pair of baby's boots were stripped from the tiny feet and sold for a bite and a sup—ay, or if you WÜ1, Mr. Puritan, for another glass of gin? Did the parting with those wedding rings cost more or less agony of body ? Where is the owner of the little boots now ? In a workhouse, or walking the streets with gayer boots than ever ? " That silk pocket handkerchief, too—^the one in which we can just see where the mark has been picked-from the comer—^what is the story in connection with it ? Is the lad who stole it, and who sold it to the Jew there for not one-fourth the sum that it is now ticketed at —^is he at the hulks yet ^ Was he one out of the many families that have been turned into the streets, on the breaking up of the hundred homes to which these piles of old fumitui'e belonged ? Or was he wilfully bad—one of those that Mr. Carlyle would have shot, and swept into the dust bin." Yonder, at the comer of one of the courts higher up the Lane, is a group of eager lads peeping over the shoulders of one another, while one shows some silver spoons. The Jew who buys them is a regular attendant at synagogue, and wears the laws of Moses next his skin. But he asks no questions, and has a cmcible always ready on the fire. THE LOHDOH STHEETS. 5-5 His daughters axe like Indian idols—all gold and dirt now, but next Saturday you shall see them parading Aldgate in the highest style of fashion. The old man has no end of money to leave Ruth and Rachel, when he dies and is gathered—as he Ju^es to be—to the bosom of Abraham. How, sapient reader, you can guess, perhaps, who it is that buys the artificial flowers, and the fried fidi, and the jewellery that you see exposed among the old tools and clothes and furniture in Petticoat Lane. § 6. OP THE LONDON STREETS, THEIR TRAFFIC, NAMES, AND CHARACTER. The thoroughfares^ of London constitute, assuredly, the finest and most remarkable of all the sights that London contains. Hot that this is due to their architectural display, even though at the "West End there are streets which are long lines of palaces—such as Pall Mall, with its stately array of club-houses—and Regent Street, where the fronts of each distinct block of buildings are united so as to form one imposing façade, and where every façade is different, so that, as we walk along, a kind of architectural panorama glides before the eye— and Belgravia and Tybumia, where the squares and terraces are vast palatial colonies. Hor yet is it due to the magnificence of its shops—those crystal storehouses of which the sheets of glass are like sheets of the clearest lake ice, both in their dimensions and transparency, and gorgeous with the display of the richest products in the world. Hor yet, again, is it owing to the capacious Docks at the East End of the Metropolis, where the surrounding streets have all the nautical oddness of an amphibious Dutch town, from the mingling of the manv mast¬ heads with the chinmey-pots, and where the sense of the immensity of the aggregate merchant-wealth is positively overpowering to contemplate. Heither is it owing to the broad green parks, that are so many bright snatches of the country scattered round the smoke-dried city, and where the verdure of the fields is rendered doubly grateful, not only from their contrast with the dense rusty-red mass of bricks and mortar with which they are encompassed, but from being vast aerial reservoirs—great sylvan tanks, as it were, of oxygen—for the supply of health and spirits to the waUed-in multitude. But these sattia London thoroughfares are, simply, the finest of all sights—^in the world, we may say—on account of the never-ending and infinite variety of Ufe to be seen in them. Beyond doubt, the enormous multitudes ever pouring through the principal metropolitan thoroughfares strike the first deep impression upon the stranger's mind ; and we ourselves never contemplate the tumultuous scene without feeling that here lies the true grandeur of the Capital—the one distinctive mark that gives a special sublimity to the spot. Travellers speak of the awful magnificence of the great torrent of Hiagara, where thousands upon thousands of tons of liquid are ever pouring over the rocks in one immense, terrific flood. But what is this in grandeur to the vast human tide—^the stupendous living torrent of thousands upon thousands of restless souls, each quickened with some different purpose, and for ever rushing along the great leading thoroughfares of the Metropolis ? what the aggregate power of the greatest cataract in the world to the united might of the several emotions and wills stirring each of the homimcular atoms composing that dense human stream. And if the roar of the precipitated waters bewilders and aflErights the mind, assuredly the riot and tumult of the traffic of London at once stun and terrify the brain of those who hear it for the first time. There is no scene in the wide world, indeed, equal in grandeur to the contemplation of the immensity of this same London traffic. Can the masses of the pyramids impress the mipd WKh such an overwhelming sense of labour and everlastingness as is inspired by the appa- 54 THE GREAT "WORLD OF LOITDOH rently never-ending and never-tiring industry of the masses of people in our streets? If the desert he the very intensity of the sublime from the feeling of tragic loneliness—of terrible isolation that it induces—from the awful solemnity of the great ocean of desolation encompassing the traveller ; surely this monster Metropolis is equally sublime, though from the opposite cause—^from the sense of the infinite multitude of people with which we are surrounded, and yet of our comparative, if not absolute, fiiendlessness and isolation in the very midst of such an infinite multitude. Is there any other sight in the Metropolis, moreover, so thoroughly Londonesque as this is in its character ? Will our Law Courts, though justice be dispensed there with a fairness and even mercy to the accused, that is utterly unknown in other lands, give the foreigner as lively an idea of the genius of our people ? Will our Houses of Parliament, where the policy of every new law is discussed by the national representatives with an honesty and freedom impossible to be met with in the Chambers of other States, show him so much of our character? Will the stranger be so astounded even at the internal economy of our great newspaper printing-offices, where the intelligence of the enîire world is focussed, as it were, into one enormous daily sheet, that is filled with finer essays than any to be found in " the British Classics," and printed far more elegantly than library books on the Continent, —even though the greater portion of the matter has been -written, and the million bits of type composing it have been picked up, in the course of the preceding night ? Or -will our leviathan breweries, or our races, or our cattle-shows, or cricket matches, or, indeed, any of the institutions, or customs, or enterprises peculiar to the land, sink so deeply into the stranger's mind as the contemplation of the several miles of crowd—the long and dense commercial train of men and vehicles each day flooding the leading thoroughfares of this giant city ! Let the visitor from some quiet country or foreign town behold the city at five in the day, and see the people crowding the great lines of streets like a flock of sheep in a narrow lane ; and the conveyances, too, packed full of human beings, and jammed as compactly together as the stones on the pa-ring beneath, and find, moreover—go which way he will—the same black multitude pervading the thoroughfares almost as far as he can travel before nightfall— behold every one of the civic arteries leading to the mighty heart of London, charged with its thousands of human globules, aU busy, as they circulate through them, sustaining the life and energy and weU-being of the land ; and assuredly he wiU allow, that the world has no wonder—amongst the whole of its far-famed seven—in the least comparable to this. Let us now, however, descend to particulars, and endeavour to.set forth the actual amount of traffic going on through the leading London thoroughfares. By a return which was kindly furnished to us by Mr. Haywood, the City Surveyor, we are enabled to come at this point -with greater accuracy than might be imagÎTiP«! The return of which we speak was of a very elaborate character, and specified not only the total number of vehicles drawn by one horse, as well as two, three, or more horses, that passed over 24 of the principal City thoroughfares in the course of twelve hours, but also set forth the number of each kind of conveyance traversing the city for every hour throughout the day. By means of this table, then, we find there are two tides, as it were, in the daily stream of locomotion flowing through the city—^the one coming to its highest point at eleven in the forenoon, up to which time the number of vehicles gradually increases, and so rapidly, too, that there are very nearly twice as many conveyances in the streets at eleven, as there are at nine o'clock in the morning. After eleven o'clock the tide of the traffic, however, begins to ebb—-the number of carriages gradually decreasing, till two in the afternoon, when there is one-sixth less vehicles in the leading thoroughfares than at eleven. After two, again, another change occurs, and the crowd of conveyances continues to increase in number till five o'clock, when there are a few hundreds more collected within the citv boundaries than there THE lOITOOH STREETS. 55 were at deven. Añer.five, the locomotive current ehbs once more, and does noi attain its next flood until eleven the next day. Now, by this return it is shown, that the gross number of vehicles passing along the City thoroughfares, in the course of twelve hours, ordinarily amounts to one-eighth of a million, or upwards of 125,000.* But many of these, it should be added, are reckoned more than once in the statement ; if, however, we sum up only the number appearing in the distinct lines of thoroughfares—like Holbom, Fleet Street, LeadenhaU Street, Blackfriars Bridge, Bishopsgate Street, Finsbury Pavement, &c.—the amount of city traffic, wül even then reach nearly 60,000 vehicles, passing and re-passing through the streets every day. Now, that this estimate is not very wide of the truth, is proven by the fact, that there are no less than 3000 cabs plying in London streets ; nearly 1000 omnibuses ; and more than 10,000 private and job carriages and carts, belonging to various individuals throughout the Metropolis (as is shown by the returns of the Stamp and Tax Office). Moreover, it is calculated, that some 3000 conveyances enter the Metropolis daily from the surrounding country ; whilst the amount of mileage duty paid by the Metropolitan Stage Carriages, id the year 1853, prove that the united London omnibuses and short stages must have travelled over not less than 21,800,000 miles of ground in the course of that year—a distance which is very nearly equal to one-fourth that of the earth from the sun ! Hence, it will appear that the above estimate, as to the number'of vehicles passing and repassing through the City streets every day, does not exceed the bounds of reason. But the thoroughfares within the City boundaries are not one-thirtieth of the length of those without them ; and as there are two distinct lines of streets, traversing London from east to west, each six miles long, and at least four distinct highways, stretching north and south, each four miles in length at least ; whilst along each and all of these a dense stream of foot, passengers and conveyances is maintained throughout the day; it will therefore be found, by calculation, that at five o'clock, when almost every one of these thoroughfares may be said to be positively crowded with the traffic, that there is a dense stream of omnibuses, cabs, carts, and carriages, as well as foot passengers, flowing through London at one and the same time, that is near upon 30 miles long altogether ! "We have before spoken of the prodigious length of the aggregate streets and lanes of the Metropolis, and a peep at the balloon map of Londonf will convince the stranger what a tangled knot of highways and byeways is the town. A plexus of nerves or capillary vessels is • The following are the data for the above statement :— betuhn, showino the totai. number of vehicles i^assino in the course of twelve hours mine a.m. to nine p.m.) through the frincifal streets of the city of london. Lower Thames Street, by Botolph Lane Threadneedle Street Lombard Street, by Birchin Lane Upper Thames Street (in rear of Queen Street) Aldersgate Street, by Fann Street Tower Street, by Mark Lane Smithfield Bars 3,108 Fencburch Street 8,642 Eastcheap, by Philpot Lane Bishopsgate Street Without, by City boun¬ dary Finsbury Pavement, by South Place . Aldgate High Street, by City boundary Bishopsgate Street Within, by Great St. Helen's 1,380 2,150 2,228 2,331 2,590 2,890 4,102 4,110 4,460 4,754 4,842 Graoechuroh Street, by St. Peter's Alley . Cornhill, by the Boyal Exchange Blackfriars Bridge LeadenhaU Street, in rear of the East India House ... ... Newgate Street, by Old Bailey . Ludgate Hill, by Pilgrim Street Holbom Hill, by St. Andrew's Church Temple Bar Gate Poultry, by the Mansion House . Cheapside, by Foster Lane London Bridge Total . (from 4,887 4,916 5,262 5,930 6,375 6,829 6,906 7,741 10,274 11,053 13,099 125,859 T An exeeUent map of the kind above specified is pubUshed by Appleyard and HetUng of Farringdon Street, and it will be found to be more easUy comprehensible to strangers than the ordinary ground-plans of the London streets. 56 THE GREAT -WORLD OF LONDOR. not more intricate than they. As well might we seek to find order and systematic arrange* ment among a ball of worms as in that conglomeration of thoroughfares constituting the British Metropolis. "I began to study the Map of London," says Southey, in his Espriella's Letters, "though dismayed at the sight of its prodigious extent. The river is of no assistance to a stranger in finding his way; there is no street along its banks; nor is there any eminence whence you can look around and take your bearings." But the nomenclature of the London streets is about as unsystematic as is the general plan of the thoroughfares, and cannot but be extremely puzzling to the stranger. Every one knows how the Frenchman was perplexed with the hundred significations given to the English term " box"—such as band-box, Christmas-box, coach-box, box on the ears, shooting-box, box-tree, private box, the wrong box, boxing the compass, and a boxing match. And, assuredly, he must be equally bothered on finding the same name applied to some score or two of dilFerent thoroughfares, that are often so far apart, that, if he happen to be the bearer of a letter of introduction with the address of "King Street, London," the unhappy wight would probably be driven about from district to district—from King Street, Golden Square, maybe, to King street, Cheapside, and then back again to King Street, Covent Garden—and so on until he had tried the whole of the forty-two King Streets that are now set down in the Post-office Directory. ^ i. Of the Nomenclature of the London Streets. A painstaking friend of ours has, at our request, been at the trouble of classifying the various thoroughfares of London, and he finds that of the streets, squares, terraces, &c., bearing a loyal title, there are no less than seventy-three christened King, seventy-eight Queen, forty-two called Prince's, and four Princess's; twenty-six styled Duke, one Duchess, and twenty-eight having the title-of Regent; while there are thirty-one Cro-ïvn Streets, or Courts, and one Regina ViUa. Then many thoroughfares are named after the titles of nolles. Thus there are no less than eighty-nine localities called York, after the Duke of ditto ; fifty-eight entitled Gloucester ; forty-four Brunswick, in honour of that " house ;" thirty-nine Bedford, thirty-five Devon¬ shire, thirty-six Portland, thirty-four Cambridge, twenty-eight Lansdowne, twenty-seven Montague, twenty-six Cumberland, twenty-two Claremont and Clarence, twenty Clarendon, twenty-three Russell, twenty-one Norfolk—^besides many other highways or byeways styled Cavendish, or Cecil, or Buckingham, or Northumberland, or Stanhope. Next, in illustration of the principle of hero-worship, there are fifty-two thoroughfares caRed after Wellington, twenty-nine after Marlborough, and eleven after Nelson; there are, moreover, twenty styled Waterloo, and fifteen Trafalgar, thirteen Blenheim, one Boyne, and three Navarino; whilst, in honour of Prime Ministers, there are six localities caUed after Pitt, two after Fox, and three after Canning; in celebration of Lord ChanceUors, five are ^^aTnP(^ Eldon ; for Politicians, one Place is styled Cobden, and two streets Burdett ; and to commemo¬ rate the name of great poets and philosophers, there is one Shakespeare's Walk (at Shadwell), one Ben Jonson's Fields, eight Milton Streets, and seven thoroughfares bearing the name of Addison, and one that of Cato. Of the number of thoroughfares caUed by simple Christian names, the following are the principal examples :—There are fifty-eight localities known as George, forty christened Victoria, forty-three Albert, and eight Adelaide. Then there are forty-seven Johns, forty- nine Charleses, thirty-five Jameses, thirty-three Edwards, thirty Alfreds, twenty Charlottes, and the same number of Elizabeths and Fredericks, together with a um all number of Roberts, and Anns, and Peters, and Pauls, and Adams, and Amelias, and Marys, beside eight King Edwards, two King Williams, one King John, and one King Henry. THE LOin)OH STEEETS. 57 Many streets, on the other hand, bear the surnames of their builders or landlords ; and, accordingly, we have several thoroughfares rejoicing in the illustrious names of Smith or Baher, or Newman, or Perry, or Nicholas, or Milman, or "Warren, or Leigh, or Beaufoy, and indeed one locality bearing the euphonious title of Bugsby's Eeach. Beligious titles, again, are not rmcommon. Not only have we the celebrated Paternoster Eow, and Ave-Maria Lane, and Amen Comer, and Adam and Eve Court, but there are All Hallows Chambers, and a number of Providence Eows and Streets. Moreover, there is a large family called either Church or Chapel, besides a Bishop's Walk, a Dean's Yard, and a Mitre Court, together with not a few christened College or Abbey ; whilst there is à Tabernacle Row, Square, and Walk, as well as a weU-known Worship Street, and no less than twenty distinct places beariug the name of Trinity, as well as two large districts styled l^ßiitefriars and Blackfiiars, and a bevy of streets called añer the entire calendar of Saints, together with a posse of Angel Courts and Lanes. Other places, on the contrary, delight in Pagan titles; for in the suburbs we find two Neptune Streets, four Minerva Terraces, two Apollo Buildings, one Diana Place, a Hermes Street, and a Hercules Passage ; besides several streets dedicated to England's mythological patroness, Britannia, and some half-dozen roads, or cottages, or places, glorying in the title of the imaginaiy Scotch goddess, Caledonia. The same patriotic spirit seems to make the name of Albion very popular among the godfathers or godmothers of thoroughfares, for there are no less than some fifty buildings, chambers, cottages, groves, mews, squares, &c., rejoicing in the national cognomen. Eurther, there is a large number of astronomicaUy-named highways, such as those called Sun Street or Sols' Eow, or Half-Moon Street, or Star Alley, or Comer. And, again, we have many of an aquatic tum, as witness the Thames Streets and River Terraces, and Brook Streets, and WeUs Streets, and Water Lanes—ay, and one Ocean Eow. Others delight in zoological titles, such as Pish Street, Elephant Gardens, or Stairs, Cow Lane, Lamb Alley, and Bear Street, as well as Duck Lane, and Drake Street, and Raven Eow, and Dove Court, with many Swan Streets and Lanes and Alleys, and Eagle Streets, and Swallow Streets, and one Sparrow Comer. In the same category, too, we must class the thoroughfares christened after fabulous monsters, such as the Red Lion and "White Lion Streets, the Mermaid Courts, and Phoenix Places and Wharves. In addition to these must be mentioned the gastronomical localities, such as Milk Street, Beer Street, Bread Street, Pine-Apple Place, Sugar-Loaf Court, and Vinegar Yard ; and the old Pie Lane, and Pudding Comer; besides Orange Street, and Lemon Street, and the horticultural Pear-Trce Court, Fig-Tree ditto, Cherry-Tree Lane, and Walnut-Tree Walk. Others, again, have lotanical names given to them : thus, there are ten Rose Villas, Terraces, Lanes, or Courts ; nine HoUy ditto ; seven Ivy Cottages or Places ; one Lüy Terrace ; two Woodbine Villas; the same number of Pir Groves; a Lavender Hill and Place; twelve Willow Walks and Cottages, besides three Acacia and Avenue Roads or Gardens; one Coppice Row ; and no less than fifty-four Cottages, or Crescents, or Parks styled Grove— though mostly all are as leafless as boot-trees. A large number of thoroughfares, on the other hand, are called after their size or sha^e ; Thus there are twenty-three Streets, Courts, Pavements, Walls, and Ways styled Broad; but only three Streets called Narrow. There are, however, six Acres, Alleys, or Lanes called Long ; and an equal number of Buildings denominated Short. Then we have as many as thirty-five styled High, four called Back, and the same number bearing the oppo¬ site title of Pore ; whilst there are no less than ten Rows denominated Middle, and twenty Courts, Lanes, &c. christened Cross, as well as one dubbed Tumagain. In addition to these there are three Ovals, four Triangles, two Polygons, and one Quadrant ; besides an innu¬ merable quantity of Squares, Circuses, and Crescents. Some places, on tho other hand, appear to have ekromatio names, though this ames from «8 THE GEEAT VOELD OE lONDOH. the pigmentary patronymics of their original landlords. Hence there are sixteen thorough' fares called Green, two White, and one Grey. Furiher, we have a considerable quantity named after the cardinal pointa of the compass, there being as many as forty-eight denominated North, not a few of which lie in a wholly different direction, and forty-four bearing the title of South ; whilst there are twenty-nine nicknamed East, and an equal number West; but only one styled North-East. In the suburbs the topographical titles are often of a laudatory character, and generaEy eulogistic of the view that was (originally, perhaps,) to be obtained from the Buildings, or Crescent, or Cottages, or Eow, to which the inviting title has been applied. Accordingly we find that there are twenty-four Prospect Cottages and Places ; four BeUe-Vues, and a like number of Bel videros; whilst there is one Pair-View Place; besides nearly a score of Pleasant Places, four Mount Pleasants, sixteen Paradise Terraces or Cottages, and six Paragon Villas or Eows. Others, still, are christened after particular trades. Thus, the Butchers have two Eows called after them ; the Pishmongers two Alleys ; the Dyers, three Courts or Buildings ; the Barbers, one Yard; the Sadlers, three Buildings or Places; the Stonecutters, one Street; the Potters, a few Pields; the Weavers, two Streets; the Ironmongers, one Lane; and the Eopemakers, one Walk ; whilst there are no less than thirty-three thoroughfares having the general title of Commercial. Purther, in honour of the Bootmakers, there is one Place styled Crispin, one Lane called Shoe, and one Street bearing the name of Boot—^besides a Petticoat Lane in honour of the ladies, and, for the poorer classes, a Eag Pair. Then, of thoroughfares named after materials, there are eight Wood Streets, one Stone Buildings, one Iron and one Golden Square, seven Silver Streets, and two Diamond Eows. Lastly, there is a large class of streets called after some pdhlk place near which they are situate. Por instance, there are just upon one hundred localities having the prefix Park, and thirty-seven entitled Bridge, nineteen are called Market, twelve styled Palace, foiirteen Castle, nine Tower, two Parliament, two Asylum, three Spital (the short for Hospital), one Museum, four Custom House, and a like number Charter House ; but as yet there exist only two Railway Places, and one Tunnel Square. Nor would the catalogue be complete if we omitted to emunerate the London SiUs, such as Snow, Com, Ludgate, Holbom, Primrose, Saffron, and Mutton; or the streets named after the ancient Gates, as Newgate, Ludgate, Aldgate, Aldersgate, Bishopsgate, and Moorgate ; or those cosmopolitan thoroughfares dubbed Portugal Street, Sp,anish Place, America Square, Greek Street, Turk's Eow, Denmark Hill, and Copenhagen Pields, not forgetting the ancient Petty Prance and the modem Little Britain. ^ ii. Character of the London Streets. The physiognomy of the metropolitan thoroughfares is well worthy of the study of some civic Lavater. The finely-chiselled features of an English aristocrat, are not more distinct from the common coimtenance of a Common Councilman, than is the stately Belgravian square from its vulgar brother in Barbican ; and as there exists in society a medium class of people, between the noble and the citizen, who may be regarded as the patterns of ostensible respectability among us, such as bankers, lawyers, and physicians ; so have we in London a class of respectable localities, whose architecture is not only as prim as the silver hair, or as cold-looking as the bald head, which is so distinctive of the ' ' genteel" types above specified ; hut it is as different from the omate and stately character of the buildings about the parks as they, on the other hand, differ from the heavy and mddy look of the City squares ; for what the Belgravian districts are in their "btiild" to the Bedfordian, and the B^ordian again to the Towerian, so is there the same ratio in social rank and character among nobles, pro¬ fessional gentry, and citizens. THE LOHDOH STEEETS 09 Again, the very eaat-end of the town, such as Bethnal green, is as marked in the cut of its hricks and mortar—^in the " long lights" of the weavers' houses about Spitalfields, and the latticed pigeon-house, surmounting almost every roof—as is May Pair from Rag Fair; and so striking is this physiognomical expression—the different cast of countenance, as it were—in the houses of the several localities inhabited by the various grades of society^ that to him who knows London well, a walk through its divers districts is as peculiar as a geographical excuraion through the multiform regions of the globe. Stroll through the streets, for instance, that constitute the environs of Fitzroy Square, and surely it needs not brass cards upon the doors to say that this is the artistic quarter of London. Notice the high window in the middle of the first floor, the shutters closed in the day time at all but the upper part of the casement, so as to give a " top Hght." See, too, the cobwebby window panes and the flat sticks of the old-fashioned parlour blinds leaning different ways— ail betokening the residence of one who hardly belongs to the well-to-do classes. Observe, as you continue your walk, the group of artists' colour-men's shops, with the boxes of moist colours in the windows, and some large brown photographs, or water-colour drawings exposed for sale; and mark, in another street hard by, the warehouses of plaster casts, where you see bits of arms, or isolated hands, modelled in whiting ; and chalk figures of horses, with all the muscles showing. After this, the mind's eye that cannot, at a glance, detect that hereabouts dwell the gentry who indulge in odd beards and hats, and delight in a picturesque "make-up," must need some intellectual spectacles to aid its perception. Travel then across Regent Street to SaviUe Row, and, if you be there about noon, it will not be necessary to read the small brass tablets graven with "Nighi-bell," to leam that here some renowned physician or surgeon dwells in every other house; for you wül see a seedy carriage, with fagged-looking horses, waiting at nearly aU the thresholds, and pale people, with black patches of respirators over their mouths, in the act of leaving or entering the premises ; so that you wUl readily discover that the gentry frequenting this locality are about to hurry round the Metropolis, and feel some score of pulses, and look at some score of tongues, at the rate of ten guineas per hour. Next wend yoiir way to Chancery Lane, and give heed to the black-coated gentry, with bundles of papers tied with red-tape in their hands, the door-posts striped with a small catalogue of names, the street-doors set wide open, and individuals in black clerical-looking gowns and powdered coachmen-like wigs, tripping along the pavement towards the Courts ; and stationers' shops, in which hang legal almanacs, and skins of parchment, as greasy-looking as tracing-paper, with " this indenture" flourished in the comer, and law lists bound in bright red leather, and law books in sleek yellow calf. Note, too, the furniture shops, with leathem-topped writing-tables and pigeon-holes, and what-nots for papers, and square piles of drawers, and huge iron safes and japanned tin boxes, that seem ^ if they had had a coat of raspberry jam by way of paint, against which the boys had been dabbing their fingers— aU which, of course, wiU apprise you that you are in the legal quarter of the town. Then, how different the squares in the different parts of London—the squares which are so purely national—so utterly unlike your foreign "place," or "platz," that bare paved or gravelled space, with nothing but a fountain, a statue, or column, in the centre of it. True, the trees may grow as black in London as human beings at the tropics ; but still there is the broad carpet of green sward in the centre, and occasionally the patches of bright-coloured flowers that speak of the English love of gardening—^the Londoner's craving for country life. What a distinctive air, we repeat, have the fashionable West End squares ; how different from the " genteel" affairs in the northem districts of the Metropolis, as well as from the odd and desolate places in the City, or the obsolete and antiquated spots on the south side of Holbom and Oxford Ötreet—^like Leicester and Soho. 60 TKE ÖEEAT "WOKLD OF LONDON. How Bpacious are the handsome old mansions around Grosvenor Square, with their quoins, windows, and door-cases of stone, bordering the sombre "rubbed" brick fronts. In France or Germany such enormous buildings would have a different noble family lodging on every "flat." The inclosure, too, is a small park, or palace garden, rather than the paved court-yard of foreign places. Then there is Grosvenor's twin brother, Portman Square, where the houses are, aH but as imposing in appearance—and St. James's Square—and Berkeley—and Cavendish—and Hanover—and Manchester—with the still more stately and gorgeous Belgrave and Eaton Squares. Next to these rank the respectable and genteel squares, such as Montague, and Bryan- stone, and Connaught, and Cadogan, at the West End, and Fitzroy, and EusseU, and Bedford, and Bloomsbury, and Tavistock, and Toriington, and Gordon, and Euston, and Mecklenburg, and Brunswick, and Queen's, and Finsbury—all lying in that district east of Tottenham Court Eoad which was the celebrated terra incognita of John Wilson Croker. After these come the City squares—those intensely quiet places immured in the very centre of London, which seem as still and desolate as cloisters ; and where the desire for peace is so strong upon the inhabitants, that there is generally a liveried street-keeper or beadle maintained to cane off the boys, as weU as dispel the flock of organ-grinders and Punch- and-Judy men, and acrobats, who would look upon the tranquillity of the place as a mÍTift of wealth to them. To this class belong Devonshire Square, Bishopsgate ; Bridgewater Square, Barbican; America Square,.Minories; WeUclose Square, London Docks; Trinity Square, Tower; Nelson Square, Blackfriars; Warwick Square, Newgate Street; and Gough and Salisbury Squares, Fleet Street; though many of these are but the mere bald "places" of the continent. Further, we have the obsolete, or "used up" old squares, that lie south of Oxford Street and Holbom, and east of Eegent Street, and which have mostly passed from fashion¬ able residences into mere quadrangles, full of shops, or hotels, or exldbitions, or chambers; such are the squares of Soho, Leicester, Golden, Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, and even Covent Garden. And, lastly, we have the pretentious pa/rvenu-\ikß suburban squares, such as Thurlow and Trevor, by Brompton ; and Sloane, by Chelsea ; and Edwardes, by Kensington ; and Oakley, by Camden Town ; and Holford and Claremont Squarts, by PentonviUe ; and TsliTigfnTi Square; and Green Arbour Square, by Stepney; and Surrey Square, by the Old Kent Eoad; and the Oval, by Keimington. In fine, there are now upwards of one huncLred squares distributed throughout London, and these are generaEy in such extreme favour among the surrounding inhabitants, they are each regarded as the headquarters of the élite of the district by all aspirants for fashionable distinction ; so that the pretentious traders of Gower Street and the like, instead of writing down their address as Gower Street, Tottenham Court Eoad, love to exaggerate it into Gower Street, Bedford Square. Of streets, again, we find the same distinctive classes as of the squares. There are, first, the fashionable streets, such as Arlington Street St. James's, and Park Lane, and Portland Place, and Eichmond and Carlton Terraces, and Privy Gardens. Then come the respectable or "genteel" thoroughfares of Clarges Street, and Harley Street, and Gloucester Place, and Wobum Place, and Keppel Street, &c. After these we have the lodging-house localities, comprised in the several streets running out of the Strand. Moreover, mention must be made of the distinctive streets, and narrow commercial lanes, crowding about the bank, where the houses are as full of merchants and clerks as a low lodging-house is full of tramps. THE LOHDOH STEEETS. 61 Eurther, there are the streets and districts for particular trades, as Long Acre, where the carriage-makers abound ; and Lombard Street, where the bankers loye to congregate ; and derkenwell, the district for the watch-makers ; and Hatten Garden for the Italian glass- blowers; and the Borough for the hatters; Bermondsey for the tanners; Lambeth for the potters; and Spitalfields for weavers ; and Catherine Street for the newsvendors ; and Paternoster Eow for the booksellers ; and the Hew Eoad for the zinc-workers : and Lower Thames Street for the merchants in oranges and foreign fruits ; and Mincing Lane for the wholesale grocers ; and Holywell Street and Eosemary Lane for old clothes ; and so on. Again, one of the most distinctive quartersabout Londonism the neighbourhood of theDocks. The streets themselves in this locality have all, more or less, a maritime character; every other store is either stocked with gear for the ship or the sailor ; and the front of many a shop is filled with quadrants and bright brass sextants, chronometers, and ships' binnacles, with their compass cards trembling with the motion of the cabs and waggons passing in the street, whilst over the doorway is fixed a huge figure of a naval officer in a cocked hat, taking a perpetual sight at the people in the first-floor on the opposite side of the way. Then come the sailors' cheap shoe marts, rejoicing iu the attractive sign of " Jack and his Mother ;" every public house, too, is a " JoUy Jack Tar," or something equally taking, and there are "Pree Concerts" at the back of every bar. Here, also, the sailmakers' shops abound, with their windows stowed with ropes, and smelling of tar as you pass them. All the neighbouring grocers are provision agents, and exhibit in their windows tin cases of meat and biscuits, and every article is " warranted to keep in any climate." The comers of the streets, moreover, are mostly monopolized by slopsellers, their windows parti-coloured with the bright red and blue flannel shirts, and the doors nearly blocked up with hammocks and well-oiled nor'-westers; whilst the front of the house itself is half covered with canvas trousers, rough pilot-coats, and shinny black dread¬ noughts. The foot-passengers alone would tell you that you were in the maritime district of London, for you pass now a satin waistcoated mate, and now a black sailor with a large fur cap on his head, and then a custom-house officer in his brass-buttoned jacket. Hor would this account of the peculiarities of the London streets be complete if we omitted to mention the large body of people who derive their living from exercising some art or craft, or of carrying on some trade in them. This portion of people are generally to be seen in the greatest numbers at the London Street Markets of a Saturday night, and a more peculiar sight is not to be witnessed in any other capital of the world. It is at these street markets that many of the working classes purchase their Sunday's dinner, and after pay-time on a Saturday night, the crowd in some parts is almost impassable. Indeed, the scene at such places has more the character of a fair than a market. There are hundreds of stalls, and every stall has its one or two lights ; either it is illuminated by the intense white light of the .new self-generating gas lamp, or else it is brightened up by the red smoky flame of the old-fashioned grease lamp. One man shows off his yellow haddocks with a candle stuck in a bundle of firewood ; his neighbours make a candlestick of a huge turnip, and the tallow gutters over its sides; 'whilst the boy shouting, "Eight a penny, stunning pears!" has surrounded his " dip" with a thick roll of brown paper that flares away in the wind. Some stalls are crimsom, with the fire shining through the holes beneath the baked chestnut stove ; others have handsome octohedral lamps ; while a few have a candle shining through a sieve ; these, with the sparkling ground-glass globes of the tea-dealers' shops, and the butchers' gas-lights streaming and fluttering in the wind like flags of flame, pour forth such a flood of light, that at a distance the atmosphere immediately above the spot is as lurid as if the street were on fire. The pavement and the road are crowded with purchasers and street seEers. The house- infe in a thick shawl, with the market-basket on her arm, walks slowly on, stopping now to look at the stall of caps, and now to cheapen a bunch of greens. Little boys holding three 62 THE GBEAT WOELD OF LOHDOH. or four onions in their hand, creep between the people, wriggling their way through every interstice in the crowd, and asking for custom in whining tones as if seeking charity. Then the tumult of the thousand cries of the eager dealers, all shouting at the top of their voices at one and the same time, is almost bewildering. "So-old again!" roars one. " Chesnuts, all ott!—A penny a score!" bawls another. "An aypenny a skin, blacking!" shrieks a boy. "Buy, buy, buy, buy, buy,—^bu-u-wy!" jabbers the butcher. " Half-a-quire of paper for a penny !" bellows the street stationer. "An aypenny a lot, inguns!" " Tuppence a pound, grapes ! " "Three-a-penny, Yarmouth bloaters!" "Who'll buy a bonnet for fourpence ? " "Kck 'em out cheap, here ! three pair for an aypenny, boot¬ laces." " Now's your time ! beautiM whelks, a penny a lot ! " " Here's ha-p-orths ! " shouts the perambulating confectioner. " Come and look at e'm !—aprime toasters !" bellows one with a Yarmouth bloater stuck on a toasting fork. " Penny a lot, fine russets—^penny alot!" calls the apple woman. And so the Babel goes on. One man stands with his red-edged mats hanging over his back and chest like a herald's coat ; and the girl, with her basket of walnuts, lifts her brown-stained fingers to her mouth, as she screams, " Fine wamuts ! sixteen a penny, fine war-r-nuts ! " At one of the neigh¬ bouring shops, a boot-maker, to attract custom, has illuminated his shop-firont with a line of gas, and in its full glare stands a blind beggar, his eyes turned up so as to show only the whites, and mumbling some begging rhymes, that are drowned in the shrill notes of the player on the bamboo-flute, next to him. The boys' sharp shoutings ; the women's cracked voices ; the gruff hoarse roar of the men—are all mingled together. Sometimes an Irishman is heard, with his cry of " Fine 'ating apples!" or else the jingling music of an imseen organ breaks out as the trio of street singers rest between the verses. Then the sights, as you elbow your way through the crowd, are equally multifarious. Here is a stall glittering with new tin saucepans ; there another, bright with its blue and yellow crockery and sparkling white glass. How you come to a row of old shoes, arranged along the pavement ; now to a stand of gaudy tea-trays j then to a shop, with red hand¬ kerchiefs and blue checked shirts, fluttering backwards and forwards, and a temporary counter built up on the kerb, behind which shop-boys are beseeching custom. At the door of a tea-shop, with its hundreds of white globes of light, stands a man delivering liilla, " thanking the public for past favours and defying competition." Here, alongside the road, are some half-dozen headless tailors' dummies, dressed in Chesterfields and fustian jackets, each labelled, " Look at the Peices," or " Observe the Quamtt." Hext, we pass a butcher's shop, crimson and white, with the meat piled up to the first-floor ; in front of which, the butcher himself, in his blue coat, walks up and down sharpening his knife on the steel that hangs to his waist, saying to each woman as she passes, ""What can I do for you, my dear ? " A little farther on, stands the clean family begging ; the father, with his head down, as if ashamed to be seen, and a box of lucifers held forth in his hand ; the boys, in newly-worked pinafores, and the tidily got-up mother, with a child at her breast. One stall is green and white with bunches of turnips—another red with apples ; the next yellow with onions ; and the one after that pujq)le with pickling cabbages. One minute you pass a man with an umbrella turned inside upwards, and ftdl of prints. The next moment you hear a feUow with a peep-show of Mazeppa, and Paul Jones the pirate, describing the pictures to the crowd of boys as some of them spy in at the little round windows. Then you are startled by the sharp snap of percussion caps firom the crowd of lads, firing at the target for nuts, at the comer of the street ; and the minute afterwards you see a black man clad in thin white garments, and shivering in the cold, with tracts in his hand, or else you hear the sounds of music frrom " Frazier's Circus," on the other side of the road, and the man outside the door of the penny concert beseeching the passers-by to " he in time ! be in time !" as Mr. Somebody is just about to sing his frivourite song of " The Knife-grinder." THE LONDON STENETS. 63 Such, indeed, is fhe tiot, the struggle, aud the scramble for a living, that the confosion and uproar of the London Street Market on Saturday night have a bewildering and half- ■addening effect upon the thoughtful mind. Each salesman tries his utmost to sell his wares, tempting the passers-by with his bargains, ïh& boy with his stock of herbs, offers a " double 'andful of fine parsley for a penny." The man with the donkey-cart filled -with turnips, has three lads to shout for him to their utmost, with their " Ho ! ho ! hi-i-i ! What do you tbink of this here ? A penny a bunch ! ■>—a penny a bunch ! Hurrah for free trade ! Here's your turnips !" Until the scene and tumult are witnessed and heard, it is impossible to have a sense of ^he scramble that is going on throughout London for a living—the shouting and the struggling of hundreds to get the penny profit out of the poor man's Sundays dinner. 64 THE GEEAT WORLD OF LONDON. 00k t\t ¿kú. —♦— PROFESSIONAL LONDON. We now pass from our general surrey of the Metropolis, to consider its several parts ix detail. For as geographers usually prefix to their Atlases a map of the northern and southern hemispheres of the globe, so have we, in this our literary Atlas of the World at London, first laid down a chart of the two opposite spheres of metropolitan society—^the very rich and the very poor—a kind of Mercator's plan, as it were, wherein the antipodes |of London life are brought under one view. This done, however, we now proceed, in due geographical order, to deal seriatim wifli each of the quarters of the Metropolitan World. And first of Professional London. Professional London, we consider to include that portion of metropolitan society of whidk the members follow some intellectual calling—^living by mental, rather than manual dexterity; that is to say, deriving their income from the exercise of talent rather than sMU. For the members of every profession must he more or less talented, even as every handicraftsman must be more or less skilful ; and as the working engineer acquires, by practice, a certain expertness in the use of his fingers, so the member of a profession learns, by education, ia certain quickness of perception and soimdness of judgment in connection with the mattács to which he attends ; and thus people, lacking the faculty which he possesses, are glad to avail themselves of his services in that respect. According to the above definition, the members of the professions are not limited merely to lawyers, doctors, and clergymen, hut include also professors, teachers, scientific men, authors, artists, musicians, actors—^indeed all who live " by their wits," as the opprobrious phrase runs, as if it were a dishonour for a person to gain a livelihood by the exercise of his intellect ; and the judge did not depend upon his mental faculties for his subsistence, as much as the chevalier d'indmtrie whom he tries. The professional or intellectual class is not a large one, even when thus extended beyond its usual limited signification; for in all Great Britain there are, in round numbers, only 230,000 people gaining a subsistence by their talents, out of a population of very nearly 21 millions ; and this is barely a ninetieth part of the whole. Altogether, there are throughout England, Wales, and Scotland, 80,047 clergymen and ministers, 18,422 lawyers, and 22,383 medical men. Indeed, the Commissioners of the Census^ tell us, that the three professions, even with their allied and subordinate members, amount to only 112,193, and "though their importance cannot he overrated," they add, "yet, in numbers, they would be out-voted by the tailors of the United Kingdom." Of the unrecognited professions, the authors in Great Britain are 2,981 in number the artists, 9,148 ; the professors of science (returned as such), only 491 ; while the teachers amount to 106,344 ;—making a total of 118,964 individuals Now, let us see what proportion of the body of professional people existing throughout Great Britain, is found located in the Metropolis. PROFESSIONAL LONDON. 65 According to the returns of the last census, the gross number of persons living by the exercise of their talents in London (including the same classes as were before mentioned), amounts to 47,746; and this out of a population of 2,362,236—so that the proportion is just upon one-fiftieth of the whole. Hence we find that whereas there are eleven people in every thousand belonging to the intellectual classes throughout Great Britain, or rather more than one per cent, of the gross population,* the ratio in the Capital is a fraction beydnd twenty to the thousand, or about two per cent, of the entire metropolitan people. • The distribution of the Professional'Classes throughout the country, and the ratio they bear to the rest of the adult population is as follows :— TABLE SHOWING THE MSTRIBUTION OF THE PEOFESSIONAL CLASSES (MAXES AND FEMALES ABOVE 20 TEAES) THEOUGHOUT ENGLAND AND WALES, A.D. 1851. Divisions. Clergrmen, Prot. Ministers, 1 Priests, &c. ¡ Barristers, Solicitors, and others. Physicians, Sur¬ geons, and others Authors,Editors, and others. Artists, Archi¬ tects, and others. Scientific Persons. Music, School, 1 and other Masters. Total. Population above Twenty years. Number to ' every 1000. j Division I.—London 2,388 5,703 5,100 1,160 3,666 146 14,570 32,733 1,394,963 23-4 Division 11. — Southeen- Eastekn Counties. Surrey (««-Métro.) . . . Kent (««-Metro.) .... Sussex Hampshire Berkshire . .... 372 779 659 744 417 360 332 345 292 147 247 502 412 372 194 23 45 53 43 20 82 145 99 138 45 3 6 8 8 1,444 2,678 2,316 2,260 1,165 2,531 4,487 3,892 3.857 1,988 111,025 263,292 182,164 222,633 108,017 22-7 17-0 21-3 17-3 18-4 Total . 2,971 1,476 1,727 184 509 25 9,863 16,755 887,131 18-9 Division III.—South Mid¬ land Counties. Middlesex (««-Metro.) . . Hertfordshire Buckinghamshire . . . Oxfordshire ... . , Northamptonshire . . . Huntingdonshire . . . '. Bedfordshire Cambridgeshire .... 251 315 301 479 453 128 228 393 "270 115 79 104 105 32 45 113 243 231 99 145 155 37 92 131 33 6 18 101 5 2 4 123 91 26 18 35 30 2 16 27 4 2 3 1 i 8 1,255 904 668 915 1,022 305 453 934 2,147 1,599 1,183 1,782 1,771 506 839 1,729 84,190 92,152 76,570 92,252 115,735 31,260 67,029 101,587 25-5 17-3 15-4 19 3 15-3 16-1 12-5 17-0 Total . . . 2,548 863 1,133 292 245 19 6,456 11,556 660,775 17-4 Division IV.—Eastern Counties. Essex Suffolk Norfolk 624 686 860 194 172 292 282 248 294 29 24 25 53 54 72 5 4 5 1,834 1,672 2,192 3,021 2,860 3,740 183,845 180,371 239,504 16-4 15-8 15-6 Total . . . 2,170 6.58 824 78 179 14 5,698 9,621 603,720 15-9 Division V.—South-West- een Counties. Wiltshire Dorsetshire Devonshire Cornwall Somersetshire 484 375 1064 450 979 142 121 497 162 403 172 139 625 230 473 22 16 52 17 38 25 35 174 33 131 5 9 5 10 1,213 960 3,110 1,401 2,635 2,063 1,646 5,531 2,298 4,669 129,245 95,612 318,707 184,879 249,581 15-9 17-2 17-3 12 3 18-7 Total . . . 3.352 1,326 1,639 145 398 29 9.319 16,207 978,024 16-5 continuation of Table see next page. 66 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LOHDOH. "When, therefore, we come to consider that the above estimate includes the whole of the " learned professions " (as they are invidiously styled), as well as all those whose Eves are DmsioNS. Clergymen, Prot. Ministers, Priests, &c. Barristers, Solicitors, and oüiers. Physicians, ¡ Surgeons, and others. Authors, Editors, and others. Painters, Ârchiteois, and others. Scientific Persons. Music, School, and other Masters. Total. Population above Ibventy years. Number to 1 every iOOO. j Division VI.—West Mid¬ land Counties. Gloucestershire .... Herefordshire Shropshire Staffordshire Worcestershire Warwickshire ..... 837 217 466 623 421 656 478 100 187 278 257 234 617 83 229 361 214 459 67 20 18 29 22 57 201 15 36 147 93 245 19 1 3 10 2 5 2,478 447 1,100 2,209 1,314 2,226 4,597 883 2,039 3,657 2,323 3,882 236,002 66,320 134,691 329,602 140,867 262,905 19-4 15-6 15-1 11-0 16-4 14-7 Total . . . 3,220 1,534 1,863 213 737 40 9,774 17,381 1,160,387 14-9 Division VII.—Noeth Mid¬ land Counties. Leicestershire . . . , . Butlandshire Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire .... Derbyshire 422 74 729 366 320 100 8 207 118 126 167 16 325 184 185 17 1 19 20 14 61 1 61 69 43 5 7 5 4 1,159 131 2,060 1,348 1,030 1,931 231 3,408 2,110 1,722 127,425 13,260 213,229 160,197 140,568 15-1 17-4 15-9 13-1 12-2 Total . . . 1,911 559 877 71 235 21 5,728 9,402 654,679 14-3 Division VIII North- Westebn Counties. Cheshire Lancashire 489 1,567 307 1025 312 1332 36 120 106 633 8 52 1,819 6,488 3,077 11,223 229,013 1,122,817 13-4 100 Total . . . 2,056 1,332 1,650 156 739 60 8,307 14,300 1,351,830 10-6 Division IX.—Yorkshire. West Biding East Biding North Biding 1256 401 349 611 232 121 857 282 183 71 30 9 284 115 28 28 3 2 4,726 1,430 1,018 7.833 2,493 1,710 712,114 142,672 107,159 11-0 17-4 15-9 Total . . . 2,006 964 1,322 110 427 33 7,174 12,036 961,946 12-5 Division X.—^Northern Counties. Durham Northumberland .... Cumberland Westmoreland 382 335 274 128 175 169 102 31 311 277 142 54 31 34 12 7 68 80 24 16 13 6 5 1 1,496 1,058 845 283 2,476 1,959 1,404 520 216,638 166,152 106,908 31,762 11-4 11-8 13-1 16-0 Total . . . 1,119 477 784 84 188 25 3,682 6,359 521,460 12-2 Division XI.—^Monmouth¬ shire and Wales. Monmouthshire .... South Wales North Wales 309 1160 762 82 246 158 126 300 224 1 37 16 21 80 29 4 2 513 1,493 884 1,056 3,318 i 2,073 96,821 326,367 278,492 11-0 10-2 74 Total . V . 2,231 486 650 54 130 6 2,890 6,447 701,680 9-2 Total for England and Wales 2-5,971 15,377 16,969 2,647 7,453 418 83,461 162,797 9,876,594 15-0 By the above table, it vrill bo seen that the professional or mgniy-educated classes range from about 7-fi to PEOFESSIONAL LONDON. 67 devoted to the equally learned pursuits of literature, art, science, and education ; that is to say, not only those versed in divinity, law, and physic, but the historian, the poet, the critic, the painter, the sculptor, the architect, the natural philosopher, and the musician, together with the teachers of youth and professors of science—in fine, not only the modem Butlers and Paleys, the Blackstones and Bacons, the Harvey s and Hunters, but, in the words of the Census Commissioners, the living "Shakespeares, Humes, Handels, Eaphaels, Michael Angeles, Wrens, and Newtons"—when we consider this, we repeat, it must be confessed that the proportion of one, or even two, per cent, of such folk to the entire population, appears but little complimentary to the taste or culture of our race. Otherwise, surely every huudred persons in Great Britain would think it requisite to maintain more than one person for the joint cure of their bodies and souls, as well as the redress of their wrongs and the enlightenment or refinement of their minds. StiU, another view must, in pradence, be taken of the matter. However much the intellectual classes may contribute to the honour and glory of a nation, nevertheless, we must admit, they add—directly—but little, if any, to its material wealth. Eeligion, health, justice, literature, art, science, education—admirable as they all be—are mental and spiritual riches, instead of commodities having an exchangeahle value—being metaphysical luxuries, rather than physical necessities : for wisdom, taste, and piety do not tend to appease those grosser wants of our nature, which the grosser riches of a country go to satisfy ; nor wül the possession of them fill the stomach, or clothe the limbs, or shelter the head ; so that those who give up their lives to such pursuits cannot possibly be ranked as self-supporting individuals, since they must be provided for out of the stock of such as serve directly, by their capital or their labour, to increase the products of the nation. Accordingly, the maintenance of even ow« such unproductive person to every hundred individuals (especially when we bear in mind that three-fourths in every such hundred must, naturally, be incapacitated from the severer labours of life, by either sex or age, as women and the very old and very young) refiects no little credit on our countrymen ; since, in order to uphold that ratio, every twenty-five producers {i.e., one-fourth of each century of people) throughout the kingdom, must, in addition to the support of their own families (which may be taken at three-fourths in every such century), voluntarily part with a consider¬ able portion of their creature comforts, in order to enjoy the benefit of the teachings, the advice, or the aspirations of their "professional" brethren.* It is, however, hardly fair to rank professional men among the non-producers of a country; for though your doctors in divinity, law, and physic, as well as poets, philosophers, and pedagogues, tlU. not, " neither do they spin," it is certain that they contribute, indirectly, to the wealth of a nation, as much—if not more, perhaps—than any other class. Newton, for instance, by the invention of the sextant, as well as by that vast opening-up of our astronomical knowledge which served to render navigation simpler and safei^ did more to extend our maritime commerce than any merchant enterprise could ever have effected. Again, aU must allow that the steam-labourer created by "Watt has tended to 25-5 individuals to every 1000 of the adult population, throughout England and Wales; and that whilst the highest ratio of professional people is found in Middlesex, London, Surrey, and Sussex, the lowest proportion obtains in Northumberland, Durham, Stafford, the West Riding of York, Lancaster, Monmouth, and South and North Wales. This result coincides nearly with the returns of the relative amount of educa¬ tion prevailing throughout the several counties of England and Wales, as indicated by the number of persons who sign the marriage register with marks ; and by which returns it appears that there is the least number of educated persons in Monmouth, South Wales, and North Wales, and the greatest number in Surrey and Middlesex. Thus we perceive that the proportion of professional classes is an indication of the educated state of the people in the various counties. » The average number of persons to a family in England and Wales is 4-827.—Cetmts Report for 1851. 6' 68 THE GREAT "WORLD.OE LONDON. increase our manufactures more than many million pairs of hands ; whilst the steam-carriage of Stephenson has helped to distribute the products of particular districts over the entire country, far beyond the powers of an infinite number of carriers. How many working men would it have taken to have enriched the nation to the same amount as Arkwright, the penny barber, did by his single invention of the spinning-jenny ? "What number of weavers would be required to make as much cloth as he, who devised the power-loom, produced by the mere effort of his brain ? Surely, too, Lee, the university scholar, has given more stockings to the poor, by the invention of his " frame," than all the knitters that ever lived. Farther, have not the manures discovered by our chemists increased our crops to a greater extent than the whole of the agricultural labourers throughout the kingdom, and the reasonings of our geologists and metallurgists added to our mineral wealth more than the entire body of our miners and smelters ? Stni, these are merely the " economical " results springing from science and education ; those results, on the other hand, which are due to the practice of the "learned" professions, though perhaps less brilliant, are equally indisputable. The medical skill which restores the disabled workman to health and strength surely cannot be regarded as valueless in the State ; nor can we justly consider the knowledge which has prolonged the term of life, and consequently of industry, in this country, as yielding nothing to the wealth-fund of the nation. Moreover, that honourable vocation which has for its object the prevention and redress of wrong, and the recovery of every man's due, serves not only to give a greater security to capital, and so to induce the wealthy to employ rather than hoard their gains, but also to protect the poor against the greed and power of the avaricious rich—this, too, cannot but be acknowledged to be intimately concerned in promoting the industry and increasing the riches of the community ; whilst that still higher calling, which seeks to make all men charitable and kind, rather than sternly just, to their less favoured brethren, which teaches that there are higher things in life than the " rights of capital " and political economy, and which, by inculcating special respect and duties to the poor, has been mainly instrumental in emancipating the labourer from the thraldom of villanage, and consequently in giving a tenfold return to his industry as a free workman—such a calling may also be said to have a positive commercial valm among us. Surely, then, professions which yield products like these cannot be regarded as altogether unproductive in the land. The professional classes constitute what, in the cant language of literature, is styled "the aristocracy of intellect;" and it must be admitted, even by those who object to the intro¬ duction of the title aristos into the republic of letters, that the body of professional men form by themselves a great intellectual clan—the tribe which is specially distinguished from all others by the learning, wisdom, or taste of its members, and the one, moreover, which in all philosophic minds cannot but occupy the foremost position in society. For, without any disposition to disparage those classes who owe their social pre-eminence either to their birth or their wealth, we should he untrue to our own class and vocation if we did not, without arrogance, claim for it—despite the " order of precedence " prevalent at Court—.a position second to none in the community ; and, surely, even those who feel an honourable pride in the deeds and glory of their ancestors, and they too, who, on the other hand, find a special virtue in the possession of inordinate riches or estates, must themselves allow that high intellectual endowments have an intrinsic nobility belonging to them, compared with which the ext/rinsic nobility of "blood" or "lands" is a mere assumption and pretence. Now it must not be inferred, from the tenor of the above remarks, that we are advei-se to the aristocratic institutions of this country. Far from it ; we believe in no equality on this side of the grave : for as Nature has made one man wiser, or better, or braver, or more PEOFESSIONAL LONDON. 69 prudent than another, it is our creed that society must always own a " superior class" of some sort—superior in intellect, goodness, heroism, or worldly possessions, according as the nation chooses to measure by one or more of those standards. The Stanleys, the Howards, the EusseUs, &o., are, to aU unprejudiced minds, unquestionably more worthy of social respect, as nature's own gentlemen, than the descendants of Greenacrc, Burke, and Eush—nature's own ruffians ; and so, again, we cannot but regard the Barings and the Jones-Lloyds as more dignified and useful members of the commimity than your able-bodied pauper or sturdy vagrant. But, while making these admissions, we must at the same time acknowledge that we hold the Shakespeares, the Newtons, the "Watts, the Blackstones, the Harveys, the FuEers, the Eeynolds, the Purcells, and indeed aU who have distinguished themselves either in law, divinity, medicine, literature, art, science, or education, not only as being among the very worthiest of England's worthies, but as constituting the class which lends the chief dignity to a nation in the eyes of all foreign countries—the untitled nobility of the world, rather than of any mere isolated empire. ■ Nor would it be just to ourselves, and our own order, if we did not here assert that the literary vocation—truthfully, righteously, and perfectly carried out—claims kindred, not only with all philosophy as the ground-work of each particular science, and ethics as the basis of aE law, and humanism which enters so largely into medical knowledge, and aesthetics as the foundation of aE arts connected with the beautiful, but also with reEgion itself, in its inculcation of the Christian principles—its use of the parabular* form of instruction—as weE as its denunciation of wrong, and its encouragement of good-wiE and charity among aE men. Moreover, it is our pride to add, that, of aE pursuits and ranks in the world, there is none which depends so thoroughly on public acclaim, and so Ettle on sovereign caprice, for the honour and glory of its members ; and none, therefore, in which honours and glories cast so high and sterling a dignity upon its chiefs. WeE, it is with the professional, or rather let us say the inteEectual, portion of metro- poHtan society that we purpose first dealing here. The professionals resident iii»London number, as we have said, 47,000 and odd individuals in the aggregate ; and, therefore, constitute nearly one-fifth of the entire inteEectual class distributed throughout Great Britain. Included in the gross number of metropoEtan professionals are, 5,863 lawyers, 5,631 doctors, 2,393 clergymen and ministers, and 11,210 "subordinates"—^making altogether 25,097 persons belonging to the so-feaEed "learned" professions; whEst to these must be added the sum of 22,649 persons connected with the " unrecognized " professions ; and including 1,195 Eterary men, 17,241 teachers, 156 professors of science, and 4,057 artists and architects.! Of each and aE of these varieties oL Professional London it is our intention to treat, seriatim, under the several divisions of Legal London—^Medical London—EeEgious London— Literary London—Artistic London—Scholastic London, and so on, dealing with each of those phases of MetropoEtan Efe as if it were a distinct Metropolis—estimating its popula¬ tion—marking out its boundaries and districts—and treating of the manners and customs of the people belonging to it, from the highest to the lowest ; indeed, attempting for the first time to write and photograph the history of our multifarious Capital, in the nineteenth cen- • This word is hardly formed upon correct etymological principles, the Latin adjectival affix, "wtor* —as in tabular, from " table"—cannot stiictly be applied to a Gfreek substantive. The use, however, of the true grœco-adjective "parabolic " in a wholly different sense is, perhaps, sufficient apology for the formation sf the mongrel term. t The distribution of the professional classes throughout the several districts of London is as follows t 70 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. tury ; and wo shall now begin to set forth the several details in connection with the first of those divisions. TABLE SHOWING THE DISTEIBÜTION OF THE PEOFESSIONAL CLASSES (MAISS AND FEMALES, 20 YEARS AND UPWAEDs) THROUGHOUT LONDON. Districts* Clergymen, Prot. Ministers, Priests, &c. Barristers, Solicitors, and others. Physicians, Surgeons, and others. Authors, Editors, and 1 others. Painters, Architects, and others. Scientific Persons. 1 Music, School, and other ' Masters. Total. Population, above Twenty years. Number to every 1000. 1 West Districts. 1 Kensington 1 Chelsea ' St. George (Hanover Sq.) . 1 Westminster Si. Martin in the Fields . St.'James, Westminster . 219 80 121 Ô9 35 41 722 130 329 130 90 1.59 394 119 380 74 107 192 89 29 52 32 31 41 337 122 153 90 67 91 'I 1,334 470 589 366 141 199 3,103 953 1,631 751 471 727 73,205 33,619 48,969 39,722 16,154 24,023 42-4 28-3 33-3 18-9 29-1 30-2 Total West Districts . . 655 1,560 1,266 274 860 22 3,099 7,636 235,692 32-4 North Districts. Marylehone Hampstead . . . . , . Paneras .... . . Islington Hackney 195 36 209 146 103 477 101 661 255 126 558 41 515 192 111 79 9 149 57 36 429 32 710 167 60 23 1 13 9 1 1,344 165 1,450 888 584 3,105 385 3,707 1,714 1,021 99.445 7,110 99,809 55.446 33,268 31-2 54-1 37-1 30-9 30 7 Total North Districts . • 689 1,620 1,417 330 1,398 47 4,431 9,932 295,078 33-6 Central Districts. St. Giles Strand Holhorn... ... Clerkenwell . ... St. Luke East London West London London City 67 33 47 47 29 26 18 74 381 267 403 121 35 25 138 120 206 141 101 127 93 84 70 146 41 82 40 35 5 8 19 22 147 124 80 87 24 13 23 42 6 10 3 3 2 4 297 232 203 383 194 186 87 242 1,145 889 885 803 380 344 355 650 34,469 27,317 28,104 37,749 31.231 26,194 17,890 34,656 32-2 32-5 31-5 21-2 12-1 131 19-8 18-7 Total Central Districts . . 341 1,490 968 252 540 28 1,824 5,451 237,610 22-9 East Districts. Shoreditch Bethnal Green .... Whitechapel ' St. George in the East . . Stepney Poplar 52 61 36 24 77 23 37 17 12 7 32 12 100 51 83 47 114 43 28 10 5 5 13 1 72 25 19 13 56 19 3 9 5 6 4 487 262 221 169 564 180 779 435 381 271 860 278 61,150 47,636 45,988 27,894 62,661 26,398 12-7 91 8-3 9-7 13-7 10-5 Total East Districts . 273 117 438 62 204 27 1,883 3,004 271,727 11-0 South Districts. St. Saviour (Southwark) . St. Olave (Southwark) . . Bermondsey St. George (Southwark) Newington Lambeth Wandsworth Caraberwell Botherhithe Greenwich Xi6 w ishaui *.*•«. 13 13 23 41 47 114 84 57 9 68 61 15 4 5 45 82 284 159 130 3 92 97 65 79 35 79 112 253 83 109 13 132 51 7 2 4 13 44 90 20 30 1 18 14 41 3 21 50 97 223 46 94 6 56 27 1 2 4 3 2 8 2 130 72 214 264 365 1,084 543 521 80 616 336 271 173 302 493 749 2,052 938 943 112 990 588 21,040 12,342 26,587 29,924 37,298 80,322 29,236 31,699 10,026 58,033 19,303 12-8 140 11-3 16-5 20 0 25-5 32-1 29-7 11-1 17-0 30-4 Total South Districts . . 630 916 1,011 243 664 22 4,225 7,611 355,810 21-4 Total for all London. . . 2,388 5,703 5,100 1,161 3,667 146 15,462 33,634 1,395,917 24-0 LEGAL LONDON. 71 DIVISION I. LEGAL LOUDON. Tbere is a legal district of London as unmistakably as there is a Jews' quarter in Erankfort ; for the Juden-gasse of the German free town is hardly more distinct from the Zeil, than Chancery Lane and its environs from the City or West End of our Metropolis. And as there are several foreign colonies scattered throughout the British Capital—as Hattou Garden and its purlieus, swarming with glass-blowers and organ-grinders, is the Metropolitan Italia ; the neighbourhood of Leicester Square, with its congregation of hoards and soft hats, the Cockney Gallia Ulteeiou ; and the parish of St. Giles, where the courts and cellars teem with hod-men and market-women, the London Hxbeenia ; so is there a peculiar race of people grouped around the Courts of Law and Inns of Court—Westminster and Lincoln's Inn being the two great legal provinces of London, even as York and Canterbury are the two great ecclesiastical provinces of England. A reference to the annexed maps will show that Legal London is composed not only of lawyers' residences and chambers, but of Inns of Court and Law Courts—Civil as well as Criminal, " Superior " as well as Petty—and County Courts, and Police Courts, and Prisons; and that whilst the Criminal, the County, and Police Courts, as well as the Prisons, are dotted, at intervals, all over the Metropolis, the Superior Law Courts are focussed at West¬ minster and Guildhall; the Inns of Court being grouped round Chancery Lane, and the legal residences, or rather "chambers" (for lawyers, Uke merchants, now-a-days live mostly away from their place of business), concentrated into a dense mass about the same classic spot, hut thinning gradually oif towards Guildhall and Westminster, as if they were the connecting links between the legal courts and the legal inns. map of the inns op court and districts inhabited by lawyers. ( The black parte repreemt the Inne of Court, the references to the numbers being given on the next p sge ; and the tinted tbtroughfares indicate the Streets inhabited bu ¿.>>w«ra.'i MAP OF THE SUPEKIOR LAW COURTS, COUNTY COURTS, SESSIONS HOUSES, POLICE COURTS, . AND PRISONS THROUGHOUT LONDON. The Circles represent Inns of Court and Law Courts ; the Diamonds, County Courts ; the Squares, Police Courts ; and the Orals, Prisons. INNS OP COURT. 1 Lincoln's Inn. 2. Temple. 8. Gray's Inn 4. Famiyarslnn. 6. Staple Inn. 6. Senceant's Inn. 7. ClifTord's Inn. 8. Clement's Inn. 9. New Inn. 10. Lyon's Inn. 11. Symond'slnn. 12. Barnard's Inn. 13. Thayies' Inn. LAW COURTS. 14. Westminster Hall. 16. Lincoln's Inn. i 16. Rolls Court. 17. Guildhall 18. Bankruptcy. 19. Insolvent Debtors'. 20. Ecclesiastical and Adml ralty. 21. Central Criminal Court. 22. HiddlesexSesslons House 23. Surrey Sessions House. 24 WestminsterScssionsHo. 25. Tower Llbeity Sessions Hoiue, 26. Southwark Sessions Ho. COUNTY COURTS. 27« Marylebone. 28. Bloomsbury. 29. Westminster. 30. Clerkenwell. 31. Whitechapel. 32. Shoreditcn. 33. SouLhwark 34. Lambeth. 36. Brompton. 36. Bow. POLICE COURTS 37 Mansion House. 38. GuUdhall. 39. Bow Street. 40. Marlborough Street. 41. Marylebone. 42. Clerkenwell. 43. Westminster. 44. Worship btreeu 46 LambeUi. 46. Thames. 47 South walk. 48. Hammersmith. 49. WandswiTih. 60. Greenwich 61. Woolwich. PRISONS. 62. Pentonville. 63. Miilbank. ■64 Female Convict, Brixton. 66. Hulks, Woolwich. A6. House of Correction. 67. Middlesex House of Cor¬ rection. City House of Correction, UoUoway. Surrey House of Correc¬ tion. Bridewell Hospital. Bridewell House of Occn- pätion. Saint Gcorgel Fields. Middlesex House of De¬ tention. Newgate. Surrey County Gaol. Queen's B^nch. Whitecross Street. Tower. Strong Room, House of Commons. The Inns of Court are themselves sufficiently peculiar to give a strong distinctive mark to. the locality in which they exist ; for here are seen broad open squares like huge court-yards, paved and treeless, and flanked with grubby mansions—as big and cheerless-looking as barracks—every one of them being destitute of doors, and having a string of names painted in stripes upon the door-posts, that reminds one of the lists displayed at an estate-agent's office ; and there is generally a chapel-like edifice called the "hall," that is devoted to feeding rather flian praying, and where the lawyerlings " qualify" for the bar by eating so many dinners, and become at length—gastronomically—" learned in the law." Then how peculiar are the tidy legal gardens attached to the principal Inns, with their close-shaven grass-plots lookiiig as sleek and bright as so much green plush, and the cleap-rwept gravel walks thronged with children, and nursemaids, and law-students. How odd, too, are the desolate-looking legal alleys or courts adjoining these Iims, with nothing but a pump or a cane-bearing street-keeper to be seen in the midst of them, and occasionally at one corner, beside a crypt-like passage, ft stray dark and dingy barb^jr's shop, with its seedy display of powdered horsehair wigs of LEGAL LONDON. 73 the same dirtv-white hue as London snow. Who, moreover, has not noted the windows of the legal fruiterers and law stationers hereabouts, stuck over with small announcements of clerkships wanted, each penned in the well-known formidable straight-up-and-down three- and-fourpenny hand, and beginning—with a "®:^iô-ltnï)eiiture"-like flourish of German text "Œftf ïïErttcr ï)fVfof," &c. ? Who, too, while threading his way through the monastic¬ like byways of such places, has not been startled to find himself suddenly light upon a small enclosure, comprising a tree or two, and a little circular pool, hardly bigger than a lawyer's inkstand, with a so-called fountain in the centre, squirting up the water in one long thick thread, as if it were the nozzle of a fire-engine. ? But such are the features only of the more important Inns of Court, as Lincoln's and Gray's, and the Temple; but, in addition to these, there exists a large series of legal bhnd alleys, or yards, which are entitled " Inns of Chancery," and among which may be classed the lugu¬ brious localities of Lyon's Inn and Barnard's ditto, and Clement's, and Clifford's, and Sergeants', and Staple, and the like. In some of these, one solitary, lanky-looking lamp-post is the only ornament in the centre of the backyard-like square, and the grass is seen struggling up between the interstices of the pavement, as if each paving-stone were trimmed with green cJienüle. In another you find the statue of a kneeling negro, holding a platter-like sun-dial over his head, and seeming, while doomed to tell the time, to be continually inquiring of the' sur¬ rounding gentlemen in black, whether he is not " a man and a brother ?" In another you observe crowds of lawyers' clerks, vrith their hands full of red-tape-tied papers, assembled outside the doors of new clubhouse-Like buildings. Moreover, to nearly every one of these legal nooks and comers the entrance is through some archway or iron gate that has a high bar left standing in the middle, so as to obstmct the passage of any porter's load into the chancery sanctuary; and there is generally a little porter's lodge, not unlike a Erench conciergerie, adjoining the gate, about which loiter liveried street-keepers to awe off little boys, who would otherwise be sure to dedicate the tranquil spots to the more innocent pursuit of marbles or leap-frog. The various classes of Law Courts too have, one and all, some picturesque characteristics about them. For example, is not the atmosphere of Westminster Hall essentially distinct from that of the Old Bailey ? During term time the Hall at Westminster (which is not unlike an empty railway terminus, with the exception that the rib-like rafters are of carved oak rather than iron) is thronged with suitors and witnesses waiting for their cases to be heard, and pacing the Hall pavement the while, in rows of three or four, and with barristers here and there walking up and down in close communion with attorneys ; and there are sprucely-dressed strangers from the country, either bobbing in and out of the various courts, or else standing still, with their necks bent back and their mouths open, as they stare at the wooden angels at the comers of the oaken timbers overhead. The Courts here are, as it were, a series of ante-chambers ranged along one side of the spacious Hall ; and as you enter some of them, you have to bob your head beneath a heavy red cloth curtain. The judge, or judges, are seated on a long, soft-looking, crimson-covered bench, and costumed in wigs that fall on either side their face, like enormous spaniel's ears, and with periwigged barristers piled up in rows before them, as if they were so many mediaeval medical students attending the lectures at some antiquated hospital. Then there is the legal fimit-stall, in one of the neighbouring passages, for the distribution of " apples, oranges, biscuits, ginger-beer"—and sandwiches—to the famished attendants at Court; and the quiet, old-fashioned hotels, for the accommodation of witnesses from the country, ranged along the opposite side of Palace Yard. How different is all this from the Central Criminal Court at the Old Bailey ! There we find a large boüed-beef establishment, with red, steaming rounds in the window, side by side with the temple of justice, and a mob of greasy, petty larceny-like friends of the " prisoner at the bar," and prim-looking policemen,' gathered round the Court doors and 74 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LONDOH. beside the gateway leading to the sheriffs' entrance at the hack, waiting the issue of that da3r's trials. Then, within the Court, upon the bench, there are the aldermen, reading the daily papers or writing letters, attired in their purple silk gowns trimmed with fur, and with heavy gold S collars about their neck ; and the under-sheriffs in their court suits, with their lace MUs and rufles—the latter encircling the hand like the cut paper roxmd bouquets— with their black rapiers at their side, and all on the same seat with the foll-wigged judges ; and the barristers below crowded round a huge loo-table, that is littered with bags and briefs; and the jury packed in their box at one side of the little court—^which, by the by, seems hardly bigger than a back parlour—with a long " day-reflector" suspended over their heads, and throwing an unnatural light upon their faces ; whilst in the capacious square dock, facing the bench, stands the prisoner at the bar awaiting his doom, with the Governor of Newgate seated at one corner of the compartment, and a turnkey at the other. This, again, is all very different from the shabby-genteel crowd, with its m.elange of " tip¬ staffs" and sham-attomeys, gathered about the Insolvent Court, and the neighbouring pubhc- hoiises, in Portugal Street ; that, too, utterly unlike the quaint, old-fashioned tribunals in Doctor's Commons ; these, moreover, the very opposite to the petty Coimty Courts, that have little to distinguish them from private houses, except the crowd of excited debtors, and creditors, and pettifoggers grouped outside the doors ; and those, on the other hand, entirely distinct from the still more insigniflcant Police Coiuts, with their group of policemen on the door-step, and where, at certain hours, may be seen the sombre-looking prison-van, that is like a cross between a hearse and an omnibus, with the turnkey conductor seated in a kind of japan-leather basket beside the door at the end of the vehicle. Farther, there are the several prisons scattered throughout the Metropolis, and forming an essential part of the Legal Capital : the gloomy, and yet handsome prison püe of Newgate, with its bunch of fetters over each doorway—the odd polygon-shaped and rampart-like Peni¬ tentiary, perched on the river bank by VauxhaE—the new prison at Pentonville, with its noble, portcullis-like gateway—^the City Prison at Holloway, half castle half madhouse, with its taU central tower, reminding one of some ancient stronghold—besides the less pic¬ turesque and bare-waUed Coldbath Fields, and Tothill Fields, and Horsemonger Lane, and the House of Detention, and Whitecross Street, and the Queen's Bench—not forgetting the mastless Hulks, with their grim-looking barred port-holes. These, however, constitute rather the legal institutions of London than the legal locali¬ ties ; and that there are certain districts that are chiefly occupied by lawyers, and which have a peculiarly lugubrious legal air about them, a half-hour's stroll along the purheus of the Inns of Court is sufficient to convince us. Of this Legal London, Chancery Lane may be considered the capital ; and here, as we have before said, everything smacks of the law. The brokers deal only in legal furniture— the publishers only in "Feabne on Eemaindeks " and " Impet's Peactice," and such like dry legal books—and the stationers in skins of parchment and forms of wills, and law-lists and almanacs, and other legal appliances. Then the dining-rooms and "larders," so plentiful in this quarter, are adapted to the taste and pockets of lawyers' clerks ; and there are fruiterers, and oyster-rooms, and "cafi-restammt" bakers, and "Cocks," and "Eainbows," for barristers and attorneys to lunch at ; and " sponging-houses," barred like small lunatic asylums, and with an exercising yard at the hack like a bird-cage ; and patent-offices ; and public-houses, frequented by bailiffs' foUowers and managing elerks; and quiet-looking taverns, which serve occasionally as courts for commissions " de lunático" Then stretching in aU directions from the legal capital, with its adjacent attorney byways of Cook's Court, and Quality Court, and Boswell Court, and Southampton Buildings,"we have what may be termed the legal suburbs, such as Bedford Eow, with its annexed James and John Streets, and the doleful Eed Lion and Bloomsbury Squares, and Southampton Street, Holbom. In the opposite direction, we flnd the equally legal Essex Street, and Lancaster LEGAL LONDON. 75 Place, and Somerset Place, and Adam Street (Adelphi), and Buckingliam Street, and White¬ hall Place, and Parliament Street, and Great George Street, all connecting, by a series of legal links. Chancery Lane to Westminster. Again, along Holbom we hare the out-of-the- way legal nooks of Bartlett's Buildings and Ely Place. Whilst, in the neighbourhood of the City Courts of Guildhall, there are the like legal localities of King Street, Cheapside, and Bucklersbury, and Basinghall Street, and Old Jewry Chambers, and Coleman Street, and Tokenhouse Yard, and CopthaU Buildings, and Crosby Chambers, and New Broad Street, with even a portion of the legal Metropolis stretching across the water to Wellington Street in the Borough.* • The subjoined is a list of the legal localities throughout London, as indicated by the Post-office Directory a legal locality being considered to be one in which the number of resident lawyers is equal to at least one-fourth of the number of residences :— No. of No of No. of Hesident No. of Resident No of Resident No. 01 Houses Bamstero and Houses. Barristers and Houses. Barristere and Attorneys. Attorneys. Attorneys. Lincoln's Inn New Square 266 14 Yerulam Buildings, Symond's Inn, Chancery „ Old Square 217 62 Gray's Inn . 19 6 Lane . • , . 8 10 „ Vields 198 60 Churchyard Ct., Temple 19 3 Bartlett's Buildings, Hol¬ Chancery Lane 150 125 Sergeants' Inn, Chancery born . , • , 8 31' King's Bench Walk, Tem¬ Lane 18 3 Ironmonger Lane, City . 8 31 ple . ... 129 13 King's Street, Cheapside 17 30 Fenchurch Buildings 7 18 Stone Buildings,Lincoln's Tokenhouse Yard, Loth- Field Court, Gray's Inn , 6 4 Inn .... 128 7 hury .... 15 27 Buckingham St., Strand 6 28 Paper Buildings, Temple 82 5 Mitre Court Buildings, Angel Court, Throgmor- Pump Court „ 73 6 Temple 15 2 ton Street, City . 6 16 Bedford Bow . . 99 51 Bloomsbury Square 15 43 Lyon's Inn, Fleet Street. 5 S Furnival's Inn 64 16 Devereux Court, Strand 15 23 Adam Street, Adelphi . 5 20 Inner Temple Lane, Tem¬ Lancaster Place, Strand . 15 10 Barge Yard, Bucklers¬ ple .... 57 9 Austin Friars, City. 15 SO bury . . , , 5 S Brick Court, „ . 56 S Whitehall Place, Westmr. 14 22 CopthaU Buildings, City , 5 6 Elm Court . . . 58 5 Barnard's Inn . 14 9 Church Court, Clement's South Square, Gray's Inn 55 14 Walhrook, City , 14 38 Lane, City . 5 5 Essex Court, Temple 43 5 New Bridge St , Black- Tanñeld Chambers, 5 2 Plowden Buildings 40 5 friars .... 13 42 Wellington St., Borough Temple Chambers, Falcon 4 16 Figtree Court „ 39 8 John Street, Bedford Bow 13 38 Hare Court ,, . 37 S Great George Street, Court, Fleet Street 4 2 Sergeants' Inn, Fleet Westminster 13 37 Trafalgar Square, Char¬ Street .... 37 16 Grcsham Street, City 12 48 ing Cross . 4 4 Southampton Buildings, Southampton St., Holborn 12 23 Somerset Place, Somerset Chancery Lane . . 37 47 New Court, Temple 12 1 Hou.^e .... 4 9 Essex Street, Strand 35 49 Temple Garden Court 12 4 Cook's Ct., Lincoln's Inn 4 15 Old Jewry Street, City . 35 37 New Broad Street, City . 11 38 Old Palace Yard, West¬ New Inn, Wych Street, Quality Court, Chancery minster 3 7 Strand .... 34 13 Lane .... 11 9 Arthur Street, City. 3 11 Harcourt Buildings 34 4 • Sise Lane, Bucklersbury 11 18 Temple Church Porch Bwinghall Street, City . 34 84 Farrar's Buildings, Tem¬ Chambers 3 1 Great James Street, Bed¬ ple .... 11 10 Walbrook Buildings 3 3 ford Row 32 42 John Street, Adelphi 11 22 WhitehaU Chambers 3 S Tanfleld Court, Temple . 31 3 King's Arms Yard, Cole¬ Xwisden Buildings, Tem¬ Carey Street, Lincoln's man Street, City . 11 20 ple . - . . 2 1 Inn .... 30 68 King's Road, Bedford 2417 Coleman Street, City 29 81 Bow .... 11 22 2009 Bucklersbury, Cheapside 28 38 Gray's Inn Place . 10 11 Serle Street, Lincoln's Clement's Inn, Strand— iJoctors Vommons, Inn .... 28 16 New Inn 10 18 No.of Mitre Court, Temple 27 12 Clement's Lane, Lombard Advocates und No. of Houses. Middle Temple Lane . 27 6 Street .... 10 30 Proctoi^. Staple Inn, Holbom 27 12 Temple Cloisters, Inner Great Knight Kider St. 31 22 Crown Office Bow, Tem¬ Temple Lane 10 2 College, Doctor's Com¬ ple ... . 27 11 Inner Temple Hall Stair¬ mons 18 17 Raymond's Buildings, case .... 0 1 Great Carter Lane . 15 34 Gray's Inn . 35 6 Lamb Buildings . 9 4 Godliman Street 23 15 New BoswellConrt, Carey Bed Lion Sq., Holborn ■ 8 38 Dean's Court . 8 Street .... 25 17 Nicholas Lane, Lombard Bell Yard 4 10 Parliament Street, West¬ Street, City . B 39 Paul's-Bakehouse Court. 4 minster 25 65 Great Knight Bider Street 8 22 Pope's Head Alley, Corn- Ely Place, Holborn . 23 42 Bell Yard, Doctor's Com¬ hill . . . . S 7 Clillbrd's Inn, Fleet St. . 21 17 mons 8 10 106 105 The following, on the other hand, is the distribution of the lawyers and the lawyers' clerks and law- 76 THE GEEAT WOELD OE LOIÍDON. Now, the people iiihabitiiig the legal localities of the Metropolis are a distinct tribe, impressed with views of life and theories of human nature widely different from the more simple portion of humanity. "With the legal gentry all is doubt and suspicion. No man is worthy of being trusted by word of mouth, and none fit to be believed but on his oath. Tour true lawyer opines, with the arch-diplomatist Talleyrand, that speech was given to man not to express but to conceal his tlioughts ; and, we may add, it is the legal creed that the faculty of reason was conferred on us merely to enable human beings to "special plead," i.e., to split logical hairs, and to demonstrate to dunderhead jurymen that black is white. What beauty is to a quaker, and philanthropy to a political economist, honour is to your gentleman of the long robe—a moral wiU-o'-the-wisp, that is almost sure to mislead those who trust to it. The only safe social guide, cries the legal philosopher, is to consider every one a rogue tUl you find him hone'st, and to take the blackest view of all men's natures in your dealings with your friends and associates ; believing that there is no bright side, as has been well said, even to the new moon, until experience shows that it is not entirely dark. In legal eyes, the idea of any one's word being as good as his bond is stark foUy ; and though, say the lawyers, our chief aim in life should be to get others to reduce their thoughts to writing towards m, yet we should abstain from pen, ink, and paper as long as possible, so as to avoid " committing ourselves " towards them. Or if, in the frank communion of friendship, we are ever incautious enough to be betrayed into professions that might hereafter interfere with our pecuniary interests, we should never fail, before concluding our letter, to have sufficient worldly prudence to change the subscription of "Tours, sincerely," into ' ' Tours, without prejudice. ' ' That lawyers see many examples in life to afford grounds for such social opinions, aU must admit ; but as well might surgeons believe, because generally dealing with sores and ulcers, that none are hèalthy ; and physicians advise us to abstain from all close communion with our fellows, so as to avoid the chance of contagion, because some are diseased. Nor would it be fair to assert that every lawyer adopts so unchristian and Hobbesian a creed. There are many gentlemen on the rolls, at the bar, and on the bench, who lean rather to the chivalrous and trusting than the cynic and sceptical view of life; and many who, though naturally court officers, above twenty years of age, throughout the several districts of London, according to the returns of the Census Commissioners, by which it will be seen that the greatest number of lawyers are resident in tbe western districts by Kensington, whereas the greatest number of clerks are found located in the northern districts by St. Paneras and Islington ; whilst at the east end of the town, such as Whitechapel and Poplar, on the Middesex side, and Rotherhithe, and St. Clave, Southwark, on the Surrey side of the water, but few lawyers or clerks are to be found :— LawyerB. Clerks, &c. Total. No. to 1000. LawyerB. Clerks, &o. Total. No. to 1000. Lawyers. No. to lOOO. Kensington . 722 118 840 29-5 Uolborn 403 295 698 51-3 Bermondsey 5 45 50 3-9 Chelsea . ISO 95 225 15-7 Clerkenwell . 121 291 412 (22-9 St. George, St. George, Ha- St. Luke's . 35 77 112 7-5 South wark 45 88 133 9'2 nover Square 329 99 428 20-7 East London . 25 34 59 4-7 Newington . 82 221 303 1-8 Westminster . 130 130 260 13-4 West London. 138 160 298 331 Lambeth . 284 421 705 20-1 St. Martin's . 90 39 129 16-5 London City . 120 104 224 13-7 Wandsworth 159 72 231 18-5 St. James 159 25 184 15-9 Total Camber well . 130 160 290 22-7 Total Central Dists. 1498 1391 2810 25-4 Kotherhithe 3 13 16 31 W. Districts 1560 506 2066 20-2 Greenwich . 92 58 150 50 37 12-3 Lewisbam . 97 38 135 16-2 Sboreditch 311 348 Total Marylebone . Hampstead . St. Faneras . 477 101 661 181 21 680 Ci s 122 1341 16-0 44-5 30-7 Betbnal Green Wbitecbapel . St. George in tbe East . 17 12 7 64 33 30 81 45 87 3-5 1-9 2-7 8. Districts 916 1215 2131 13-0 Islington 255 664 919 38-6 Stepney Poplar . 32 127 159 32 5-5 West Districts 1660 506 2066 20-2 Hackney 126 166 292 2-2 12 20 a-4 North ,, 1620 1712 3332 18-7 Total Total Central „ 1490 1391 2881 25-4 N. Districts 1620 1712 3332 18-7 E. Districts 117 585 702 6-4 East ,, 117 585 702 5'4 ~-~- ' South „ Total 916 1215 2131 13-0 St. Giles Strand . 381 129 510 31'7 St. Saviour . 15 84 99 9'8 all London 6703 6409 11,112 17-5 267 SOI 568 43-4 St. Clave 4 IS 19 2*9 LEGAL LOlíDOlSr. 77 , inclining towards the Brutus philosophy, and preferring stoical justice to Christian generosity are still su£S.ciontly poetic to see a glimpse of " good in all things." Moreover, it is our dutjr and our pride to add, that if among the body of legal gentry there are to be found such enormities as "sharp practitioners" and "pettifoggers"— scoundrels who seek to render law a matter of «»justice, and who use that which was intended to prevent injury and robbery as the means of plunder and oppression—who regard it as their interest to retard, rather than advance justice, and who love equity and its long delays simply on account of the iniquity of its costs—if there be such miscreants as these included among the legal profession, there are, on the other hand, the most noble judges of the land comprised among its members ; and granting we should estimate the true dignity of a vocation by those who are at once the most honourable and honoured types of it, we must candidly admit that there is no office which sheds so pure and brilliant a glory upon our nation, as that filled by the righteous and reproachless band of English gentlemen who occupy the judgment-seats of this country. Eor whilst in every other kingdom the judge is but little better than a quibbling and one-sided advocate—a government hireling, trying his hardest to convict the prisoner—the British arbiter weighs, with an exquisitely even hand, the conflicting testimony in favour of and against those who are arraigned at his tribunal, and with a gracious mercy casts into the trembling scale—in cases of indecision—the lingering doubt, so as to make the evidence on behalf of the accused outweigh that of his accusers. Nor can even the most sceptical believe that it is possible for governments or private individuals to tempt our judges to swerve from the strictest justice between man and man, by any bribe, however precious, or by any worldly honours, however dazzhng. Indeed, if there be one class in whose iron integrity every Englishman has the most steadfast faith—of whose Pilate- like righteousness he has the profoundest respect, and in the immaculateness of whose honour he feels a national pride—it is the class to whom the high privilege of dispensing justice among us has been intrusted, and who constitute at once the chiefs and the ornaments of the profession of which we are about to treat. Concerning the population of this same Legal London, it may be said to comprise the following numbers and classes of persons above 20 years of age :— Barristers ...... 1,513 Solicitors ...... 3,418 Other lawyers (as advocates, proctors, &c.) . .772 Law clerks ...... 4,340 Law court officers (including 8 females) and law stationers 1,069 5,703 5,409 11,112« Hence, if we include the families of the above individuals (and, according to the returns of the Census Conunissioners, there are, upon an average, 4-827 persons to each family through¬ out England and "Wales), we arrive at the conclusion that Legal London comprises an aggre¬ gate population of 53,638 souls, which is exactly one forty-fourth part of the entire metropolitan population. Now, the next question that presents itseK to our consideration concerns the order and method to be adopted in our treatment of each of the several classes of people and institutions connected -with the administration of the laws in the Metropolis. In our previous specification of the various details comprised under the term Legal • According to the cenaus returns, there are—in addition to the above—160 lawyers and 1,630 clerks 4c.- or, altogether, 1,690 persons—connected with the law in London who are under twenty years of age; W tíiat adding these to the total above given, the aggregate of lawyers and their " subordinates" resident in 6 78 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. London, we have spoken of it as comprehending the Inns of Court and the people in connection therewith—the Superior Courts of Law, Civil, as well as Criminal, and their various legal functionaries, as judges, solicitors, law clerks, and law-court officers—the County Courts, and Police Courts, together with their attendant judges, magistrates, clerks, and practitioners—and, lastly, the Prisons, with the governors, turnkeys, and teachers attached to them. Such a list, however, has but Uttle logical distinctness among the parts or congruous unity in the whole ; hence, we must seek for some more systematic arrangement and classi¬ fication, under which to generalize the various particulars. The most simple and natural mode of dividing the subject appears to he into two prin¬ cipal heads, namely :— The Meteopolitan Institutions and People connected "with the Administeation of the CiriL Law. And the Meteopolitan Institutions, and People connected with the Administea¬ tion of the Criminal Law. Under the first of these general heads is comprised the foUo"wing particulars :— The CowrU of Equity, and the persons connected therewith. The Courts of Common Law, Superior as well as Petty and Local, and the several functionaries and practitioners appertaining to them. The Courts of Bankruptcy and Insolvency, "with the professional gentry attached to the same. The Bebtors' Prisons, and their associate officers. the Metropolis would amount to 12,802. 1 he distribution of the lawyers and their subordinates throughout the several counties of England and Wales, is as follows :— TABLE ^HO'WING THE DISTRIBUTION OP LAWYERS AND THEIR CLERKS (ABOVE 20 TEARS OF AGE) THROUGHOUT ENGLAND AND WALES. Division I.—Metropolis. Lawyers. Total, N-» London . . 5703 5401 11,104 17-5 Division ii.—South Eastern Counties. Surrey {ex-Me- tro.) . . 360 86 446 8-2 Kent (eat-Metro.) 332 208 540 4-1 Sussex . . 345 112 457 5-2 Hampshire . 292 146 438 4-0 Berkshire . 147 84 231 4-3 Total . 1476 636 2112 4-8 Division III.—South Midland Counties. Middlesex (ex- Metro.) . 270 ' 80 350 8-9 Hertfordshire . 115 51 166 3-6 Buckinghamshire 79 60 139 3'8 Oxfordshire . 104 54 158 3-4 Northampton¬ shire . . 105 59 164 2-8 Huntingdonshire 32 31 63 4-1 Bedfordshire . 45 24 69 2-2 Cambridgeshire 113 94 207 4-1 Total . 863 453 1316 4-1 Division V.—Eastern Counties. Essex. . . 194 131 325 3'6 Suffolk . . 172 115 287 3-4 Norfolk . . 292 194 486. 4-2 Total . 658 440 1098 3-7 Djvision V.—South Western Counties. Wiltshire Dorsetshire Devonshire Cornwall 142 121 497 162 Somersetshire 403 Total . 1325 Ac. 98 84 275 123 226 1000. 240 3-8 205 4-5 772 5-3 285 3-3 629 6-5 806 2131 4-7 Division VI.—West Midland Counties. Glo'stershire. 478 Herefordshire 100 Shropshire . 187 Staffordshire . 278 Worcestershire 257 Warwickshire 234 58 150 234 147 721 158 337 512 404 467 6-6 5-6 5-0 30 6-9 3-6 Total . 1534 1065 2599 5 6 Division VII.—North Midland Counties. Leicestershire Uutlandshire Lincolnshire . Nottingham. shire . Derbyshire . Total . 100 8 207 118 126 559 84 5 183 106 64 442 184 13 390 224 IjO 1001 .3-0 1-9 3-6 2-9 2-7 3-2 Division VIII.—North Western Counties. Lawyers. Total. Nji»« Cheshire . 307 244 551 2 4 Lancashire . 1025 777 1802 3*3 Total ,1332 1021 2353 3-3 Division IX.—Yorkshire. West Eiding. 611 467 1078 3-1 East Eiding . 232 186 418 6-1 North Eiding 121 64 185 3'5 Total . 964 717 1681 3-5 Division X.—Northern Counties. Durham . 175 Northnmber. land . . 169 Cumberland . 102 Westmoreland 31 138 111 73 313 2-9 280 3-6 175 3-4 52 3-3 Total 477 343 820 3-2 Division XI.—Monmouthshire and Wales. Monmouth¬ shire . . 82 55 137 2-6 South Wales. 246 223 469 2-9 North Wales. 158 137 295 2-8 Total . 486 415 901 5-7 Total for all England and Wales . 15,377 11,739 27.11''. LEGAL LOliDON. 79 The Eeclesiastical and Admiralty Comte, with their attendant judges, advocates, proctors, &c. Whereas, under the second head of the Metropolitan Institutions and people in connec¬ tion with the Criminal Law, we have the following sub-heads :— The Criminal Comte and Sessions Houses, with their several officers and practitioners. The Police Comte and the magistrates, their clerks and others attached thereto. The Coroner^ Comte, and the several people connected with them. The Criminal Prieone, and their, associate governors, turnkeys, &c. Such an arrangement appears to exhaust the subject, especially when certain minor points come to be filled in—as, for example, the Patent Offices and Lunacy Commissions in connection with the jurisdiction of the Lord Chancellor, and the granting of licenses at the various Sessions Houses by the justicps of the peace—which latter fimction, though hardly connected with the Criminal Law, must stül (for the sake of avoiding an over- complicity of details) be treated of under that head. There are, of course, two ways of dealing with the above particulars—either we may commence with the beginning, and so work down to the end ; or we may reverse the process, and beginning at the bottom, proceed gradually liyo to the top. The first method is the one generally adopted by systematic writers. On the present occasion, however, we purpose taking the opposite course ; and we do so, not from mere caprice, but because there happen to be such things as " terms and returns " in Law, which give a periodical rather than a continuous character to legal proceedings, and so prevent attention to such matters at all times. Accordingly, as neither perspicuity nor interest is lost by pursuing the latter plan, we shall here begin our exposition of the character, scenes, and doings of Legal London, by dealing first with the Criminal Prisons of the Metropolis. 80 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. Sub-division A.—The Metropolitan Institutions, and People connected with the Administration of the Criminal Law. § 1- THE CRIMINAL PRISONS AND PRISON-POPULATION OF LONDON. There is a long and multifarious list of prisons distributed throughout London, if we include aU the places of confinement, from the state or political stronghold down to the common jaR for the county—from the debtor's prison to the sponging-house—from the penitentiary to the district "lock-up." Thus we have the Tower and the Hulks; and Whitecross Street prison, and the Houses of Correction and Detention; and the Queen's Bench, and the Penitentiary at Millbank ; as weU as the Female Convict Prison at Brixton, and the common jail, Horsemonger Lane ; besides the " Model " at Pentonvüle, the New City Prison at Holloway, and the well-known quarters at Newgate ; together with the cells at the several station-houses of the Metropolitan and City Police, and the sponging-houses in the neigh¬ bourhood of Chancery Lane—all of which come under the denomination of places of safe custody, if not of punishment and reform. We shaR find, however, amid the apparent confusion of details, that there are in London only three distinct kinds of places of safe custody, viz. :— PoLiTioAi. or State Puisons—such as the Tower and the Strong-room of the House of Commons ; Civil or Debtoes' Peisons—as the Queen's Bench and the one in Whitecross Street, together with a portion of Horsemonger Lane Jail ; and Ceiminal Peisons ; of which we are about to treat. Of these same Criminal Prisons there are just upon a dozen scattered tíirough London ; and it is essential to a proper understanding of the subject that we should first discriininate accurately between the several members of the family. As yet no one has attempted to group the places of confinement for criminals into distinct classes ; and we have, therefore, only so many vague terms—as " Convict" Prisons (though, strictly, every offender—^the misdemeanant as weU as the transport—^is after conviction a convict) and " Houses of Correc¬ tion," "Houses of Detention," "Bridewells," &c., to prevent us confoimding one species of Criminal Prison with another. Formerly every class of criminals and graduate in vice—from the simple novice to the artful adept—^the debtor, the pickpocket, the burglar, the coiner, the poacher, the high¬ wayman, the vagrant, the murderer, the prostitute—were all of them huddled together in one and the same place of durance, called the " Common Jail" (for even " Houses of Cor¬ rection"—for vagrants and thieves only—are comparatively modem inventions) ; and it was not until the year 1823 that tiny systematic legal steps were taken to enforce a separation of the great body of prisoners into classes, much more into individuals—^the latter being a regulation of very recent date. Of late years, however, we have made rapid advances towards the establishment of a kind of criminal quarantine, in order to stay the spread of that vicious infection which is found to accompany the association of the morally disordered with the comparatively uncon- taminated ; for assuredly there is a criminal epidemic—a very plague, as it were, of profli¬ gacy fbat diffuses itself among the people with as much fatality to society as even the putrid fever or black vomit. Consequently it becomes necessary, whilst seeking here to arrange our present prisons into something Uke system, to classify them according to the grades of offenders they are designed to keep in safe custody ; for it is one of the marked features of oui "imes that THE CRIMINAL PRISONS OF LONDON. 81 the old Common Jail is becoming as obsolete among us as bull-baiting, and that the one indis¬ criminate stronghold has been divided and parcelled out into many distinct places of durance, where the reformation of the offender obtains more consideration, perhaps, than even bis punishment. Now the first main division of the criminal prisons of London is into— Prisons for offenders before conviction ; and Prisons for offenders after conviction. This is not only the natural but jmt division of the subject, since it is now admitted that society has no right to treat a man as a criminal until he has been proven to be one by the laws of his country; and hence we have prisons for the untrieA—distinct from those for the convict, or rather convicted. The prisons for offenders after conviction are again divisible into places of confinement for such as are condemned to longer or shorter terms of imprisonment. To the latter class of institutions belong the Houses of Correction, to which a person may be sentenced for not more than two years ; and Bridewells, to which a person may be condemned for not more than three months.* The prisons, on the other hand, for the reception of those condemned to Imger terms, such • " There is a species of jail," says the new edition of Blackstone, " which does not fall under the sheriflf s charge, hut is governed hy a keeper wholly independent of that officer. It is termed, by way of distinction from the common jail, a House of Correction, or (in the City of London) a Bridewell. These houses of correction (which Were first established, as it would seem, in the reign of Elizabeth) were originally designed for the penal confinement, after conviction, of paupers refusing to work, and other persons falling under the legal description of vagrant. And this was at first their only application, for in other cases the common jail of the county, city, or town in which the offender was triable was (generally speaking) the only legal place of commitment. The practice, however, in this respect was, to a certain extent, altered in the reign of George I., when ' vagrants and other persons charged with small offences ' were, for the first time, allowed to be committed to the house of correction for safe custody, before conviction ; and at a subsequent period it was provided that, as to vagrants, the house of correction should be the only legal place of commitment. The uses, however, of a jail of this description have been lately carried much farther ; for hy 5 and 6 William IV., c. 38, s. 34, reciting that great inconvenience and expense had been found to result from the committing to the common jail, where it happens to he remote from the place of trial, it is enacted that a justice of the peace or coroner may commit, for safe custody, to any house of correction situate near the place where the assizes or sessions are to be held, and that offenders sentenced in those courts to death, transportation, or imprisonment, may he committed in execution of such sentence to any house of correction for the county."— Slepheni Blackstone, 3rd ed., vol. iii., p. 209. The City Bridewell (Bridge Street, Blackfriars) has been closed for the last two years. The prison here was originally a place of penal confinement for unruly apprentices, sturdy beggars, and disorderly persons committed to jail for three month^ and less. Where the City Bridewell now stands there is said to have been anciently a holy well of medicinal water, called St. Bride's Well, upon which was founded an hospital for the poor. (Stowe, however, says nothing of this, speaking only of e. palace standing there.) After the Reformation, Edward VI. chartered this to the City, and whilst Christchurch was dedicated to the education of the young, and St. Thomas's Hospital, in the Borough, for the cure of the sick. Bridewell Hospital was converted into a place of confinement and " penitentiary amendment " for unruly London apprentices and disorderly persons, as well as sturdy beggars and vagrants. " Here," says Mr. Timhs, in his curious and learned work on the Curiosities of London, " was a portrait of Edward VI. with these lines— ' This Edward of fair memory the Sixt, In whom with Great Goodness was commlxt. Gave this Bridewell, a palace in olden times. For a Chastening House of vagrant crimes.' " After this, the houses of correction in various parts of the country got to he called "bridewells"—the particular name coming, in course of time, to be used as a general term for a place of penitentiary amend¬ ment A "house of correction" is now understood to be a place of safe custody, punishment, and reformation, to which criminals are committed when sentenced to imprisonment for terms varying from 82 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. as transportation and "penal service," are those at Pentonville, Mülbank, and Brixton, as well as the Hulks at Woolwich. The prisons, moreover, which are for the reception of criminals before conviction, are either— Prisons in which offenders are confined while awaiting their trial after having been com¬ mitted by a magistrate—such as the prisons of Newgate and Horsemonger Lane, as well as the House of Detention; or " Lock-ups," in which offenders are confined previous to being brought up before, and committed by, the sitting magistrate—such as the cells at the various station-houses. According, then, to the above classification, the Criminal Prisons admit of being arranged into the following groups :— I. Peisons for Offendees After Conviction. A. " Convict" Prisons*—for transports and "penal service" men. 1. Pentonville Prison. 2. Millbank Prison. 3. Female Convict Prison, Brixton. 4. Hulks, Woolwich. B. " Correctional " Prisons—for persons sentenced to short terms of punishment. 1. City House of Correction (HoUoway). 2. Middlesex Houses of Correction. a. Coldbath Fields Prison, for adult males. b. TothUl Fields Prison, for boys and adult females. 8. Surrey House of Correction (Wandsworth Common). II. Prisons foe Offendees Before Conviction. A. Detentional Prisons—for persons after committal by a magistrate. 1. Middlesex House of Detention (Clerkenwell). 2. Newgate. 3. Horsemonger Lane Jail.f B. Lodi-wps—for persons previous to committal by a magistrate. 1. Metropolitan Police CeRs. 2. City do do.J *#* Of the Prison Populatim of Londm.—^The number of offenders said to pass annuaRy through the metropoRtan prisons is stated at about 36,000. These statistics, however, are of rather ancient date, and proceed from no very reRable source. We wRl therefore endeavour to sum up, with as much precision as possible, the great army of criminals that pass through the several jaRs of London in the course of the year :— • This is the Government term the law distinguishing between a " oonviot " (or, literally, a convicted ' fehti) and a " convicted misdemeanant." t This is the only existing Common Jail in London, i. the only place where debtors are still confined under the same roof as felons. J The cant or thieves' names for the several London prisons or " sturbons " (Ger. gestorben, dead, and hence a place of execution), is as follows :— Pentonville Prison . The Model. Millbank Prison „ 'Tench (abbreviated from Penitentiary). The Hulks, or any Public Works „ Boat. House of Correction, Coldbath Fields . „ Steel, House of Correction, Tothill Fields . „ Bourns. City Bridewell, Bridge Street, Blackfriars . „ Old Eorst, Newgate „ Start. Horsemonger Lane Jail .... „ Lam. THE CEIMINAL PEISONS OF LGITDGN. 83 nthtbee of peisonees "passing theough" the london peisons dubing the teae. PentonviEe Prison (a.d. 1854-5) 925 MiEbank „ „ 2,461 Brixton „ „ ... . 664 HiEks ,, „ ... . 1,513 Total Population of the London Convict Prisons . . 5,563 City House of Correction (a.d. 1854-5) . . . 1,978 Coldbath-fields „ „ . . . 7,743 TothEl Fields „ „ .... 7,268 Surrey „ „ .... 5,170 Total Population of the Correctional Prisons . . 22,159 House of Detention . . . . ' . . . . 11,262 Newgate • . 1,840 Horsemonger Lane JaE ...... 3,010 Total Population of the Detentional Prisons . . 16,112 Grand Total of the Population of the London Prisons . 43,834 MetropoEtan PoEce Stations (1854) .... 76,614 City PoEce Stations „ 4,487 Total Population of the London PoEce Stations . 81,101 Total Population of aE London Prisons and Lock-ups . 124,935* But a considerable proportion of this large number of prisoners appear more than once in the returns, as they pass from the poEce-stations, after committal by the magistrates, to the detentional prisons, there to await their trial, and are thence transferred, after conviction, either to correctional or "convict" prisons, according as they are condemned to longer or shorter terms of imprisonment. Moreover, even of those condemned to three, or indeed to six, months' imprisonment, many appear repeatedly in the aggregate of the correctional prisons for the entire year; so that it becomes extremely difficult to state, with any exactitude, what may be the number of different offenders who enter the London prisons in the course of twelve months. The sum-total may, however, be roughly estimated at about 20,000 individuals ; for this is a Ettle less than the aggregate of the convict and correctional prisons of the Metropolis, and of course includes those passing first through the detentional prisons and lock-ups, the difference between that aggregate and the sum of the convict and correc¬ tional prisons being a set7off against those who appear more than once in the year at the houses of correction. This, however, is the mccesswe prison population for the whole year; the simtdta/neom prison population, on the other hand, for any period of the year, maybe cited at somewhere about 6,000 individuals; for, according to the Government returns, there were at the time of taking the last Census rather more than that number of criminals confined within • The returns above given rest upon the following authority :—The number of criminals in the convict prisons is quoted from the Reports of those prisons. The numbers of the correctional and detentional prisons have been kindly and expressly furnished by the Governors of those institutions respectively; whilst those of the Metropolitan Police are copied from the last report on the subject, and those of the City Police supplied by the Commissioner. The number of debtors confined in the Metropolitan prisons in the siunmer of 1855 was as follows Whitecross Street Prison (on the 18th August, 1855) .... 233 Queen's Bench „ .... 134 Horsemonger Lane Jail (on the 20th August, 1855) .... 46 413 84 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. the metropolitan jaile—and this is very nearly the population of the entire town of Folke¬ stone.* Further, the gross annual expense of these same criminal prisons of London is about £170,000, or very nearly one-third of aU the prisons in England and Wales, which, according to the Government returns, cost, in round numbers, £385,000 per annum.f *#* Of the Character of the London Criminals.—In the Report of the Constabulary Com¬ missioners, published in 1837, and which remains the most trustworthy and practical treatise on the criminal classes that has yet been published—the information having been derived from the most eminent and experienced prison and police authorities—^there is a definition of predatory crime, which expresses no theoretical view of the subject, but the bare fact— referring habitual dishonesty neither to ignorance nor to drunkenness, nor to poverty, nor to over-crowding in towns, nor to temptation from surroimding wealth, nor, indeed, to any one of the many indirect causes to which it is sometimes referred, but simply declaring it to "proceed from a disposition to acquire property with a less degree of labour than ordinary industry." Hence the predatory class are the non-working class—that is to say, those who * The gross number of prisoners passing through the prisons of England and Wales, in the course of the year 1849, was as under:— Criminals of both sexes 157,273 Debtors 9,669 Total 166,942 Hence it follows that the criminals passing annually through the London prisons (43,834) form more than one-thirdof the entire number passing, in the same period, through all the prisons of England and Wales; for out of every 1000 offenders entering the jails throughout the whole country during the twelvemonth, 284 appear in the jails of London alone. Such is the successive ratio between the prisoners confined in the London prisons, and those of all England and Wales. The simultaneous ratio on the other hand is as follows :— The number of prisoners (debtors inclusive) confined in the prisons of England and Wales on the day of taking the last Census was 23,768 The number of prisoners confined in the London prisons on the same day 6,188 Thus it appears that in every 1000 prisoners confined in the prisons of England an4 Wales at one and the same time, 280 belong to London. t The total yearly expense of the several London prisons (exclusive of repairs, alterations, and additions), a"d the average cost per head, is as follows :— Total Expense. Expense per Head. timviet Prisons — £ s. d. £ s, d. Fentonville (a.d. 1854-55) 9 26 11 8 Millhank „ . 33,175 0 6 25 10 4 Brixton „ . 12,218 0 0 17 9 1 Hulks at Woolwich 10 27 13 0 Correctional Prisons— Coldbath Fields 1 21 13 3 Tothill Fields (a.d. 1849) 0 19 9 lOè City House of Corree ion, Holloway (A.n. 1854-55) . . 4,599 3 H 25 7 lOi Surrey House of Correction, Wandsworth „ . 12,158 4 4 18 8 7i Detentioncd Prisons— • House of Detention (a.D. 1854-55) . ... . 7,141 9 1 55 4 2 Newgate „ .... . 5,800 6 2 37 8 2 Horsemonger Lane Jail (inclusive of debtors) „ . . 4,693 1 9 30 0 8f Now, by the above list, the items of which have heen mostly supplied expressly for thisAvork by tJie officials, it will be found that the total expense of all the London prisons for one year amounts to £158,733 1«. Id.-, whilst, according to the Fifteenth Eeport of the Frison Inspectors, the total expense of all the prisons in England and Wales is £385,704 18s. so that the cost of the London prisons is nearly one-half of those throughout the whole of the country. CONVICTS. (From Photograplis by Herbert Watklns, 179, Regent Street.) MALH CONVIUT AT l'ENTONVILLE I'RISOX. | FEMAt.E CONVICT AT MlLLKANlv FRISON. THE CKIMIHAL PEISOHS OE LONDON. 87 love to " shake a free leg," and lead a roving life, as they term it, rather than settle down to any continuous employment. To inquire, therefore, into the mode and means of living peculiar to the criminal classes, involves an investigation into the character and causes of crime. Crime, vice, and sin are three terms used for the infraction of three different kinds of laws—social, moral, and religious. Crime, for instance, is the transgression of some social law, even as vice is the breach of some moral law, and sin the violation of some religious one. These laws often differ only ih emanating from different authorities, the infraction of them being simply an offence against a different power. To thieve, however, is to offend, at once socially, morally, and religiously ; for not only does the social, but the moral and religious law, one and aU, enjoin that we should respect the property of others. But there are offences against the social powers other than those committed by such as object to labour for their livelihood; for the crimes perpetrated by the professional criminals are, so to speak, hahitual ones, whereas those perpetrated occasionally by the other classes of society are accidental crimes, arising from the pressure or concomitance of a variety of circumstances. Here, then, we have a most important and fundamental distinction. All crimes, and consequently all criminals, are divisible into two different classes, the habitual a/nd the camial —^that is to say, there are two distinct orders of people continually offending against the laws of society, viz. (1) those who indulge in dishonest practices as a regular means of living ; (2) those who are dishonest from some accidental cause. Now, it is impossible to arrive at any accurate knowledge of the subject of crime and criminals generally, without first making this analysis of the several species of offences according to their causes ; or, in other words, without arranging them into distinct groups or classes, according as they arise, either from an habitual indisposition to labour on the part of some of the offenders, or from the temporary pressure of circumstances upon others. The ofldcial returns on this subject are as unphilosophic as the generality of such documents, and consist of a crude mass of incongruous facts, being a statistical illustration of the "rudis indigestaque moles" in connection with a criminal chaos, and where a murderer is classed in the same category with the bigamist, a sheep-stealer with the embezzler, and the ■Irish rebel or traitor grouped with the keeper of a disorderly house, and he, again, with the poacher and perjurer. Thus the several crimes committed throughout the country are officially arranged imder four heads :— 1. Offsnces against the person—^including murder, rape, bigamy, attempts to procure miscarriage, and common assaults. 2. Offences agadnst property, (a) With violence—as burglary, robbery, piracy, and sending menacing letters. (b) "Without violence—including cattle-stealing, larceny by servants, embezzling, and cheating, (c) Malicious offences against property—as arson, incendiarism, maiming cattle, &c. 3. Forgery, a/nd offences agadnst the cmrency—^under which head are comprised the forging of wiUs, bank notes, and coining. 4. Other offences—including high treason, poaching, working illicit stills, peijury, brothel-keeping, &c. M. Guerry, the eminent Erench statist, adopts a far more philosophic Rangement, and divides the several crimes into— 1. Crimes agadnst the State—as high treason, &c. 2. Crimes agadnst personal safety—as murder, assault, &o. 3. Crimes agadnst morals (with or without violence)—as rape, bigamy, &c. 4. Crimes agadmst property (proceeding from cupidity, or malice)—as larceny, embezzle¬ ment, incendiarism, and the like. 88 THE GKEAT WOELD OF LONDON. The same fundamental error, however, which renders the legal and official classification comparatively worthless, deprives that of the French philosopher of all practical value. It gives us no knowledge of the people committing the crimes, since the offences are classified according to the objects against which they are committed, rather than the causes and passions giving rise to them ; and such an arrangement consequently sinks into a mere system of criminal mnemonics, or easy method of remembering the several crimes. The classes in both systems are but so many mental pigeon-holes for the arbitrary separation of the various infractions of the law, and farther than this they cannot serve us. Whatever other information the inquirer may desire, he must obtain for himself. If he wish to leam something as to the causes of the crimes, and consequently as to the character and passions of the criminals themselves, he must begin de novo ; and using the official facts, but rejecting the official system of classification, proceed to arrange all the several offences into two classes, according as they are of a professional or casual character, committed by- habitual or occasional offenders. Adopting this principle, it wiU be found that the crimes committed by the casual offenders consist mainly of murder, assaults, incendiarism, ravishment, bigamy, em¬ bezzlement, high treason, and the like ; for it is evident that none can make a trade or profession of the commission of these crimes, or resort to them as a regular means of subsistence. The habitual crimes, on the other hand, wiU be generally found to include burglary, robbery, poaching, coining, smuggling, working of illicit stills, larceny from the person, simple larceny, &c., because each and aU of these are regular crafts, requiring almost the same apprenticeships as any other mode of life—^house-breaking, and picking pockets, and working illicit stills, being crafts to which no man without some previous training can adapt himself. Hence, to ascertain whether the number of these dishonest handicrafts—^for such they really are—^be annually on the increase or not, is to solve the most important portion of the criminal problem. It is to learn whether crime pursued as a special profession or husiness is being augmented among us—to discover whether the criminal class, as a distinct body of people, is or is not on the advance. The casual or accidental crimes, on the other hand, wiU furnish us -with equally curious results, showing a yearly impress of the character of the times ; for these, heing only occasional offences, the number of such offenders in different years will of course give us a knowledge of the intensity of the several occasions inducing the crimes of such years. The accidental crimes, classified according to their causes, may be said to consist of 1. Crimes of Brutality and Malice, exercised either against the person or property of the object—as murder, intents to maim or do bodily harm, manslaughter, assaults, killing and maiming cattle, ill-treating animals, malicious destruction of property, setting fire to crops, arson, &c. 2. Crimes of Lust, Perverted Appetites, and Indecency—as rape, carnally abusing girls, unnatural crimes, indecently exposing the person, bigamy, abduction, &c. 3. Crimes of Shame—as concealing the birth of infants, attempts to procure mis¬ carriage, &c. 4. Crimes of Temptation, or Cupidity, with or without breach of trust—as embezzle¬ ment, larceny by servants, illegal pawning, forgery, &c. 5. Crimes of Evil Speaking—as perjury, slander, libel, sending menacing letters, &c. 6. Crimes of Political Prejudices—as high treason, sedition, &c. Those who resort to crime as a means of subsistence when in extreme want, cannot be said to belong to those who prefer idleness to labouring for their living, since many such would willingly wórk to increase their sustenance, if that end were attainable by these means ; but the poor shirt-makers, slop-tailors, and the like, have not the power of earning more THE CRIMINAL PRISONS OF LONDON. 89 than the barest subsistence by their labour, so that the pawning of the work intrusted to them by their employers becomes an act to which they are immediately impelled for " dear life," on the occurrence of the least illness or mishap among them. Such offenders, therefore, belong more properly to those who cannot work for their living, or rather, cannot live by their working ; and though they offend against the laws in the same manner as those who object to work, they certainly cannot be said to belong to the same class. The habitual criminals, on the other hand, are a distinct body of people. Such classes ap¬ pertain to even the rudest nations, they being, as it were, the human parasites of every civilized and barbarous community. The Hottentots have their " Sonquas," and the Kaffirs their "Fingoes," as we have our "prigs" and " cadgers." Those who object to labour for the food they consume appear to be part and parcel of every State—an essential element of the social fabric. Go where you will—to whai comer of the earth you please—search out or propound what new-fangled or obsolete form of society you may—^you will be sure to find some members of it more apathetic than the rest, who will object to work ; even as there will be some more infirm than others, who are unable, though willing, to earn their own living ; and some, again, more thrifty, who, from their pmdence and their savings, will have no need to labour for their subsistence. These several forms are but the necessary consequences of specific differences in the constitution of different beings. Circumstances may tend to give an unnatural development to either one or the other of the classes. The criminal class, the pauper class, or the wealthy class may be in excess in one form of society as compared with another, or they may be repressed by certain social arrangements—^nevertheless, to a greater or less degree, there they will, and, we believe, rmtst ever be. Since, then, there is an essentially distinct class of persons who have an innate aversion to any settled industry, and since work is a necessary condition of the human organization, the question becomes, " How do such people live ?" There is but one answer—If they will not labour to procure their own food, of course they must live on the food procured by the labour of others. The means by which the criminal classes obtain their living constitute the essential points of difference among them, and form, indeed, the methods of distinction among themselves. The "Rampsmen," the "Drummers," the "Mobsmen," the " Sneaksmen," and the "Sho- fulmen," which are the terms by which the thieves themselves designate the several branches of the "profession," are but so many expressions indicating the several modes of obtaining the property of which they become possessed. The " Rampsman," or " Craelcsman," plunders by force—as the burglar, footpad, &c. The "Drummer" plunders by stupefaction—as the " hocusser." The " Mobsmard' plunders by manual dexterity—as the pickpocket. The " Sneaksmm" plimders by stealth—as the petty-larceny boy. And The " Shofulman" plunders by counterfeits—-as the coiner. Now, each and all of these are a distinct species of the criminal genus, having little or no connection with the others. The "cracksman," or housebreaker, would no more think of associating with the " sneaksman," than a barrister would dream of sitting dovm to dinner with an attorney. The perils braved by the housebreaker or the footpad, make the cowardice of the sneaksman contemptible to him ; and the one is distinguished by a kind of bull-dog insensibility to danger, while the other is marked by a low, cat-like cunning. ' The "Mobsman," on the other hand, is more of a handicraftsman than either, and is comparatively refined, by the society he is obliged to keep. He usually dresses in the same elaborate style of fashion as a Jew on a Saturday (in which case he is more particularly described by the prefix " swell"), and " mixes" generally in the " best of company," frequenting, for the purposes of business, all the places of public entertainment, and often being a regular attendant at church, and the more elegant chapels—especially during charity sermons. The 90 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. mobsman takes his name from the gregarious habits of the class to which he belongs, it being necessary for the successful picking of pockets that the work be done in small gangs or mobs, so as to " cover" the operator. Among the sneaksmen, again, the purloiners of animals (such as the horse-stealers, the sheep-stealers, &c.) aU—with the exception of the dog-stealers—^belong to a particular tribe; these are agricultural thieves ; whereas the mobsmen are generally of a more civic character. The shofulmen, or coiners, moreover, constitute another species ; and upon them, like the others, is impressed the stamp of the peculiar line of roguery they may chance to follow as a means of subsistence. Such are the more salient features of that portion of the habitually dishonest classes, who live by taking what they want from others. The other moiety of the same class, who live by getting what they want given to them, is equally peculiar. These consist of the " Flat- catchers," the "Hunters," and " Charley* Pitchers," the "Bouncers," and "Besters," the "Cadgers," and the "Yagrants." The " Flat-catchers" obtain their means by false pretences—as swindlers, duflPers, ring- droppers, and cheats of aU. kinds. The " Sunters" and " Charley Pitchers" Uve by low gaming—as thimblerig-men. The "Bouncers" and "Besters" by betting, intimidating, or talking people out of their property. The " Cadgers," by begging and exciting false sympathy. The "Vagrants," by declaring on the casual ward of the parish workhouse. Each of these, again, are unmistakably distinguished from the rest. The " Flat-catchers" are generaUy remarkable for great shrewdness, especiaUy in the knowledge of human charac¬ ter, and ingenuity in designing and carrying out their several schemes. . The " Charley Pitchers" appertain more to the conjuring or sleight-of-hand and black-leg class. The " Cadgers," on the other hand, are to the class of cheats what the " Sneaksman" is to the thieves—the lowest of aU—^being the least distinguished for those characteristics which mark the other members of the same body. As the " Sneaksman" is the least daring and expert of aU the "prigs," so is the " Cadger" the least intellectual and cunning of aU the cheats. A " ShaUow cove"—^that is to say, one who exhibits himself half-naked in the streets, as a means of obtaining his Uving—^is looked upon as the most despicable of aU creatures, since the act requires neither courage, inteUect, nor dexterity for the execution of it. Lastly, the " Vagrants" are the wanderers—the English Bedouins—those who, in their own words, "love to shake a free leg"—the thoughtless and the careless vagabonds of our race. Such; then, are the characters of the habitual criminals, or professionaUy dishonest classes—the vagrants, beggars, cheats, and thieves—each order expressing some different mode of existence adopted by those who hate, working for their living. The vagrants, who lové a roving life, exist principaUy by declaring on the parish funds for the time being ; the beggars, as deficient in coxirage and inteUect as in pride, prefer to live by soUciting alms from the pubUc ; the cheats, possessed of considerable cunning and ingenidty, choose rather to subsist by fraud and deception ; the thieves, distinguished generaUy by a hardihood and comparative disregard of danger, find greater deUght in risking their Uberty and taking what they want, instead of waiting to have it given to them. In prisons, the criminals are usuaUy divided into first, second, and third class prisoners, according to the amount of education they have received. Among the first, or weU-educated class, are generaUy to be found the casual criminals, as forgers, embezzlers, &c. ; the second, or imperfectly educated class, contains a large proportion of the town criminals—as pickpockets, smashers, thimblerig-men, &c. ; whilst the third, or comparatively uneducated class, is mostly • A " Charley Pitcher" seems to be one who pitches to the Ceorla (A. S. for countryman), and hcncc is equivalent to the term Tohd-hunUr. THE CRIMINAL PRISONS OE LONDON. 91 made up of the lower kind of city thieves, as well as the agricultural labourers who have turned sbeep-stealers, and the like. Of these three classes, the first and the last furnish the greater number of cases of reformation, whilst the middle class is exceedingly difficult of real improvement, though the most ready of all to feign conversion. As regards the criminal period of life, we shall find, upon calculating the ratio between the criminals of different ages, that by far the largest proportion of such people is to be found between the ages of 15 and 25. This period of life is known to physiologists to he that at which the character or ruling principle is developed. Up to fifteen, the wül or volition of an individual is almost in abeyance, and the youth consequently remains, in the greater number of cases, under the control of his parents, acting according to their directions. After fifteen, how¬ ever, the parental dominion begins to be shaken off, and the being to act for himself, having acquired, as the phrase runs, " a wül of his own." This is the most dangerous time of fife to aU characters ; whüst to those who fall among bad companions, or whose natures are marked by vicious impulses, it is a term of great trouble and degradation. The ratio between the population of 15 and 25 years of age and that of aU ages, throughout Eng¬ land and Wales, is but 19-0 per cent. ; whereas the ratio between prisoners from 15 to 25 years old and those of aU ages is, for England and "Wales, as high as 48-7 ; and for the Metropolis, 49*6 per cent.; so that whilst the young men and women form hardly one-fifth of all classes, they constitute very nearly one-half of the criminal class. The boys in prison are found to be the most difficult to deal with, for among these occur the greater number of refractory cases.* § 1—a. THE LONDON CONVICT PEISONS AND THE CONVICT POPULATION. The Convict Prisons of the Metropolis, as we have shown, consist of four distinct establish¬ ments—distinct, not only in their localities, but also in the character of their construction, as well as in the discipline to which the inmates are submitted. At Pentonville Prison, for instance, the convicts are treated under a modified form of the " separate system"—at Millbank the "mixed system" is in force ; and, at the Hulks, on the other hand, the prisoners, though arranged in wards, have but little restraint imposed upon their intercommunication ; * The following tables, copied from the Census of 1851, furnish the data for the above statements AGES OE PEI80NEES IN ENGLAND AND WALES. 5 to 10 years old 20 From 40 to 45 years old 1,278 From 75 to 80 years old 23 10 „ 15 » 875 „ 45 „ 50 826 ,, 80 ,, 85 13 15 „ 20 JÎ 5,081 1, 50 „ 55 » 684 „ 85 „ 90 3 20 „ 25 JÍ 6,496 „ 55 „ 60 333 ,, 90 ,, 95 1 25 „ 30 » 3,693 „ 60 „ 65 > 267 30 „ 35 2,402 „ 65 „ 70 λ 132 Total of ag es 23,768 35 „ 40 « 1,568 „ 70 „ 75 77 73 Per centage of prisoners between 15 and 25 to those of all ages, 48'7 Total population of all ages in England and "Wales . . . , . . Ditto between 15 and 25 years in ditto . . - . . . Percentage of persons between 15 and 26 years to persons of all ages, 19-0 AGES OF PEISONEES IN LONDON PEISONS. From 6 to 10 years old 1 • From 35 to 40 years old 362 17,927,609 3,423,769 )) 10 15 299 »» 40 II 45 II 325 II 70 „ 75 „ 4 » 15 » 20 1,413 » 45 II 60 II 223 II 75 „ 80 ,, II 30 ,, 85 „ 1 » 20 )» 25 1,659 50 II 55 II 191 1 « 25 » 30 863 )> 55 II 60 II 81 n 30 n 35 596 » 60 1» 65 II 39 Total of all ages 6,188 25 Per centage of London prisoners between 15 and 25 to those of all ages, 49*6. 92 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LOHDOH. whilst at Erixton, which is an establishment for female convicts only, a different course of treatment, again, is adopted. The convict prisons, with the exception of the Hulks, were formerly merely the receiving- houses for those who had been sentenced by law to be banished, or rather transported, from the kingdom. The system of transportation is generally dated as far back as the statute for - the banish¬ ment of dangerous rogues and vagabonds, which was passed in the 39th year of Elizabeth's reign; and James I. was the first to have felons transported to America, for in a letter he commanded the authorities " to send a hundred dissolute persons to Virginia, that the Knight- Marshal was to deliver for that purpose." Transportation, however, is not spoken of in any Act of Parliament until the 18th Charles II., c. 3, which empowers the judges either to sentence the moss-troopers of Cumberland and Northumberland to be executed or transported to America for life. Nevertheless, this mode of punishment was not commonly resorted to prior to the year 1718 (4th George I., c. 2) ; for, by an Act passed in that year, a discretionary power was given to judges to order felons, who were entitled to the benefit of clergy, to be transported to the American plantations ; and, under this and other Acts, transportation to America continued from the year 1718 till the commencement of the War of Independence, 1775. During that period, England was repeatedly reproached by foreign nations for banishing, as felons, persons whose offences were comparatively venial—one John Eyre, Esq., a gentleman of fortune, having, among others, been sentenced to transportation for stealing a few quires of paper (November Ist, 1771) ; and, even as recently as the year 1818, the Eev. Dr. HaUoran having been trans¬ ported for forging a frank to cover a tenpenny postage. After the outbreak of the American "War, a plan for the establishment of penitentiaries was taken into consideration by Parliament, but not carried out with any vigour ; for in the year 1784, transportation was resumed, and an Act passed, empowering the King in councü to transport offenders to any place beyond the seas, either within or without the British dominions, as his Majesty might appoint ; and two years afterwards an order in council was published, fixing upon the eastern coast of Australia, and the adjacent islands, as the future penal colonies. In the month of May, 1787, the first band of transports left this country for Botany Bay, and in the succeeding year, founded the colony of New South "Wales. This system of transporting felons to Australia continued in such force that, in fifty years from the date of its introduction (1787—1836), 100,000 convicts (including 13,000 women) had been shipped off from this country to the Australian penal colonies. This is at the rate of 2,000 per annum ; and according to the returns published up to the time that the practice was modified by Parliament, such would appear to have been the average number of felons annually sent out of the coimtry : thus— the Kingdom at the beginning of the year was The number received during the year The total convict poprdation dirring the year . The number embarked for penal settlements, and otherwise dis] of The number remaining in convict prisons at the end of the year . • The numbers embarked in these years for the penal colonies were 2,224 in 1861, and 2,346 in 1862. There were, moreover, 37 convicts in 1861, and 43 in 1862 removed, to other institutions ; and 147 pardoned in the first year, and 126 in the second. Besides these, 9 escaped, and 111 died in the one year, and 14 and 137 in the other year. In 1851. it 1852. . 6,130 6,572 . 2,903 2,953 . 9,033 9,525 u . 2,548 2,658* . 6,485 6,867 THE "DEFENCE" HULK AND THE "UNITE" CONVICT HOSTITAL SHIP, OFF WOOLWICH. THE CONVICT PRISONS OP LONDON. 95 In the month of August, 1853, an Act (16 and 17 Vict., c. 99) was passed, "to substi¬ tute, in certain cases, other punishment in Heu of transportation and by this it was ordained, that " whereas, by reason of the diíEculty of transporting offenders beyond the seas, it has become expedient to substitute some otber punishmenttherefore, "no person shall be sen¬ tenced to transportation for any term less than fourteen years, and only those conveyed be¬ yond the seas who have been sentenced to transportation for life, or for fourteen years and upwards;" so that transportation for the term of seven or ten years was then and there aboHshed, a term of four years' penal servitude being substituted in Heu of the former, and six years' penal servitude instead of the latter. This Act was passed, we repeat, in August 1853, and accordingly we find a great difference in the number of convicts embarked in that and the foUowing years, the Govern¬ ment returns being as foUows :— In 1853. 1854. 1855. The number of convicts remaining in the convict prisons through¬ out the kingdom, at the beginning of the year, was . . 6,873 7,718 7,744 The number received during the year .... 2,354 2,378 2,799 The total convict population Disposed of during the year— Embarked for Western AustraHa, and Gibraltar Removed to other institutions Pardoned Escaped Expiration of sentence Died . Total disposed of 9,227 10,096 10,543 In 1853. 1854. 1855. . 700 280 1,312 . 45 29 66 . 560 1,826 2,491 4 8 17 0 6 6 . 158 173 114 1,467 2,322 4,006 The number remaining in the convict prisons at the end of the year 7,760 7,774 6,537 Hence we perceive that, though the Act for aboHshing the shorter terms of transportation was passed only at the end of the summer of 1853, the number of transports embarked in the course of the year, had decreased from 2,224 in 1851, and 2,345 in 1852, to 700 in 1853, 280 in 1854, and 1,312 in 1855; whilst the number of pardons, which was only 147 in 1851, and 125 in 1852, had risen as high as 560 in 1853, and 1,826 in 1854, and 2,491 in 1855—no less than 276 convicts having been Hberated in the course of 1853, and 1,801 in 1854, and 2,459 in 1855, under " an order of Heense," or ticket-of-leave, as it is sometimes caUed, an item which, tiU lately, had not made its appearance in the home convict returns. Now, it forms no part of our present object to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of the altered mode of dealing with our convicts. We have only to set forth the history and statistics of the matter, for we purpose, in this section, merely estimating the convict population of the MetropoHs, and comparing it with that of the country in general. Well, by the preceding returns we have shown that the convict population of Great Britain averages rather more than 9,000 individuals, whilst the convict population of the MetropoHs may be stated at upwards of 3,000, so that London would appear to contain about one-third of the whole, or as many convicts as there are people in the town of Epsom. We have shown, moreover, that this same convict population is annually increased by an influx of between 2,000 and 3,000 fresh prisoners, so that in a few years the band of convicted felons would amount to a considerable army among us if retained at home. Nor 96 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. do we say this with any view to alarm society as to the dangers of abolishing transpor¬ tation, for, in our opinion, it is nnworthy of a great and wise nation to make a moral dnst-hin of its colonies, and, by thrusting the refuse of its population from under its nose, to believe that it is best consulting the social health of its people at home. Our present purpose is simply to draw attention to the fact that—despite our array of schools, and prison-chaplains, and refined systems of penal discipline, and large army of police, besides the vast increase of churches and chapels—our felon population increases among us as fast as fungi in a rank and foetid atmosphere. Now the gross cost of maintaining our immense body of convicted felons is not very far short of a quarter of a million of money, the returns of 1854-5 showing that the maintenance and guardianship of 8,359 convicts cost, within a fraction, £219,000, which is at the rate of about £26 per head. The cost of the four London establishments would appear to be altogether £86,600 a-year, which is, upon an average, £24 13«. 2d. for the food and care of each man.* • The following table is abridged from the returns of the Surveyor-General of Prisons COMPARATIVE ABSTRACT OP THE ESTIMATES FOR THE MAINTENANCE OP THE CONVICT PRISONS FOR THE YEAR 1854-5, SHOWING THE AMOUNT UNDER EACH HEAD OP SERVICE, THE NUMBER OP PRISONERS, AND THE COST PER HEAD. Heads or Service. Pentokville. 561 Prisoners. MILLBANE. 1,300 Prisoners. Brixton. 700 Prisoners. Woolwich Hulks. 951 Prisoners. SUVHABT OF GOVEBN- HBNT PBISOMS. 8,359 Prisoners. Gross Cost. Cost per prisoner Gross Cost. Cost per prisoner Gross Cost. Cost per prisoner Gross Cost. Cost per prisoner Gross Cost. Cost pet prisonei Salaries of Principal Officers and Clerks, and Wages of Infe¬ rior Officers and Ser¬ vants, and of Manu¬ facturing or Labour Department . . . £ 0. d. 5,971 6 6 £ 10 0. d, 12 10 £ 0. 13,371 0 d. 6 £ 0. 10 5 d. 8 £ 0. 8,373 10 d. 0 £ 0. d. 4 16 2 £ 0. d. 8,214 5 7 £ 0. 8 12 d. » £ Ö. 72,014 d. 3 6 £ 0. d. 8 12 4 Cost of Rations and Uniforms for Offi¬ cers and Servants . 730 0 0 1 6 0 2,244 0 0 1 14 6 530 0 0 0 15 2 1,782 11 10 1 17 5 13,920 0 0 1 13 3 Victualling Prisoners 5,115 2 0 9 2 0 9,750 0 0 7 10 0 4,900 0 0 7 0 0 9,034 10 0 9 10 0 74,816 2 0 8 19 0 Clothing Prisoners 1,262 6 0 2 5 0 2,600 0 0 2 0 0 1,225 0 0 1 15 0 2,853 0 0 3 0 0 24,841 5 0 2 19 5 Redoing Prisoners . 147 5 3 0 5 3 325 0 0 0 5 0 175 0 0 0 5 0 475 10 0 0 10 0 2,773 5 3 0 6, 8 Clothing and Travel¬ ling Expenses of Pri¬ soners on Liberation 50 0 0 0 1 9 30 0 0 0 0 e 250 0 0 0 7 1 1,066 2 10 1 2 5 6,380 0 0 0 IS S Fuel and Light for General Purposes . 700 0 0 1 4 10 3,000 0 0 2 6 2 800 0 0 1 2 10 675 4 S 0 14 2 10,450 0 0 ISO Other Expenses . . 947 0 0 1 13 1 1,855 0 0 1 8 6 964 10 0 1 7 10 2,196 5 2 2 6 S 18,767 0 0 1 12 11 Gross Total .... 14,912 18 9 26 11 8 33,175 0 6 25 10 4 12,218 0 017 9 1 26,297 9 10 27 13 0 218,961 IS g 26 3 10 The following is an estimate of the cost of transporting and taking care of 100,000 convicts in the penal colonies, from the year 1786 to March 1837—about fifty years :— Cost of Transport £2,729,790 Disbursement for General Convict and Colonial Services . 4,091,581 Military Expenditure 1,632,302 Ordnance 29,846 Total . £8,483,619 Deduct for Premium on Bills . . . , 507,195 £7,976,324 ihe average cost of transport for each convict was £28 per head, and the various expenses of residence and OF PEISON DISCIPLINE. 97 § 1-a. OF PRISON DISCIPLINE. We have said that at each of the different prisons of the Metropolis a different mode of treatment, or discipline, is adopted towards the prisoners. Hence it becomes expedient, in order that the general reader may be in a position to judge as to the character of the London prisons, that we should give a brief account of the several kinds of prison discipline at present in force. Condition of the Prisons in the Olden Time.—The history of prison improvements in tbis cmmtry begins with the labours of Howard. In the year 1775 he published his work entitled, " The State of the Prisons in England and Wales; " and in the first section of this he gave a summary of the abuses which then existed in the management of criminals. These abuses were principally of a physical and moral kind. Under the one head were comprised—bad food, bad ventilation, and bad drainage ; and under the other— want of classification, or separation among the inmates, so that each prison was not only a scene of riot and lawless revelry, and filth and fever, but it was also a college for young criminals, where the juvenile offender could be duly educated in vice by the more experienced professors of iniquity.* Formerly, we are told, the prisons were farmed out to individuals, willing to take charge of the inmates punishment £54; or, altogether, £82 per head. The average annual expense entailed upon this country by the penal colonies, since the commencement of transportation to 1837, amounted to £160,000. Since the latter period, however, the cost of transportation and maintenance of convicts abroad has considerably increased, the Government estimate for the Convict Service for 1852-3 having been as follows '— Transport to Australian Colonies ... . £95,000 Transport to Bermuda and Gibraltar 6,041 Convict Service at Australian Colonies . 188,744 Convict Service at Bermuda and Gibraltar .... 48,842 £338,627 In 1853 there were 6,212 convicts in Australia, and 2,650 in Bermuda and Gibraltar. The gross annual expense for the convict service in 1852-3, inclusive of the convict prisons at home, was estimated by the Surveyor-General at £587,294; whereas the estimates for the modification of the system, in substituting imprisonment at home for a proportion of the sentences of transportation abroad, are £337,336. EETUBN SHEWING THE NUMBEK OP CONVICTS WHO AEElVEl} AT VAN DIEMEN'S LAND IN EACH TEAK POK 20 TEAKS, FEOM THE IST OP JANUAKT, 1831 TO 31ST OP DECEHBEK, 1850. Years. Number of Years. Number of Years. Number of Arrivals. Arrivals, Arrivals. Years. Number of Arrivals. 1831 2,241 1832 1,401 1833 2,672 1834 1,531 1845 2,493 Total in each 5 years 10,338 1836 2,565 1841 3,488 1846 2,444 1837 1,547 1842 5,520 1847..: ..1,186 1838 2,224 1843 3,727 1848 1,158 1839 1,441 1844 4,966 1849 1,729 1840 1,365 1845 3,357 1850 2,894 9,142 21,058 9,411 Total in each 10 years. .19,480 30,469 Total in 20 years 49,949 Average per annum 2,497 • It appears, by parliamentary returns, says the Hfth Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that, in the year 1818, out of 518 prisons in the Dnited Kingdom (to which upwards of 107,000 persons were committed in the course of that year) in 23 of such prisons only the inmates were separated or divided according to law ; in 59 of the number, there was no division whatever—not even separation of males from females; in 136 there was only one division of the inmates into separate classes though the 24th George III., cap. 54, had enjoined that eleven such divisions should be made ; in 68 there were hut two divisions, and so on ; whilst in only 23 were the prisoners separated according to the statute. Again, in 445 of the 518 prisons no work of any description had been introduced. And in the remaining 73, the employment carried on was of the slightest possible description. Farther, in 100 jails, which had been built to contain only 8,545 prisoners, there were at one time as many as 13,057 persons confined. The classification enjoined by the Act above mentioned was as follows !—(1) Prisoners convicted of felony; (2) Prisoners committed on charge or suspicion of felony ; (3) Prisoners committed for, or adjudged to be guilty of, misdemeanours only ; (4) Debtors ; (5) The males of each claffi to be separated from the females ; (6) A separate place of confinement to be provided for such prisoners as are intended to be examined as witnesses on behalf of any prosecu¬ tion of any indictment for felony ; (7) Separate infirmaries, or t ick wards, for the men and the women. 98 THE GKEAT WORLD OF LONDON". at the allowance of threepence or fourpence per day for each ; the profit from which, together with fees made compulsory on the prisoners when discharged, constitated the keeper's salary. The debtor—the prisoner dis¬ charged, by the expiration of his term of sentence, by acquittal, or pardon from the Crown—had alike to pay those fees, or to languish in confinement. A committal to prison, moreover, was equivalent, in many cases, to a sentence of death by some frightful disease ; and in all, to suffering by the utmost extremes of hunger and cold. One disease, generated by the want of proper ventilation, warmth, cleanliness, and food, became known as the jail fever. It swept away hundreds every year, and sent out others on their liberation miserably enfeebled. So rife was this disorder, that prisoners arraigned in the dock brought with them on one occasion such a pestilential halo, as caused many inthe court-house to sicken and die. In some jails men and women were together in the day-room ; in all, idleness, obscenity, and blasphemy reigned undistiirbed. The keeper cared for none of these things. His highest duty was to keep his prisoner safe, and his highest aspiration the fees squeezed out of their miserable relatives.—(v. Chapters on Prisons and Prisoners), This system of prison libertinism continued down to so recent a period, that even in the year 1829 Captain Chesterton found, on entering upon the office of Governor öf Coldbath Fields Prison, the internal economy of that institution to be as follows :— " The best acquainted with the prison," says the Captain, in his Autobiography (vol. ii., p. 247), " were utterly ignorant of the frightful extent of its demoralization The procurement of dishonest gains was the only rule—from the late governor downwards—and with the exception of one or two ofiScers, too recently appointed to have learned the villainous arcana of the place, all were engaged in a race of fright¬ ful enormity It is impossible for the mind to conceive a spectacle more gross and revolting than the internal economy of this polluted spot The great majority of the officers were a cunning and extortionate crew, practising every species of duplicity and chicanery From one end of the prison to the other a vast illicit commerce prevailed, at a rate of profit so exorbitant as none but the most elastic consciences could have devised and sustained. The law forbade every species of indulgence, and yet there was not one that was not easily purchasable. The first question asked of a prisoner was— ' Had he any money, or anything that could be turned into money? or would any friend, if written to, advance him some ? ' and if the answer were affirmative, then the game of spoliation commenced. In some instances, as much as seven or eight shillings in the pound went to the turnkey, with a couple of shillings to the ' yards-man,' who was himself a prisoner, and had purchased his appointment from the turnkey, at a cost of never less than five pounds, and frequently more. Then a fellow called the ' passage-man ' would put in a claim also, and thus the prison novice \r juld soon discover that he was in a place where fees were exorbitant and charges multiplied If a sense of injustice led him to complain, he was called ' a nose,' and had to run the gauntlet of the whole yard, by passing through a double file of scoundrels, who, facing inwards, assailed him with short ropes or well-knotted handkerchiefs The poor and friendless prisoner was a wretchedly oppressed man ; he was kicked and buffeted, made to do any revolting work, and dared not complain If a magistrate casually visited the prison, rapid signals communicated the fact, and he would walk through something like outward order. .... Little, how¬ ever, was the unsuspecting justice aware that almost every cell was hollowed out to constitute a hidden store, where tobacco and pipes, tea and coffee, butter and cheese, reposed safe from inquisitive observation ; and frequently, besides, bottles of wine and spirits, filsh-sauce, and various strange luxuries. In the evening, when farther intrusion was unlooked-for, smoking, and drinking, and singing, the recital of thievish exploits, and every species of demoralizing conversation prevailed. The prisoners slept three in a cell, or in crowded rooms ; and no one, whose mind was previously undefiled, could sustain one pure and honest sentiment under a system so frightfully corrupting Upon one occasion, during my nightly rounds," con¬ tinues the late governor, " I overheard a young man of really honest principles arguing with two hardened scoundrels. He was in prison for theft, but declared that, had it not been for a severe illness, which had utterly reduced him, he would never have stolen. His companions laughed at his scruples, and advocated general spoliation. In a tone of indignant remonstrance, the young man said, ' Surely you would not rob a poor countryman, who had arrived in town with only a few shillings in his pocket ! ' Whereupon, one of his companions, turning lazily in his crib, and yawning as he did so, exclaimed in answer, ' By God Almighty, I would rob my own father, if I could get a shilling out of him.' " * Further, Mr. Hepworth Dixon, writing on the London prisons—even so lately as the year 1850—says, " The mind must be lost to all sense of shame which can witness the abominations of Horsemonger Lane or GUtspur Street Compter" (the latter has since been removed), " without feelings of scorn and indignation. In Giltspur Street Compter, the prisoners sleep in small cells, little more than half the size of those at Penton- ville, though the latter are calculated to be only just large enough for one inmate, even when ventilated upon the best plan that science can suggest. But the cell in GUtspur Street Compter is either not ventilated at (dl, or ventilated very imperfectly ; and though little more than half the dimensions of the ' model celis' constructed for one prisoner, I have seen^ce persons locked up at four o'clock in the day, to be there confined * Peace, War, and Adventure, an Atdobiography, by Charles Laval Chesterton. OF PEISOIí DISCIPLINE. 99 till the next morning in darkness and idleness, to do all the offices of nature, not merely in each other's presence, but crushed by the narrowness of their den, into a state of filthy contact, which brute beasts would have resisted to the last gasp of life Could five of the purest men in the world live together in such a manner, without losing every attribute of good which had once belonged to'them ?" At Newgate, on the other hand, continues the same authority, " in any of the female wards may be seen a week before the sessions, a collection of persons of every shade of guilt and some who are innocent. I remember one case particularly. A servant girl of about sixteen, a fresh-looking healthy creature, recently up from the country, was charged by her mistress with stealing a brooch. She was in the same room—^lived all day, slept all night, with the most abandoned of her sex. They were left alone ; they had no work to do, no books—except a few tracts, for which they had no taste—to read. The whole day was spent, as is usual in such prisons, in telling stories—the gross and guilty stories of their own lives. There is no form of wickedness, no aspect of ■vice, with which the poor creature's mind would not be compelled to grow familiar in the few weeks which she passed in Newgate awaiting trial. When the day came the evidence against her was found to be utterly lame and weak, and she was at once acquitted. That she entered Newgate innocent, I have no doubt ; but who shall answer for the state in which she left it ? "• •** Of the Several Kinde of Prison Discipline.—The above statements will give the reader a faint notion of the condition of some of the metropolitan prisons, even in our own time. As a remedy for such defective prison-economy, no less than five different systems have been proposed and tried. These are as follows ;— (1.) The classification of prisoners : (2.) The silent associated system ; (3.) The separate system ; (4.) The mixed system ; (5.) The mark system ; to which must be added that original system which allows the indis¬ criminate association and communion of prisoners as above described, and Which is generally styled the "city system," or no system at «11—" the chief negative features" of which, according to Mr. Dixon, are " no work, no instruction, no superintendence ; " while its positive features" are •' idleness, illicit gambling, filthiness, unnatural crowding, unlimited licence (broken at times by severities at which the sense of justice revolts), and universal corruption of each prisoner by his fellow8."t The Classification of Prisoners.—As regards that system of prison discipline which seeks to prevent the further demoralization of the criminal, by the separation of prisoners into classes, according to the offences with which they are charged or convicted, it has been said, by the Inspectors of Prisons for the Home District :%—" A prison would soon lose its terrors as a place of punishment, if its depraved occu¬ pants were suffered to indulge in the kind of society within the jail which they had always preferred when at large; and, instead of a place of reformation, the jail Would become the best institution that could be devised for instructing its inmates in aU the mysteries of vice and crime, if the professors of guilt confined there were suffered to make disciples of such as might be comparatively innocent. To remedy this evil, therefore," the Prison Inspectors add, "we must resort to classification. The young," they say, "must be separated from the old ; then we must make a division between the novice and practised offenders. Again, subdivisions will be indispensable, in proportion as in each of the classes there are found individuals pf different degrees of depravity, and among whom must be numbered, not only the corrupters, but those who are ready to receive their lessons." But though it would seem to be a consequence of this mode of discipline, as Colonel Jebb well observes, in his work on " Modem Prisons," that " if each jail class respectively be composed of burglars, or assault and battery men, or sturdy beggars, they will acquire under it increased proficiency only in picking locks, fighting, or imposing on the tender mercies of mankind nevertheless, it was found, immediately the classification of prisoners was brought into operation, that " a very difficult and unforeseen condition had to be dealt with. The burglar was occasionally sent to prison for trying his hand at begging—a professed sheep-stealer for doing a little business as a thimblerig man—and a London thief for showing fight at a country fair." Hence, by the classification of prisoners according to the offences of which they were con¬ victed, such people were brought into fellowship, during their imprisonment, with a class wholly different from their own, and " often came to be associated for some months in jail with the simplh clown who had been detected, perhaps, in his first petty offence." " Classification of prisoners," says Mr. Eingsmill, too, " allows no approach, seemingly, towards sepa¬ rating the very bad from the better sort. They are continually changing places ; those in for felony at one sessions being in for larceny or assault the next, and vice versá." " Farther," observe the Home Inspectors, " grades in moral guilt are not the inunediate subject of human observation, nor, if discovered, are they capable of being so nicely discriminated as to enable us to assign to each individual criminal his precise place in the comparative scale of vice, whilst, if they could be accurately perceived by us, it would appear that no two individuals were contaminated in exactly the same • Zondon Prisons, by Hepworth Dixon, pp. T—10. + Ibid. t Vide 3rd Keport, pp. 59, 60. 100 the great world of london. degree. Moreover, even if these difficulties could be surmounted, and a class formed of criminals who had advanced just to the same point, not only of offence, but of moral depravity, still their association in prison would be sure to produce a farther progress in both " When, therefore, public attention was called to the defective construction, as well as to the demoralizing and neglected discipline of the prisons of this country, some twenty or thirty years ago, " it was most unfortunate for all the interests concerned," writes the Surveyor-General of Prisons, " that a step was made in the wrong direction ; for it was considered that if prisoners could be classified, everything would be effected that could be desired in the way of punishment and reformation.* .... Accordingly, vast sums of money were expended in the erection of prisons calculated to facilitate the classification of prisoners. New prisons for carrying out this discipline were constructed on a radiating principle—a central tower was supposed to contain an Argus (or point of universal inspection), and from four to six or eight detached blocks of cells radiated (spoke-fashion) from it—the intervals between the buildings forming the exercising yards lor the different classes. Each of the detached blocks coniained a certain number of small colls (generally about 8 feet X 5) ; and there were day-rooms in them, where the prisoners of the class would sit over the fire, and while away time by instructing each other in the mysteries of their respective avocations ; for it was not intended by this mode of discipline to check the recognized right of each class to amuse them¬ selves as they pleased. In fact," adds the Colonel, " had it been an object to make provision for compulsory education in crime, no better plan could have been devised." The Silent Associated System.—Next as to the "silent," or, as it is sometimes called, the "silent associated," system, the following is a brief review of its characteristics and results. Whilst the classification of offenders continues to this day to be the discipline carried out in many prisons, the prevention of contami¬ nation is sought to be attained in others, where hardly any such classification exists, by the prohibition of all intercourse by word of mouth among the prisoners. " If the members of each class of prisoners," says an eminent authority, " instead of being left, as they are in most prisons, to unrestricted social intercourse, were compelled to work, under the immediate superintendence of an officer whose duty it would be to punish any man who, by word of mouth, look, or sign, attempted to communicate with his fellow-prisoner, we should have the silent system in operation." But as minute classification is not, imder the silent system, so absolutely necessary as when intercourse is permitted,'the usual practice is to associate such classes asean be properly brought together, in order to economise superintendence ; and hence its name of the Silent Associated System, in contradistinction to the Classified System, under which intercommunication is permitted. * The Act of Parliament enjoining the classification of prisoners was the 4th of George IV. (a.d. 1823], cap. 64, and had the following preamble :—" Whereas the laws now existing relative to the building, repaliing, and regulating of jails and houses of correction in England and Wales are complicated, and have in many cases been found ineffectual: And whereas it is expedient that such measures should be adopted and such arrangements made as shall not only provide for the safe custody, but shall also tend more effectually to preserve the health and Improve the morals of the prisoners confined therein, as well as ensure the proper measure of punishment to convicted offenders : And whereas due classification, inspection, regular labour, and employment, and religious and moral instruction, are essential to the discipline of a prison, and to the reformation of offenders," Ac., Ac. ; therefore the following rules and regulations (among others are ordained to be observed in all jails ;— ** The male and female prisoners shall be confined," says this statute, " in separate buildings or parts of the prison, so as to prevent them from seeing, conversing, or holding any intercourse with each other. " The prisoners of each sex shall be divided into distinct classes, care being taken that prisoners of the following classes do not intermix with each other In Jails. I In Houses oj Correction. 1st. Debtors and persons confined for contempt of court or civil process. 2nd, Prisoners convicted of felony. 3cd. Prisoners convicted of misdemeanors. 4th. Prisoners convicted on charge or suspicion of felony. Sth. Prisoners convicted on charge or suspicion of mis- 1st. Prisoners convicted of felony. 2nd. Prisoners convicted of misdemeanors. 3rd. Prisoners committed on charge or suspicion of felony. 4th Prisoners committed on charge or suspicion of mis¬ demeanors. demeanors, or for want of sureties. Sth. Vagrants. " Such prisoners," adds the Act, " as are Intended to be examined as witnesses In behalf of the Crown in any prosecution shall also be kept separate In all jails and houses of correction." Again, by the 2nd and 3rd of Victoria (a.u. 1839), cap. 36, It Is enacted, " that the prisoners of each sex in every jail, house of correction, bridewell, or penitentiary. In England and Wales, which, before the passing of this Act, did not come within the provisions of the 4th of George IV., and In which a more minute classification or individual separation shall not be in force, shall be at least divided into the following classes (that Is to say) 1st. Debtors In those prisons in which debtors can be lawfully confined. 2nd. Prisoners committed for trial. 3rd. Prisoners convicted and sentenced to hard labour. 4th. Prisoners convicted and sentenced to hard labour. 5tb. Prisoners not Included in the foregoing classes. "And that in every prison in England and W ales separate rules and regulations shall be made for each distinct class oi prisoners in that prison." OF PRISON DISCIPLINE. 101 The silent system originated in a deep conviction of the great and manifold evils of jail association, the advocates of that system naturally supposing that the demoralization of criminals would be checked if all communication among them were cut off; and the greater number of prisons, in which any fundamental change of discipline has been effected during the last twenty years, are now conducted on the silent plan. At Coldbath Fields Prison this system has been carried to its utmost. It was introduced there on the 29th December, 1834. " On which day," says Captain Chesterton, in his Autobiography, " the number of 914 prisoners were suddenly apprised that all intercommunication by word, gesture, or sign was prohibited ; and without any approach to overt opposition, the silent system thenceforth became the rule of the prison. . . . . Those who had watched and deplored the former system," adds the late Governor, " could not but regard the change with heartfelt satisfaction. There was now a real protection to morals, and it no longer became the reproach of authority, that the comparatively innocent were consigned to certain demoralization and ruin. For eighteen years has this system been maintained in this prison with unswerving strictness. . . I unhesitatingly avow my conviction, that the silent system, properly administered, is calculated to effect as much good as, by any penal process, we can hope to realize." The objections to the system, however, appear to be manifold and cogent. First, the silent system seems to require an inordinate number of officers to prevent that intercommunication among prisoners " by word, sign, or gesture," which constitutes its essence. At Coldbath Fields Prison, for instance, no less than 272 persons (54 warders + 218 prisoners, appointed to act as monitors over their fellow-criminals) were employed to superintend 682 inmates, which is in the ratio of 10 officers to every 25 prisoners. Nevertheless, even this large body of overseers was found insufficient to prevent all communication among the criminals—the rule of silence being repeatedly infracted, and the prison punishments increasing considerably after the silent system had been introduced. " Punishments," says the late Governor, " are more frequent now than when we began the system." Indeed, " in one year," we are told, " no less than 6,794 punishments were inflicted for talking, &c."* , But if it be difficult to prevent prisoners from audibly talking with each other, it is next to impossible, even by the most extensive surveillance, to check the interchange of significant signe among them. " Although there is a turnkey stationed in each tread-wheel yard," says the Second Report of Inspectors of Prisons for the Home District, " and two monitors, or wardsmen, selected from the prisoners, stand constantly by, the men on the wheel can, and do, speak to each other. They ask one another how long they are sentenced for, and when they are going out ; and answers are given by laying two or three fingers on the wheel to signify so many months, or by pointing to some of the many inscriptions carved on the tread-wheel as to the terms of imprisonment suffered by former prisoners, or else they turn their hands to express unlockings or days." Again : " The posture of stooping, in which the prisoners work at picking oakum or cotton (we are told in the Eev. Mr. Kingsmill's " Chapters on Prisons and Prisoners"), gives ample opportunity of carrying on a lengthened conversation without much chance of discovery ; so that the rule of silence is a dead letter to many. At meals, also, in spite of the strictness with which the prisoners are watched, the order is constantly infiinged. The time of exercise again affords an almost tmlimited power of communicating with each other ; for the closeness of the prisoners' position, and the noise of their feet render intercommunication at such times a very easy matter Farther, the prisoners, attend chapel daily, and this may be termed the golden period of the day to most of them ; for it is here, by holding their books to their faces and pretending to read with the chaplain, that they can carry on the most uninterrupted conversation." Not only, however, is the silent system open to grave objections, because it fails in its attempt to prevent intercourse among prisoners promiscuously associated, but it has even more serious evils connected with it. "The mind of the prisoner," it has been well said, " is kept perpetually on the fret by the prohibition of speech, and it is drawn from the contemplation of his own conduct and degraded position, to the invention of devices for defeating his overseers, or for carrying on a clandestine communication with his fellow- prisoners, deriving no benefit meanwhile from the offices of religion, but rather converting such offices into an opportunity for eluding the vigilance of the warders, and being still farther depraved by frequent punish¬ ment for offences of a purely arbitrary character ; for surely to place a number of social beings in association, and then not only interdict all intercourse between them, but to punish such as yield to that most powerful • The number of punishments which were inflicted under the silent system, in three London prisons, in the course of . one year, was as follows Number of Prisoners (Male and Number of Punishments for Female) in the course of Offences within the Prison in one year. the course of one year. Brixton House of Correction . .... 3,28S 1,171 Westminster Bridewell (Tothill Fields). . . . 5,524 4,848 Coldbath Fields House of Correction .... 9,750 13,812 {Second Heport of Inspectors of Prisons for Borne District.) The average expense of each convict kept in a house of correction, under the silent system, is about £14 per annum, or between £55 and £56 for four years. 102 THE GEEAT WORLD OP LOHDOH. of human impulses—the desire of communing with those with whom we are thrown into connection—^is an act of refined tyranny, that is at once unjust and impossible of being thoroughly carried out. Separat» Sy»t«m,—li is almost self-evident that every system of prison discipline must be associative, separative, or mixed, 1. The prisoners may be either allowed to associate indiscriminately, and to indulge in unrestrained intercourse ; or else, in order to prevent the evils of unrestricted communion, among the older and yotinger criminals, as well as the more expert and the less artful, when associated together, the prisoners may be made to labour as well as take their exercise and meals in perfect silence. 2. We may put a stop to such association, either partially or entirely, by separating the prisoners into classes, according to their crimes, ages, or characters, or else by separating them indwidually, each from the other, and thus endeavour to check the injurious effect of indiscriminate intercourse among the depraved, by positive isolation rather than classification. 3. We may permit them to associate in silence during the day, and isolate them at night—the latter method constituting what is termed the mixed system of prison discipline. The separate system is defined by the Surveyor-General of Prisons as that mode of penal discipline "in which each individual prisoner is confined in a cell, which becomes his workshop by day and his bed-room by night, so as to be effectually prevented from holding communication with, or even being seen sufficiently to be recognized by a fellow-prisoner." The object of this discipline is stated to be twofold. It is enforced, not only to prevent the prisoner having intercourse with his fellow-prisoners, but to compel him to hold communion with himself. He is excluded from the society of the other criminal inmates of the prison, because experience has shown that such society is injurious, and he is urged to make his conduct the subject of his own refiections, because it is almost universally found that such self-communion is the precursor of moral amendment. No other system of prison discipline, say the advocates of the separate system—neither the classified nor the silent system—has any tendency to incline the prisoner to turn his thoughts back upon himself—to cause him to reconsider his life and prospects, or to estimate the wickedness and improfitableness of crime. The silent system, we are told, can call forth no new resolves, nor any settled determinations of amendment, whilst it fails in wholly securing the prisoner from contamination, and sets the mind upon the rack to devise means for evading the irritating restrictions imposed upon it. The advantages of individual separation, therefore, say those who believe this system to be superior to all others, are not merely of a preventive character—preventive of the inevitable evils of association—^preventive of the contamination which the comparatively innocent cannot escape from, when brought into contact with the polluted ; but separation at once renders corrupt intercourse impracticable, and affords to the prisoner direct facilities for reflection and self-improvement. " Under this discipline," says the Rev. Mr. Eingsmill, chaplain of Pentonville Prison, *' the propagation of crime is impossible—the continuity of vicious habits is broken off—the mind is driven to reflection, and conscience resumes her sway." Tbe convicted criminal, under this system, is confined day and night in a cell that is fitted with every convenience essential to ensure ventilation, warmth, cleanliness, and personal exercise. Whatever is neces¬ sary to the preservation of the prisoner's well-being, moral as well as physical, is strictly attended to. So far from being consigned to the gloomy terrors of solitary confinement, he is visited by the governor sis well as by the chaplain, and other prison officers daily ; he is provided with work which furnishes employment for his mind—has access to profitable books—is allowed to take exercise once in every twenty-four hours in the open air—is required to attend every day in the chapel, and, if uneducated, at the school ; and, in case of illness or sudden emergency, he has the means of making his wants known to the officers of the prison. " On reviewing our opinions" (with respect to the moral effect of the discipline of separate Confinement), says the Fifth Report of the Board of Commissioners appointed to superintend the working of Pentonville Prison, " and taking advantage of tbe experience of another year, we feel warranted in expressing our firm conviction, that the moral results of the system have been most encouraging, and attended with a success which we believe is without parallel in the history of prison discipline." Farther, the Commissioners add " the result of our entire experience is the conclusion, that the separation of one prisoner from another is the only sound basis on which a reformatory can be established with any reasonable hope of success." Again, the Governor of Pentonville Prison (who has watched the operation of the system from its intro¬ duction in 1842) says, in his Sixth Report, " If I may express an abstract opinion on the subject, not supported by facts and reasons, it shall be to thiç effect—that having at the first felt confidence in the powers and capabilities of the system for the accomplishment of its objects, and that no valid objection could be raised against it, if rightly administered, on the ground of its being injurious to physical or mental health ; a period of more than five years of close personal experience of its working has left that sentiment not only unim¬ paired, but confirmed and strengthened." Such are the eminent eulogiums uttered by the advocates of the separate system of penal discipline ; and let us now in fairness give a summary of the objections raised against it. It is alleged, in the first place. OF PRISON DISCIPLINE. 103 that the discipline is unwarrantably severe. It is represented as abandoning its victim to despair, by con¬ signing a vacant or guilty mind to all the terrible depression of unbroken solitude. Indeed, it is often con¬ demned as being another form of solitary confinement, the idea of which is so closely connected in the public mind with the dark dungeons and oppressive cruelty of the Middle Ages, as to he sufficient to excite the strongest emotions of abhorrence in every English bosom. Colonel Jehh tells us, that there is a wide difference between separate and solitary confinement. He says, that in the Act (2nd and 3rd Victoria, cap. 66) which rendered separate confinement legal, it was specially enjoined that " no cell éhould he used for that purpose which is not of such a size, and lighted, and warm, ventilated and fitted up in such a manner as may be required by a due regard to health, and furnished with the means of enabling the prisoner to communicate at any time with an officer of the prison." It was further provided, too, by the same Act, that each prisoner should have the means of taking exercise when required; that he should he supplied with the means of moral and religious instruction—with books, and also with labour and employment. "Whereas, a prisoner under soliteery confinement," says the Surveyor- General of Prisons, " may be not only placed in any kind of cell, but is generally locked up and fed on bread and water only, no farther trouble being taken about him. A mode of discipline so severe," he adds, " that it cannot he legally enforced for more than a month at a time, nor for more than three months in any one year." " Under solitary confinement," another prison authority observes, " the prisoner is deprived of intercourse with all other human beings. Under separate confinement, he is kept rigidly apart only from other Moreover, we deny that the majority of individuals who abstain from thieving are led to prefer honest to dishonest practices from purely religious motives. Can it be said that the merchant in the city honours his bills for the love of GodIs it not rather to uphold his worldly credit ? Do ym, gentle reader, when you pay your accounts, hand the money over to your tradesman because the Almighty has cleansed your heart from original sin ? and would even the jail chaplain himself continue to labour in his vocation, if there were no salary in connection with the office ? If, then, nine hundred and ninety-nine in every thousand of ordinary men abstain from picking pockets, not because the Holy Ghost has entered their bosoms, but from prudential, or, if you will, honourable motives —it it be true that the great mass of people are induced to work for their living mainly, if not solely, to get money rather than serve God—then it is worse than foolish to strive to give any such canting motives to criminals, und certainly not true, when it is asserted that people cannot be made honest by any other means than by special interpositions of Providence. If the man who lives by " twisting," as it is caUcd—that is to say, by passing pewter half-crowns in lieu of silver ones—can make his five pounds a week, and be quit of bodily labour, when he could not earn, perhaps, a pound a week by honest industry—if the London " buzman " (swell mobsman) can keep his pony by abstracting " skins " (purses) from gentlemen's pockets, when, per¬ haps, he could hardly get a pair of decent shoes to his feet as a lawyer's clerk—do you believe that any preaching from the pulpit will be likely to induce such as these to adopt a form of life which has far more labour and far less gains connected with it ? We do not intend to deny that supernatural conversions of men from wickedness to righteousness occasionally take place ; but, say we, these are the exceptions rather than the rule of life, and the great mass of mankind is led to pursue an upright course, simply because fhey find that there is associated with it a greater amount of happiness and comfort, both to themselves and "those who are near and dear to them, than with the opposite practice. To turn the criminal, therefore, to the righteous path, we must be prepared to show him that an honest life is calculated to yield to himself and his relatives more real pleasure than a dishonest one ; and so long as we seek by our present mode of prison discipline to make saints of thieves, just so long shall we continue to produce a thousand canting hypocrites to one real convert. 8' THE GREAT WORLD OP LONDON. portcullis gaticway of pentonville prison. {Designed hy Sir Charles Barry.) H i- PENTONVILLE PRISON. Half-way along that extreme northern thoroughfare which runs almost parallel with the Thames, and which, under the name of the New Road, stretches from the " Yorkshire Stin&o," by Paddington, to that great metropoKtan anomaly the city turnpike, there stands an obeliskine lamp-post in the centre of the roadway. This spot is now known as "King's Cross," in commemoration of a rude stucco statue of George the Pourth, that was once erected here by an artistic bricklayer, and had a smaR police station in its pedestal, hut which has long since been broken up and used to mend the highway that it formerly encumbered. Here is seen the terminus of the Great Northern Railway, with its brace of huge glass archways, looking like a crystal imitation of the Thames Tunnel ; here, too, are found giant public-houses, with "double frontage," or doors before and behind; and would-be grand architectural depots for quack medicines; and enormous "crystal-palace" slop-shops, with the front walls converted into one broad and high window, where the " Oxonian coats," and "Talma capes," and " Sydenham trousers," and " Pancy vests," are piled up several storeys high, while the doorway is set round with sprucely-dressed " dummies" of young gentlemen that have their gloved fingers spread out like bunches of radishes, and images of grinning countrymen in " wide-awakes," and red plush waistcoats. , This same King's Cross is the Seven Dials of the New Road, whence a series of streets PENTONVILLE PEISON. 113 diverge like spokes from the nave of a wheel ; and there is almost always the same crowd of "cads" and "do-nothings" loitering about the public-houses in this quarter, and waiting either for a job or a share of a gratuitous " quartern and three outs." Proceeding hence by the roadway that radiates in a north-easterly direction, we cross the vault-like bridge that spans the Eegent's Canal, whose banks here bristle with a crowd of tail factory chimneys ; and then, after passing a series of newly-built "genteel" suburban " terraces," the houses of which have each a little strip of garden, or rather grass-plot, in front of them, we see the viaduct of the railway stretching across the road, high above the pavement, and the tall signal posts, with their telegraphic arms, piercing the air. Imme¬ diately beyond this we behold a large new building walled aU round, with a long series of mad-house-like windows, showing above the tall blicken boundary. In front of this, upon the raised bank beside the roadway, stands a remarkable portcuHis-like gateway, jutting, like a huge square porch or palatial archway, from the main entrance of the building, and with a little square clock-tower just peeping up behind it. This is PentonviEe Prison, vulgarly known as "the Model," and situate in the Caledonian Eoad, that stretches from Bagnigge WeUs to HoEoway. 1Í i—"• The Sistwy cmd Architectural Details of the Prison. Before entering the prison, let us gather aE we can concerning the history and character of the buEding. It is a somewhat curious coincidence, that the system of separate confinement which the Model Prison at PentonviEe was built to carry out, was originaEy commenced at the House of Correction, at Gloucester, Tinder the auspices of (among others) Sir George Onesiphorus Paul, the relative of one who is at present suffering imprisonment within its walls. This system of penal discipline was originaEy advocated by Sir William Blackstone and the great prison reformer, Howard; and though it was made the subject of an Act of ParEament in 1778, it was not put in practice tül some few years afterwards, and even then the experiment at Gloucester " was not prosecuted," says the Government Eeports, " so as to lead to any definite result." The subject of separate confinement, however, was afterwards warmly taken up at Philadelphia; "and the late Mr. Crawford," we are told, " was sent to America, in 1834, to examine into and report his opinion upon the mode of penal discipline as there esta- bEshed." On the presentation to ParEament of the very able papers drawn up by Mr. Crawford and Mr. Whitworth EusseE, the Inspectors of thé Prisons for the Home Distriet, the subject came to be much discussed; and, in 1837, Lord John EusseE, then Secretary of State for the Home Department, issued a circular to the magistracy, recommending the separate system of penal discipline to their consideration. Shortly after this it was determined to erect PentonviEe Prison, as a preEminary step, for the purpose of practicaEy testing this " separate" method of penal treatment, and the name originaEy appEed to it was "the Model Prison, on the separate system," it being proposed to apply the plan, if successful, to the several jails throughout the kingdem. The buEding was commenced on the 10th of April, 1840, and completed in 1842, at a cost of about £85,000, after plans furnished by Lieut.-Col. Jebb, E.E. It was first occupied in December of the latter year, and was appropriated, by direction of Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary at that period, to the reception of a selected body of convicts, who were 14 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. {hero to undergo a term of probationary discipline previous to their transportation to the colonies. Indeed, the letter -which Sir James Graham addressed to the Commissioners who had been appointed to superintend the penal experiment, is so admirably ülustrative of the objects aimed at in the institution of the prison at Pentonville, that we cannot do better than repeat it here. "Considering the excessive supply of labour in this country," says Sir James, "its consequent depreciation, and the fastidious rejection of all those "whose character is tainted, I wish to admit no prisoner into Pentonville who is not sentenced to transportation, and who is not doomed to be transported ; for the convict on whom such discipline might produce the most salutary eifect would, when liberated and thrown back on society in this country, be still branded as a criminal, and have but an indifferent chance of a livelihood from the profitable exercise of honest industry I propose, therefore, that no prisoner shaU be admitted into Pentonville without the knowledge that it is the portal to the penal colony, and without the certainty that he bids adieu to his connections in England, and that he must henceforth look forward to a life of labour in another hemisphere. " But from the day of his entrance into prison, while I extinguish the hope of return to his family and friends, I would open to him, fully and distinctly, the fate which awaits him, and the degree of influence which his own conduct will infallibly have over his future fortunes. " He should be made to feel that from that day he enters on a new career. He should be told that his imprisonment is a period of probation ; that it -will not he prolonged above eighteen months ; that an opportunity of learning those arts which -will enable him to earn his bread will be afforded under the best instructors ; that moral and religious knowledge wül be imparted to him as a guide to his future life ; that at the end of eighteen months, when a just estimate can be formed of the effect produced by the discipline on his character, he will be sent to Van Diemen's Land ; there, if he behave well, at once to receive a ticket- of-leave, which is equivalent to freedom, -with a certainty of abundant maintenance—the fruit of industry. " If, however, he behave indifferently, he -will, on heing transported to Van Diemen's Land, receive a probationary pass, which -wül secure to him only a limited portion of his earnings, and impose certain galling restraints on his personal liberty. " If, on the other hand, he behave ill, and the discipline of the prison be ineffectual, he will be transported to Tasman's Peninsula, there to work in a probationary gang, -without wages, and deprived of liberty—an abject convict." Now, for the due carrying out of these objects, a Board of Commissioners was appointed, among whom were two medical gentlemen of the highest reputation in their profession, and whose duty it was to watch narrowly the effect of the system upon the health of the prisoners. " Eighteen months of «ae discipline," said Sir James Graham, in his letter to these gentlemen, " appear to me to be ample for its full application. In that time the real character wiU be developed, instruction will be imparted, new habits will be formed, a better frame of mind will have been moulded, or else the heart -wiU have been hardened, and the case be desperate. The period of imprisonment at Pentonvüle, therefore," he adds, " wiU be strictly limited to eighteen months." Thus wo perceive that the Model Prison was intended to be a place of instruction and probation, rather than one of oppressive discipline, and was originally limited to adults only, between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five. From the year 1843 to 1848, -with a slight exception on the opening of the establishment, the prisoners admitted into Pentonville were most carefuUy selected from the whole body of convicts. A change, however, in the class of prisoners was the cause of some adverse results in the year 1848, and in their Report for that year the Commissioners say—" Wo PENTONVILLE PEISON. 115 axe sorry that, as to the health and mental condition of the prisoners, .we have to make a ranch less satisfactory report than in any of the former years since the prison was esta¬ blished It may be difficult," they add, " to offer a certain explanation of the great number of cases of death and of insanity that have occurred within the last year. "We have, however, reason to believe that in the earlier years of this institution, the convicts sent here were selected from a large number, and the selection was made with a more exclusive regard to their physical capacity for undergoing this species of punishment." Experience, then, appearing to indicate the necessity of some modification of the disci¬ pline at Pentonville, which, without any sacrifice of its efficiency, would render it more safe and more generally available to all classes of convicts, " Sir George Grey," we are told, " concurred iu the opinion of Sir Benjamin Brodie and Dr. Perguson, that the utmost watch¬ fulness and discretion on the part of the governor, chaplain, and medical attendants would be requisite, in order to administer, with safety, the system established there." It being no longer necessary to continue the experiment upon prison discipline, which had been in full operation from 1843 to 1849, it was brought to a close, and the accom¬ modation in PentouviUe prison was thus rendered available for the general purposes of the convict service. Accordingly, the period of confinement in Pentonville Prison was first reduced from eighteen to twelve months, and subsequently to nine months. Nevertheless, at the com¬ mencement of 1852, says an official document, "there occurred an unumally large number of cases of mental affection among the prisoners, and it was therefore deemed necessary to increase the ammmt of exercise in the open air, and to introduce the plan of brisk walking, as pursued at Wakefield." The change, we are told, produced a most marked and beneficial effect upon the general health of the inmates. Indeed, so much so, that " in the course of the year following, there was," say the reports, "not one removal to Bedlam."* * The number of removals from Pentonville to Bedlam, on the ground of insanity, as compared with the preceding years, was, in the year 1851, found to he— 27 in 10,000 from 1842-49 32 „ „ „ 1850 16 „ ,, ,, 1851 16 „ ,, ,, 1852 0 „ „ „ 1853 10 „ „ „ 1854 20 „ „ „ 1854 The above ratio, however, expresses only the proportion per 10,000 prisoners removed to Bedlam as insane, but the following table, which has been kindly furnished us by Mr. Bradley, the eminent medical officer of Pentonville prison, gives the proportion of cases of mental disease occurring annually, after first 10 years ; In 10 years, from 1843 to 1852 120 per 10,000 prisoners. » »> 1853 60 ,, „ jr jJ 1854 38 ,, ,, )> it 1855 59 ,, ,, Hence it would appear that the improved treatment of shortened term of separation, rapid exercise, and superior ventilation, has decreased the rate of insane cases to less than one-half what it was in the first 10 years. Still, much has to be done to bring the proportion down to the normal standard of all other prisons, which is only 5'8 per 10,000 prisoners. Vide p. 103 of Great "World op London. It is but just to state here that the Beports of the Commissioners, one and all, evince a marked consideration and anxiety for the health of the convicts placed under their care ; and we are happy to have it in our power to add, that our own personal experience teaches us that none could possibly show a greater interest, sympathy, and kindness, for all "prisoners and captives," than the Surveyor-General of Prisons. It is a high satisfac¬ tion to find, when one comes to deal with prisons and prisoners, that almost every gentleman placed in autho¬ rity over the convicts appears to be actuated by the most humane and kindly motives towards them. Nor do we, in saying thus much, judge merely from manner and external appearances. Our peculiar investigations throw us into communication with many a liberated convict, who has served his probationary term at the Model, and we can conscientiously aver, that we have never heard any speak but in the very highest termsî both of the Governor of Pentonville. the Chaplain, and the Surveyor-General himself. 116 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. The ventilation was also improved by admitting the outer air direct to the ceUs, and the discipline was at once relaxed when any injury to health was apprehended. Farther, when¬ ever there was reason to believe that a prisoner was likely to bç injuriously affected by the discipline, he was, in conformity with the instructions of the directors, removed from strict separate confinement, and put to work in association with other prisoners.* Such, then, is the history of the institution, and the reasons for the changes connected with the discipline, of PentonviUe Prison. As regards the details of the building itself, the following are the technical particulars :— The prison occupies an area of 6| acres. It has " a curtain wall with massive posterns in front," where, as we have said, stands a large entrance gateway, the latter designed by Barry, whose arches are filled with portcullis work; whilst from the main building rises an "Italian" clock-tower. From the central corridor within radiate four wings, constructed after the fashion of spokes to a half-wheel, and one long entrance hall, leading to the central point. The interior of each of the four wings or " corridors" is fitted with 130 cells, arranged in three "galleries" or storeys, one above the other, and each floor contains some forty-odd apartments for separate confinement. (From a Dra^Jng in the Report of the Surveyor-General of PriBons.) Every cell is 13| feet long bj feet broad, and 9 feet high, and contains an earthenware water-closet, and copper wash-basin, supplied with water ; a three-legged stool, table, and shaded gas-burner—^besides a hammock for slinging at night, furnished with mattress and • The total number withdrawn from separation in the year 1854 was 66, and 23 of these were put to work in association on mental grounds, consisting of cases in which men of low intellect began under separate ■ confinement to exhibit mental excitement, depression, or irritability, whilst 12 more were removed to public works before the expiration of their term of separate confinement, because they were, in the words of the medical officer, " likely to be injuriously affected by the discipline of the prison." By a summary of a list of the cases reqmring medical treatment—as given in the Medical Officer's Report for 1855—we find, that of the diseases, 35'9 per cent, consist of constipation, and 16*5 per cent, of dyspepsia—the other affections being " catarrhs," of which the proportion is 20-7 per cent., and diarrhoea lO'O per cent., whilst the remaining 16'9 per cent, was made up of a variety of trivial and anomalous cases. PENTONVILI/E PKISON. 117 blaniets. In the door of every cell is an eyelet-hole, through which the officer on duty may observe what is going on within from without. Each of the cells is said to have cost, on an average, upwards of £150. The building is heated by hot water on the basement, and the ventilation is maintaiaed by an immense shaft in the roof of each wing. The prison has also a chapel on the separate system, fitted with some four hundred distinct stalls or sittings, for the prisoners, and so arranged that the officers on duty, during divine service, may have each man under their sur- veillmee. There are also exercising yards for single prisoners, between each of the radiating wings, and two larger yards—one on either side of the entrance-hall—for exercising large bodies of the prisoners collectively. Moreover, there are artesian wells for supplying the prison with water, and a gas-factory for lighting the building. Indeed, the prison is constructed and fitted according to all the refinements of modem science, and complete in all its appliances.* 1ÍÍ-/3- Tke Interior of Pentonville Prison. Artists and Poets clamour loudly about "ideals," but these same artistic and poetic idealities are, in most cases, utterly unlike the realities of Ufe, being usually images begotten by narrow sentiments rather than the abstract results of large observation ; for idealization * On March the 13th, 1856, there were 368 prisoners confined here ; and these were thus distributed over the budding Corridor A Corridor B (■JNo. 1 Ward 24 prisoners^ V 2 „ 27 „ * ji ® » ^2a ,, ) (No. 1 Ward 26a prisoners) » 2 „ 22 „ \ ,, 3 „ 32 ,, ' 93 80 Corridor C Corridor D fNo. 1 Ward 26 2 „ 21 3 „ 38 , 1 Ward 205 2 ,, 40a 3 „ 21aa 4 „ 29 prisoners'! " Í prisoners » 85 110 368 The letter a affixed to some of the numbers above given, signifies that one man, and aa, two men, out of that ward were confined in the refractory cells ; and 5 that there was one from that part of the budding sick in the infirmary-ward. D 4 is the associated ward, and at the basement of the southern part of the budding. The foUowing table gives a statement of the number of prisoners received and sent away in the course of a year :— Number ant> Disfosal op Prisoners at Pentonville Prison during the Year 1854. Bemaining 31st December, 1853 . . 489 Admitted during the year 1854 , . 436 These 925 prisoners were disposed of as foUows :— Transferred to Portland Prison . . 193 Portsmouth . . . 120 Dartmoor ... 20 " Stirling Castle" Hulk . 2 925 >» >» » » Pardoned free ,, conditional . „ on medical grounds „ on licence Died Suicide .... Bemaining 31st December, 1854 1 3 1 37 8 1 387 538 925 Bethlehem Hospital (insane) 1 Of the 436 prisoners admitted during 1854, the following is a statement of the ages 13 were between the age of 45 and 50 years. ® I, „ 50 ,, 55 2 ,, „ 55 „ 60 3 were under the age of 17 years, 243 were between „ 17 and 25 years. 79 „ „ 25 ,, 30 ,, 51 „ „ 30 ,, 35 „ 35 40 11 » I » 436 Proportion of prisoners between 17and 25 years, 55 7 118 THE GREAT WORLD OE LOHDOH. is—or at least should be—-in matters of art what generalization is in science, since a pictorial "t3rpo" is but the aesthetic equivalent of a natural "order;" and as the "genus" in philosophy should express merely the point of agreement among a number of diverse phenomena, even so that graphic essence which is termed "character" should represent the peculiar form common to a variety of visible things. We remember once seeing an engraving that was intended for an ideal portrait of the common hangman, in which the hair was of the approved convict cut, with a small viUainouB valance left dangling in front—the forehead as low as anape's—the brow repulsively beetled and overhanging as eaves, whilst the sunken eyes were like miniature embrasures pregnant with their black artillery. And yet, when we made the acquaintance of Calcraft, we found him bearing the impress of no such monster, but rather so " respectable" in his appearance, that on first beholding a gentleman in a broad brimmed hat and bushy iron gray hair, seated at the little table in the lobby of Newgate, with his hands, too, resting on the knob of his Malacca cane, we mistook him for some dissenting minister, who had come to offer consolation to one of the wretched inmates. Nor could we help mentally contrasting the loathsome artistic ideality with the almost humane-looking reality before us. The same violence, too, is done to our preconceived notions by the first sight of the jailer of the present day. The ideal leads us to picture such a functionary in our minds as a kind of human Cerberus—a creature that looks as surly and sullen as an officer of the Inquisition, and with a bunch of huge keys fastened to his waist, whose jangle, as he moves, reminds one of the clink of fetters. The reality, however, proves on acquaintance to be generally a gentleman with a half military air, who, so far from being characterized by any of the vulgar notions of the stem and crael-minded prison-keeper, is usually marked by an almost tender consideration for those placed under his charge, and who is certainly prompted by the same desire that distinguishes aU better-class people now-a-days, to ameliorate the condition of their unfortunate feUows. At PentonviUe, the same mental conflict between vulgar preconceptions and strange matter of fact ensues ; for the prison there is utterly unlike ah our imaginary pictures of prisons—^the governor a kind-hearted gentleman, rather than approaching to the fanciful type of the unfeeling jailer—and the turnkeys a kind of mixture between poUcemen and military officers in un¬ dress, instead of the ferocious-looking prison-officials ordinarily represented on the stage. No sooner is the prison door opened in answer to our summons at the bell, than we might believe we were inside some little park lodge, so tidy and cozy and unjail-like is the place ; and here is the same capacious hooded chair, like the head of a gigantic cradle, that is usuaRy found in the haU of large mansions. The officer, as he holds back the portal, and listens to our inquiry as to whether the Governor be visible, raises his hand to his glazed military cap, and salutes us soldier-fashion, as ho replies briskly, " Yessir." Having produced our Government order, to allow us to inspect the prison, we axe ushered across a smaU paved court-yard, and then up a broad flight of stone steps to the large glass door that admits us to the passage leading to the prison itself. The officer who accompanies us is habited in a single-breasted, policeman-like, frock coat, with a bright brass crown bulging from its stiff, stand-up collar, and roimd his waist he wears a broad leathem strap, with a shiny cartouche-box behind, in which he carries his keys. These keys are now withdrawn, and the semi-glass door—that is so utterly unlike the gloomy and ponderous prison portal of olden times—^is thrown back for us to pass through. We are then at the end of a long and broad passage, which is more hke the lengthy haU to some Government office, than the entrance to an old-fashioned jail, and at the opposite extremity we can just see, through the windows of the other door there, figures flitting backwards and forwards in the bright light of what we afterwards leam is the " centre corridor" of the building. PEN TON VILLE PEISON. 119 The first thing that strikes the mind on entering the prison passage, is the wondrous and perfectly Dutch-like cleanliness pervading the place. The floor, which is of asphalte, has been polished, by continual sweeping, so bright that we can hardly believe it has not been black-leaded, and so utterly free from dust are aU the mouldings of the trim stucco walls, that we would defy the sharp¬ est housewife to get as much off upon her fingers as she could brush even from a but¬ terfly's wing. In no private house is it possible to see the like of this dainty cleanliness, and as we walk along the passage we cannot help wondering why it is that we should find the per¬ fection of the domestic virtue in such an abiding-place. "We are shown into a small waiting-room on one side of the passage, while the officer goes to apprise the governor of our presence ; and here we have to enter our name in a book, and speciiy the date, as well as by whose permission we have come. ^ Here, too, we find the same scrupulous tidi¬ ness, and utter freedom from dirt—the stove being as lus¬ trous, from its frequent coats of "black-lead," as if it had been newly carved out of solid plumbago. A few minutes afterwards, we are handed over to a war¬ der, who receives instructions to accompany us rormd the pri¬ son; and then, being con¬ ducted through the glass door at the other end of the pas¬ sage, we stand, for the first time, in the " centre corridor" of the " Model Prison." To conceive the peculiar character of tHs buüding, the corridor at pentonvidle prison. reader must imagine four long Surveyor-General of Prison,.) " wings," or " corridors," as they are officially styled, radiating from a centre, like the spokes in a half-wheel; or, what is better, a series of light and lofty tunnels, all diverging from one point, after the manner of the prongs in an open fan. Indeed, when we first entered the inner part of the prison, the lengthy and high corridors, with their sky-light 120 THE GKEAT WORLD OF LONDON. roofs, seemed to us like a bunch of Burlington Arcades, that had been fitted up in the style of the opera-box lobbies, with an infinity of little doors—these same doors being ranged, not only one after another, but one above another, three storeys high, till the waUs of the arcades ■were pierced as thick with them as the tall and lengthy sides of a man-of-war with its him- dred port-holes. Then there are narrow iron galleries stretching along in front of each of the upper floors, after the manner of lengthy balconies, and reaching from one end of the arcades to the other, whilst these are so light in their construction, that in the extreme length of the several wings they look almost like ledges jutting from the waUs. Half-way down each corridor, too, there is seen, high in the air, a light bridge, similar to the one joining the paddle-boxes on board a steamer, connecting the galleries on either side of every floor. Nevertheless, it is not the long, arcade-like corridors, nor the opera-lobby-like series of doors, nor the lengthy balconies stretching along each gallery, nor the paddle-box-Hke bridges connecting the opposite sides of the arcade, that constitute the peculiar character of Penton- viUe prison. Its distinctive featiu'e, on the contrary—the one that renders it utterly dissimi¬ lar firom all other jaUs—is the extremely bright, and cheerful, and airy quality of the building ; so that, vdth its long, light corridors, it strikes the mind, on first entering it, as a bit of the Crystal Palace, stripped of all its contents. There is none of the gloom, nor dungeon¬ like character of a jail appertaining to it; nor are there bolts and heavy locks to grate upon the ear at every turn ; whilst even the windows are destitute of the proverbial prison-bars— the frames of these being made of iron, and the panes so small that they serve at once as safeguards and sashes. Moreover, so admirably is the ventilation of the building contrived and kept up, that there is not the least sense of closeness pervading it, for we feel, immediately we set foot in the place, how fresh and pure is the atmosphere there ; and that, at least, in that prison, no wretched captive can sigh to breathe the " free air of Heaven," since in the open country itself it could not be less stagnant than in the " model" jail—even though there be, as at the time of our visit, upwards of 400 men confined day and night—sleeping, breathing, and per¬ forming all the functions of nature in their 400 separate eeUs throughout the place. The cells distributed throughout this magnificent building are about the size of the interior of a large and roomy omnibus, but some feet higher, and they seem to those who are not doomed to dwell in them—apart from all the world without—really comfortable apartments. In such, however, as contain a loom (and a large number of the cells on the ground-floor are fitted with those instruments), there is not a superabimdance of spare room. Nevertheless, there is sufficient capacity, as well as Hght, in each, to make the place seem to a free man a light, airy, and cheerful abode. Against the wall, on one side, is set the bright, copper hand-basin —not unlike a big funnel—with a tap of water immediately above it ; at the extreme end of the cell is the small closet, well supplied with water-pipes ; and in another part you see the shaded gas-jet, whilst in one of the comers by the door are some two or three triangular shelves, where the prisoner's spoon, platter, mug, and soap-box, &c., are stowed. On the upper of these shelves, the roUed-up hammock, with its bedding, stands on end, like a huge muff, and let into the wall on either side, some three feet from the ground, are two large bright eyelet holes, to which the hammock is slung at night, as shown in the engraving. Then there is a little table and stool, and occasionally on the former may be found some brown paper-covered book or periodical, with which the prisoner has been supplied from the prison library. In one cell which we entered, while the men were at exercise in the yard, we found a copy of " Old Httkpheet's Thoughts," and in another, a recent nmnber of " Chambebs's Edihhuegh Jouenax" left open on the table. Moreover, hanging against the wall is a pasteboard bül, headed, " Notice to Convicts," and the "Rules and Regulations" of the prison, as weU as the little card inscribed with the prisoner's " registered number" (for in Pentonvülc prison all names cease), and citing not only his previous occupation, but term PENTONVILLE PRISON. 121 of sentence, date of conviction, &c. Further, there is, in the comer near the cupboard, a button, -which, on being turned, causes a small gong to be stmck in the corridor -without, and at the same moment makes a metal plate or " index" outside the door start out at right angles to the wall, so that the warder, when summoned by the bell, may know which prisoner has rung. On this index is painted the number of the cell, and as you walk along the corridors you observe, not only a large black letter painted at the entrance of each arcade, but a series of these same indices, each inscribed with a different number, and (except where the gong has been recently sounded) flat against the wall beside the door. Now these letters on the corridors, as well as the indices beside the doors, are used not only to express the positioh of the cell, but, strange to say, the name of the prisoner confined -within it ; for here, as we said, men have no longer Christian and surnames to distinguish them one from the other, but are called merely after the position of cell they occupy. Hence, no matter what the appella¬ tion of a man may have been—or even whether he bore a noble title before entering the prison—immediately he comes as a convict -within its precincts, he is from that time kno-wn as D 3, 4, or B 2, 10, as the case may be, and wears at his breast a charity-boy-like brass badge so inscribed, to mark him from the rest. Thus he is no longer James This, or Mr. That, or even Sir John So-and-so, but simply the prisoner confined in corridor D, gallery 3, and cell 4, or else the one in corridor B, gallery 2, and cell 10 ; so that instead of addressing prisoners here as Brown, Jones, and Robinson, the warder in whose gallery and corridor those con¬ victs may háppen to be calls them, for brevity sake, simply and indi-vidnaUy by the number of the cells they occupy in his part of the building. Accordingly the oflicer on duty may occasionally be heard to cry to some one of the prisoners under his charge, "Now step out there 4, -will you? " or, " Turn out here. Number 6."* • The following is a list of the several officers of Pentonville Prison in the year 1856 :— Name. Rank. Robert Hosking - - - Governor Rev. Joseph Kingsmill - Chaplain Ambrose Sherwin - - . Assistant do. Charles L. Bradley - - Medical Officer William H. Foster - Steward & Manufacturer Alfred P. Nantes - - - Governor's Clerk Angus Macpherson - - Accountant Clerk Edward Tottenham - - Steward's Clerk Robert Yellsly - - - Assistant do. Thomas Carr - - - _ Manufacturer's Clerk James Maya - - - - Assistant do. John Wilson - . - _ Schoolmaster Charles Hregg - - - - Assistant do. Edward J. Hoare - - - Do. and Organist Terence Nulty - - - Chief Warder John Jenkins - - - - Principal Warder David Adamson - - - Ditto John Smart - . Warder William Wood - - _ Adam Corrie - _ William Heating - - - M Senthil Lindsay - - - 11 David Darling - - - 11 Michael Laffan - - _ Robert Green - _ 11 John Snellgrove - - . 11 Edward Edwards - - - 11 James Snowball - - Assistant Warder Richard Wilcocks _ 19 Peter Cameron - - _ 11 John Whitchurst - - - »1 Name, John fronegan - - James Hampton - - Joseph Matthews - - John Bap tie - Thomas Hirst - John Armstrong - - John Fitzgerald - - Martin Burke - - - Amos Driver - - - William Callway - - John White - Edward Bevan - - Thomas Charlesworth Samuel Whitley - - Arthur Eeenan - - William Matthis - - George Larkin - - Thomas R. Yeates Thomas Rogers - - Stephen Oatley - - Robert Lyon - - - Charles Poole - - . John Pride - - - Edward Gannon - - Matthew Yates - - William Butler - - Griffin Crannis - - John Beckley ... John CUdingbowl Rank. Assistant Warder - Warder Instructor Assist. Warder Instmctor Infirmary Warder Gate Porter Inner Gate Porter Messenger Foreman of Works Plumber Gasmaker Assistant ditto Engine-man Stoker Steward's Porter Manufacturers' Porter Carter Cook Baker 122 THE GREAT WORLD OE LONDON. H i—r- A Worh-Bay at Pentmville. To understand the " routine" of Pentonville Prison, it is necessary to spend one entire long day in the establishment, from the very opening to the closing of the prison ; and if there be any convicts leaving for the public works, as on the day we chose for our visit, the stranger must he prepared to stay at least eighteen hours within the walls. Nor, to our mind, can time be more interestingly passed. The stars were still shining coldly in the silver gray sky on the morning when we left our home to witness the departure of some thirty-odd prisoners from Pentonville for Ports¬ mouth. We were anxious to discover with what feelings the poor wretches, who had spent their nine months at the Model, excluded from all intercourse hut that of prison officers, would look forward to their liberation from separate confinement ; and though we had been informed over-night that the "batch" was to leave as early as a quarter past 5 a.m., we did not regret having to turn out into the streets, with the cold March morning winds blowing so sharp in the face as to fill the eyes with tears. As we slammed our door after us, the deserted street seemed to tremble as it echoed again with the noise. On the opposite side of the way, the policeman, in hip long great coat, was busy throwing the light of his bull's-eye upon the doors and parlour windows, and down into the areas, as he passed on his rounds, making the dark walls flicker with the glare as if a Jack-a-Dandy had been cast upon them, and, startled by the sound, he turned sud¬ denly round to direct his lantern towards us as if he really took us for one of the burglarious characters we were about to visit. The cabmen at the nearest stand were asleep inside their rickety old broughams, and as we turned into Tottenham Court Road we encoimtered the early street coffee-stall keeper with his large coffee-cans dangling from either end of a yoke across his shoulders, and the red fire shining through the holes of the fire-pan beneath like spots of crimson foil. Then, as we hurried on, we passed here and there a butcher's light " chay-cart" with the name painted on the side, hunying off to the early meat-markets, and the men huddled in the bottom of the vehicle, behind the driver with their coat-collars turned up, and dozing as they went. Next came some tall and stalwart brewer's drayman (they are always the first in the streets), in his dirty drab flushing jacket, and leathern leggings, hastening towards the brewery ; and, at some long distance after him, we met an old ragged crone, tottering on her way to the Earringdon water-cress market with her " shallow " imder her arm, and her old rusty frayed shawl drawn tight round her ; whilst here and there we should see a stray hone-grubber, or " pure " finder, in his shiny grimy tatters, " routing " among the precious muck-heaps for rich rags and valuable refuse. ' Strange and almost fearful was the silence of the streets, at that hour ! So stUl, indeed, were they that we could hear the heavy single knock, followed by the shrill cry of the chimney-sweep, echoing through the desolate thoroughfares, as he waited at some door hard by and shrieked, " Swe—e—eep !" to rouse the sleeping cook-maid.- Then every foot-fall seemed to tell upon the ßavement like the tramp of the night-police, and we could hear the early workmen trudging away, long before we saw them coming towards us, some with their basin of food ftír the day done up in a handkerchief, and dangling from their hand—and others like the smoky and unwashed smiths -with an old nut-hasket full of tools slung over their shoulder upon the head of a hammer—the bricklayer with his large wooden level and coarse nailbag full of trowels hanging at his back—and the carpenter on his way to some new suburban building in his flannel jacket and rolled-up apron, and with the end of his saw and jack-plane peeping from his tool-basket behind ; while here and there, as we got into the PENTOFVILLE PRISON. 123 neiglibotirhood of King's Cross, we should pass some railway guard or porter on his way to the terminus for the early trains. "While jogging along in the darkness—for still there was not a gleam of daybreak visible— we could not help thinking, what would the wretched creatures we were about to visit not give to be allowed one half-hour's walk through those cold and gloomy streets, and how beauti¬ ful one such stroU in the London thorouglifares would appear to them—beautiful as quitting the house, after a long sickness, is to us. Nor could we help, at the same time, speculating as to the perversity of the natures that, despite all the long privations of jail, and the severe trial of separate confinement, would, nevertheless, many of them, as we knew, return to their former practices immediately they were liberated. Granted, said we to ourselves (forgetting, in our reveries, to continue our observations of the passing objects), that some would be honest if society would but cease to persecute them for their former crimes. Still many, we were aware, were utterly incapable of reformation, for figures prove to us that there is a certain per centage among the criminal class who are absolutely incorrigible'. Nevertheless, the very fact of there leing such a per centage, and this same perversity of nature being reducible to a law, seemed to us to rank it like lunacy, among the inscrutable decrees of the All-Wise, and thus to temper our indigna¬ tion with pity. Then we could not help thinking of the tearful homes that these wretched people had left outside their prison walls, for, hardened as we may fancy them, they and theirs are marked by the same love of kindred as ourselves—such love, indeed, being often the only channel left open to their heart ; and, moreover, how sorely, in punishing the guilty, we are compelled to punish the innocent also.* We were suddenly aroused from our reverie by the scream of the early goods' train, and presently the long line of railway wagons came rattling and rumbling across the viaduct over the street, the clouds of steam firom the engine seeming almost an iron gray colour in the darkness. The next minute we were at the Model Prison, Pentonvüle ; but as the warders were not yet assembled outside the gate, and we saw bright lines of light shining through the cracks over and under the door of one of the neighbouring shops, we made bold to knock and claim a short shelter there. • As a proof that no " morbid sentimentality" gave rise to the above remarks, we will quote the following letter as one among many that it is our lot to receive " March 24tb, 1856. " Sm,—An anxious mother, who has an unfortunate son now about to be liberated from the convict prison, Portsmouth, is very desirous of obtaining an interview with you on his behalf, and would feel truly grateful for such a favom.—From your must obedient and humble servant, "A. S." Here is another illustration of the fact, that one guilty man's misery involves that of many innocent people :— " March 19th, 1845. " Sib,—am a poor, unfortunate, characterless man, who have returned from jail, with a desire to earn an honest living for the future, and I make bold to write to you, begging your kind assistance in my present distress. " I left the House of Correction on "Wednesday last, 12th inst., after an incarceration of six calendar months, to which I was sentenced for obtaining money by means of representing myself as a solicitor, and to which offence I pleaded guilty. My prosecutors, finding that I was induced to commit myself through poverty, would gladly have withdrawn from the case, but could not, being bound over. " Coming home, I found a wife and five children depending upon me for support—the parish having at once stopped the relief, and the army work (at which they earned a few shillings) having fallen off alto¬ gether ; therefore I am in a most distressed position, not having clothes out of pledge to go after employ¬ ment in, or I doubt not but that I could get employment, as I have a Mend who would become surety for me in a situation. " If, therefore, you can render me any assistance, you will indeed confer a favour on. Sir, your very obedient servant, <'J. B." 124 THE GREAT WORLD OF LONDON. It happened to be a coffee-shop. We found the little room in a thick fog of smoke from the newly-lighted fire, and the proprietor busy making the morning's supply of the " best Mocha "—possible, at a penny a cup. We had not long to wait, for presently the shopkeeper apprised us that the warders were beginning to assemble ; and truly, on reaching the gateway once more, we found a group of some two dozen officers waiting to be admitted to the prison. Presently the outer door was opened, when the warders passed into the court-yard and stood upon the broad flight of steps, in a group round the glass door leading to the entrance- hall. Here they reckoned among themselves as to whether they were all assembled, and fiinding that one or two were wanting, the rest looked up at the clock and said, " Oh, it wants five minutes to the quarter yet." " They are safe to be here," said one to us, privately ; " for there's a heavy fine if a man isn't true to his time." Sure enough, the next moment the two missing warders entered the yard, and the glass door being opened, we all proceeded, in company with one of the principal warders—marked by the gold lace band round his cap— into a smaU room on the left-liand side of the passage. " The chief warder sleeps here, sir," said the officer whom the governor had kindly directed to attend us through the day, and to instruct us upon all the details of the prison. There was no sign of bed in the room, and the only indication we had that the chief officer had passed the night in the building was, that he was in the act of slipping on his coat as we entered the apartment. A large iron safe, let into the wall of this room, was now unlocked, and a covered tray, or drawer, that was not unlike an immense wooden portable desk, was withdrawn and carried into the lobby, while the contents jangled so loudly with the motion, that it was not difficult to surmise that in it the officers' keys were kept. Here it was placed upon a chair, and, when opened, revealed some twenty-eight bunches of large keys hanging upon as many different hooks. These were distributed by one of the principal warders to the several officers throughout the building, and this done, we were once more conducted into the interior of the prison, where we found the gas stiU burning in the corridors and the lights shining on the polished asphalte floors, in long luminous lines, like the lamps in the streets reflected upon the pave¬ ment on a wet night. The blue light of early dawn was now just beginning to show through the skylights of the long arcades, but hardly had we noticed the cold azure look of the coming day, contrasting, as it did, with the warm yeUow light of the gas within, than the corridors began to hum again with the booming of the clock-tower bell, ringing, as usual, at half-past five, to call the officials. We walked with the warder down the several corridors, and, as we did so, the officers on duty proceeded to carry the bread and cocoa round to the prisoners who were about to leave that morning for the public works at Portsmouth. And then the halls rang, now with the rattling of the trucks on which the breakfast was being wheeled from cell to ceU, and now with the opening and shutting of the little trap in each cell-door, through which the food was given to the prisoner within ; the rapid succession of the noises teUing you how briskly and dexterously the work was done. "You see those clothes, and tables, and chairs outside the ceR-doors, there?" said the warder, as he led us along the corridors; " they belong to men who have attempted to break out of other prisons, so we leave them nothing but their bed and bare walls for the night. Now there, at that door, you perceive, are merely the clothes, and shoes, and tools of the prisoner within ; he's one of the bricklayers who has worked out in the grounds, so we trust such as him with nothing but the flannel drawers they sleep in from nine at night tül six in the morning. Oh, yes, sir ! we are obliged to be very particular here, for the men have PEJÎîTOirVILLE PEISON. 125 tools given them to work with, and therefore we make them put all such articles outside their cell-doors just before they go to bed ; but when a man is a notorionsly desperate prison- breaker, we don't even allow him so much as a tin can for his soup, for we know that, if we did so, he would probably convert the wire round the rim into a pick-lock, to open his door Yes, sir, convicts are mostly very ingenious at such things." By this time we had reached the end of the ward, where stood a small counting-house¬ like desk, partitioned off from the other part of the corridor. " This is the warders' ofiice," our informant continued, " and the clock you see there, in front of it, is the 'tell-tale.' There is one such in each ward. It has, you observe, a number of pegs, one at every quarter of an hour, projecting like cogs from round the edge of the dial- plate, which is here made to revolve instead of the hands. At the side, you perceive, there's a string for pulling down the small metal tongue that stands just over the top peg, and the consequence is, that unless the oflcer who is on duty in the night comes here on his rounds precisely at the moment when that top peg should be pushed down, it will have passed from under the tongue, and stand up as a register of neglect of duty against him. There are a number of these clocks throughout the prison, and the warders have to pull some of the pegs at the quarters, some at the half-hours, and others at the hours. They are all set by the large time-piece in the centre, and so as just to allow the ofdcer to go from one ward to the other." " If a man's bell rings in the night ? " asked we. " Why," was the ready answer, "the trap of his ceU-door is let down, and the ofilcer on duty thrusts in a bull's-eye lantern so as to see what is the matter ; the prisoner makes his complaint, and, if sick, the chief warder is called, who orders, if he thinks it necessary, the infirmary warder to come to him. There are four warders on duty every night, from ten till six the next morning, and each of the four has to keep two hours' watch." *#* Be^wrtwre of Convicts.—Scarcely had our attendant finished his account of the night duties, when a large town-crier's beU clattered through the building. This was the quarter- to-six summons to wake the prisoners; and, five minutes afterwards, the bell was rung again to call the officers a second time. The chief warder now took up his station in the centre corridor, and saying to the ofdcer near him, "Turn down! " the big brass beU once more rattled in the ears, whereupon a stream of brown-clad convicts cáhie pouring from out their cells, and marched at a rapid pace along the northern corridor (A) towards the centre of the building. These were some of the prisoners who were about to leave for the public works at Portsmouth. The smiles upon their faces said as much. "Pall in !" cried the chief warder, and in a moment the whole of the men drew them¬ selves up, like soldiers, in a line across the centre corridor, each holding his registry-card close up at his breast ; but now the deep cloth peaks to their prison caps were bent up, and no longer served as a mask to the face. Hardly was this over before another brown gang of prisoners hastened from the southern corridor (D), and drew themselves briskly up in the rear of the others. Then the chief warder proceeded to call over the registered number and name of each convict, whilst one of the principals stood by to check the card as the name was cried out and directly this was finished, the gang was made to "face" and march, through the glass doors, into the entrance hall. Here they were drawn up on one side of flie passage ; then an oflicer cried, in a military tone, " Tum up your right-hand cuflFs, aU of you !" and thereupon the warders proceeded to fasten round each of their wrists one of the bright steel handcuffs that were ranged upon a little table in the lobby. This done, a stout steel chain was reaved through each of the eyelet 9 126 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOHDOH. holes attached to the cuffs, and some ten or a dozen of the prisoners thus strung together. When the first detachment was chained to each other, another half-score went through the same operation, whilst the previous string of prisoners moved down towards the end of the passage, each pulhng a different way, like coupled hounds, and the chain grating as they dragged one another along. We followed the wretched fellows to the door, to watch the expression of their faces when they beheld the three omnibuses waiting in the court-yard to carry them to the Terminus of the South-Western Railway. As the men stood ranged along the passage beside the doorway, many of them craned their necks forward to get a peep at the vehicles without, smiling again as they beheld them. "Yes, sir, they like it well enough," said our attendant, who was still at our elbow ; "it's a great change for them—a great change—after being nine months in one place." " Are you pleased to go away, my man ?" said we, to the one nearest the door. " Oh, yes!" replied he, in a country accent. He had been convicted of sheep-stealing, and the agricultural class of convicts, the prison authorities all agree, is the best disposed of the men who come under their charge. As the prisoner spake the words, we could see his very eyes twinkle again at the prospect of another peep at the fields. "What have you got there?" cried an officer, in a commanding tone, to one of the gang, who had a bundle of something tied in a handkerchief. " They're books, sir; hymn-books and tracts that the chaplain has allowed me to have," replied the prisoner in a meek tone. " That man yonder," whispered a warder to us, " two off from the one with the books, has passed thirty-eight years of his life in prison, and he's only forty-seven years old." " Remember, men," said the chief warder, addressing the prisoners before they passed into the court-yard, " the officer who goes with you has power to speak well of you ; and the first thing that wiU be asked of him at Portsmouth will be, ' How have the men behaved on the way down ?' So do you aU take care and have a good character from him, for it WÜ1 serve you where you 're going." " How, warder Corrie 1" the chief officer adds to the warder on duty ; and instantly the doors are unlocked, and the three strings of prisoners are let out into the court-yard, one after the other—the foremost man of each dragging at the chain to puU. the others after him, and those in the rear holding back so as to prevent their wrists being suddenly jerked for¬ wards, while the iron links almost crackle again as they reave to and fro. The omnibuses waiting in the court-yard were the ordinary public vehicles, such as one sees, every day, streaming through the streets to the Bank ; and perched high on the little coach-box sat the usual seedy and would-be " fast "-looking driver, whilst beside the door, instead of the customary placard of " 6d. all the way," was pasted on each carriage a large sheet of paper, inscribed either 1, 2, or 3, for the occasion. The prisoners went scrambling up the steps of the vehicles, dragging at the chain as before, whUe the officers in attendance cried to those who hung back to keep off the strain— "Come, move on there behind—wiU you?" "When the omnibuses were fiUed with their ten or twelve prisoners, an officer entered each, and seated himself near the doorway, whereupon the chief warder proceeded to the steps of the vehicles one after another, and asked—" How, warder, how many men have you got ?" " Ten !" was shouted, in reply, from the interior of one carriage, and " Twelve !" from another. After which one of the principal warders—distinguished by the gold-lace band round his cap—^mounted the box of the first, and sat down beside the driver. " He goes with them, sir, to clear the bridges," whispered our attendant ; and scarcely had he spoken the words before there was a cry of " All right !—go on !" and instantly the huge, massive gates that open out upon the stately porch in front of the prison were thrown back, and we could see the light of early morning glittering through the squai-es of the port- PEIÍTONVILLE PBISOIÍ'. 127 cuHis without. Then the stones clattered with the patter of the iron hoofs and rumhle of the wheels ; and one conld observe the heads of the prisoners aU in motion within the vehicle —some looking through the doorway hack upon the prison, and others peeping thrpugh the windows at the comparatively new scene outside the walls. And, it must be confessed, there was not one tearful eye to be noted among that unfortunate convict troop ; on the contrary, every cheek was puckered with smiles at the sense that they were bidding adieu to the place of their long isolation from the world. We would cheerfully, had it been possible, have travelled with the prisoners to their destination at Portsmouth ; for, to the student of human nature, it would have been a high lesson to have seen the sudden delight beam in every face as the omnibus passed by some familiar scene, or, may-be, the dwellings of their friends or kindred, by the way; and, as the railway train darted with them through the country, to have watched the various emotions play in their countenances as they beheld once more the green fields, and river, and the hills and woods, and envied, perhaps, the very sheep and cattle grazing at liberty upon the plains. " Still," said we to ourselves, as we mused mournfully after the departure of the convict vehicles, " the reality doubtlessly would be whoUy unlike our preconceptions of the scene for with such men as those we had watched away there is often a mere vacuity of mind—a kind of waiting dreaminess—a mental and moral anaesthesia, as it were, that renders them insen¬ sible to the more delicate impressions of human nature, so that the beauties of the outer, and indeed inner, world are almost wasted upon them, and it becomes half sentimentalism to imagine that their duller brains would be moved in the same manner as oTir own. Neverthe¬ less, we must not, on the other hand, believe this class of people to be utterly callous to every tender tie, or indeed the ruder physical pleasures of external life. We ourselves have seen a body of such beings melted to tears as the chaplain touched feelingly upon their separa¬ tion from their families ; and they would be little removed from polypes—mere living stomachs—^if after nine long months' entombment, as it were, in separate cells, they did not feel, upon going back into the world of light and colour, almost the same strange thrill tingling through their veins as moved Lazarus himself when summoned by the trumpet- tongue of Christ from out his very grave. Some there are, however, who think and speak of these wretched men as very dogs— creatures fit only, as one of our modem philosophers has preached, to be shot down and swept into the dust-bin. But surely even he who has seen a dog, after it has been chained night and day close to its kennel, and rendered dangerously furious by the continual chafing of its collar, burst off with a spasmodic energy in every limb directly it was let loose, and go bounding along and springing into the air, as it wheeled round and round, gasping and panting the while, as if it could not sufi&ciently feel and taste the exquisite delight of its freedom—he who, we say, has watched such a scene, must have possessed a nature as caUous even as the wretched convicts themselves, could he have witnessed them pass out of those prison gates into the outward world without feeling the hot tears stinging his eyes, and without uttering in his heart a faint " God speed you." How is it possible for you, or ourselves, reader, to make out to our imaginations the terrors of separate confinement ? How can we, whose lives are blessed with continual liberty, and upon whose will there is scarcely any restraint—^we, who can live among those we love, and move where we list—we, to whom the wide world, with its infinite beauties of sunshine and tint, and form, and air, and odour, and even soimd, are a perpetual fountain of health and joy; how, we say, can we possibly comprehend what intense misery it is to be cut off from aU such enjoyments—to have our lives hemmed in by fotir white bbgnV vraUs—to see no faces but those of task-masters—to hear no voice but that of commanding officers—^to be denied all exercise of will whatever—and to be converted into mere living automata, forced to do the bidding of others ? 9' 128 THE GEEAT WOELD OE LOHDON. If you have ever lain on a sick-hed, day after day and week after week, till you knew every speck and tiny crack of the walls that surrounded you—^if you have seen the golden lustre of the spring sun shining without, and heard the voices of the birds teUing their love of liberty in a very spasm, as it were, of melody, and then felt the unquenchable thirst that comes upon the soul to be out in the open air ; and if you remember the grateful joy you have experienced at such times to have friends and relations near you to comfort and reKeve your sufferings, not only by their love and care, but by reading to you the thoughts or fancies of the wisest and kindest minds, then you may perhaps be able to appreciate the subtle agony that must be endured by men in separate confinement—^men, too, who are perhaps the most self- wüled of all God's creatures, and consequently likely to feel any restraint tenfold more irksome than we ; and men whose untutored minds are incapable of knowing the charms of intellectual culture or occupation; and who, therefore, can only fret and chafe under their terrible imprison¬ ment, even as the tameless hyaena may be seen at the beast-garden for ever fretting and chafing in its cage. Cleaning the Frison.—It was now only six o'clock, and as we returned from the court-yard to the corridors, we heard the chief warder cry, "Unlock!" and instantly the ofldcers attached to the different wards proceeded to pass rapidly from cell-door to cell-door, with their keys in their hands, turning the locks as they went, and the noise resounding throughout the long and echoing corridors like the click of so many musket-triggers. Then the doors began to bang, and the metal pail-handles to jangle, till the very prison seemed suddenly roused out of its silent sleep into busy life. As we passed up and down the wards, we saw the prisoners in their flannel drawers come to the door to take in their clothes, and the tub to wash their ceE ; and, on glancing in at the doorway, we caught sight of the long, narrow hammock slimg across the cell, just above the ground, and the dark frame of the loom showing at the back. The next moment a stream of some dozen or two prisoners poured from the cells, carrying their coats on their arms, and drew themselves up in two files across the centre corridor. Then we heard the warder cry, "Cleaners, face !—Cooks, face !—^Bakers, face !" whereupon the men wheeled round with almost military precision, and retired, some to wash the entrance passages and offices, others to help in the kitchen, and others in the bakehouse. By this time (ten minutes past six), the prison was aU alive, and humming like a hive with the activity of its inmates. Some of the convicts, clad in their suits of mud-brown cloth, were out in the long corridors sweeping the black asphalte pavement till it glistened again as if polished with black-lead. Others, in the narrow galleries above, were on their knees washing the flags of slate that now grew blue-black around .them with the water ; others, again, in the centre corridor, were hearthstoning the steps, and making them as white as slabs of biscuit-chma ; and others, too, in their cells, cleaning the floors and furniture there. A warder stood watching the work on each of the little mid-air bridges that connect the opposite storeys of every corridor, whilst other officers were distributed through¬ out the building, so as to command the best points for observing the movements of the prisoners. Our attendant led us to an elevated part of the building, so that we might have a bird's- eye view of the scene ; and assuredly it was a strange sight to look down upon the long arcade¬ like corridors, that were now half-fogged with the cloud of dust rising from the sweepers' brooms, and witness the bustle and life of that place, which on our entrance seemed as stiU as so many cloisters ; while the commingling of the many different sounds—^the rattling of pails, the ban^g of doors, the scouring of the stones, the rumbling of trucks, the tramping of feet up the metal stairs, aU echoing through the long tunnels—added greatly to the peculiarity of the scene. " Ah, sir," said our attendant warder, " everything is done with great precision here ; PENTONVILLE PEISOIf. 129 there's just so many minutes allowed for each part of the work. You will notice, sir, that it will take from twelve minutes to a quarter of an hour to wash either side of the building ; and directly the clock comes to twenty-five minutes past six, we shall begin to unlock the opposite side of the corridors to that where the men are now at work—when a new set of cleaners will comè out, and the present ones retire into their cells. This is done to prevent communication, which would be almost sure to take place if the men worked on opposite sides of the galleries at the same time. For the cleaning," continued our communicative friend, " each gallery contributes five men to each side, or ten in all, and each ward gives one man to the Centre corridor, and each corridor four men for sweeping below." The officer now drew our attention to the fact that the hands of the clock were pointing to the time he had mentioned, and that the men who had been at work along one side of the galleries had all finished, and withdrawn. Then began the same succession of noises— like the clicking, as we have said, of so many musket-triggers—indicating the unlocking of the opposite cells ; and we could see, whence we stood, the officers hastening along the corridors, unfastening each door, as they went, with greater rapidity than even lamplighters travel from lamp to lamp along a street; and immediately afterwards we beheld a fresh batch of cleaners come out into each gallery, and the sweepers below cross over and begin working iinder them, whilst the same noises resoimded through the building as before. A few moments after this the big brass hand-bell clattered once more through the building. This was the half-past six o'clock summons for the prisoners to commence work in their cells, and soon afterwards we saw the " trade instructors" going round the several wards, to see that the men had sufficient materials for their labour ; whilst, in a few minutes, the lower wards echoed with the rattling of the looms, and we_could hear the prolonged tapping of the shoemakers up above, hammering away at the leather, so that now the building assumed the busy aspect of a large factory, giving forth the same half-bewüdering noise of work and machinery. The next part of the cleansing operations was the gathering the dust from the cells, and this was performed as rapidly and dexterously as the other processes. A convict, carrying a large wicker basket lined with tin (such as is ordinarily used for dinner plates), went before one of the officers, who held a dust-pan in his hand, and as the warder rmlocked each cell- door on his round, and thrust his pan within, the prisoner in the cell emptied the dust, which he had ready collected, into the officer's pan, closing the door immediately afterwards, whilst the convict bearing the basket stood a few paces in advance of the warder, so as to receive the contents of his pan when filled. This process was performed more rapidly than it can be told, and so quickly, indeed, that though we walked by the side of the officer, -y^e had hardly to halt by the way, and as we went the corridor rang again with the twanging of the prisoners' dust-pans, thrown, as they were emptied, one after another, out of their cells. On our return from watching the last-mentioned operation, we found the corridors almost empty again—the cleaners having finished their work, and retired to their cells, and the bmlding being comparatively quiet. It was, however, but a temporary lull ; for a few moments after, the seven o'clock beU rang, and this was the signal for " double-locking," whereupon the same trigger-like noise pervaded every part of the building. "Each cell-door, you see, sir, is always on the single lock," said our guide; "but before the warders go to breakfast (aud the last bell was the signal for their doing so), the prisoners' doors and every outlet to the building is 'double-shotted' for the sake of security." Scarcely had our attendant communicated the intelligence to us before the work was done, and the warders came thronging to the spiral staircase, and went twisting round and round, one after another, as they descended to their breakfast in the mess-room below. *#* The Prmn Breakfast.—From seven to half-past the corridors of Pentonville Prison 130 THE GEEAT "WOELD OF LONDON. are as deserted as Burlington Arcade on a Sunday, and nothing is heard the -while but the clacking of the prisoners' looms, and the tapping of the convict-shoemakers' hammers, and occasionally the sharp " ting-ng-ng!" of the gong iu connection-with the cells, for sum¬ moning the solitary warder left in attendance. "If you like, sir, we wiU now go helow to the kitchen and bakehouse," said the officer, who still remained at our side, " and see them preparing the breakfast for the prisoners." Accordingly, we descended the spiral staircase into the basement ; and after traversing sundry passages, we knew, by the peculiar smeU of bread pervading the place, that we had entered the bakery. There was but little distinctive about this part of the prison ; for we found the samo heap of dusty white-looking sacks, and the same lot of men, -with the flour, like hair-powder, clinging to their eyebrows and whiskers (four of these were prisoners, and the other a free man—" the master baker " placed over them), as usually characterises such a place. It was, however, inflnitely cleaner than aU ordinary bakehouses ; neither were the men slip-shod and -without stockings, nor had they the appearance of walking plaster-casts, like the generality of journeymen bakers when at work. Here we leamt that the bread of the prison was unfermented, owing to the impossibility of working " the sponge " there during the night ; and of course we were invited to taste a bit. It was really what would have been considered " cake " in some continental states ; indeed, a German servant, to whom we gave a piece of the prison loaf, was absolutely amazed at the English prodigality, and crying, " Wunder-schön!" assured us that the "König von Preussen" himself hardly ate better stuff. From the bakery we passed to the kitchen, where the floor was Hke a newly-cleaned bird-cage, with its layer of fresh sand that cnmched, as garden walks are wont to do, beneath the feet. Here was a strong odour of the steaming cocoa that one of the assistant cooks (a prisoner) was busy serving, out of huge bright coppers, into large tin pails, like milk-cans. The master cook was in the ordinary white jacket and cap, and the assistants had white aprons over their bro-wn con-vdct trowsers, so that it would have been hard to have told that any were prisoners there. The allowance for breakfast " is ten ounces of bread," said the master cook to us, " and three-quarters of a pint of cocoa, made -with three-quarters of an ounce of the solid flake, and flavoured -with two ounces of pure milk and six drachms of molasses. Please to taste a little of the cocoa, sir. It's such as you'd find it difficult to get outside, I can assure you ; for the berries are ground on the premises by the steam-engine, and so we can vouch for its being perfectly pure." It struck us as strange evidence of the " civilization " of our time, that a person must— in these days of "lie-tea," and chicory-mocha, and alumed bread, and brain-thickened milk, and watered butter—really go to prison to live upon unadulterated food. The best porter we ever drank was at a parish union—^for the British pauper alone can enjoy the decoction of veritable malt and hops ; and certainly the most genuine cocoa we ever sipped was at this same Model Prison, for not only was it made of the -unsophisticated berries, but -with the very purest water, too—^water, not of the slushy Thames, but which had been raised from an artesian well several hundred feet below the surface, expressly for the use of these same convicts. "For dinner," continued the cook, "the rations are—^half a pint of good soup, four ounces of meat every day—beef and mutton alternately—without bone, and which is equal to about half a pound of uncooked meat -with an ordinary quantity of bone ; besides this there are five ounces of bread and one pound of potatoes for each man, except those working in association, who have two pounds. For supper every prisoner gets a pint of gruel, made •with an oimce and a half of meal, and sweetened with six drachms of molasses, together -with five more ounces of bread, so that each convict has twenty ounces of bread throughout the day. PEITTONVILLE PEISOîi. 131 "Yonder are some of the ten-ounce loaves, that are just going to be served out for break¬ fast," added the cook ; and, as he said the words, he pointed to a slab of miniature half- quarterns, that looked not unlike a block of small paving-stones cemented together. "Any¬ thing additional," continued the cook, " is ordered by the medical officer. There you see, sir,'that free man yonder has just brought in some extras; they're for a prisoner in the infirmary. It's two ounces of butter, you observe, and an egg. "Yes, sir, that's my slate," added the man, as he saw us looking up at a long black board that was nailed against the wall in the serving-room, and inscribed with the letters and figures of the several wards of the prison, together with various hieroglyphics that needed the cook himself to interpret. " On that board I chalk up," he proceeded, " the number of prisoners in each ward, so as to know what rations I have to serve. The letter K there, underneath the figures, signifies that one man out of that particular ward is at work in the kitchen, and B, that one prisoner is employed in the bakehouse. That mark up there stands for an extra loaf to be sent up to the ward it's placed under, and these dots here for two extra meats ; whilst yonder sign is to tell me that there is one man out of that part of the building gone into the infirmaiy. Yes, sir, we let the infirmary prisoners have just whatever the medical officer pleases to order—jeUy, or fish, or indeed chicken if required." "We then inquired what was the diet for men under punishment. ""Why, sir," answered the cook, "the punishment allowance is sixteen ounces of bread per diem, and nothing else except water. You see I am just going to cut up the rations for the three prisoners in the refractory wards to-day ; and so I take one of these twenty-ounce loaves, and cut it into three, and let the prisoner have the benefit of the trifling excess, for six oulltes for breakfast, five for dinner, and five for supper, is aU he's entitled to." "How much," said we, " will a prisoner lose in weight upon such diet ?" " Why, I have known men to come out as much as four or five pounds lighter after three days of it, ' ' replied the cook ; " but there's a register book upstairs that will tell you exactly, sir.* "When a man is under long punishment," continued the cook, " for instance, when he has got twenty-eight days, he has full rations every fourth day, and is then foimd to gain flesh upon the food." " I have known some prisoners come out as much as three poimds lighter than when they were first locked up," chimed in the warder; " though it depends mainly upon the temper * "We were afterwards favoured with a sight of the above-named .register, from which we made the following extracts as to the weights of the men before being placed upon punishment diet, and at the expira¬ tion of the sentence :— Ilegistered Number of Prisoners placed in Weight of Prisoner. Weight of Prisoner. Number of Days Average Loss of dark cell on on going in. on coming out. under Punishment. Weight per Diem. Punishment Diet. 6,216 9 St. 2 lbs. 8 st. 13 lbs. 3 days. lib. 6,257 9 St. 2 lbs. 8 st. 11 lbs. 2 „ 2èlbs. 6,419 12 St. list. 11 lbs. 1 „ 3 lbs. 6,257 9 St. Not yet out of dark ecll. 6 „ The above table indicates that the main loss of weight occurs upon the first day—the severity of the punishment doubtlessly affecting the body through the mind less intensely after the first twenty-four hours. "We, at the same time, were allowed to inspect the sick report for the day of our visit, appended to which were the following recommendations of the medical ofBcer :— " 6,144, A I, 15, to have one pint of arrowroot and five ounces of bread for dinner per diem, and to keen ceU. ^ " 6,277, D I, 23, to have cocoa for supper instead of gruel. " 6,076, A III, 27, to go to the mfirmary." Others were to be off trade, othefs to keep their cell. " If the doctor suspects a man to be scheming," whispered the warder to us, as we glanced over the sick report, " he puts him on low diet ; and that soon brings him to, especially when he's kept off his meat and potatoes." 132 THE GREAT WORLD OE LOHDOH. of the men, for if they fret much over their punishment they lose the more in weight; and we know by that whether the punishment has worked upon them or not." "Yes, sir," said the cook, "there are few persons that can hold out against short commons ; the beUy can tame every man. How there's that man in A 3, he declared that no mortal thing should pass his lips, and that he meant to starve himself to death ; that was the day before yesterday, but last night he was forced to give in, and take his gruel. Ah, sir, it takes stronger-minded men than they are to hold out against the cravings of the stomach. Just dock a prisoner's food, and it hurts him more than any ' cat' that could be laid across his back." It was nearly half-past seven, and the warders were beginning to ascend the spiral stair¬ case from below, and the corridors to rumble with the rolling of the trucks along the pavement, and that of the "food-carriages" along the tops of the gallery railings, in prepa¬ ration for the serving of the prisoners' breakfast. At the time of our visit there were nearly three hundred and seventy convicts in the prison, and the warder had told us that the rations were distributed to the whole of these men in about eight minutes. We had seen sufficient of the admirable regulations of this prison to satisfy us that if the enormous building could be cleansed from end to end, and that in a manner surpassing all private establishments, in little more than half an hour, it was quite possible to accomplish the distribution of nearly four himdred breakfasts in less than ten minutes. Still we could not help wondering by what division of labour the task was to be achieved, especially when it is remembered that each of the four corridors is as long as an arcade, and as high as the nave of a large church, having double galleries one above the other. While we were speculating as to the process, the brass hand-beU was rung on« more, to annormce that the prisoners' breakfast hour (half-past seven) had arrived ; and the beU had scarcely ceased pealing before the two oaken flaps let into the black asphalte pavement at the comers of the central hall, so that each stood between two of the four corridors, raised themselves as if by magic, and there ascended from below, through either flap, a tray laden with four large cans of cocoa, and two baskets of bread. These trays were raised by means of a " lifting machine," the bright iron rods of which stretched from the bottom to the top of the building, and served as guides for the friction-rollers of the trays. Ho sooner were the cans and bread-baskets brought up from below, than a couple of warders and trade instmctors, two to either of the adjoining corridors, seized each half the quantity, and placing it on the tracks that stood ready by the flaps, away the warder and instructor went, the one wheeling the barrow of cocoa along the side of the corridor, and the other hastening to open the small trap in each cell-door as he served the men with the bread. This is done almost as rapidly as walking, for no sooner does the trade-instructor apply his key to the ceU-door than the little trap faUs down and forms a kind of ledge, on which the officer may place the loaf, and the prisoner at the same time deposit his mug for the cocoa. This mug the warder who wheels the cocoa truck fills with the beverage, ladling it out as milkmen do the contents of thefr pails, and, when full, he thrusts the mug back through the aperture in the cell-door, and closes the trap with a slam. The process goes on in each ground-floor of the four corridors at one and the same time, and scarcely has it commenced before the bell of the lifting apparatus tinkles, and the emptied tray descends and brings up another load of steaming cans and bread. But these are now carried up to the galleries of the first floor, and there being received by the warders as before, the contents are placed upon the food-carriages, which are not unlike the smaU vehicles on tram-roads, and reach from side to side of each arcade, tíie top of the iron balcony to the galleries serving as rails for the carriage wheels to travel along. The distribution here goes on in the same rapid manner as below, and while this is taking place the lifting bell tinkles again, and the trays having descended once more, up they THE CHAPEL, ON THE " SEPARATE SYSTEM," IN PENTONVILLE PRISON, DURING DIVINE SERVICE. PENTONYILLE PEISOE". 135 come a third time laden with a fresh supply of food, which now mounts to the upper floor, and being there received in the same manner as previously, is immediately distributed by means of the same kind of food-carriages throughout the upper ward. The sound of the rumbling of the trucks and food-carriages as the wheels travel along the pavement and the rails, the tinkling of the bell of the lifting apparatus, and the rapid succession of reports made by the slamming of the traps of the 360 cell-doors, are all neces¬ sary in order to give the reader a vivid sense of the rapidity of the distribution—which is assuredly about as curious and busy a process as one can well witness, every portion of the duty being conducted with such ease, and yet with such marvellous despatch, that there is hardly a finer instance of the feats that can be accomplished by the division of labour than this same serving of nearly 400 breakfasts in less than ten minutes. The Refractory Wards ardRrism Punishments.—A few moments after the above busy scene has come to an end, the prison is as still and quiet as the City on the Sabbath. The warders have nearly all gone below to " clean themselves," the looms have ceased clacking, and the shoemakers tapping, and even the gong in connection with the cells is no longer heard to sound in the corridors. For a time one would fancy the whole prison was asleep again. Presently, however, the glass doors at the end of the passage are thrown open, and the governor enters with his keys in his hand. Then one of the warders who remains on duty hurries on before him, crying, " Govemor-r-r ! Govemor-r-r ! Governor-r-r !" as he opens each of the ceU-doors. The chief prison authority walks past the several cells, saying, as he goes, " AU right !—aU right !" to each prisoner, who stands ready drawn up at the door, as stiff as a soldier in his sentry-box, with his hand raised, by way of salute, to the side of his cap ; whilst no sooner have the words been spoken than the door is closed again, and the building echoes with the concussion. This done, the governor proceeds to visit the refractory ceUs ; but before accompanying him thither, let us prepare the reader with an idea of the nature of such places. The refractory, or, as they are sometimes caUed, " dark ceUs," are situate in the basement of corridor C. It was mid-day when we first visited these apartments at PentonviUe. "Light a lantern, "Wood," said the chief warder to one of the subordinate officers, " so that this gentleman may look at the dark ceUs." The lamp lighted at noon gave us a notion of what we were to expect, and yet it was a poor conception of what we saw. Descending a smaU flight of stairs, we came to a narrow passage, hardly as wide as the area before second-rate houses ; and here was a line of black doors, not unlike the entrances to the front cellars of such houses. These were the refractory ceUs. The officer who accompanied us threw back one of the doors, which turned as heavily on its hinges, and gave forth the same hoUow sound, as the massive door of an iron safe. The interior which it revealed was absolutely and literaUy "pitch dark." Hot a thing was visible in the ceU ; and so utterly black did it look within, that we could not believe but that there was another door between us and the interior. The officer, however, introduced his lantern, and then we could see the rays diverging from the buU's-eye, and streaking the darkness with a bright, luminous mist, as we have aU seen a sunbeam stripe the dusky atmosphere of some cathedral. The light from the lantern fell in a bright, Jack-a-dandy-like patch upon the white walls, and we then discovered, as the warder flickered the rays into the several comers of the «hamber, that the refractory cell was about the size of the other ceUs in which the men lived, but that it was utterly bare of aU furniture, excepting, in one corner, a smaU raised bench, with a sloping head-piece, that was like a wooden mattress, placed upon the ground. This, we were told, was, with a mg for covering, the only bed aUowed. " "Would you hke to step inside," asked the warder, " and see how dark it is when the door is closed?" 136 THÏ) GEEAT WOELD OF LONDON. We entered the terrible place with a shudder, for there is something intensely horrible in absolute darkness to all minds, confess it or not as they may j and as the warder shut the door upon us—and we felt the cell walls shake and moan again, like a tomb, as he did so —the utter darkness was, as Milton sublimely says—"visible" The eyes not only saw, but felt the absolute negation of their sense in such a place. Let them strain their utmost, not one luminous chink or crack could the sight detect. Indeed, the very air seemed as imper¬ vious to vision as so much black marble, and the body seemed to be positively encompassed with the blackness, as if it were buried alive, deep down in the earth itself. Though we remained several minutes in the hope that we should shortly gain the use of our eyes, and begin to make out, in the thick dusk, bit after bit of the apartment, the darkness was at the end of the time quite as impenetrable as at first, so that the continual straining of the eye¬ balls, and taxing of the brains, in order to get them to do their wonted duty, soon produced a sense of mental fatigue, that we coidd readily understand would end in conjuring up aU kinds of terrible apparitions to the mind. " Have you had enough, sir ?" inquired the warder to us, as he re-opened the door, and whisked the light of his lantern in our eyes. An owl, suddenly roused from its sleep in the daylight, could not have been more dazzled and bewildered with the glitter of the rays than we. The light was now as blinding to us as had been the darkness itself, and such was the dilatation of the pupils that we had to rub our eyes, hke one newly waked from sleep, before we eould distinguish anything on leaving the place ; and when we mounted the steps and entered the corridor once more, the air had the same blue tint to us as that of early morning. "Well, sir, I think," said the warder, in answer to our question as to how many intraet- ables the prison eontained, " we have altogether about three or four per cent, of refractory people here, and they are mostly the boys and second probation men, as we caE them. Separate confinement in Pentonville Prison for nine months now constitutes the first or probationary stage to the convict ; and then he is transferred to the public works, either at Woolwich, or Portsmouth, or Portland, as the case may be, which forms the second stage. But if the man won't conform to discipline at the public works, why then he is sent back to us again, and such people constitute what we call ' second probation men.' Some of them are very difficult to deal with, I can assure you, sir. The Glasgow boys in the prison are perhaps the worst class of aU. I can hardly say what is the reason of fheir being so bad. I don't think it is the lax discipline of the Glasgow prison ; but the race, you see, is half Scotch and half Irish, and that is a very bad mixture, to my mind. On the other hand, the sheep-stealers and the convicts who have been farm-labourers are about the easiest managed of aU the prisoners here. Then, what we eaU the first-class men, such as those who have been well educated, like the clerks, and forgers, and embezzlers, and so forth, give us Uttle or no trouble ; and, generaUy speaking, the old jail-birds faU into the discipline very weU, for they know it is no use knocking their head against the waU. The boys, however, who come here for the first time, are sad, troublesome feUows, and wiU stand an awfiil deal of punish¬ ment surely before their temper is broke." We had visited the dark ceUs at six o'clock in the morning of the day which we spent within the prison. At that time there were four prisoners confined in the refiuctory ward, and we found a boy, with an officer in attendance, turned out into the passage to wash himself at the sink, and to fold up the rug he had to cover himself with during the night. He had been sentenced to one day's confinement in the dark ceU, we were told, for communicating in chapel. " Any complaint?" said the warder. "None," was the brief reply. Then the buU's- eye was thrust into the ceU, and the light flirted through every part of the chamber so as to show whether or not any depredations had been committed. The boy gave txs a suUen look PENTOÎTVILLE PßlSOIT. 137 as we passed by bim, and the warder told us, while we mounted the steps, that when the lad had fiudshed washing, another prisoner would be let out to perform the same operation. Some hour and a half after this, during the governor's morning visit, we went once more to the same place. The officer, who preceded the governor, threw open the doors one hy one, crying, "Govemor-r-r ! " as before, and the prisoners stood drawn up at the cell- doors as the others had done. "Please to release me, sir," said the first under punishment, " and I'll promise you I won't do so again." "We never remit any punishment here," was the governor's brief answer; and imme¬ diately the door of the dark cell was closed upon the prisoner once more. The second man had a less dogged and surly expression, and the governor exclaimed, as his quick eye detected the signs of yielding temper in his face, " Oh ! you're coming to your senses are you ? "Well, I am glad to hear it ; and you'll be more careful for the future." The last but one under confinement was " a bad fellow," the governor told us, and was in for six days ; whilst the last of aU had been sent back from the works at Portland as incor¬ rigible. These two were merely inspected, and asked whether all was right ; but not a word was spoken in return by the men, who looked the very picture of bitter suUenness. So the heavy doors closed upon them, and the wretched creatures were again shut up in their living tombs. " Ah ! sir," said one of the warders to us, at a later part of the day, " some of the convicts are ver¡/ difficult to deal with. I remember once we had forty of the worst fellows sent to us here—the forty thieves we used to call them. They were men who had gone the round of the public prisons and the " hulks," and some of them had heen sent back, before their sentences expired, fi-om the public works at Gibraltar. "When they came in, the governor was told that one of the men, who was in chains, was so dangerous that it wouldn't he safe to allow him anything but a wooden spoon to eat with. "Well, sir, the governor spoke to them all, and said if they would only obey orders they should he treated like other men ; but if they would not conform to discipline, why he was prepared to compel them. So he made no more ado but ordered the irons to be took off the most dangerous of them ; and sure enough that man became quite an altered character. However, we didn't like having such people here, I can teU you; for we always expected an attempt would he made to break prison by the lot of them all at once; and whenever many of them were brought together (as in the chapel, for instance), a sufficient number of officers was kept under arms, within call, ready to act in case of need. But, thank goodness, all went well, and the greater part of those very men not only left here with good characters, but merely a few of them had to be punished. But another prisoner, not of the same gang, but a returned convict who had been in Horfolk Island, was much more difficult to manage than even these ; and I remember, after he hg^ been confined in the refractory cell, he swore, on being let out, that he would murder any man who attempted to come down to him there. He had made a spring at the officer near him, and would assuredly have bitten his nose off had the warder not retreated up the stairs, so that the man was down helow all alone, vowing and declaring he would have the life of the first person that tried to get him up. "Well, you see, we knew we could master him directly we had him in the corridor ; but as we couldn't take his life, and he could oitrs, he was more than a match for us down in the refractory ward. Accordingly the governor had to devise some means hy which to get him up stairs without hurting him—and how d'ye fhmk he did it, sir ? "Why, he got some cayenne pepper and burnt it in a fumigating bellows, and then blew the smoke down into the ward where the feUow was. The man stood it for some time; hut, bless you, he was soon glad to surrender, for, as we sent in puff after puff, it set him coughing and sneezing, and rubbing his eyes, and stamping with the pain, as the fumes got not only into his throat and up his nose, but under his eyelids, and made them smart, till the tears ran down his cheeks as if he had been a little child. Then immediately after- 138 THE GREAT WORLD CP LONDOH. wiu'ds we threw ourselves upon him, and effectually secured him against doing any further harm. Oh ! no, sir," added the officer, with a smile and a knowing shake of the head, " he never tried the same game on after that; one dose of cayenne pepper smoke was quite enough for him, I can assure you. " When we first came here," continued our informant, " we used to have some weapons to prevent a prisoner from injuring any of us in his cell ; for, you see, we are obliged to allow the convicts knives and hammers when they are employed as shoemakers, so that they may do their work in their cells. Well, some one or other of the prisoners used occasionally to get furious, and swear that they would stick us with their knives or knock our brains out with their hammers if we dared to come near them, and we could see by their expres¬ sions that they meant it too. But how do you think we used to do in such cases ? Why, one of us used to put on a large shield that was made of basket-work, well stuffed and covered with leather, and almost big enough to screen a person's whole body behind it; and when the officer saw a good opportunity, he would suddenly rush into the cell, thrusting tlie shield right in front of the prisoner, and whilst the fellow was taken aback with this, another officer would dart in, holding a long pole with a large padded crutch like an enormous pitch¬ fork at the end of it ; and thrusting this at the upper part of the prisoner's body, he would pinion him right up against the wall. No sooner, too, would this he done than another officer, bearing a similar crutch, but somewhat smaller, would make a drive at the fellow's legs, and pin these in a like manner ; whilst immediately that was accomplished, the other warders would pour in and overpower the man. We have, however, now done away with all such things, for we find that if a convict is rebellious he is much sooner brought to himself by putting him on low diet than by all the fetters in the world. Only stop his meat and potatoes, as the cook said to you this morning, sir, and he'U soon give in, I warrant." Later in the day we were present when two prisoners, who had been reported for refrac¬ tory conduct, were brought in for examination before the governor in his office. The report- book lay upon the table, and the governor pointed out to us that the offence of the one was refusal to wash the slates and go to chapel, and that of the other wilful disturbance of the congregation in the chapel by clapping his hands. The former of these had been liberated from the dark cell only that morning. He was, comparatively speaking, a mere hoy, and entered the governor's office in a determined manner. But seeing us there he became frightened, mistaking us, we were told, for some awful government authority. So when the governor asked him what he had to say, and whether he admitted the charge, he nodded his head sullenly in assent, and was immediately marched off to the dark cell once more. The next offender was the church-disturber. He was one_ of the Glasgow hoys of whom we have before spoken, and had been sent hack to PentonviUe from Parkhurst. He had ah'eady been punished fom- times before. His face, which was almost flat and broad, was remarkable for the extreme self-will depicted in him, and he had that peculiar thick hull- neck which is so characteristic of stuhhoimness of temper. On being asked what he had to say, he stoutly denied the charge, declaring that it was all false, and that the officer had a spite against him. " Then," said the governor, " let the officer state his case." The warder stepped forward and declared that, dming prayers that morning, the hoy had clapped his hands loudly at the end of the service. The officer said he was sure it was the prisoner, because the lad stood upon a stool in the chapel, being short, and he had his eyes fixed upon him while he committed the offence. "Well," said the governor, " what have you to say now?" " I say it aint true," muttered the hoy, shaking his head, and frowning with a deter¬ mined air. " Take him away to the dark cell," said the governor ; and he proceeded to write in the book that his punishment was to he three days' confinement in the refractory ward upon PEIÍTONVILLE PEISOK. 139 punishment diet, mth loss of stripe and removal from the A division, which is the part of the prison occupied by the convicts who are permitted to work in partial association after having passed nine months in separation. " You see," said the governor, turning to us when the boy had left, " I am obliged to support my officers."* But if there be punishments at PentonviUe, there are, on the other hand, rewards ; and many of the penal inflictions for breaches of discipline and riotous conduct consist merely in the withdrawal of the premiums given for good behaviour. " Do you flnd," said we, some tÎTTiR back to one of the turnkeys of another prison (Newgate), as he walked with us through the ancient "press-yard"—where formerly prisoners who had refused to plead at the bar, in order to save their property, suffered the "peine forte et dure," or, in other words, were " pressed to death "—" Do you find," we asked, " that you have the inmates of the jail under the same control now as in the days of ' thumb-screws,' and ' gags,' and brandings ?" " I think we have greater power over them, sir," was the answer ; " for at present, you see, we cut off the right of receiving and sending letters, as well as stop the visits of their friends ; and a man feels those things much more than any torture that he could be put to." The prison authorities now-a-days, therefore, have learnt that negative punishments are far more effective ikm. positive ones. But as these same negative punishments consist merely of the deprivation of certain privileges or enjoyments, rather than the infliction of actual cruelties, it is essential that the granting of such privileges, as rewards for good conduct, should form part of the modem prison discipline. Accordingly, in PentonviUe Prison, as we have already seen, one part of the punishment consists in the reduction of the ordinary diet to bread and water ; whilst anpther form of punishment, to which we have before alluded, is the loss of the red stripe or stripes decorating • The following is an epitome of the punishments in this prison for one entire year LIST OP PUNISHMENTS IN PENTONTILLB PRISON DURING 1854. No. of Prisoners No. of Times No. of No. of Prisoners No. of Times No. of Punished. Punished. Punishments. P.miahed. Punished. Punishments 158 . Once . 158 1 11 times 11 43 Twice 86 2 . 12 », 24 24 . Thrice 72 1 . 14 J, 14 13 . 4 times 52 1 . 16 » 16 7 ■ Ö „ 35 1 . 17 ,, 17 4 . 6 „ 24 1 . 23 ,, 23 4 ■ 7 „ 28 1 . 24 ,, 24 1 . 8 „ 8 ■ 1 9 ,, 9 263 601 The offences for whicli the prisoners were punished wore as under ;— 149 were for disobedience (such as refusing to work or attend school or exercise) ; 83 for disturbing prison by shouting, whistling, or singing obscene and other songs ; 102 for misconduct in school, such as talking, whistling, &c. ; 33 for obscene communications or drawings (on books and chapcl-stalls) ; 33 for misconduct in chapel during service; 171 for communicating with felloiv-prisoners (either by writing, talking at exercise, or by knocking on cell-walls or through water-pipes) ; 2 for trying to send letters out of prison ; 64 for wilfully destroying prison property; 25 for boring holes in cell-window, &c.; 9 for assaulting officers ; 29 for using bad language to officers, &c. ; 5 for false charges against officers ; 30 for fighting and wrangling with fellow-prisoners in association ; 9 for attempting to escape ; 3 for proposing to other prisoners to escape; 4 for feigning suicide ; 3 for threatening to commit ditto ; 4 for dirty cells ; 22 for purloining bread, meat, &c. ; 14 for having tobacco, &c., in possession. The nature of the punishments for the above offences was as follows :— 634 were confined to the dark cell (292 of these with punishment diet, and 244 with ordinary diet 18 with loss of stripes, and 10 with loss of one stripe) ; 40 of these 534 were so confined for one day, 236 for two days, 249 for three days, 4 between five and ten days, and 4 between ten and twenty-one days. 11 were confined to the light cell (9 with punishment diet, and 2 with ordinary diet). 26 were confined to their own cell (19 with ordinary diet, and 7 with their secular books withdrawn). IS were withdrawn from working in asso¬ ciation, and 7 from school. 1 sufiered corporal punishment (36 lashes) ; and 4 were removed from the working party in A division. 140 THE GEEAT WOELD OF LOHDOH. tlie arm of those who have conducted themselves well during the first six months of their incarceration.* Nor is this badge of good conduct a mere honorary distinction, for those who have obtained it become entitled to receive a certain gratuity for their labour, according to the quantity of work done ; and only the best behaved among these are removed from separate confinement in the day, and allowed to work in association—a privilege, moreover, which entitles them to an extra pound of potatoes at dinner. At the time of our visit, there was about 8 per cent, of the prisoners (or 29 in 368) working together; and so highly is this indulgence prized, that it becomes one of the severest inflictions to send an associated man back to separate confinement. Again, only well-conducted prisoners are allowed to receive a visit from their friends.f • The following are the official rules and reg\ilation8 concerning good and bad conduct, a copy of which is suspended in each cell :— " notice to convicts undeb sentence op transportation and penal servitude. " Transportation for certain offences having been abolished by Act of Parliament, and certain periods of imprisonment of much shorter duration, under the term " penal servitude," having been substituted in place of the sentences of seven and ten years' transportation, which had been usually awarded, no remission, as a general rule, of any part of the term of penal servitude will be granted ; the period of detention, in place of a longer sentence of transportation, having been settled by law. The Secretary of State will, however, ho prepared to consider any case of any convict whose conduct may be the subject of special recommendation. The Secretary of State is also desirous, as a general rule, of holding out encouragement to good conduct by establishing successive stages of discipline, to each of which some special privileges will be attached. Con¬ victs of good conduct, maintaining a character for willing industry, will by this rule he enabled, after certain fixed periods, to obtain the higher stages, and gain the privileges attached to them. " For the present, and until further orders, the following rules will be observed :— " All convicts under sentence of penal servitude will be subjected to a period of separate confinement, followed by labour on public works. " Convicts under sentence of transportation will be subject to the same discipline so long as they are imprisoned in this country. "separate confinement. " 1. Convicts, as a general rule, will be detained in separate confinement for a period of nine months from the date of their reception in a government prison. " 2. Every convict who, during a detention of six months in the prison, may have conducted himself in a satisfactory manner, will be allowed to wear a badge, which will entitle him to receive a visit from his friends. A second badge, with the privilege of a second visit, wUl be granted at the end of three additional months, provided his conduct has continued to be satisfactory, " 3. Convicts wearing badges will be recommended for gratuities to he placed to their credit, according to the scale approved by the Secretary of State. " 4. In the event of a convict being deprived of a badge through misconduct, he will, at the same time, forfeit all advantages he had derived from it, including the gratuity already credited to him (if so ordered). He may, however, regain the forfeited badge after an interval of two months if specially recommended by the Governor and Chaplain. " 5. On removal of convicts from separate confinement to public works, they wUl he placed in the first, second, or third class, according to their conduct, attention to instruction, and industry. This classification will affect their position in the following stages of their servitude. " 6. Convicts deemed to he incorrigible, will be specially dealt with." t The subjoined are the regulations respecting such visits :— " The prisoner has leave to receive one visit from his friends, provided— " 1st. If the visit is made within one month, " 2nd. If the prisoner is well behaved in the mean time ;^hadly behaved prisoners are not allowed to see friends when they come. " 3rd. The visit to last only fifteen minutes, " 4th, Visitors admitted only between the hours of 2 and 4 o'clock in the afternoon, " öth. No visit allowed on Sundays. " 6th. Such of the above-named friends as wish to visit, must all attend at the same time, and produce this order ' PENTONVILLE PRISOîf. 141 Fartlier, another curious privilege granted to well-conducted prisoners in Pentonville, is the liberty of labouring; for so terrible is separate confinement found to be, without occupation, that one of the forms of punishment peculiar to this prison is the stoppage of a man's work, and forcing him to remain in his own cell in a state of idleness throughout the day. What high penal refinement is here shown, in making the feeUngs of monotony and vacuity of mind so keen a pain to the erratic natures of criminals (ever bent as they are upon change and amusement) that, though the convicts be remarkable for their innate aversion to labour outside the prison walls, the deprivation of work within them becomes a means of discipline to such characters ! *#* Exercking and Sealth of the Prisoners.—At eight o'clock in the morning the " Model Prison" is noisier and fuller of life and bustle than ever, and the transition from the silence dming breakfast-time to the sudden outpouring of the convicts is a strongly-marked feature of the place. No sooner does the clock point to the hour above mentioned, than the bell for morning prayers in the chapel is heard booming and humming overhead throughout the resonant arcades, and instantly the cell-doors are successively thrown open, and the brown-clad prisoners stream forth from every part of the building ; above, below, on this side, and on that, lines of convicts come hurrying along the corridors and galleries at a rapid pace, one after the other, and each at the distance of some four or five yards apart, while the warders, who stand by, watching their movements, keep crying to the men as they pass, " Now, step out there, will you—step out!" This is accompanied with a noise and clatter that is as bewildering as the sight—the tramping of the feet, the rattling of the iron staircases by the bridges as the prisoners pass up and down them, the slamming of the cell-doors, and the tolling of the bell overhead—all keep up such an incessant commotion in the brain that the mind becomes half-distracted with what it sees and hears. Nor does the tumult cease in a second or two, for as it takes some seven or eight minutes to empty the prison when full, the lines of convicts streaming along from all parts of the building seem to be endless, and impress you with the idea of the number being positively infinite. Moreover, each of the prisoners is not only clad alike—and brown as so many bees pour¬ ing from the countless cells of a hive—but every one wears a peculiar brown cloth cap, and the peak of this (which is also of cloth) hangs so low down as to cover the face like a mask, the eyes alone of the individual appearing through the two holes cut in the front, and seem¬ ing almost like phosphoric lights shining through the sockets of a skull. This gives to the prisoners a half-spectral look, and though they have hardly the same hideous appearance as the diver at the Polytechnic, with his big hydrocephalous head and glass-window eyes, nevertheless the costume of the men seems like the outward vestment to some wandering soul rather than that of a human being ; for the eyes, glistening through the apertures in the mask, give one the notion of a spirit peeping out behind it, so that there is something positively terrible in the idea that these are men whose crimes have caused their very features to be hidden from the world. It is strange, too, how different the convicts look under such circumstances from the ordinary coarse-featured men seen in the chapel ; for at Pentonville the screening of the faces gives a kind of tragic solemnity to the figures, and thus there appears to be nothing vulgar nor brutal about them. "We are here speaking of first impressions only, for after a time, when the spectral senti¬ ment has worn off, the imposition of these same masks—though originally designed, it must be confessed, with every kindness and consideration to the prisoners, in order that their faces might not he seen in their shame—cannot but be regarded as a piece of wretched frippery, and as idle in use as they are theatrical in character ; for the men at " the Model" being all 10 142 THE GEEÁT WORLD OF LOHDOH. destined either for transportation abroad, or for labour at the public works at borne, where no such masquerading is indulged in, it becomes positively silly to impose such a costume on the prisoners as a means of preventing recognition in after Hfe, since all such restraints are removed during the latter part of their punishment.* At the same hour as that for morning service, exercise begins in the " rope-walk," as it is called, and two divisions of the men, who then come pouring forth from their cells, are led off for airing into a spacious yard, while the other two divisions are sent into the chapel— the prisoners from B and D corridors being at exercise while those from A and C are at prayers, so that the prison at this hour is emptied of all hut such as may he invalided at the time. Let us follow the men to their exercise now, and reserve the scene in the chapel for future description. At Pentonville there are five exercising yards, and it will be seen, on reference to the bird's-eye view of the prison given at page 116, that the two larger yards, which are for exercising in common, and called the " rope-yards," are situate on either side of the long entrance hall leading from the portcullis porch, and marked by a series of concentric rings, whilst the three others (which are for exercising apart) lie between the several corridors, and are wheel-shaped, the several radii, or spokes, consisting of walls or partitions, to separate the men walking there one from the other, and the centre serving as a small " argus," or station, for a warder, 'whence to survey the whole of the prisoners at one glance. These exercisiag yards are numbered in rotation, that on the left-hand side of the entrance hall hemg called Ho. 1, and that on the right-hand side Ho. 5, and the smaller private yards styled Ho. 2, 3, and 4, respectively. The men who were put to exercise at the hour above mentioned, turned out into yard Ho. 1 ; and as they descended a small flight of steps a warder standing there cried out, " Left !" " Right !" according to the appointed station of the convicts. The concentric rings here con¬ sisted of a narrow line of bricken paving let into the soü, and on this lay a long rope knotted at distances of fifteen feet apart. Here the prisoners took up their station, one at eveiy knot, all with masks down, and with a warder to watch over each of the circles of men at exercise, so as to prevent all communication between them individually. "When the whole of the men were assembled in the yard, and each at their different, stations, holding the rope in their hands, the principal warder cried in a loud voice, " Forwar-r-r-d ! " and instantly the whole of the 130 convicts there began to wheel round and round, and to move along at the same rapid pace as if they were so many circles of lamp-lighters. There was a sharp easterly wind blowing on the morning of our visit that stung the skin and fiooded the eyes, as it swept by, and made one reaUy envy the brisk movements of the prisoners. " How, move on, will you—come, move on ! " one warder would cry to the flagging ones. "Step out there, men, step out!" another would exclaim, as the convicts filed rapidly by them. Presently the principal warder roared, "Ha-a-a-lt! " and instantaneously the whole of the brown rings that before were circling round and round, like some cavalcade at a circus, came to a sudden stop with almost military precision; and immediately afterwards the warder shouted, " Face about ! " whereupon they one and all turned on their heels and • It is but right to add, that this hit of prison foppery is to he abolished. Colonel Jehb, in a letter addressed to the Under-Secretary of State, quotes the following resolution come to by a Board of Inquiry in favour of its discontinuance :—" That the mask or peak does not prevent prisoners from recognising each other in the prison ; moreover, that as prisoners see each other before they are brought to the prison, come in considerable bodies, and are assembled together when they leave the prison, it would be desirable to discon¬ tinue it, since the use of it appears calculated to depress the spirits of the men, without obtaining any corres¬ ponding advantage."—RtpoH on the Discipline and Management of Convkt Prisons for the Year 18S3, PENTONTILLE PRISON. 143 commenced pacing in. an opposite direction, tlie officers crying as before, " Stop out, men," and " Move on there," as they one after another went striding past them. At first one is astonished at the rapid rate at which the prisoners keep moving, but a reference to the Government reports tells us that this mode of exercise has been adopted after the plan pursued at "Wakefield, where we are informed the prisoners are made to walk brisldy round paved paths, forming three concentric rings; and which plan has been introduced at Pentonville, because, as Colonel Jebb says, " experience has shown the necessity of the greatest precautions in the administration of the discipline of strict separation, in order to guard against its tendency to depress and otherwise affect the mental energies of the prisoners." The rapid exercise, therefore, at Pentonville Prison partakes more of the character of a shaking to a drowsy man, than an airing to a wakeful one ; and as medical instruc¬ tions enjoin us to drag, pinch, kick, or indeed to resort to any forcible means to induce muscular exercise in a person who is suffering from an opiate, so the "brisk walking" at " the Model" is intended to rouse and stir the men out of the depression induced by separate confinement—to shake up their half-thickened blood, as one does a doctor's draught before it can be made to do its duty. Indeed, we find in the report of the medical officer of the prison (given at page 116), that the diseases prevalent at Pentonville are precisely those which are known to arise from undue confinement—no less than 52 per cent, of the entire disorders consisting of dyspepsia and constipation—so that out of a total of 1732 cases requiring medical treatment, no less than 1103 were affections of the organs of digestion. Nevertheless, it must be confessed that the men whom we saw previous to their departure for Portsmouth appeared to be perfectly healthy, and to be in no way subject to any depression of spirits.* • Since the publication of the previous part of The Geeat World op London, we have received a letter from a gentleman, who is at once a strenuous and well-meaning advocate of the separate system, remonstrat¬ ing against the conclusions we have drawn as to the operation of this mode of prison discipline ; and as we ourselves have no other object than the truth, we readily append his remarks—which are worthy of every consideration, as well from the character as position of the writer—so that the public may decide fairly upon the subject. (1.) He writes, " At pages 103 and 104, you attempt to show that the discipline of Pentonville produced, in a given time, upwards of ten times more than the average proportion of lunacy in all other prisons throughout England and Wales ; whereas it is impossible to institute any fair comparison in such a case. For what parallel is there between Pentonville, in which, under the separate system, the term was 18 months, and upwards, and ' all other prisons," &c., in which, under short sentences and summary convic¬ tions, it averaged so very mucA less t (2.) "Again, your rate of 5'8 of criminal lunatics in every 10,000 of an average annual population in 'all prisons," &c.—(which, although not so stated, was probably derived from the number found to have been insane on trial)—must fall very far short of the cases of insanity which actually occurred in every such 10,000 in the year. For, as shown by Mr. Burt, at p. 99 of his book, the proportion of lunatics was ascer¬ tained to have been 13 (persons acquitted as insane) in every 10,000 of the prison population (tried) ; but it being impossible to discover the average period that elapsed between the attack (of insanity) and the prisoners" trial, the interval was assumed, for example, to have been 6 or 4 months—and thus the cases of insanity occurring during the entire year must have been, according to that rate, in the proportion of 26 or 39 in 10,000. And it did not appear that the highest of such proportions was too high. (3.) " Mr. Burt further showed, from another table, that the annual mean number of cases of lunacy throughout the prisons of England and Wales reported for each year between 1843 and 1847 was 89-4 the average daily population being 14,689—giving a proportion of 63 cases of insanity in every 10,000, which is a far larger proportion than occurred under the separate system, when carried out in its integrity, for the longest terms, with the greatest strictness, and co-extensively with that same period of time, at Pentonville. (4.) "Again, at the pages referred to, and at page 115, you ascribe to the separate system, properly so called, results which it utterly repudiates. That system, commencing in 1843, and ending in 1847, or at latest in February, 1848, lasted 5 years and 2 months, and no longer. Within that period, when its oum con¬ ditions and requirements were fulfilled—and not heyond that period, when they were violated and distorted 10' 144 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOHDOH. At a later hour of tlie day—for from eight to half-past twelve the prisoners are continually going to and returning from exercise—we were led towards the private exercising yards, and, and when Innovations, against which it protests, were introduced—you must therefore look for its legitimate results ; and these, whatever may be said, and by whomsoever, to the contrary, are the very reverse of the hideous dimensions you describe. But instead of drawing a broad line after the termination of these five years (the duration of the system), so as unmistakably to distinguish it from that other system—for which I know no name—which succeeded it, and which in the three following years of 1848, 1849, 1850, was attended with the most disastrous results, viz., with at least a four-fold larger proportion of insanity than occurred under the separate system altogether ; results which, as compared with the last four consecutive years of it, were greater, by eight times and upwards, than under the original system—(instead of distinguishing between these different systems) you have confounded the results of the two under a common name ; not, I believe, intentionally, but probably because others whose writings you may have consulted had done so before." Now, against the first of the above remarks, we would urge that it is asserted by the advocates of the separate system, as " carried out in its integrity" at Pentonville, that the greatest number of cases of insanity occur during the early part of the imprisonment ; and Mr. Burt, in his " Results of Separate Confinement" (page 132), cites a table, in which he shows that, out of 51 cases of mental affection, no less than 29 occurred within the first six months and under ; and 15 between six and twelve months ; whereas only 5 occurred between twelve and eighteen months ; and not more than 2 between eighteen months and two years ; or, in other words, that whereas 44 cases of mental disorder occurred within the first year, there were but 7 within the second. Hence, in opposition to the first of the above objections, we say—with aU deference—that there is some parallel between Pentonville, " where the term of imprisonment used to be eighteen months and upwards," and all other prisons where " the term averages so much less." Against the second observation we can only adduce the fact that, in the Government tables [from which the normal rate of lunacy was deduced, it is not stated that the number of lunatics there given refers to the persons acquitted as insane " upon trial," and that no reason appears for making such an assumption. But even assuming such to be the case, and increasing the ratio to the same extent as Mr. Burt for the entire year, we raise the proportion of lunacy merely to 11'6 or 17" 4 in the 10,000 prisoners, which is still widely different from 62 0 to the lOjOOO' which is the proportion at Pentonville. In opposition to the third remark, in which it is shown that the proportion of cases of insanity to the average daily population of the whole prisons of England and Wales, is 63 in every 10,000 prisoners, we answer, that there is assuredly no parallel here, since the Pentonville returns are made out according to the gross number of convicts entering the prison, and not according to the daily average number of prisoners (see Burt's " Results," page 122), whilst those from which the normal rate of lunacy was deduced refer, also, not to the daily average of prisoners, but to the gross prison population of England and Wales. With reference to the fourth remark, we can but quote the following table given by Mr. Bradley, the medical olficer of the prison, in his report for the year 1853, and which is arranged to show the proportion of lunacy in every thousand prisoners seHatim as they entered " the Model," but which we have here increased to ten thousand, by the addition of a cypher to the ratio, in order to reduce the whole of the statistics to one uniform standard, and so facilitate the comparison :— No. of Unses of No. of Cases of No. of Total Insanity. Delusion. Suicides. rotai. Amongst the 1st (ten) thousand prisoners 60 100 0 160 „ 2nd „ 100 50 10 160 „ 3rd „ 40 90 20 150 „ 4th „ 90 70 0 160 „ 5th „ 20 0- 0 20 „ 6th „ 10 0 10 20 For the first and second items the term of imprisonment in Pentonville, says Mr. Bradley (a gentleman, be it observed, who is often commended by the Surveyor-General of Prisons for the accuracy and lucidity of his statistical tables), was eighteen months, whereas with the third and fourth it was only twelve months, so that if calculated for an uniform period, he says, there would bo an increase of one-third in the ratio of lunacy for the third and fourth items over that of the first and second. This increase Mr. Bradley attri¬ butes to the fact that the earlier prisoners were picked men, whereas the later ones were the ordinary convicts of a low intellectual standard. The diminution in the ratio of insanity in the fifth item the medical officer ascribes to the following causes :—(1) The shortening of the term of imprisonment in Pentonville. (2) Increased quantity of out-door exercise, and the substitution of exercise in common for exercise in separate yards. (3) Better ventilation of the cells. (4) Relaxation of the discipline in all cases of danger. (5) Awakening the prisoner's interest in the pursuit of his trade. (6) Increased amount of school instruction given to the most ignorant. The same offieer, moreover, adds that though much has been gained by the measures adopted during PEKTONVILLE PEISOE". 145 ès we went, we passed a detachment of " associated " convicts at work with harrows and spades in the prison grounds, and with an officer attending in their rear. * These private yards consist, as we have said, each of a series of eight compartments, or deep narrow dens, as it were, that seem, with their partitions, not unlike the elongated stalls of a stable, all radiating from a small octagonal house in the centre, where sits a warder watching the prisoners. Here the invalids and refractory or dangerous prisoners are put to exercise. As we neared yard Ho. 4, the warder whispered in our ear that the short man vrith red hair, whom we should see exercising in one of the compartments, was in for a murder com¬ mitted at Carlisle ; and, indeed, had had so narrow an escape from the gallows, that his respite had arrived only on the Saturday before his appointed execution on the Monday. As we passed, we could not help fixing our gaze upon the blood-shedder, who was pacing the yard moodily, with his hands buried in his pockets ; and as the men, in this part of the prison, exercise with their cap-peaks up, we saw sufficient of the features of the felon—^for he returned our glance with a savage stare and scowl—to teach us, or rather to make us believe (and it is astonishing what physiognomical foresight we obtain afler such traits of character), that he was thoroughly capable of the act for which he was suffering. He had been a pitman in the north, and had the peculiar freckled, iron-mouldy, Scotch complexion, whilst his cheek bones were high, his face broad and flat, and his neck short and thick as a bull-terrier's, to which animal, indeed, he appeared to be a kind of human counterpart. As we saw him prowling there, round-and round within his deep, narrow yard, he reminded us of a man-beast caged up in some anthropo-zoological gardens. Scarcely had we passed this one, before our eye fell upon another prisoner, whose more "respectable" features and figure, as well as silver hair, told that he did not belong to the ordinary convict class ; and though we could not but consider his sentence an honour and glory to the unswerving justice of the country, as proving the falsity of there being one law for the rich and another for the poor, nevertheless, we could not, at the same time, refrain from sympathising with the misery and shame of those innocent relatives and friends whom the crime of this wretched man has involved in utter social ruin. It forms no part of our office to pander to the idle curiosity of the public as to how a titled criminal may bear himself in prison, and as we knew that every word we penned on the subject would be gaU and wormwood to the bruised hearts of those belonging to, or connected with the family, we elosed our note-book before reaching the private yard where the individual was exercising, and turned our head away, so that even he might not fancy that we had come to exult over, and make stiU. more public, his degradation. *#* Arrival of Convicts.—At a little before nine, a.m., the men return from their morn¬ ing's exercise and prayer, and the corridors, which have remained for nearly an hour drained of all their inmates, begin to swarm again with prisoners, as the men come pouring back from the yards and chapel ; and then the arcades, and galleries, and staircases are once more lined with the masked convict troops filing along, one after another, as rapidly as they can stride towards their separate cells. At nine o'clock the parade of the prison officers takes place. recent years as regards the reduction of the cases of mental disorder, the limits of safety have scarcely yet been reached. To Mr. Bradley, again, the merit seems to he due of recommending that the daily amount of out-door exercise should be increased, and that such exercise should be of a healthy and exhilarating character rather than the monotonous and listless walk of separate yards, as formerly practised at the prison. Now such statements and figures, it will be observed, are at variance with the strictures of our correspon¬ dent ; and we can but add that, when authorities disagree, it is our duty to state the two cases as fairly as possible, and leave the public to decide. 146 THE GREAT WORLD OE LOHDOH. " FaR in ! " cries the chief warder as the hour is striking, and instantly the twenty and odd officers draw themselves up in a double line across the centre corridor. They are habited in their glazed caps and short work-day jackets, that are not unlike a policeman's coat shcttn of its tails, and ornamented with a small brass crown on the stand-up collar, whilst each wears a broad black leathern belt round the waist, with a shiny cartouche-box for his prison keys projecting from the hip. No sooner are the men arranged in military lines than the head warder shouts—" Stand at ease !—Eyes front !—Rear rank fall back ! " and instantly the officers behind step a pace backwards, their feet moving as one man. The chief warder passes between the ranks, and when he has finished his inspection of the warders, cries again—"Rear rank, forward!" whereupon the men behind draw close up to the rank in front, and then the head officer proceeds to read over the regulations and duties for the next day ; after which he shouts " Ereak ! " and immediately the warders disperse to their several quarters—the regulations just read over being placed on the desk in the centre corridor for the inspection of the officers throughout the day. Presently a man appears carrying a letter-box, with a padlock at its side and a slit at the top. The one we saw was marked B, for it was the receiving-box for the corridor so inscribed, and contained the convicts' letters to their friends, which had been just collected from that division of the prison. " That box, sir," said the warder who acted as our guide, "is taken to the chaplain, who reads the letters in it, and after that to the governor, who does the same ; and if they are found to contain nothing improper or contrary to the prison rules, they are despatched to the prisoners' friends. The schoolmaster supplies the men with the paper," continued our informant, " and the prisoner writing to his friends says, over night, to the officer on duty, ' I shall have a letter to send to-morrow morning.' " * * The following are the official regulations respecting the sending and receiving of letters by convicts and which are usually printed on the first page of the letter-paper supplied to them ;— " Convicts are permitted to write one letter on receptim, and another at the end of three months. They may also receive one letter {prepaid) every three months during their slay. Matters of private importance to a convict may be communicated at any time by letter {prepaid) to the Oovernor or Chaplain, wlvo will inform the convict thereof, if expedient. " In ease of misconduet, the privilege of receiving or writing a letter may be forfeited for the time. All letters of an improper or idle tendency, either to or from convicts, or containing slang or other olfectionable expressions, will be suppressed. The permission to write and receive letters is given to the convicts for the purpose of enabling them to keep up a connection with their respectable friends, and not that they may hear the news of the day. " All letters are read by the Governor or Chaplain, and must be legibly written, and not crossed. " Neither elothes, money, nor amy other articles are allowed to be received at the prison for the use of convicts, except through the Oovernor. Persons attempting otherwise to introduee any article to or for a convict, are liable to fine or imprisonment, and the convict concerned is liable to be severely punished." By way of showing the kind of letters written by convicts of the better class, we here append one from a youth who had been imprisoned for defrauding his employer. It is headed by the subjoined official instruc¬ tions ;—" The convict's writing to be- confined to the two inner pages. In writing to the convict, direct to No.— C J ." The letter itself is as follows :— "My Dear Mother " I am sorry that you should have been kept waiting so long to hear from me but the reason is because I wanted to let you know what Mr. D said and I did not hear from him until last Monday and he did not answer my letter sooner because he had been waiting to see if he could hear of anything that would suit me and he says he was sorry that he had not at that time he seems to think that it would be advisable not to return to L and he also says that he should have no objections to employ me as far as he himself is concerned but that is business concerns other people so much that they might not think it advisable he wishes me well and hopes you may be able to meet with something to suit me I was recommended for my liberty last Saturday but cannot say to a month when I shall come home when called upon by the Chaplain I could PENTONVILLE PEISON. 147 By a curious coincidence, it so happened that we were able to witness the arrival as well as the departure of a hatch of convicts in the course of the same day ; and early on the morning of our visit we had seen placed in the corridor bundles of clothes, which we were told had been sorted ready for the coming prisoners from Mülbank. Pentonville Prison, it should here be observed, is a kind of probationary asylum, where convicts are qualified, either for transportation abroad, or for duty at the public works at home, such as Woolwich, Portsmouth, Portland, &c. ; indeed, it is a kind of penal purgatory, where men are submitted to the chastisement of separate confinement, so as to fit them for the after state. Originally, the Model Prison was designed as a convict academy for transports, where the inmates were not only to be taught a trade that would be a means of subsistence to them in the colonies, but where a certain moral, if not religious, impression was to be made upon them, in order to render them good members of the new society they were about to enter upon; and, in the first years of the working of this institution, the prisoners used to be fitted out in a kind of sailors' costume, and assembled in the central corridor, in their straw hats, and with their " kits" at their side, previous to their departure for the convict ship. Since the coipparative abolition of the transport system, however, the convicts leaving Pentonville are sent either to Portsmouth (as we have seen), or else to Woolwich or to Portland, according as men are wanted at one or other of those establishments. On the other hand, convicts arriving at Pentonville come from Millbank, which prison now serves as a kind of dépôt for the reception of convicts generally, and whither they are sent from the several detentional prisons after they have been found guilty, and sentenced for the ofiences with which they were charged. Early in the forenoon of the day that we passed at Pentonville, we were informed that the expected new batch of convicts was outside the gates; and that, if we would step towards the court-yard, we could see them received at the doors. We found the governor, with the chief warder and other officers, assembled on the steps at the end of the prison hall. As soon as we reached the spot a whistle was given, and, the outer gates being thrown back, we saw some omnibuses drawn up in the large portcullis porch without. Then the doors of the several vehicles were opened, and out came a string of some ten convicts from each of the carriages. The miserable wretches were chained together by the wrists in lines, after the same fashion as we have already described. Some were habited in the ordinary light snuff-brown convict suits, and others wore gray jackets, all having Scotch caps, and small bundles of Bibles and hymn-books, tied in handkerchiefs, under their arm; whilst all the articles they wore—jacket, trousers, cap, and even their gray stockings—were marked by the red stripe which is characteristic of all convict apparel; for not only are the clothes, but even the sheets and flannels of the Government prisons so distinguished. On descending from the omnibus, the new prisoners were drawn up in five rows on one side of the court-yard. They were of all ages—from mere boys to old men of between fifty and sixty. K'or were their expressions of features less various ; some looked, as a physiognomist would say, " really bad fellows," whilst others appeared to have even a " respectable " cast of only give yourself as a reference and the Governor told me on Saturday that I had a good one come I shall be here to write another letter and think to be at home the beginning of April but perhaps can tell more about it in my next " Wishing you all well I conclude with my kindest love to my dear brothers sisters relations and friends and accept the same dear Mother yourself " I remain, "Your affectionate and loving Son, " Please to write soon God bless you " " Cs. J . The writer of ffie above letter has since been liberated on " license," and been provided with a situation, through the kindness of one of our own friends. He seems likely to go on well. 148 ÏIIE GEEAT WORLD GE LONDON. countenance, the features being well formed rather than coarse, and the expression marked by frankness rather than cunning, so that one could not help wondering what hard pressure of circumstances had brought them there. It did not require much skill in detecting character to pick out the habitual offender from the casual criminal, or to distinguish the simple, broad brown face of the agricultural convict from the knowing, sharp, pale features of the town thief. " That's the youngest boy I ever saw in this prison," said one of the warders, as he pointed to a eonvict-lad among the troop, who seemed scarcely fourteen years of age. "No wonder we get them here so young," exclaimed the chief warder, "for late last evening I saw three boys stuffed in a hole under the railway, just where the man has a fire in the day-time to roast his nuts and apples, so that the place is a little warm at night for the poor things." Here an ofiicer, with a gold-lace band round his cap, marking him as the principal warder who had come with the convict batch, stepped forward and delivered his papers to the Pentonville authorities. "You see," said the governor to us, " the ofiicer from Millbank brings us the caption- papers, with the sentence and order of Court, as well as the certificates of conduct in connec¬ tion with each man during his imprisonment, so that we may know all the antecedents of those we receive. Then we give a receipt for the bodies on the warrant of the Secretary of State, a duplicate of which has been lodged with us some days previously." " Please to unlock them," said the Pentonville chief warder to the Millbank ofiicer ; and instantly the oficial with the gold-lace band proceeded to do as requested, whilst the other Millbank ofiicers drew the stout curb-chain through the holes of the handcuffs, and so detached the prisoners one from the other. Then the governor's clerk called over the names of the men contained in the Secretary of State's warrant ; and as the convicts cried, "Here, sir !" they passed over, one afteYanother, to the other side of the yard. After this the medical ofiicer inspected the new prisoners, even though he had been furnished with a certificate that the convicts sent were " free from infectious or contagious disease, and fit to be removed." " Are you in good health ?" the doctor asks of each man, as he walks along the line with a note-book in his hand, and ready to enter any answer to the contrary—" Are you in good health?" and if the reply be in the afirmative, the man is dismissed to the reception wards below, there to pass through the other preliminary examinations. On the day on which we were present there were but one or two men among the fresh arrivals who complained of being sickly, and one of these was a ghastly, featureless spectacle from syphiUs. " What can we do with such a man here?" said the doctor, turning to us. " Can you read, my man ?" he asked of another prisoner, the " facial angle" of whose head showed him to be a man of low intellect. "No, sir," was the answer, "but I know my letters." " And he will never know anything more," added the medical ofi&cer in an under-tone, when he had dismissed the prisoner, " for he is one of the men we often get here that no teaching on earth could instruct." " Do you find the convicts generally persons of inferior understanding ?" asked we. " Generally speaking, I should say certainly," was the cautious reply. " There are exceptions, of course ; but as a body, I consider them to be haily developed people. Yonder, however, is one of the contradictions we occasionally meet with," whispered the medical officer to us. The man the doctor alluded to was a person of a highly intellectual cast of countenance, and, what struck us as being more peculiar, his forehead was not only broad and high, but the head bald—for it is rather an extraordinary circumstance, that when the convicts at PENTONVILLE PEISOÎT. 149 a Government prison are mustered altogether, as in chapel, we seldom or never see one bald or gray head among the 400 or 500 individuals that may be there assembled. On inquiry, the new prisoner proved to be a German "physician," or natural philosopher (for in Germany the term physician is used in a different sense from what it is in England), belonging to Berlin. He had been sentenced for stealing a portmanteau at a railway station, and not only tried imder a false name, but refused to give any information as to his friends. The medical officer then informed us that they were often awkwardly situated with the foreigners sent to the prison. A little whüe ago there had been two Chinamen there, and among the " batch" that we saw arrive, there were, besides the German physician above alluded to, no less than three Erenchmen ; there was, moreover, a Spaniard already in the prison, who called himself a physician, and who, being unable to speak English, communi¬ cated with the doctor in a kind of Spanish dog-Latin.* When the medical officer has finished his examination of the fresh prisoners, the governor proceeds below to say a few words to the men, as to the rules and regulations of the prison. We accompanied the governor down to the reception ward for this purpose, and there found the convicts drawn up partly in a narrow passage, and partly in a small room at the side. The address was at once dignified and kindly. The governor told the men that he hoped they would conform to the distressing circumstances in which they had placed themselves, and save him the pain of punishing them for a breach of the prison rules. 'It was his duty, he said, to see those rules strictly carried out, and he made a point of never swerving from it. At that prison, all intercommunication among prisoners was strictly forbidden, and though some might think an infringement of this rule a trivial offence, nevertheless the authorities could not look upon it in such a light, and therefore an attempt on the part of any man to hold communion with his fellow-prisoners would be immediately punished. But if there were punishments, the men would find that there were rewards also ; and these rewards were open to any prisoner to gain by good conduct, without the least favour. They would find, too, that exemplary behaviour would serve them, not only in that prison, but in the one to which they might be sent hereafter ; so he trusted they would spare him the exercise of the painful duty of pimishing, and allow him the more pleasant office of rewarding them there, so that he might give them each a first-class character when they left, and thus render their imprisonment as light as it possibly could be made consistently with public duty. When the governor had finished his oration, the chaplain came and spoke to them also. His address was of a more touching character ; for the clergyman said he was well aware what a sad trial it was for them to be parted from aU their friends, and it was the most painful part of his office to be visited by the relatives of prisoners—^to witness the hea\'y affliction that convicts brought upon their families hy their disgrace and pimishment. He begged of them, therefore, to conduct themselves well, and to turn their thoughts to the one Great Being who was stiU ready to receive and welcome them to a share of His love ; and to remember that though all the world might shun them in their shame, and that though they • The medical officer of Pentonville obliged us with the last letter he had received from this Spanish con¬ vict. It ran as follows :— " Àbitavid in est domo non manducavid sine panis et potatorum, caro non posum masticare, et debilitacio apod eravid ore et enfirmetas aumentaverum, ego volo si posum sine manducare ad expensas meas, abeo domus et terras cui sua productions dad suficiens rentam ; enñrmetas meas sunt anticuarum, ego abeo metodum (almor) in iniectionem aquarum malv : calida (reuma<») Lac cum decoctum Sarsparill calidum et multarum rerum," We append as literal a translation as is possible of the above jargon " I have lived in this house, not eating anything except bread and potatoes—^flesh I cannot chew, and my debility and infirmities augment. I wish, if I can, to eat at my own expense. I have houses and lands, the produce (or income) of which gives a sufficient rent. My infirmities are ancient ; I have a method—or sys¬ tem of cure—(afeior) in an injection of water of mallows hot {rhetm), milk with a decoction of sarsaparilla hot, and many things." 150 THE GEEAT WOHLD OP LOKDOH. had hardly one friend left to say a kindly "word for them, there tvas One who had suffered on earth for their sakes, and who was ever ready to plead for mercy—where mercy was most needed—in their behalf. He hoped that they would all do this, so that when their friends came or wrote to him, to leam some tidings of them, he might be able to soothe their anguish with the assurance that they had become better men, and might still Kve to be a comfort and a joy to those upon whose heads they had, as yet, only brought down shame and sorrow. We watched the men intently while the tender exhortation was being delivered to them, and when the chaplain spoke of their friends and relatives, they one and all hung their heads, whilst some, we could see, bit their lip to stay the rising tear ; and when the speech was finished, there was many a moistened eye, and many a cry of " Bless you, sir !" as the minister took his leave. After the new-comers had been spoken to as above by the governor and chaplain, they were ordered into two small rooms in the same part of the building as that in which they had been addressed ; and on our returning to the " reception-room " a few moments after¬ wards, we heard the buzz of many voices, and found the men chattering away as hard as school boys in play-time, for they knew it was the last talk they would be able to mdulge in for the next three-quarters of a year ; whilst outside the door was an officer giving notice to the men that they would not be allowed to take anything into the prison but their Bibles and Prayer-books. " Have any of you got any letters, or locks of hair, or anything else to give up ? " cried the officer, as he put his head into the room; "for if they're found on you in the prison they'll be destroyed." " I've got a letter," exclaimed one, holding out a piece of paper, and as he handed over the article, the officer proceeded to write on the back the owner's name, and to deposit it in a tray by his side. The warder then told us that the various packets collected would be put under the care of the steward, who kept a book of all that was entrusted to him, and on the convicts' leaving, the articles would be either restored or transferred to the prison to which they might be sent. He added, that the prisoners set great store upon such things, and that numbers of them entered the prison with locks of hair hung round their neck. " There are several locks there, you see, sir, that I have collected already," said the warder, pointing to some smaU packets done up after the fashion of " kisses " at a confectioner's. By this time the usual preliminary bath was ready, whilst the other end of the passage was filled with a white fog of steam as thick as that pervading a laundry. Then began the examination of the prisoners previous to bathing. Eor this purpose they were had out into the passage one by one, as soon as they had stripped themselves of their clothes, and made to stand before the officer in a perfect state of nudity, while he examined every part of their person. " There now, place your feet on the mat. What's the use of you're going on the cold stones when there's a rug put for you?" exclaimed the officer in an authoritative tone. " Now, open your mouth," he continued, when the prisoner had stationed himself as directed, " and lift up your tongue. Did I say put out your tongue, man ? Lift it up, don't you hear ?" whereupon the officer proceeded to spy into the open jaws of the convict, as closely as a magpie does down a bone ; and when he had satisfied himself that there was no money nor anything else secreted within it, he moved to the back of the man and cried, " Bend your head down!" and then commenced examining the roots of the prisoner's hair, as well as behind his ears. This done, the next order was, " Holdup your arms ! " and then the naked man raised his hands high above his head, one after the other, while the officer assured him¬ self that he had nothing hidden there. After this, the convict was commanded to place himself on all fours, so as to rest on his hands and feet, and then to raise his legs one at a time,^ so that the warder m%ht see whethm- anything were concealed under his toes. PEKTONYILLE PEISOK. 151 " There, that'll do. Clap this rug over your shoulders and run away to the bath," added the official, when the examination was concluded. " "We can't he too careful, sir," said the warder, turning to us, as he held up the man's Bible by the covers, and proceeded to shake the pendent leaves backwards and forwards, in order to satisfy himself that nothing had been inserted between the pages. " Sometimes a piece of süver has been found stowed away in a man's mouth, and some convicts have been known to bring in keys and pick-locks hidden about their bodies in the most inconceivable places." The next process was the bathing, and as we entered the bath-room we found the floor strewn with bundles of clothes, and a prisoner, with his hair wet and clinging in matted "pencils" about his face, busy dressing himself in the PentonviUe flannels, shirt, and stockings, and with a couple of warders in large aprons standing by. In the adjoining bath-room was another convict splashing about in the warm-bath, and evidently enjoying the luxury of the brief immersion in the hot water. " There, go outside into the passage and get your coat and trousers," said the warder to the' man who was half-dressed ; whilst to the naked one, who came running along with a rug over his shoulders, he cried, "In you go, and look sharp!" as he beckoned him towards the bath and ordered the other to come out. On the opposite side of the passage to the bath-room the governor's clerk and another were busy making out the register-number for each of the new-comers, and examining the men and their papers previous to entering their names on the prison books, as well as assign¬ ing to them their several trades. On entering this room we found the boy that the chief warder had before dra\vn our attention to, as being the youngest lad that had ever been confined within the walls of that prison, undergoing his examination. In his caption-papers he was marked sixteen years of age, but certainly did not look fourteen. He had been imprisoned twelve times for one month, two months, and so on up to twelve months, and was now sentenced to four years' penal servi¬ tude for stealing a handkerchief value one shilling. He had all the sharp, cunning appear¬ ance of the habitual London thief, and as he spoke he feigned a simplicity that you could see, by the curl and quivering at the comers of his mouth, required but the least frivolous word to make him break through and burst into laughter. The next convict who entered belonged to the agricultural class, and Tie had been sentenced to four years' penal service also, for stealing a broom and a pair of leathern mittens. " What have you been ?" inquired one of the clerks of the man. "A gardener," was the brief and timid reply. "Ever worked at anything else?" was the next question. "Always at that kind of work," the man answered. " Been in prison before ? " "Yes, sir." "Leam anything there ?" "I learnt mat-making, if you please, sir." "Can you make a mat?" "Well, I'll try, sir." Whereupon the man was dismissed. The trades carried on in PentonviUe Prison, we were told, consisted of weaving, mat- making, tailoring, and shoemaking ; and, in the distribution of these employments, the officers look principaUy to the physical and mental capabilities of the convicts. Strong, broad-shouldered men are put to weaving and to mat-making, whilst the more feeble class of prisoners are set to work as tailors. At PentonviUe the authorities make four distinct classes of prisoners. (1) The dangerous men, or those that are notorious prison-breakers, and convicts of known desperate characters ; (2) Second probation men, or those unruly prisoners who have been sent back from the pubUc works to undergo another term of separate confinement; (3) Ordinary "separate men," or those who are workmg out their first probation of nine months ; and (4) The associated men, or those who, having conducted themselves well whUe in separation, arc allowed to work in company with other weU-conducted convicts. There are, moreover, prisoners of first, second, and third class characters, according to 152 THE GEEAT "WOELD OE LONDOK. their behaviour during their term of incarceration. The first class constitutes by far the largest proportion, and consists generaEy of the well-educated embezzlers and forgers, as well as the more ignorant agricultural prisoners, together with the first-ofience men, and the old jail¬ birds. The second class characters mostly belong to the more thoughtless and careless of the convicts, who are carried away by temptation or temper ; whilst the third class characters usually appertain to the self-willed and refractory boys, who are from 15 to 25 years of age.* Again, as regards the mental qualifications of the convicts, they are divided into first, second, and third class men. The first class consists of prisoners who have no necessity to go to school, being able, not only to read and write well, but acquainted with arithmetic as far as the rule of proportion. The second class comprises men who can read and write, and work sums as far as the compound rules ; whereas the third class men are those who are im¬ perfectly educated, and whose arithmetical knowledge extends no farther than the simple rules. This third class again is sub-divided into three sub-classes; the first of which includes those who can read and write, and do the simple rules in arithmetic, whilst to the second belong such as are learning the simple rules, and the third comprises aU who can read, write, and cypher only imperfectly, or not at aE. Of the well-educated class of prisoners the proportion is about 14 per cent, of the whole; of the moderately-educated class there is not quite 8 per cent. ; whilst the imperfectly- educated prisoners average very nearly 80 per cent.f • We were present on another occasion, when some 24 prisoners, who were going away to Portland on the following morning, were had into the governor's room, so that he might say a few words to them previous to their departure. Of these, 21 were about to leave with first class characters, whilst only two had second class ones, and the remaining prisoner a third class. Among the first-class prisoners, there were 4 who had been sentenced for 6 years, one for 5, one for 8, one for 21, and one for life, whilst the majority had been condemned to 4 years' penal service. Among the number, too, one had been in prison six times before, and anoüier seven ; but few had been punished while at Pentonville, and of these only two. had been punished more than once ; one of these two, however, had been seven times in the dark cell. The first class men were told that their good conduct would serve them where they were going to, and that they would find it to their welfare to strive and keep the good character they had earned. The two with the second class characters were mere boys, and they were had in separately, and exhorted to behave better for the future ; whilst the other, having the third class character, was likewise spoken to alone, and entreated to try and he a good lad at the place he was going to ; whereupon he said that he had made up his mind to turn over a new leaf. This boy was far from ill-looking, and his expression betokened no depraved nature. He had come to Pentonville, however, with a bad character from Birmingham ; still the governor told us that he did not believe the lad to be utterly vicious, but weak and wayward in character. " If i,he falls in with boys, he will most likely tum out baiiy, but if he gets among sensible men, he may do well enough," were the governor's observa¬ tions to us on the lad's leaving. t Mr. Wilson, the schoolmaster of Pentonville Prison, was kind enough to prepare the following return for us in connection with this part of the subject ;— BETUKN SHOWniö THE PEE CBNTAOB OP PRISONERS BELONGING TO BACH OP THE SCHOOL CLASSES IN PENTONVILLE PRISON. No. of Scholan in Belonging to the first class (or those who can read and write well and cypher as far as every lOO. the rule of proportion) . . . . . • • . .14 Belonging to the second class (or those who can read and write well, and cypher as far as the compound rules) . . • • • • • . 6'75 Belonging to the third class (or those whose arithmetical knowledge extends no farther than the simple rules)— Belonging to the first sub-class (or those who can work the simple rules of arithmetic) 17'76 Belonging to the second sub-class (or those who are learning the simple rules of arithmetic) ......... 41*75 Belonging to the third sub-class (or those who can read, write, and cypher only imperfectly, or not at all) . • .... 19*76 ^ 79*26 N.B.—The above average is deduced &om four hundred examples. 100*00 PENTONVILLE PRISON. 153 *#* Prison Work and Gratuities.—have already spoken incidentally of the work done by the Pentonville prisoners, and we shall now proceed to set forth the details in con¬ nection with that part of our subject. As early as half-past six, a.m., the prison labour begins, and continues throughout the day—^with the intervals of meal time, and the chapel service, as well as the period set apart for exercise—up to seven o'clock, p.m. The trades carried on within the " Model Prison," consist of weaving and mat-making, occupations which are pursued principally in the lower wards; tailoring, at which the prisoners on the first tier are set to work ; and shoemaking, in which trade the men on the upper tier are generally engaged. In addition to these, there are a few convicts employed as carpenters and blacksmiths, and to them the " shops " in the basement of C division are devoted, whilst there are still some others working as cooks, bakers, and cleaners, besides a few bricklayers employed in the grounds.* The labour at Pentonvüle, owing to the monotony of separate confinement is, as we said before, so far from being looked upon as a punishment, regarded rather as an indulgence by the generality of prisoners, so that one of the penal inflictions in that institution is to stop a man's work. "There are some men, however," said the warder to us, as we walked through the various work-shops, "who are so naturally averse to aU kinds of employment, that they would rather He down Hke pigs than be put to any labour. ' If you don't do your work quicker and better,' perhaps an officer may say to such men, 'I shall report you.' 'Do!' they'll answer, 'that's just what I want, for then I shall have a Httle rest.' "With the greater part of the men, however," continued our attendant, " an occupation attracts a man's mind, and he gets to feel a bit proud of his abilities when he finds he's able to do something for himself, even though it's only to make a pair of shoes, or to turn out a few yards of cloth. He seems to think himself more of a man directly he knows he's got some trade at his fingers' ends at which he can earn a living, if he likes, when his time's up.f The sentences of the prisoners confined at Pentonville in the year 1854 were as follows, out of a total of 387 prisoners :— 210 men. or 54'2 per cent, of the whole. were sentenced to 7 years' transportation. 94 Ï» 24-3 » 10 33 8-5 » 15 15 3-9 » 14 14 3-6 » transportation for life. 1 »> 0-3 >» 12 years' transportation. 1 M 0-3 20 1 » 0'3 » »» 21 15 3-9 >1 4 years' penal servitude. 3 » 0-7 9f » 387 100 0 * In the year 1854, the distribution of trades among the Pentonville prisoners was as follows : — Out of a gross average of 523 convicts employed throughout the year, there were 181, or 34 per cent., occupied as tailors ; 108, or 21 per cent., working as shoemakers ; 107, or 20 per cent., as weavers ; 81, or 16 per cent, as matmakers; 30, or 6 per cent., as bricklayers, carpenters, smiths, &c. ; whilst the remaining 16, or 3 per cent, were sick, and put to no employment whatever. Moreover, of the gross average of 523 prisoners, about 456, or 87 per cent., were at work in a state of separation from the others, and the remaining 67, or 13 per cent, placed in association; whilst of the 67 "associated men," 4 were tailors, 4 shoemakers, 7 weavers, 5 mat-makers, 4 carpenters, 5 cooks, 4 bakers, 13 were at work at other trades on medical grounds ; 7 were sick in the infirmary, and 11 were other prisoners working in the cleaning department. t The great defect of the industrial training at Pentonville is, that it leads to no definite end. The " Model Prison" was originally designed, as we have seen, as a kind of moral and industrial school for con- 154 THE GEEAT WOELD OE LOJTOOH. At half-past six, as we said, the trade-instructors go round the several wards to see whether the mon have sufficient work, though enough is usually given out by them on the preceding day to last the prisoners till eight or ten o'clock the next morning ; and early in the forenoon, as we went our rounds with the warder, we found, lying on the asphalte pave¬ ment in one of the corridors, two large bright-coloured mats, like hearth-rugs ; these were the work, we were told, of the man in the neighbouring cell. " He's only been four months at mat-making, sir," said the trade-warder to us ; " and yet bo's very clever at it now—isn't he ?" victs intended for transportation to the colonies ; and yet the trades vhich the men were taught there were precisely those that were the least of all needed in young countries, since the products of the weavers', tailors', and shoemakers' crafts admit of being imported from other parts, so that there is necessarily but little demand in those countries for such forms of labour; and, notwithstanding farming and agricultural work are naturally the most desirable and valuable of all occupations in primitive states, these were exactly the employments that were not taught at the Model, even though at the time of its erection there was no deficiency of land in the neighbourhood. But if the forms of labour taught at PentonviUe were ill-adapted to the requirements of the convicts in the first instance, they are worse than \isele38 as a means of benefiting them at present ; for now that the trans¬ portation of ofienders has been comparatively abolished, and our convicts are mostly sent to the public works at home, either to labour in the quarries, or to do mere manual work in the arsenal and dockyards, where-on earth can be the good of giving prisoners a nine months' course in tailoring, shoemaking, or weaving, previous to going to such places ? The main object, we fancy, of teaching men trades in prison is (apart from making them con¬ tribute to their own support), to furnish them with a means of subsistence on their leaving jail. This should, under a high system of prison discipline, always constitute one of the principal ends in view, viz., to convert a member of the community, who is not only valueless, but positively an incumbrance to the state, into a produc¬ tive agent, and so make him individually contribute some little to, rather than abstracting a considerable quantity from, the general stock of wealth. Such an end, however, can only be attained by long- continued industrial training and teaching, and certainly not by putting men to school for nine months at hanclicrafts which require several years' hard practice before any proficiency can be attained in them, and afterwards setting these incipient tailors, shoemakers, and weavers to dig, drag, break stones, or quarry, according to the exigencies of the public works. What amount of skül, for instance, can possibly be acquired in the arts of tailoring, shoemaking, or weaving, after working for only three-quarters of a year at the craft ? The instruction in such trades, so far from elevating a man into the dignity of a skilled labourer, degrades him to the level of the slop-worker ; and we have known many such who, on leaving jail, served only to swell the ranks of those rude and inexperienced work-people, who become the prey of the cheap Jew manufacturers, and who, consequently, are made the means of dragging down the earnings of the better-class workman, while they themselves do not get even scavengers' wages at the labour.. Again, some convicts learn in prison only just sufficient of carpenters' or smiths' work to render them adepts in the art of housebreaking, though mere bunglers in the fashioning of wood or metal into useful forms ; and we know one " cracksman" who leamt his traäe as a burglar at the Government works at Bermuda. Surely, how¬ ever, when convicts are sentenced to teveral yeari penal servitude, the time might be profitably employed in perfecting them in some one handicraft, rather than putting them for a few mouths to an art, and then keeping them for several years afterwards at the ruder forms of manual labour. If it be thought expedient to employ convicts at the deckyards and the arsenal, assuredly in the ten years' penal servitude that many of the men have to undergo, there would be time enough to render them experienced and skillful ship-wrights, or anchor-smiths, or cannon-founders, or sail-makers ; so that not only might they be made to take part in the building or fitting of our ships, but at the expiration of their sentence they would be proficients in a trade that would at once yield them a considerable income, and be an attractive and honourable art for them to pursue ; whilst to those convicts who had conducted themselves well during their servitude, the Government might offer, on their liberation, to continue their employment at the wages of free men. Indeed, until some such industrial schools be established for perfecting dexterous prisoners in the higher forms of labour, in which Government itself has the means of finding employment for them when liberated, there can be but little hope of reducing the criminal population of the country, or of preventing those who have been once or twice in prison continually returning to it. The experience of PentonviUe is so far satis¬ factory that it shows a strong desire on the part of the convicts to he made acquainted with the skilled forms of labour, as well as great aptitude for learning such matters, for all the prison authorities there agree, that the majority of the convicts get to think more highly of themselves, and to have a greater sense of self-reliance, when they find that they are able to produce the smallest article of utility; so that it is really lamentable to fee such experience wasted as it is at the present day. CniEl- WARDER AT THE I'ENTDNVILLE I PRINCIPAL MATRON AT THE FEMALE CONVICT PRISON. I PRISON. BRI.XTON. (From Photographs bj" Herbert Watkins, 179, Rei-'ent Street. PENTONVILLE PRISON. 155 " It's astonishing," rejoined our guide, " the quickness that some men display at learning their trades." The trade-instructor proceeded to spread the rugs out upon the pavement, so that we might see them to better advantage. They were both of a kind of rude velvet pile-work, and the one had a blue ground, with a red and white pattern tastefully worked upon it, while the ground of the other was a chocolate-brown, with red and blue figures. They had been made by the same man, and the trade-instructor, we could see, was not a tittle proud of his pupil. After this we were led by our guide to the shoemakers' little shop, at the comer of one of the corridors. Here, of course, there was a strong smell of leather, and the place was littered with lasts, and boots, and small stacks of soles, like cakes of gutta-percha. The officer who had charge of the shop showed us a pair of high-lows that had been made in the prison by an agricultural labourer. " He had never put stitch to leather, sir, before coming into the prison," said the official, as he twisted the boots over and over for our inspection. Then he produced a pair of convict boots with upper leathers as stiff as mill-board, and heavy soles the hob-nails upon which reminded one of a prison-door. These had been made by a farm servant who is a convict, and were worth, said the officer, "at least twelve shillings." Some men, he informed us, would do a pair of such boots in the course of a day's work at Pentonville, which was not like a day outside, he continued, on account of the many interriiptions. " It's strange," repeated our attendant warder, "how some men pick up a trade. We always find farm servants learn the quickest, and that simply because they aint above doing as they are told, like the well-educated clerks and others that we get here." The trade- instructor then produced a pair of cloth boots, with patent leather at the toes and sides; these had been made, he told us, by one who was not a very good hand when he came to the prison, but had so far improved as to tum out a pair of boots like those, which would pass muster in many a shop." Next we were shown a pair with elastic sides. "A farm-labouring lad closed that pair," he went on, " and a regular shoemaker (who is in the prison) finished them." After this we descended to the steward's stores in the basement of the building. Here We found immense rolls of the peculiar gingerbread-coloured convict cloth, with a red ertripe in it; and there was the usual wooUen-drapery smell clinging to the place. "We supply all the Government prisons, sir, with the convict cloth," said the store¬ keeper ; " and in some years we weave upwards of 50,000 yards here. But we not only weave the cloth, sir—we make up the clothes as weU; and in the year 1853 the tailors here tumed out more than 5,000 jackets, 4,000 vests, and nearly 7,000 trousers, besides repairing 4,500 old ones ; and that isn't such a very bad allowance of work, seeing that we had only 150 tailors in the prison. "Perhaps you've seen some of the shoes we make here, sir?" continued the store¬ keeper, as he grew proud of the prison labour. " That's what I call a good, strong, useful article," exclaimed the clerk, as he produced a pair of the heavy convict boots before described ; " and it's quite a credit to the men how readily they take to the work. A year or two ago, sir, we manufactured very nearly 5,000 pairs of boots and shoes for the Government prisons." Then the attendant drew oxu- attention to some really handsome mats and mgs, the sur¬ face oí which was almost like Utrecht velvet. " Some of those, sir, I call uncommon tasty things," continued the official, " and such as no regular factory might be ashamed of. Our average manufacture here is about 4,000 of those bordered mats and rugs, and about 2,000 of those ' double-thrumb ' there," he added, as he directed our attention to a commoner sort. "Tes, sir, a man gets to see his value when he begins to do such things as those. Besides this, we make up all the hammocks for the men at the Hulks and at Chatham." 11 156 THE GREAT WORLD OF LOHDOH. "Have you got a hammock you can let the gentleman see?" asked the guide of the storekeeper. "Oh, yes ! certainly," was the willing reply, as the man hiuried off to produce one of the convict beds. "There, now, that's a really good, strong, serviceable hammock, sir, as good a one as could be bought in the shops. It's for Chatham, I believe ; for I know we've got an order for that place. Last year we made up more than 500 hammoclcs here, and fitted the heads and supplied double the number of straps and girths. Our shoemakers make the one, and the tailors the others. Then, again, we manufacture all the check-lining, and all the twill for the convicts' handkerchiefs, besides about 10,000 yards of shirting for the prisoners, and some 5,000 yards of sheeting and toweiling as well. Yes, sir, everything made for the convicts has a red stripe in it—sheets, stockings, towels, flannels, and aU. We make those bed-rugs, too, sir," added the officer, pointing up to a roll of yellowish-brown counterpanes, that were packed above the large presses. " We supply all the convict prisons with those rugs. We make, indeed, almost every bit of clothing that the convicts require. The work makes a man think more of himself than if he could do nothing." We inquired as to the time it took for the convicts to leam the different trades. "How that twiU, sir, is beautifully done; and a man will do such an one after two months teaching," was the reply. " I don't think that the prisoner who made that has been quite so long here. In three months we reckon that a man ought to be able to sew all prison garments, or, if he's been put to shoemaking, to make the prison boots and shoes. Some do it in less time, and some never do it at all. In each ward, you see, sir," continued the store¬ keeper, " there is a discipline officer that we call the trade-instructor, or trade-warder, and he has to take part in the prison discipline as well as to teach the men their work ; and for that purpose he has to see his prisoner in his cell as often as he can, and to show him how to do the work, as well as to observe how he gets on. We've got twelve such instructors here, sir, and they take their turn at watching every sixth night, as well as the regular warders— they're on duty from six in the morning imtil six at night, just the same as the other officers." In answer to a question of ours as to whether the prisoners received any reward for their labour, and whether they had a certain task or quantity of work given out to them, the official informed us that after a man had been six months in the prison, and he had obtained a badge for good conduct, he was entitled to receive a certain gratuity, which varied from fouiq)ence to eightpence a week, according to the work done.* " This gratuity," he added, • We subjoin the official regulations concerning the remuneration given to the prisoners for their work ;— " The following Rules and Scale for Regulating Gratuities to Convicts in Separate Confinement for work performed will he for the present in force :— " 1. Prisoners who have passed six months in the prison, and whose good conduct entitles them to a badge, will be credited with gratuities according to the following scale, viz. Tratte or Occupation. id. per Wcetc. 6d. per Weelr. 8