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Evanston^ Elinois
7
I
M. TULLI CICERONIS
PRO
P. CORNELIO SULLA
ORATIO AD lUDICES
HonDon: C. J. CLAY and SONS,
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
AVE MARIA LANE.
eiMgoio: 263, ARGYLE STREET.
leip>is: F. A. BROCKHAUS.
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ISombas: E. SEYMOUR HALE
5pttt Jwss
M.TULLI CICERONIS
PRO
P. CORNELIO SULLA
ORATIO AD lUDICES
EDITED FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES
BY
JAMES S. REID, LITT. D.
7BLL0W AND TUTOR OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLBCB, CAMBRIDGE;
CLASSICAL EXAMINER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.
STEREOTYPED EDITION.
(iDatnbn'lige:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
1898
[All Rights reserved.1
First Edition 1882.
Reprinted 1883, 1886, 1891, 1898.
ERRATA.
Page 96, seven lines from bottom of p.; for caperet read saperet.
,, 99, five lines from top of p.; for cura read eur/a.
,, 112, four lines from top^ of p.; for"l. 7" read "1. 17."
„ „ n. on § 37, 1. 12, for adfuit read adfuisst.
„ 113, last line; for probus read probas.
„ 141, n. on § 71, 1. 7; for "Cethegus" read " Autronius" (bis)
and make the same correction in n. on 1. 8 and n. on 1. 10.
,, 154, n. on § 88, 1. 32; for "Manlian" read "Cornelian"; for
" Torquati" read " Sullae."
PREFATORY NOTE.
The general plan of this edition is in the main the
same as that of the other editions prepared by me
for the Syndics of the University Press. The speech
is one that will be new to most English schools and
even to most English University students. I venture
to think that it will repay study. It contains hardly
any passages of extreme difficulty; the subject-matter
is fairly interesting and very often important. To
judge from the editions of Halm and Richter, the
speech has found wide acceptance in Germany.
I have followed my usual plan of drafting my
own work as completely as possible before referring
to any previous editions. My own results have since
been carefully compared with those of Halm and
Richter, and any debts due to them have been ac-
knowledged in the notes. In textual matters I have
anxiously weighed for myself all the evidence ac-
cessible to me. Special pains have been taken in
6
FJtEFATORY NOTE.
the Introduction to give a clear and complete view
of the subject-matter of the speech. Much matter
that ordinarily appears in notes has been removed
there; the notes have been restricted so far as pos-
sible to the explanations of the Latinity of the
oration. In the critical notes I have especially
selected for comment such readings as illustrate
points of grammar, syntax and language generally.
JAMES S. REID.
Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge,
September, i88i.
INTRODUCTION.
1. The case of Sulla arises out of the conspiracy of Catiline,
which Cicero crushed in his consulship, 63 b.c. The history of
that conspiracy is generally accessible even in its minutest de-
tails. I shall here merely give such an account of it as is
necessary for the comprehension of Sulla's case, dwelling at
length only on such points as are closely connected with the
arguments in Cicero's speech.
2. The year 70 b.c. saw the last traces swept away of the
political institutions established by Sulla the dictator. The
- violence and despotism of the preceding twenty years had cor-
rupted to utter rottenness the public life of Rome, which for
generations past had been on the decline. The old constitution
was by Pompey restored in name, but the forces which had
once given it life existed no longer. For another twenty years
the fate of the Roman Empire lay in the hands, not even of
the citizen rabble, but of armed ruffians whom politicians of
all parties did not scruple to employ. By their acts all men
shewed an agreement that government by brute force was alone
possible. At length the gladiators were replaced by the dis-
ciplined brute force of Caesar's armies.
3. Besides the political dissolution, there existed all over
Italy, and above all in the capital itself, a vast amount of social
distress. There was in consequence a general feeling of in-
security and discontent. The dictator Sulla had impoverished
thousands of families by his proscriptions ; both those who had
lost and those who had gained by these were in a continual
8
INTRODUCTION.
state of uneasiness and unrest. The soldiers also whom the
dictator had planted by thousands on confiscated lands remained
for many years in a state of almost open hostility with the sur-
rounding populations.
4. There were thus on all sides elements which might be
expected to feed the flame of revolution if once kindled by a
bold and able leader. But though discontent was general, the
desires and aims of the disaffected were so various that it was
almost impossible to unite them under a single head. To make
a successful revolution, a regular army was needed, and there
were perhaps at that time not more than two Romans—Pom-
pey and Lucullus—who could have appealed to the army with
success. Caesar's time was not yet.
5. In the years from 70 to 66 B.C. public attention at Rome
was principally directed to the continual attacks on each other
made in the law-courts by the adherents of the two chief parties
—that which inherited the traditions of Sulla and called itself
the party of the optimates, and that which professed to repre-
sent Marius and described itself as popular. Apart from these
disputes, which often gave occasion for violence, the principal
matter that aroused contention was the command against the
Cilician pirates and against Mithridates in the East. By com-
bining with the popular party, Pompey succeeded in obtaining
vast and undefined powers which would easily have enabled him
to seize despotic authority, had he been so minded. He was
absent from Rome during the whole time of the agitations
caused by Catiline.
6. In the summer of 66 a vigorous struggle was carried on
by the candidates for the consulship of the year 65. The most
prominent aspirant was L. Sergius Catilina. He had made his
(Ubut in public life (so says Quintus Cicero) ^ by steeping his
hands in innocent blood during the reign of terror. Even if
' De pet. cons. § 9 primus ad recorded of Catiline are never
rem publicam aditus in equitibus mentioned by Cicero himself. They
Romanis occidendis fuit. Ihne, formed the staple of the 'oratio in
Hist. Rom. V. p. 381 n. curiously toga Candida', nccoxdiaz to Ascon.
asserts that the worst atrocities 84.
INTROD UCTION.
9
some of the savage details reported by ancient historians be
exaggerated, enough remains to prove that he had few superiors
in cruelty. His private life was at the time believed to be foul;
once at least he had to stand a public trial for gross immorality,
when the general voice pronounced him guilty, though bribery
and other corrupt influence induced the jury to acquit him. In
spite of his disgraceful history, Catiline seems to have exercised
a fascination over many men who were not altogether bad. He
would appear to have had charm of manner, persuasiveness of
speech, and a turn for diplomacy.
7. Catiline was praetor during the year 68 and governed
Africa as propraetor from the summer of 67 to the summer of
66, returning in time to canvass for the consulship. Even
before his return deputations of the African provincials waited
on the Senate ta complain of his oppression. The Senate con-
demned Catiline in formal resolutions, which he treated with
contempt^ On his arrival he was at once arraigned for extor-
tion {repetundarum) by P. Clodius, afterwards infamous as
tribune. L. Volcatius Tullus, one of the consuls of the year 66,
formally consulted the Senate on the question whether Catiline
should under the circumstances be recognised as eligible for
, election. The Senate was probably incensed on account of his
disregard for its authority and empowered Volcatius to refuse
votes for him. Catiline thereupon abandoned his candidature^.
8. The successful candidates were P. Autronius Paetus and
P. Cornelius Sulla, for the latter of whom Cicero afterwards
delivered the speech on which we are now engaged. Autronius
had been quaestor along with Cicero'. Sulla was possibly the
' Ascon. 85.
^ Ascon. 89 L. Volcatius TuU
lus consul consilium publicum ha-
buit an rationem habere deberet si
peteret consulatum, nam quaereba-
tur repetundarum. Calilina ob earn
causam destitit petitione. This pas-
sage has often been misunder-
stood. Publicum consilium clearly
indicates the Senate. It is also
•
plain that the decision was arrived
at b^ore C. had formally an-
nounced to Tullus that he would
be a candidate; the preceding
words of Ascon. professus deinde
est Catilina se petere consulatum
do not refer to any such formal
notice. Sail. Cat. 18 has a gar-
bled account of the occurrence.
» Sull. 18.
lO
INTRODUCTION.
son of a brother of the great dictator*. Cicero speaks of him as
having brandished the bloody spear of his relative, that is, as
having revelled in the sales of confiscated property, conducted
under the sign of the spear {sub hasta), whereby he amassed
great wealth'. True to his nature, he was not found wanting
when, thirty-six years later, 'the still more abominable spear' of
Julius Caesar was employed in like work'.
9. No sooner were Sulla and Autronius elected than they
were prosecuted on a charge of bribery, committed during the.
struggle for the consulship. The prosecutor of Sulla was the
T. Manlius Torquatus who opposed Cicero in the present case,
while Autronius was arraigned by L. Cotta, brother of the dis-
tinguished orator*. Bribery was a perennial offence at Rome,
and the cause of many statutes but few convictions. For the
moment, however, it had been pushed even beyond those limit^
which Roman public opinion regarded as reasonable. The
charges were preferred under the provisions of the lex Calpurnia
de ambiiu, passed two years earlier by a consul who had won that
office by unstinted bribery. An unsuccessful attempt was made
by Autronius to put an end to his own trial by force. Cicero
declares that Sulla made no such endeavour'; we can however
well imagine that he would have been pleased hadidie attempt
of Autronius succeeded, even if he did not abet it. In the end
the two consuls-elect were condemned*. In addition to a heavy
monetary fine, the conviction brought with it, under the law of
Calpumius, perpetual exclusion from the Senate and from all
public offices; also loss of the much prized ius imaginum. The
busts of the ancestors of Sulla's family could no longer be dis-
played at funerals, or on festive occasions'. These penalties
* Dio C. calls him of
the dictator, Cicero only propin.
quos,
' Off. 1, 29.
* Sceleratior hasta. Off. 1.1. In
Sull. 72 Cic. declares that Sulla
saved many lives during the pro-
scriptions of his relative, but does
not venture to assert that he de-
stroyed none.
* Ascon. in Corn. 74.
» Sull. 15.
« Sull. 1, 15, 36, 38, 49, 62.
73. 88, 91 ; Or. in tog. cand.
fr. 13 ed. Miiller; Dio C. 36, 44
ed. Dindorf; Sail. Cat. i8, 2;
Suet. lul. 9.
' Sull. § 88. It is difficult to
INTRODUCTION.
II
were felt to be exceedingly severe, and the strong terms in
which Cicero describes them probably do not overshoot the
public feeling of the time. Earlier bribery laws had left loop-
holes open for a return to office and the Senate. The convicted
briber was now doomed to political extinction ^
lo. The vacant consulships were filled by Gotta, who had
prosecuted Autronius, and by Torquatus, the father of Sulla's
antagonist^; both these had been candidates at the earlier
election. Autronius immediately conspired with Catiline and
Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a youth of high birth but abandoned cha-
racter, to murder the consuls at the very outset of their offi-
cial career, on the occasion of their appearing in the Capitoline
temple to take vows for the welfare of the people, according to
ancient custom'. Vargunteius and others were also in the plot^
which was no doubt to be executed with the aid of gladiators.
Catiline and Autronius were to be proclaimed consuls, while
Piso was to be placed at the head of an army in Spain'. Sallust
states that the plot was formed in the early days of December
66 ; but before the end of the month it had become known, and
a body-guard was provided by the Senate for the consuls-elect*.
An attempt was also made to brand the conspirators with public
infamy by a decree of the Senate, but some tribune intervened'.
The execution of the plot was now postponed to the nones of
February. At the same time its scope was enlarged; it be-
came a kind of Guy Fawkes' conspiracy for the massacre of
the Senate. It was believed that the enterprise only failed
see how such a penalty could be
enforced.
' Of. Ascon. 74; Schol. Bob.
361; Mur. 46 erat seuerissime
scripta Calpumia [lex\. A pas-
sage in Cluent. 98 mentions a res-
Htutio in integrum of a man con-
victed for bribery, if he prosecuted
successfully another person on the
same charge. This passage, al-
though spoken after the passing
of the lex Calpumia, may and I
think does referto the earlier period.
•
' Fin. 1, 72 makes it clear that
Torquatus the son, and not the
father, was the prosecutor of Sulla;
therefore Ascon. 74 and Dio C.
36, 44 (followed by many modern
authorities) are in error.
* Sail. Cat. 18, 4 sq.; Ascon.
93, 94; Sull. 68.
* Sull. 68; Or. in tog. cand.
93 (Ascon.).
' Sail. Cat. 18, 5.
* Dio C. 36, 44.
' Dio C. 1.1.
12 INTROD UCTION.
because Catiline on the appointed day prematurely gave the
signal to begin The conspirators escaped without punish-
ment. Piso, who was quaestor, was even sent by the Senate to
Spain with the rank of praetor, where his misdeeds soon brought
him to an untimely end^.
11. The question whether Sulla was an accomplice in this
earlier conspiracy of Catiline cannot be absolutely decided. It
is probable that he was, but had so managed that strict legal
proof of his offence could not be procured. Torquatus in this
case charged him with complicity ; Hortensius, who claimed to
have been in the secret counsels of the consuls Cotta and Tor-
quatus, met the charge. Yet it can be seen from Cicero's Ian-
guage that the defence was by no means confident or triumphant;
everything he says is consistent with the supposition that Sulla
had secretly encouraged the conspirators and perhaps aided
them with his wealth®. The authority followed by Dio Cassius
believed that Sulla was to benefit by the plot, and it is probable
that Livy so told the storyi It is impossible to attribute any
importance to the account of Suetonius, that Crassus and Caesar
were behind Catiline, and desired to reinstate the ejected con-
suls in order that they might nominate Crassus as dictator, who
would then have appointed Caesar his master of the horse®.
This tale sprang partly from the protection extended in the
Senate to Piso by Crassus, and partly from surmises current
concerning Caesar and Crassus during the later conspiracy of
Catiline. Nor must we lay much stress on the passage from a
letter of Cicero to Pompey, which Torquatus declared to in-
criminate Sulla. From what Cicero says we may conclude that
Sulla's name was not explicitly mentioned ®.
® Ascon. 93,94; Sallnst.1.1. Dio patronus.
C. passes over the second attempt. ® Bull, ri, 12, 67, 74.
® Dio C. 36, 44; Ascon. 94 * Epit. 101; but the ' damnati
occisus erat, ut guidam credebant, ambitus^ there mentioned may
a Cn. Pompeii clientibus Pompeio have included Vargunteius, who
non inuito. These clientes must had also suffered for that offence,
have been the inhabitants of some and may have excluded Sulla,
town of which P., who had of course ^ ' Suet. lul. 9.
close relations with Spain, was ® Sull. 67.
INTRODUCTION.
13
12. According to Cicero, Sulla's outward demeanour after
his condemnation was admirable, and he behaved as though he
keenly felt his disgrace. How careless public opinion at Rome
was about such matters is shewn by the fact that Torquatus,
whom Catiline had desired to assassinate, appeared as one of
that gentleman's friends and supporters when he was tried on a
charge of misappropriating public moneys, the prosecutor being
the notorious Clodius^ With this in view, it need not surprise
us that Cicero, in order to serve his own interests, was ready to
defend Catiline, though he was prevented by absence from
Rome*. After a protracted trial, Catiline's bribery proved suf-
ficiently persuasive to secure his acquittal. The arraignment
had served the purpose of preventing him from standing for the
consulship of the year 64. For the consulship of the year 63
Cicero was a successful candidate, after a severe struggle against
the combined forces of Catiline and Antonius. Antonius was
second at the poll. Catiline immediately proclaimed himself a
candidate for the consulship of the year 62.
13. To the end of the year 64 Sulla appears to have lived
almost constantly at Naples ; but on the loth December in that
year he was certainly in Rome. The election of Antonius as
consul prompted the new tribunes, who entered upon office on
that day, to put forward a number of exciting proposals, cer-
tain if pushed to bring on turbulent proceedings®. Among the
tribunes was L. Caecilius, a half-brother of Sulla* who pro-
posed a bill for relieving Sulla and Autronius of a portion of
the penalties they had suffered under the Calpurnian law, by
providing that in their case only such punishment should be
inflicted as was permitted by the bribery laws older than the
Calpurnian®. This measure would have allowed the condemned
to sue afresh for office at the end of ten years from their
conviction; also (some think) to regain their former position if
» Bull. 81.
» Att. I, 2, I; ib. I, I, I.
® Die C. 37, 23-
* Bull. which seems
to point to a second marriage of
•
Bulla's mother, rather than to an
adoption of a full brother into the
Caecilian gens.
» Bull. 63.
14" INTRODUCTION.
they prosecuted to condemnation another culprit for the offence
of bribery. This proposal excited great alarm in the minds of
the senators; they believed that Autronius would certainly use
force, which they possibly expected to be backed by Sulla's
riches. The year 64 had been distinguished for bribery more
flagrant than ever, and the Senate had tried in vain to pass a
corrective enactment more severe even than the Calpurnian^
The tribune who vetoed the bill had bitterly attacked Cicero,
and had been answered in the lost speech entitled toga
Candida^. Therefore the Senate was not free, nor was Cicero
free, to show any favour to the proposal of Caecilius. Sulla put
the best face on the affair, and commissioned one of the prae-
tors to say in the Senate on the ist January 63 that he did not
desire the matter to proceed further®.
14. It is unnecessary to recount in all its details the familiar
history of the second conspiracy of Catiline." But for the under-
standing of Cicero's speech for Sulla we must have clearly in
view the main facts of the plot, and must understand minutely
one or two matters connected with it Cicero tells us that he
became aware of Catiline's designs even before entering on his
consulship®. The first precaution was to bribe Antonius into
neutrality by making over to him the province of Macedonia,
which had fallen to Cicero by lot. The spring and summer
were occupied with the contentions about the agrarian law of
Rullus, the trial of Rabirius for the death of Saturninus, the
proposal to restore to their rights the children of those whom
Sulla had proscribed, Caesar's intrigues to secure the office of
pontifex maximus, Cicero's laws to check bribery and the abuse
of the libera legatio, and above all the rivalry of the candidates
for the consulship of the year 62. Catiline was competing, along
with several members of the highest families in Rome. We
fin<f in the speech for Murena a lively picture of his appear-
ances in the forum at this time*. Information reached Cicero
through a spy that Catiline had determined to murder him on
the day of the consular election, at which it was necessary for
* A scon. 83, 88.
« SuU. 65.
® Cic. Cat. I, II and 15.
* Mur. 49.
INTROD UCTION. i s
the consul to preside*. Autronius was to act as Catiline's
lieutenant on the occasion®.
15. On the day before the election Cicero summoned a
meeting of the Senate, and questioned Catiline about his pro-
ceedings. The conspirator made an exultant and defiant speech,
for which, says his adversary®, he ought never to have been
allowed to leave the house alive. The senators, however, declined
to take any steps, and Cicero was driven to the protection of a
cuirass, part of which he exhibited outside his toga to arouse
odium against Catiline; he also enlisted a body guard of personal
friends. The comitia once more rejected Catiline, and conferred
the consulship on D. lunius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena.
16. The scheme for an arqied rising, long in preparation,
was now hurried to completion. Three armies of Sulla's vete-
rans and other disaffected persons were to assemble in Italy, one
under an old captain of Sulla's, Manlius, in Etruria, another in
Picenum, another in Apulia. Outbreaks of slaves, mostly gladi-
ators, were also arranged*. Catiliiie moreover relied on the aid
of C. Antonius the consul, of Piso in Spain, and of C. Sittius in
Mauretania, but these all for different reasons failed him. The
man last mentioned had a remarkable career. He belonged to
Nuceria in Campania, and was a Roman knight. Being deeply
involved in debt, he favoured for a time the designs of Catiline,
but unlike most of the conspirators, who clung desperately to their
possessiones\ he suddenly empowered P. Sulla to sell his landed
property, paid his debts, and left Rome for Spain". It was sus-
pected that he had gone there at Sulla's instigation to further
Catiline's designs, but his actions lent no support to the suspicion.
He had large business transactions in Spain, which had taken
him there on a previous occasion. Moreover he left Italy before
Catiline began to make active preparations for a rising. From
Spain he went to Mauretania, and returning to Rome after
Catiline's insurrection was suppressed, found himself threatened
* Dio C. 37, 29 J
® Sulla 51.
® Mur. 5».
Plut. Cic. 14.
* Sull. S3.
» Sull. 56.
« Sull. 56.
i6
INTRODUCTION.
with a prosecution on account of his connexion with the con-
spiracy*. He left Italy with a military contingent, which he
reinforced in Spain, and passing into Mauretania played the
part of king-maker there for eighteen years. During the war
in Africa between Caesar and the Pompeians, he espoused
Caesar's cause and materially aided the victorious party. For
his services Caesar gave him a kingdom in Africa, in which he
settled his followers; but soon after Caesar's death he sue-
cumbed to the treachery of an African prince®
17. Information came to Cicero that Manlius was to march
for Rome on the 27th October, while Catiline was to head a
rising in the city on the 28th; the first act of this was to be the
murder of Cicero and a large number of the senators; the second
the capture of the stronghold of Praeneste®. On the 21st
October the Senate met, and after Cicero had imparted to them
the news of the plot, the senatus consultum ultimum was passed,
which was equivalent to the proclamation of ihartial law, and
enabled the consuls to take any measures that might seem to
them to be necessary for the protection of the capital and, the
empire^ The apprehended danger passed over; Catiline as-
sumed an air of injured innocence, and the citizens generally
were inclined to make light of Cicero's fears. But news soon
arrived that Manlius had really begun his enterprise on the 27th
October, and that an insurrection was ready to break out among
the slaves at Capua and elsewhere. Effective military measures
were at once taken to meet these perils.
18. On the night of the 6th November was held the famous
meeting of conspirators at the house of M. Porcius Laeca in the
'street of the scythe-makers' {interfalcarios) when a detailed
scheme of action was adopted®. One part of it was that two
® Appian. 4, 54; Dio C. 43, 3.
® Dio C. 43, 3—12; Bell. Afr.
«5.48. 93. 95: App. 4, 56.
s Cat. I §§ 7, 8.
* Sail. Cat. 29; Cic. Cat. I §§
3, 4; Att. 10, 8, 8.
' Cic. Cat. I §§ 8, 9; 2, 12;
Sallust. Cat. 27, 28; Sull. 52 node
ea quae consecuta est posterum diem
nonarum Novembrium. In this
last passage Cic. is evidently at
pains to give the date precisely,
and so discards the usual designa-
tionof the day (a.d. Vin Id. Nov.)
for one which gave less chance of
error. It is impossible therefore
INTROD UCTION
17
Roman knights, C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius, undertook to
murder Cicero, under cover of a pretended friendly visit to be
paid, as was customary with Romans, at a very early hour
in the morning. But this atrocious plot was betrayed as soon
as formed, and the assassins, arriving at Cicero's door very
early in the morning of the 7th November, found it barred
against them ^ At a hastily summoned meeting of the Senate,
Cicero attacked Catiline in the first of the four orations we
still possess, and drove him to quit Rome. His friends
asserted that he had gone into voluntary exile to escape
the tyrannous cruelty of Cicero, but events soon revealed
his real designs. The chief of those who remained behind
in Rome to further the plot by despatching munitions of war,
and by devising schemes for murder and conflagration were
Lentulus, Cethegus, and Autronius. The last-named was in-
tended to hold a command in Etruria, but for some' reason did
not go there®. P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, was, according to
Cicero, Catiline's principal lieutenant®. He had already reached
the consulship, but had been ejected by the censors from the
Senate on account of his bad character, and was now praetor
for the second time. His ' depraved and impious superstition' *
as Cicero calls it, is well-known. He declared that the Sibylline
books marked out three Comelii to become lords of Rome; the
first of these was the dictator Sulla, the second Cinna, the third
himself. Cethegus, on whom the task of murdering Cicero now
fell, was a hotheaded man, and continually complained of his
to suppose (with Lange) that Cic.
has made a slip in giving the date,
and that the meeting really occur-
led on the 5th Nov.
' Cic. Cat. 1, 9; Sallust. Cat.
28. Sallust gives the names of
the murderers as C. Cornelius and
L. Vargunteius; Cic. Sull. 54 men-
tions C. Cornelius only, but speaks
of duo equites in Cat. i, 9; hence
Appian 2, 3 is wrong in naming
Lentulus and Cethegus, as is Plut.
Cic. 16 in designating Marcius and
Cethegus. These authors have
R. S.
*
failed to distinguish between C.
Cornelius and C. Cornelius Cethe-
gus. In Sull. 18 Cic. speaks of
Autronius as having tried to let
loose on him these assassins, but
the statement is a rhetorical ex-
aggeration, based on the fact that
Autronius was acting with Cati-
line's party at the time.
® Sull. S3.
® Sail. Cat. 31, 39, 43-
* Sull. 70 perversam atque im-
piam religionem; cf. Cat. 3, 9;
Sallust. Cat. 47, 2.
2
18 INTROD UCTION.
associates as slothfiiU. He was not new to the trade of assassi-
nation; Cicero intimates that he had in early life taken ajoumey
to Spain in order to kill Q. Metellus Pius, whom he only sue-
ceeded in wounding \
19. The final suppression of the conspiracy in the city came
about because Lentulus and Cethegus tried to induce certain
ambassadors of the Allobroges to support Catiline by raising
insurrection in Gallia Cisalpina, which province was then in
a very unsettled state. These ambassadors played the Catili-
narians false and were caught by arrangement on the night
between the 2nd and 3rd December, with letters in their pos-
session from Lentulus, Cethegus and a certain conspirator
Statilius, binding the writers by oath to go through with the
enterprise. These documents were intended to be shewn
by the ambassadors to their fellow-countrymen in GauL At
the same time one Volturcius of Croton, bearing a despatch
from Lentulus to Catiline, was taken prisoner, and was allowed
to turn state's evidence. Cicero took immediate steps to secure
five of the principal conspirators, Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius,
Gabinius, Caeparius; four of them were brought before the
Senate at once, and the fifth captured immediately after the
meeting. On being confronted with the despatches and with
Volturcius and the Gauls, the plotters acknowledged the truth
of the information. All of them were given into the custody
of members of the Senate, and the same measure was ordered
in the case of four others who had escaped, should they be
caught. The only notable person among these was L. Cassius
Longinus, who had been praetor in 66 and had competed with
Cicero for the consulship. He had dealings with the Alio-
broges, but declined to give them any written promise, and
left Rome before they were seized'. Cicero took great
pains to place on record the whole proceedings at this
meeting of the Senate, and to spread copies over Italy
1 Sail. Cat. 43, 3; Cic. Cat. 3, » Bull. 36 sq.; Sail. Cat. 44, j;
10. cf. Cic. Cat. 3, 14,
- Sull. 70. * Sull. 41, 4J.
INTRODUCTION. 19
He also addressed the people on the same day in his third
Catilinarian speech. Sallust tells us that the lower classes, who
had been inclined to follow Catiline, now turned round and
cursed him, because they found he had been preparing to bum
the city over their heads K In consequence of rumours that a
rescue of the prisoners would be attempted, a meeting of the
Senate was called on the 5th December, when after long debate
it was decided that all five should be strangled in the state
prison by the common executioner, the same punishment to be
inflicted on L. Cassius and the three other conspirators, when
captured'. The sentence was immediately carried out in the
case of the five actually in custody. Although the lex Porda
guarded citizens fi-om a disgraceful death, and a law of Gaius
Gracchus threatened with punishment all who put any citizen to
death without trial, Cicero regarded his responsibility as covered
by that of the Senate, and in particular by the senatus consultum
ultimum, which had always been held to justify such executions.
He sometimes argued that no trial was necessary in the case
of men who had confessed to their crimes'. In the following
month Catiline himself was defeated and killed and his force
scattered.
20. During this time Sulla, according to Cicero, remained
at Naples*; excepting perhaps for a brief space about the time
of the consular comitia at which Cicero presided®. Yet Sulla's
former connexion with Autronius had evidently stimulated public
suspicion. Campania was the great training-ground of the
gladiators, many of whom were supposed to have been drilled
and prepared to join Catiline. Moreover Sulla himself had
helped to equip a band purchased by his relative Faustus
Sulla, son of the great Sulla. The professed object of the
purchase was to carry out a provision of the dictator's will by
celebrating a gladiatorial exhibition in his honour®. ' Further,
' Cat. 48, I; of. Bull. 32, 33.
- Sail. Cat. 50, 4. The special
function of Cassius, which he had
begged for himself, was to set fire
to the city; see Bull. 53; Cat. 3,14.
" Bull. 33.
* § St.
® Cf. §§ 51, 52.
• §§ 54. 55.
2 2
20
INTROD UCTION.
Sulla's relations with the people of Pompeii had attracted atten-
tion^ He was one of their patroni or honorary agents at Rome.
The city was distracted by the dissensions between the old in-
habitants and the new military colonists settled in the place by
the dictator Sulla. Many other towns were in the same state at
this time, and Catiline no doubt relied on using these disputes
to his own advantage. P. Cornelius Sulla was suspected of
fomenting the discord at Pompeii in Catiline's interest. Cicero
answers that his client merely acted with the two other patroni
as arbiter in the dispute between the old and the new citizens
there®. Sulla's connexion with Sittius was also remembered
against him. But although Sulla would no doubt have been
ready to profit by Catiline's success, and may have given him
secret aid or encouragement, direct evidence of complicity was
not forthcoming. The Gaulish ambassadors had questioned the
conspirators whether Sulla was in the plot, and had received a
doubtful answer \
21. In the early months of the year 62 the ordinary criminal
law^was set in motion against several of Catiline's party. Their
guilt was for the most part clear. Among them were L. Var-
gunteius, now deserted even by Q. Hortensius, who had alone
supported him in a former trial, for bribery®; Autronius, who
vainly appealed to Cicero as a former colleague®; Servius and
P. Sulla, sons of a brother of the dictator®; M. Porcius Laeca,
at whose house the famous meeting had been held, and C. Cor-
nelius, the would-be murderer of Cicero. Cicero's language®
® §§ 60 sq.
® Madvig. Opusc. i, 291 sq.
seems to deny that the military
colonists occupied the town, and
appears to think they were settled
on a tract of land not far from it.
The matters to which the dispute
referred (§ 61 de ambulatione ac de
suffrapis) indicate rather that the
colonists, when planted at Pompeii
by the dictator, dominated the com-
munity; but the lapse of twenty
years had weakened their power.
and the old inhabitants were be-
ginning to regain their rights.
* §§ 36 sq.
* The lex Plautia, which Cicero
says 'quenched the smouldering
embers of the conspiracy' (Gael.
70); see also below, § 25.
^ Cf. Sull. 6.
® Sull. §§ 7, 18.
® Svni. 6.
* Everywhere in the Pro SuHa,
and in the passage quoted from ilie
Pro Cm/m above.
INTROD UCTION
21
malces it certain that none of these were acquitted. Against
Autronius, and probably against all the others, evidence was
given by Cicero himself*. When, four years afterwards, Cicero
was driven from Rome by Clodius, Autronius was living as an
exile in Epirus
22. P. Cornelius Sulla was prosecuted by T. Manlius Tor-
quatus, son of the consul of the year 65, who as well as his
father had been closely connected with Cicero. Both father and
son had rendered active assistance in the suppression of the
conspiracy. The association of Cicero with the younger man
had been especially intimate'; the two were united by like
literary tastes, as well as by common views in politics. Tor-
quatus had read widely*, was no inconsiderable orator, and ad-
hered to the Epicurean philosophy, which he defends in the first
book of Cicero's De Finibus. During the civil war he sided
with Pompey; at the outset, being praetor, he was at Alba, but
fled on Caesar's approach, and afterwards commanded the
fortress of Oricum in Epirus, but had to surrender to Caesar®.
He then took service in Africa, and lost his life in attempting to
escape with Scipio and other officers after the battle of Thapsus.
Their ships had to seek refuge from a storm at Hippo, where
P. Sittius had a fleet; all Scipio's vessels were sunk and their
occupants drowned®. After the trial of Sulla, as before. Tor-
quatus continued in friendship with Cicero. It was, as we have
seen, the second occasion on which Torquatus and Sulla had
encountered each other in the courts; they were destined to meet
once again, nine years later, when both desired to prosecute
Gabinius for bribery, and Sulla was selected*. In the case before
us Torquatus was assisted by C. Cornelius, the son of the con-
spirator of the same name; nothing, however, is known of him
excepting from Cicero's speech. It is doubtful whether he
* Sull. 10, 21, 48, 83.
' Att. 3, 2; ib. 3, 7, I.
® § 34 contubernalis in consulatu
atque etiam in prattura; of. also
§«•
® Bnit. 265 erant in eo pluri-
tnae litterae, nec eat volgares, sed
interiores quaedam et rtconditae;
Kin. I §§ 25, 72.
® Att. 7, 12, 4; ib. 9, 8, I;
Caes. B. C. r, 24; ib. 3, 11.
® Bell. Afr. 96; Brut. 266.
* Att. 4, 6, 11; Q. Fr. 3, 3, 2.
22
INTRODUCTION.
appeared as subscriptor, that is, as the formally acknowledged
lieutenant of the prosecutor, or as witness, or in both capacities'.
Torquatus clearly laid great stress on the fact that the son of a
principal conspirator asserted Sulla's guilt®.
23. The real reasons which induced Cicero to undertake
the defence do not appear on the surface of the speech. He
alleges his desire to aid a man whom he had better reason than
any one else for believing innocent'; his anxiety to shew that
he could on due occasion be merciful as well as severe*; a
natural impulse to act with the most distinguished men of the
day, who had entirely spurned Vargunteius and the other con-
demned Catilinarians, while they were warm supporters of
Sulla®. But in truth Cicero was casting about for support in the
perils he saw advancing. Sulla's wealth and influence were very
considerable, and our orator was anxious to lay him and his
powerful friends under an obligation. Moreover, he had
borrowed a very considerable sum of money from Sulla in
order to purchase from Crassus a house on the Palatine*. In
the present case Hortensius was joined with Cicero in the
defence. It is well known that when Cicero was engaged
in a case with other advocates, it was always arranged that
he should speak last, on account of his great power of pathos,
which impressed the jury most at the end of the pleadings®.
So here the defence was opened by Hortensius. For con-
venience, he dealt mainly with the charges arising out of
what is called the first Catilinarian conspiracy of 65 B.C.,
his colleague with those arising out of the second. Not with-
out a touch of sarcasm, Cicero protests his ignorance of the
first conspiracy, and tacitly intimates that the consuls of the
' The word accusatoribus in
§92,1. 13 seems to indicate that C.
Cornelius was subscriptor, and that
the word accusal in § 51, 1 3 does
not refer merely to evidence.
® §51-
* § 20.
* §§ 8, 9-
* §5-
* Gellius 12, 12, 2 cum emere
vellet in Palatio domum el pecu-
niam in praesens non hdberet, a
P. Sulla, qui tum reus eral, mutua
sestertium viciens ladle accepil.
Gellius goes on to say that the
transaction became generally
known, and did Cicero harm.
® Orat. 130; Brut. 190.
INTROD UCTION
23
day ought to have sought his advice. But he contends that if
Sulla had been guilty in 65, Hortensius, who was among the
counsellors of the consuls, must have known it; if in 63 then he,
Cicero, must have been informed of it; whereas no communica-
tion was made to either concerning Sulla, nor did any suspicion
r^arding him cross the mind of either ^
24. The time of the trial can be fixed within narrow limits.
Cicero writes to Sestius at a date which certainly lies between
Dec. 10 of the year 62 and Jan. i of 61, and informs him that
the purchase for which Sulla when reus lent the 2000000
sesterces, had been completed some time before^. This would
lead us to place the trial not later than November 62. The trials
of Vargunteius and the rest had lasted some months^, and had
probably not begun till Catiline was finally crushed. This
would give May or June as the earliest date for the trial of Sulla.
Further, Messalla, the consul of the year 6i, is mentioned in
such a way as to denote that he had not yet been elected when
the speech was delivered^ The comitia are known to have been
somewhat later than usual this year, and very likely did not take
place till August. J uly was therefore probably the month of the
triaL
25. The prosecution almost certainly took place under the
lex Plautia de vi. A passage in the speech for Caelius intimates
that those of Catiline's accomplices who were tried by the or-
dinary courts were convicted under a law passed by Q. Lutatius
Catulus, during the commotions which arose out of the struggle
between the party of Marius and that of Sulla®. Cicero's words
' §§ ri. «3> 14 etc.
^ Fam. 5, 6.
® Sull. 92.
* §§ «o. 43-
® Cadi.'jodeviguaeriiis...qtiam
legem Q. Catulus armata dissen-
stone civium rei pttblicae paene ex-
tremis temporibus tulit, quaeque
lex sedata tlla Jiamma consulatus
mei fumantis reliquias coniura-
tionis exstinxit. These words
surely cannot be reconciled with
•
the opinion of C. F. Hermann and
others that there was a Ux Lutatia
which merely regulated the proce-
dure under the lex PlatUia. The
law with which Cic. connects the
name of Catulus is manifestly a
law dealing with the matter of the
offence, and can be none other
than the lex Plautia. Cicero's
words are also strongly opposed to
the supposition that the statute was
passed in 89, when Catulus was
24 INTRODUCTION.
have led many scholars to imagine a lex Lutatia, which is
nowhere else mentioned. It is more natural to suppose that
as the Plautius who nominally carried the law was insignificant
and would be unknown to the audience, Cicero named as its
author the powerful statesman who set Plautius in motion. The
enactment was probably carried in 78 B.C. when Catulus was
consul, and was directed in the first instance against the friends
of Lepidus, who were then causing much trouble at Rome.
The provisions of the statute are not known to us with much
exactness. Cicero describes it in general terms as punishing
sedition of every kind and especially the crimes of besetting
the senate by an armed force, offering violence to magistrates,
and attempting by force to subvert the constitution^. All these
offences might have been brought under the head of perduellio
or maiestas. And just as the law of perduellio like our own
law of treason was elastic and undefined, so great indefiniteness
seems to have attached to the law of public violence based on
I he lex Plautia^, The later procedure was in some respects
more stringent than the earlier process used for perduellio^.
A trial might be held under the lex Plautia upon all dies festi
and days when ludi publici took place, though all other legal
proceedings were at such times absolutely forbidden. There
can be no doubt that a standing court (^perpetua quaestid) was
established by the Plautian law. The president of the court
would be one of the praetors, or a person nominated by him
(called iudex quaestionis or quaesitor). The jury was necessarily
tribune with M. Plautius Silvanus,
the author of the lex Plautia iu-
iUciaria and joint author of the lex
Plautia Papiria. The Plautius
who passed a measure to recall the
exiled followers of Lepidus must
again have been a different person;
the time was later than the crush-
ing of Sertorius; see Cell. 13, 3;
Suet. Jul. 54. [The lex Plautia
is named as that under which the
conspirators were tried, in the spu-
rious Declam. Sallust. in Cicero-
nem § 3.]
1 Gael. I. It is recorded that
the statute forbade any one to ac-
quire the usual prescriptive title to
property of which he had taken
possession by violence; see Gains
45: Dig- 41. 3. .33.
" Gael. I.
* For all that relates to perduel-
lio see Mr Heitland's (immediate-
ly forthcoming) edition of Gicero's
Pro Rabirio perd. reo.
INTRODUCTION. 25
taken from among the persons whose names were on the jury-
register {album iudicum). By the lex Aurelia iudiciaria, passed
by Cotta in 70 B.C. and still in force, the juries were composed
of senators, knights and tribuni aerarii in equal proportions.
The album was drawn up in each year by the praetor urbanus,
who appointed by lot for each criminal court a definite number
of iudices-tQ serve for the year. The president of the court
usually selected by lot from his own special jury-list the names
of a sufficient number of j)ersons to try particular cases. The
number of the jury was very likely not the same in every court,
but depended on the provisions of the particular statutes by
which the courts were established. After the president had
constituted his jury, the prosecutor and defendant were ordi-
narily each allowed to object to {reicere, reiectio) a certain
number of jurors (the number probably varying from court to
court); the places of these were then supplied by a fresh re-
course to the lot.
26. Such was the ordinary process, but we see from a
passage in the speech for Sulla thsL^thtlex PlautiadevimzxktA
out some special method for appointing the jury in this class of
cases. Cicero's words are far from clear^, but it results from
them that the jury was not selected by lot, but in some way
nominated by the prosecutor, the defendant having merely the
right to object to a certain number of names. The prosecutor
naturally selected such persons as would be likely to vote for
condenming the defendant^. Such iudices were called editicii,
and the method of nomination editio as opposed to the ordinary
sortitio. The principle is only known to have been adopted in
two other enactments, the lex Servilia repetundarum and the
lex Licinia de sodaliciisj in each instance with certain special
restrictions®. But in addition to the hardship of the editio,
there was a hardship special to the case of Sulla, of which Cicero
complains in the obscure words addressed to the jury' vos reiec-
1 I pj. proposed to adopt the principle of
^ § 92 ab (ucusatoribus delecti ad editio in the lex Tullia de ambitu
spem acerbitatis. of 63, but the proposal had been
® Cf. Holden's Introd. to Cic. dropped.
pro Plamio p. 44. It had been
26
INTROD UCTION
tione interposita nihil suspicanlibus nobis repentini in nos indices
consedistid. The context shews that Cicero is not here finding
fault with any unfairness on the part of the president of the
court, but with the prosecutor for making a harsh use of a right
which the law allowed him. It had probably been customary
for the prosecutor to give -some notice of the names he intended
to propose for the jury; the defendant then had time to make
inquiries and determine upon the jurors to whom he might with
advantage object. But the practice rested on custom and not
on the law, and Torquatus in this case insisted on the strict
letter being carried out^.
27. In all criminal courts the votes of the jury were given
secretly, according to the lex Cassia tabellaria of 137 B.C The
number of the jury on the present occasion cannot be determined.
It was probably not less than 50, nor greater than 100*. For
the verdict in a criminal trial to be valid, it was necessary that
two-thirds of the jury should vote. The penalties imposed by
the lex Plautia cannot be stated with absolute certainty. That
they were severe is clear from the strong language used by
Cicero in the speech for Sulla, and elsewhere, when every allow-
ance rendered necessary by his tendency to exaggerate has been
made'. As the offence was readly a variety of perduellio or
maiesias\ it is natural to suppose that the punishment for vis
* The Schol. Bob. 368 gives a
different explanation of the passage,
which he admits to be difficult.
He supposes that some other cul-
prit was being tried de vi at the
same time with Sulla; that the
nomination of jurors was by sortitio
not editio; that Torquatus man-
aged somehow to get the jury in
the other case nominated first, and
exercised such an influence on the
challenging that all the tender-
hearted jurors were already em-
ployed, and only severe men left
to try the case of Sulla. This is
only a bad guess, for (i) even after
the sortitio in the first case proba-
bly a large number of names re-
mained on the special jury-list of
the court, and if sortitio was again
used, it could not be said that
Sulla's jurors were delecti ah accu-
satoribus, (s) if there had been such
jugglery as the Scholiast supposes,
Cicero would certainly have en-
larged upon it.
^ At the trial of Milo, conduct-
ed under a special enactment of
On. Pompeius, the jury numbered
SI-
' §§ 88—91; so in the speeches
for Sestius and Caelius.
* It is so treated by Cicero in
§ 88 exstinctor patriae, ne pro-
INTRODUCTION. 27
was the same as that for treason, namely (at this period) the
aquae et ignis interdictio, with its accompaniments and con-
sequences. This was an indirect method of enforcing exile',
which was never directly inflicted as a punishment, except by
Cicero's law concerning bribery. Within a certain distance
from the city^ all men were forbidden to supply the criminal
with two of the prime necessaries of life. The sentence carried
with it ignominia, but as a rule not confiscation of property. A
money fine may have been added to the aquae et ignis inter-
dictio, but cannot have been allowed to be alternative to it'.
The convicted criminal practically lost his status as a Roman
citizen.
28. Sulla was acquitted. Not much of his subsequent
history has been preserved. We find that Clodius used his
house as a fortress from which to make sorties ; most likely with
the owner's consent*. In 54 B.C. Sulla contended successfully
with Torquatus for the right to act as prosecutor of Gabiniuson
a charge of bribery®. The result of this trial is unknown.
Sulla joined Caesar's side in the civil war, and held high com-
mands, particularly at Pharsalus, where he led the right wing®.
He was appointed to carry over an army into Africa in the
vear 47, but the troops mutinied'. His death occurred in 45.
All the references to him in Cicero's writings after the speech
are unfriendly or jeering. Special stress is laid on his par-
ditor, ne hostis appelletur...id la- tie in Cic. § 3 alios pecunia con-
borat, id metuit; cf. Gael. 70 quae demnabas does not imply this (as
lex ad imperium, ad maiestcUem, Richter and others suppose); the
ad statum patriae, ad salutem om- words which immediately follow
nium pertinet. shew the charge to be one of levy-
' § 90 vero inimicum ut ex- ing black mail on the conspirators.
pellas, words hardly reconcilable * Att. 4, 3, 3.
with the theory of some scholars ® Sulla's object may have been
that the punishment prescribed by (though I do not think so) to
the lex Plautia was ignominia ac- obliterate the consequences of his
companied by confiscation of pro- own conviction; see above, p. 11,
n. I.
petty.
® Possibly 400 millia passuum, ® Caes. B. C. 3, 51 and 89;
the distance fixed by the law in Appian. 2, 76.
Cicero's case. ' Att. 11, 21, 2; ib. 22, 2.
® The passage in the Declama-
28
INTROD UCTION.
ticipation in the confiscations carried out by the Caesarian
party
29. It now only remains to give some detailed criticisms and
information touching the subject-matter of Cicero's speech.
The teachers of rhetoric at that time divided forensic ora-
tions into six parts, the exordium, the statement of the case,
its division into parts, the proof of the speaker's view, the
refutation of his opponent's, the peroration®. This arrange-
ment was open to modifications, and as we shall see is not pre-
cisely followed in the present speech. Cicero himself indicates
once or twice that his arrangement was in some respects un-
usual®, and we may divide the oration thus:
a. §§ I—10 exordium.
b. §§ 10—14 narratio or propositio.
c. §§ 14—20 first part of confirmatio.
d. §§ 21—35 digresHo («rapeK/3a<rtr).
§§ 36—68 refutatio.
f §§ 69—77 second part of confirmatio.
g- §§ 78—80 commonplace about torture.
h. §§ 80—87 third part of confirmatio.
i. §§ 88—93 peroratio.
30. a. §§ I—10. The exordium. All the ancient writers on
rhetoric describe it as the proper function of the introduction
to render the jury well disposed towards the speaker, and at-
tentive to what he is about to say. Cicero begins by com-
* Pam. 15, 17,1 Sullampatrem
mcrtuom habebamus; alii a latro-
n ibus, alii crudidate dicebant; popu-
lus non curabat, combustum enim
esse conslabat. Hoc tu pro tua so-
pientia feres aequo animo, guam-
quam Ttpoaiasrw xbSeus amisimus.
Caesarem putabant moleste latu-
rum, verentcm ne hasta refrixisset.
In the punning phrase combustus
there is a bitter allusion to Sulla's
appearances in the criminal courts;
cf. the word ambustus. Further
Cassius ap. Fam. 15, 19, 3 itaque
Sulla, cuius iudicium probare de-
bemus, cum dissenlire philosopkos
videret, non quaeswit quid bonum
esset, sed omnia bona coemit; and
Cicero himself, Fam. 9, 10, 3.
® Cornif. i, 4 exordium nar-
rationem divisionem confirmatio-
nem confutationem conclusionem;
so Cic. Inv. I, 10. In Part. Or.
I, 3 Cic. makes four divisions, run-
ning narratio and divisio together
on the one hand, and on the other
confirmatio and confutatio.
® Cf. § 69.
INTRODUCTION. 29
miserating the lot of Sulla; he then expresses his own satis-
faction that, after the severity he exhibited in his consulship,
he can at last shew his nature to be truly merciful; next, aftei
a hint that Torquatus has bestowed scant courtesy upon an
intimate friend, Cicero repels the allegation that, having pro-
secuted the Catilinarians before, he is now inconsistent in
pleading the cause of one charged with participation in the plot.
His answer substantially is that if he is inconsistent, so are all
the other optimates; and that the case of Sulla is quite different
from the rest.
31. b. §§ 10—14. The propositio. The facts of Catiline's
intrigues were so familiar to the jury that there was no need
for an elaborate narrative. In this section of his speech Cicero
merely defines the charges he intends especially to meet, namely
those relating to the conspiracy of 63 b. C. ; the so-called first
conspiracy had been dealt with by Hortensius. The reason
given is that the one knew all about the first conspiracy, the
other about the 'second. A hint is conveyed that the father of
Torquatus, being consul in 65, ought to have taken Cicero's
advice concerning the troubles raised by Catiline in that year.
32. c. §§ 14—20. The confirmatio; first part. The only
actual testimony to Sulla's innocence was that of Cicero himself,
to the effect that during the whole course of the conspiracy he
never had cause to entertain suspicion concerning his client.
Cicero enlarged upon the topic so extensively, that care was
needed to prevent this portion of his speech from being weari-
some. He has therefore, with great skill, divided what he had
to say into three sections, and has interposed other matter
between the first and second, and between the second and
third. In this first division Cicero insists on the absolute com-
pleteness of his own acquaintance with the details of the con-
spiracy; on the value his testimony ought to have; on the faiih
which ought to be placed in it on account of his stern refusal to
come to the aid of real criminals like Autronius. Cicero takes an
opportunity of pointing out that Sulla remained quiet at Naples
during the year 63. He also paints in vigorous language at
once his own strong tendency towards leniency, and the atrocity
•
30 INTRODUCTION.
of the plot. Cicero was evidently regarded by a, large pro-
portion of the city populace ae a heavy-handed and hard-hearted
tyrant His speech throughout is as much a defence of himself
against this opinion, as of Sulla against Torquatus.
33> d. §§21—35. Digression. It was the custom among
the Greek rhetoricians to recommend the use of digressions
between the narratio and the conjirmatio; the cause of the
inverted order here is plain from what has been said above.
The digression we have is mainly occupied with two bits of
abuse against Cicero which Torquatus had let fall; one de-
daring him a despot in his dealings with those accused of com-
plicity with Catiline; the other sneering at his low and rustic
extraction. Both these fashions of speech were familiar to
Cicero at this period ; he deals with them here at once lightly
and forcibly, using several times the figure called altercatio, that
is, an imaginary conversation between himself and his op-
ponent. He repudiates the idea that his own conduct had ever
displayed any trait of the tyrant, and reminds Torquatus that a
member of the Manlian gens was once put to death on a charge
of attempting to make himself king of Rome. Cicero then
recalls the names of many great Romans who were bom in
country towns and merited as much as he the name of 'foreigner.'
Was not Torquatus himself sprung on the mother's side from a
country family belonging to Asculum ? The inhabitants of the
country towns were powerful, Cicero said, and would one
day prove their resentment if Torquatus used such language
about them. What wonder that the consul's position should
be one of such danger, when noble youths like Torquatus
used such reckless language ? Nay, Torquatus had even tried
to curry favour with the mob by seeming to condemn the punish-
ment of Lentulus; this was an oratorical blunder from more
points of view than one. Cicero concludes the digression by
asserting in strong terms that he holds unflinchingly to all he
had done and said about Catiline, and that the Roman people
is with him. The whole of this TrapiK^avis is, to our modern
notions, entirely irrelevant; or rather the irrelevancies which
modem courts allow are of a different kind. Cicero himself
INTROD UCTJON.
3*
offers as an apology the statement that Torquatus had attacked
him just as much as Sulla.
34- §§ 36—68. The refutatio. We now have the charges
brought by Torquatus rebutted in detail. These were (i) that
the Allobroges had mentioned the name of Sulla (§§ 36—39);
(2) that Cicero had falsified the record of their statements
(§§ 40—50); (3) that C. Cornelius the youngfer, the son of a
prominent conspirator, was prosecutor, and that this shewed
the father's opinion of Sulla's guilt (§§ 51—54); (4) that Sulla
purchased gladiators with a view to deeds of violence in Cati-
line's interest (§§ 54,55); (S) that Sulla, being an intimate friend
of Sittius, sent him to farther Spain to raise the province in
Catiline's favour (§§ 56—59) > (6) that Sulla had incited the
people of Pompeii, whose patron he was, to join the insurrec-
tion of Catiline (§§60, 61); (7) that Sulla had made prepara-
tions to get carried by force the rogatio Caecilia, by which the
punishment inflicted on himself and Autronius for bribery would
have been mitigated (§§ 62—66); (8) that Cicero in a letter to
Pompey had written words which implied that Sulla was guilty
(§§ 67, 68). Most of these charges have been examined above.
Cicero dwells, as usual, at the greatest length and with the
greatest insistence on those which touched himself. The charge
of falsification is triumphantly met, and Torquatus is warned of
the danger he runs in provoking a personal contest with a man
of Cicero's powers. The passage (§§ 46, 47) in which the orator
conveys to the jury a high impression at once of his strength
and his forbearance, is admirably executed.
35- /• §§ 69—77- The confirmatioj second part This is
concerned with the probabilities of the case, in view of Sulla's
previous life and character, as compared with that of Autronius
and of the other conspirators. Cicero mentions that this argu-
ment here comes in an unusual place (§ 69), and intimates that
the departure from custom is a proof of the strength of Sulla's
case. Arguments from probability in forensic speeches were
divided by the rhetoricians into two classes, those derived from
the life of the accused {probabile ex vita), and those derived
from a consideration of the motives of his supposed criminal
action {probabile ex caussa). The latter of these heads is here
32
INTROD UCTION.
left by Cicero untouched. Two passages may be quoted in
illustration of his method of handling the former, viz. Cornif.
2, 5 defensor primum demonstrabit vitam integram si poterit;
id si nan poterit, confugiet ad imprudentiam stultitiam adules-
centiam vim persuasionem (with these last clauses compare
Cicero's treatment of the case for Caelius); Quintil. 7, 2, 27
nam is ordo est: an facere voluerit, potuerit, fecerit; ideoque
intuendum ante omnia, qualis sit de quo agitur. Sulla must
have been surprised to find himself described in the language
Cicero uses. The skilful advocate draws something to the
advantage of the accused, even from the worst portion of his
client's career, by urging that he saved many lives during the
proscriptions.
36. g- §§ 78—80. Commonplace about torture. The
Romans used torture for legal purposes very rarely indeed, as
compared with the Greeks, and set much less value than did
the Greeks upon evidence wrunj; from slaves by pain. Torquatus
had dared Sulla to allow his slaves to be questioned as to the
guilt of their master, and had hinted that he would himself
insist on their being examined. This gave Cicero an oppor-
t unity of dealing with what was, to the Greek orators, one of
the commonest of commonplaces (koivoI tottoi, loci communes),
the worth of evidence extorted by the rack. He contends that
the utterances of slaves under torture ought to have no value
when set against a life so far removed from suspicion as that
of Sullsu With this passage should be compared what Cicero
says of torture in his speech for Milo §§ 57—60; also Cornif. ad
Herenn. 2, 10 dolori credi non oportere quod alius alio recentior
sit in dolore, quod ingeniosior ad eminiscendum, quod denique
seupe scire aut suspicari possit quid quaesitor velit audire, quod
cum dixerit, intellegat sibi finem doloris futurum. To the
same effect Cicero Part. Or. § 50 ; while in §§ 117, 118 Cicero
gives the arguments in favour of evidence by torture.
37. i. §§ 80—87. The confirmatioj third part. This h
practically a repetition of the first section of the confirmatio.
Cicero repeats in still stronger language his statement that no
suspicion ever attached, within his knowledge, to Sulla. This,
Cicero felt, was the firmest part of Sulla's case, and he wished
INTRODUCTION. 33
to leave the impression of it strong in the minds of the jury at
the close of his speech.
38. k. §§ 88—93. The peroratio. All the ancient writers
on rhetoric lay down -that the peroration (fir/Aoyot) consists of
two parts, a recapitulation of the arguments already advanced,
and a strong appeal to the emotions of the jury. The first part
might be omitted (as in the present case); the second never.
Cicero was particularly famous for his power of working on the
feelings of the indices; hence, as alreadv remarked^-4t-wa&-
usual, where other advocates were employed with him, to allow
jiim to speak last. The appeal for Sulla does not belie his
fame. He draws a vivid picture of Sulla's present misery, of
the vindictiveness of his opponent, of the utter wreck of his
life which would follow on a conviction; He finishes by most
artfully calling on the jury to resent the imputation cast on
their character by the manner in which they were selected by
the prosecutor; where he looked for cruelty let him find a
merciful disposition.
39. The speech, while it cannot be classed with Cicero's
highest efforts, is vigorous throughout, and admirable in style.
The subject offered few opportunities for exalted or excited
passages, such as we find in the Verrine orations, or in those
where the orator attacks his personal enemies. The speech is
rather to be classed with the^w Plancio, as offering a thoroughly
artistic handling of a somewhat ordinary theme. The treat-
ment of the Catilinarian conspiracy is interesting. The almost
furious language of the Catilinarian orations was here felt to be
out of place. Instead of being defiant, Cicero is rather apolo-
getic, and there is little of the frenzied denunciation and not
very much of the extravagant self-laudation which mark the
speeches delivered after the return from exile.
R. S.
3
M. TULLI CICERONIS
PRO P. CORNELIO SULLA
ORATIO AD lUDICES.
I. Maxime velletn, iudices, ut P. Sulla et antea dignita- 1
tis suae splendorem obtinere et post calamitatem acceptam
modestiae fructum aliquem percipere potuisset: sed quoniam
ita tulit casu.s infestus, ut et amplissimo honore cum com-
s muni ambitionis invidia, tum singulari Autroni odio ever-
teretur, et in his pristinae fortunae reliquiis miseris et adflic-
tis tamen haberet quosdam, quorum animos ne supplicio
quidem suo satiare posset, quamquam ex huius incommodis
magnam animo molestiam capio, tamen in ceteris malis
facile patior oblatum mihi tempus esse, in quo boni viri
lenitatem meam misericordiamque, notam quondam omni-
bus, nunc quasi intermissam, agnoscerent, improbi ac perditi
cives,redomiti atque revicti, praecipitante re publica vehemen-
tem me fuisse atque fortem, conservata mitem ac misericor-
dem faterentur. Et quoniam L. Torquatus, meus familiaris 2
ac necessarius, iudices, existimavit, si nostram in accusatione
sua necessitudinem familiaritatemque violasset, aliquid se de
auctoritate meae defensionis posse detrahere, cum huius
periculi propulsatione coniungam defensionem offici mei.
Quo quidem genere orationis non uterer, iudices, hoc tem-
pore, si mea solum interesset; multis enim locis mihi et
3—2
36 CICERONIS [I 2
data facultas est et saepe dabitur da mea laude dicendi: sad
ut ilia vidit, quantum da maa auctoritata daripuisset, tantum
sa da huius praasidiis daminuturum, sic hoc ago santio, si
mai facti rationam vobis constantiamqua huius oflfici ac
defansionis probaro, causam quoque ma P. Sullae proba- s
turum.
3 Ac primum abs te illud, L. Torquate, quaaro, cur me a
ceteris clarissimis viris ac principibus civitatis in hoc officio
atqua in defansionis iura sacarnas. Quid anim est, quam
ob ram abs te Q. Hortansi factum, clarissimi viri atqua 10
ornatissimi, non raprahandatur, raprahendatur maum ? Nam
si est initum a P. Sulla consilium inflammandaa huius urbis,
axstinguandi impari, dalandae civitatis, mihi maiorem haa
res doloram quam Q. Hortansio, mihi maius odium adferre
debant, maum danique gravius esse iudicium, qui adiuvan-15
dus in his causis, qui oppugnandus, qui dafendandus, qui
daserandus esse videatur? 'Ita' inquit;, 'tu anim invasti-
4 gasti, tu patafacisti coniurationam.' 11. Quod cum dicit,
non attendit aum, qui patafacarit, hoc curassa, ut id omnas
vidarant, quod antaa fuissat occultum. Quare ista coniu- «o
ratio, si patafacta par ma est, tam patat Hortansio quam
mihi. Quam cum vidaas, hoc honore auctoritata virtute
consilio praaditum, non d'ubitasse quin innocantem P. Sullam
dafendaret, quaaro cur, qui aditus ad causam Hortansio
patuarit, mihi intarclusus esse dabuarit: quaaro illud atiam, 25
si me, qui dafendo, raprahandandum putas esse, quid tandem
da his axistimes summis viris at clarissimis civibus, quorum
studio at dignitate calabrari hoc iudicium, omari causam,
dafandi huius innocantiam vides. Non anim una ratio est
defansionis, aa quae posita est in orationa: omnas, qui 30
adsunt, qui laborant, qui salvom volunt, pro sua parte atque
5 auctoritata dafendunt An vero in quibus subsalliis haec
ornamanta ac lumina rai publicae vidarem, in his me appa-
Ill 8] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 37
rere nollem, quoram ego ilium in locum atque in hanc excel-
sissimam sedem dignitatis atque honoris multis meis et mag-
nis laboribus et periculis ascendissem ? Atque ut intellegas,
Torquate, quem accuses, si te forte id olfendit, quod ego,
s qui in hoc genere quaestionis defenderim neminem, non desim
P. Sullae, recordare de ceteris, quos adesse huic vides: intel-
leges et de hoc et de aliis indicium meum et horum par atque
tmum fuisse. Quis nostrum adfuit Vargunteio ? Nemo, ne 6
hie quidem Hortensius, praesertim qui ilium solus antea de
10 ambitu defejidisset; non enim iam se ullo ofhcio cum illo
coniunctum arbitrabatur, cum ille tanto scelere commisso
omnium oflficiorum societatem diremisset. Quis nostrum
Servium Sullam, quis Publium, quis M. Laecam, quis C.
. Cornelium defendendum putavit ? Quis eis horum adfuit ?
15 Nemo. Quid ita? Quia ceteris in caussis etiam nocentis
viri boni, si necessarii sunt, deserendos esse non putant: in
hoc crimine non solum levitatis est culpa, verum etiam
quaedam contagio sceleris, si defendas eum, quem obstric-
tum esse patriae parricidio suspicere. Quid? Autronio 7
so nonne sodales, non collegae sui, non veteres amici, quo-
rum ille copia quondam abundarat, non hi omnes, qui sunt
in re publica principes, defuerunt? Immo etiam testimonio
plerique laeserunt. Statuerant illud tantum esse maleficium,
quod non modo non occultari per se, sed etiam aperiri
25 illustrarique deberet. III. Quam ob rem quid est quod
mirere, si cum isdem me in hac caussa vides adesse, cum
quibus in ceteris intellegis afuisse ? Nisi vero me unum vis
ferum praeter ceteros, me asperum, me inhumanum existi-
mari, me singulari immanitate et crudelitate praeditum.
30 Hanc mihi tu si propter meas res gestas imponis in omni 8
mea vita, Torquate, personam, vehementer erras. Me natura
misericordera, patria severum, crudelem nec patria nec
natura esse voluit. Denique istam ipsam personam vehe-
38 CICERONIS [III 8
mentem et acrem, quam mihi turn tempus et res publica
imposuit, iam voluntas et natura ipsa detraxit; ilia enim ad
breve tempus severitatem postulavit, haec in omni vita mise-
9 ricordiam lenitatemque desiderat. Quare nihil est quod ex
tanto comitatu virorum amplissimorum me unum abstrahas;
simplex officium atque una bonorum est omnium caussa.
Nihil erit quod admirere posthac, si in ea parte, in qua hos
animum adverteris, me videbis; nulla est enim in re publica
mea caussa propria: tempus agendi fuit mihi magis proprium
quam ceteris, doloris vero et timoris et periculi fuit ilia
caussa communis; neque enim ego tunc princeps ad salutem
esse potuissem, si esse alii comites no'luissent. Quare
necesse est, quod mihi consuli praecipuom fuit praeter alios,
id iam privato cum ceteris esse commune. Neque ego hoc
partiendae invidiae, sed communicandae laudis caussa loquor;
oneris mei partem nemini impertio, gloriae bonis omnibus.
10 * In Autronium testimonium dixisti,' inquit ' Sullam defendis.'
Hoc totum eius modi est, iudices, ut, si ego sum inconstans
ac levis, nec testimonio fidem tribui convenerit nec defen-
sioni auctoritatem, sin est in me ratio rei publicae, religio
privati ofiici, studium retinendae voluntatis bonorum, nihil
minus accusator debet dicere quam a me defendi Sullam,
testimonio laesum esse Autronium. Videor enim iam non
solum studium ad defendendascaussas,verum etiam opinionis
aliquid et auctoritatis adferre: qua ego et moderate utar,
iudices, et omnino non uterer, si ille me non coegisset.
11 IV. Duae coniurationes abs te, Torquate, constituuntur,
una, quae Lepido et Volcatio consulibus, patre tuo consule
designate, facta esse dicitur, altera, quae me consule : harum
in utraque Sullam dicis fuisse. Patris tui, fortissimi viri
atque optimi consulis, scis me consiliis non interfuisse; scis
me, cum mihi summus tecum usus esset, tamen illorum
expertem temporum et sermonum fuisse, credo, quod non-
V 14] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 39
dum penitus in re publica versabar, quod nondum ad propo-
situm mihi finem honoris perveneram, quod me ambitio et
forensis labor ab omni ilia cogitatione abstrahebat. Quis 12
ergo intererat vestris consiliis ? Omnes hi, quos vides huic
adesse, et in primis Q. Hortensius: qui cum propter hono-
rem ac dignitatem atque animum eximium in rem publicam,
tum propter summam familiaritatem summumque amorem
in patrem tuum cum communibus, tum praecipuis patris tui
periculis commovebatur. Ergo istius coniurationis crimen
defensum ab eo est, qui interfuit, qui cognovit, qui particeps
et consili vestri fuit et timoris; cuius in hoc crimine propul-
sando cum esset copiosissima atque ornatissima oratio,
tamen non minus inerat auctoritatis in ea quam facultatis.
Illius igitur coniurationis, quae facta contra vos, delata ad
vos, a vobis prolata esse dicitur, ego testis esse non potui:
non modo animo nihil comperi, sed vix ad auris meas istius
suspicionis fama pervenit. Qui vobis in consilio fuerunt, qui 13
vobiscum ilia cognorunt, quibus ipsis periculum tum conflari
putabatur, qui Autronio non adfuerunt, qui in ilium testimo-
nia gravia dixerunt, hunc defendant, huic adsunt, in huius
periculo declarant se non crimine coniurationis, ne adessent
ceteris, sed hominum maleficio deterritos esse. Mei consu-
latus autem tempus et crimen maximae coniurationis a me
defendetur. Atque haec inter nos partitio defensionis non est
fortuito, indices, nec temere facta, sed cum videremus eorum
criminum nos patronos adhiberi, quorum testes esse possemus,
uterque nostrum id sibi suscipiendum putavit, de quo aliquid
scire ipse atque existimare potuissefc V. Et quoniam de 14
criminibus superioris coniurationis Hortensium diligenter
audistis, de hac coniuratione, quae me consule facta est, hoc
primum attendite.
Multa, cum essem consul, de summis rei publicae peri-
culis audivi, multa quaesivi, multa cognovi: nullus umquam
40 CICERONIS [V 14
de Sulla nuntius ad me, nullum indicium, nullae litterae
pervenerunt, nulla suspicio. Multum haec vox fortasse
valere deberet eius hominis, qui consul insidias rei publicae
consilio investigasset, veritate aperuisset, magnitudine animi
vindicasset, cum is se nihil audisse de P. Sulla, nihil suspi-
catum esse diceret. • Sed ego nondum utor hac voce ad hunc
defendendum: ad purgandum me potius utar, ut mirari
Torquatus desinat, me, qui Autronio non adfuerim, Sullam
15 defendere. Quae enim fuit Autroni caussa? Quae Sullae
est? Ille ambitus iudicium tollere ac disturbare primum
conflato voluit gladiatorum ac fugitivorum tumultu, delude, id
quod vidimus omnes, lapidatione atque concursatione : Sulla,
si sibi suus pudor ac dignitas non prodesset, nullum auxi-
Hum requisivit. Ille damnatus ita se gerebat non solum
consiliis et sermonibus, verum etiam aspectu atque voltu, ut
inimicus esse amplissimis ordinibus, infestus bonis omnibus,
hostis patriae videretur: hie se ita fractum ilia calamitate
atque adflictum putavit, ut nihil sibi ex pristina dignitate
16 superesse arbitraretur, nisi quod modestia retinuisset Hac
vero in coniuratione quid tam coniunctum quam ille cum
Catilina, cum Lentulo? Quae tanta societas ullis inter se
rerum optimarum, quanta ei cum illis sceleris libidinis auda-
ciae ? Quod flagitium Lentulus non cum Autronio concepit ?
quod sine eodem illo Catilina facinus admisit ? Cum interim
Sulla cum eisdem illis non modo noctem solitudinemque
non quaereret, sed ne mediocriter quidem sermone et con-
17 gressu coniungeretur. Ilium Allobroges, maximarum rerum
verissimi indices, ilium multorum litterae ac nuntii coargue-
runt: Sullam interea nemo insimulavit, nemo nominavit.
Postremo, eiecto sive emisso iam ex urbe Catilina, ille
arma misit, cornua tubas fascis signa; ille relictus intus,
exspectatus foris, LentuU poena compressus convertit
se aliquando ad timorem, numquam ad sanitatem; hie
VI 2o] PRO P. SULLA CPA TIG. 41
contra ita quievit, ut eo tempore omni Neapoli fuerit, ubi
neque homines fuisse putantur huius adfines suspicionis, et
locus est ipse non tam ad inflammandos calamitosorum
animos quam ad consolandos accommodatus.
5 VI. Propter banc igitur tantam dissimilitudinem homi-18
num atque caussarum dissimilem me in utroque praebui. Ve-
niebat enim ad me et saepe veniebat Autronius multis cum
lacrimis supplex ut se defenderem, et se meum condiscipu-
lum in pueritia, familiarem in adulescentia, collegam in
10 quaestura commemorabat fuisse; multa mea in se, non nulla
etiam sua in me proferebat officia. Quibus ego rebus, iudi-
ces, ita flectebar animo atque frangebar, ut iam ex memoria,
quas mihi ipsi fecerat insidias, deponerem, ut iam immissum
esse ab eo C. Cornelium, qui me in seclibus meis, in con-
15 spectu uxoris ac liberorum meorum trucidaret, obliviscerer.
Quae si de uno me cogitasset, qua mollitia sum animi ac 19
lenitate, numquam me hercule illius lacrimis ac precibus
restitissem: sed cum mihi patriae, cum vestrorum periculo-
rum, cum huius urbis, cum illorum delubrorum atque tem-
2o plorum, cum puerorum infantium, cum matronarum ac virgi-
num veniebat in mentem, et cum illae infj ;tr.e ac funestae
faces universumque totius urbis incendium, cum tela, cum
caedes, cum civium cruor, cum cinis patriae versari ante
oculos atque animum memoria refricare coeperat, tum deni-
»5 que ei resistebam, neque solum illi hosti ac parricidae, sed
his etiam propinquis illius Marcellis, patri et filio, quorum
alter apud me parentis gravitatem, alter fill suavitatem
obtinebat; neque me arbitrabar sine summo scelere posse,
quod maleficium in aliis vindicassem, idem in illorum socio,
30 cum scirem, defendere. Atque idem ego neque P. Sullam 20
supplicem ferre, neque eosdem Marcellos pro huius periculis
lacrimantis aspicere, neque huius M. Messallae, hominis
necessarii, preces sustinere potui; neque enim est caussa
•
42 CICERONIS [VI 20
adversata naturae, nec homo nec res misericordiae meae
repugnavit Nusquam nomen, nusquam vestigium fuerat;
nullum crimen, nullum indicium, nulla suspicio. Suscepi
caussam, Torquate, suscepi, et feci libenter ut me, quem boni
constantem, ut spero, semper existimassent, eundem ne
improbi quidem crudelem dicerent
21 VII. Hie ait se ille, iudices, regnum meum ferre non
posse. Quod tandem, Torquate, regnum? Consulatus,
credo, mei, in quo ego imperavi nihil, et contra patribus
conscriptis et bonis omnibus parui; quo in magistratu non
institutum est a me videlicet regnum, sed repressum. An
tum in tanto imperio tantaque potestate non dicis me fuisse
regem, nunc privatum regnare dicis ? Quo tandem nomine ?
' Quod in quos testimonia dixisti' inquit, ' damnati sunt:
quem defendis, sperat se absolutum irL' Hie tibi ego de
testimoniis meis hoc respondeo: si falsum dixerim, te in
eosdem dixisse, sin verum, non esse hoc regnare, cum
22 verum iuratus dicas, probare. De huius spe tantum dico,
nullas a me opes P. Sullam, nullam potentiam, nihil denique
praeter fidem defensionis exspectare. 'Nisi tu' inquit 'caus-
sam recepisses, numquam mihi restitisset, sed indicta caussa
profugisset.' Si iam hoc tibi concedam, Q. Hortensium,
tanta gravitate hominem, si hos talis viros non suo stare
iudicio, sed meo; si hoc tibi dem, quod credi non potest,
nisi ego huic adessem, hos adfuturos non fuisse, uter tan-
dem rex est, isne cui innocentes homines non resistunt, an
is qui calamitosos non deserit ? At hie etiam, id quod tibi
necesse minime fuit, facetus esse voluisti, cum Tarquinium
et Numam et me tertium peregrinum regem esse dixistL
Mitto iam de rege quaerere, illud quaero, peregrinum cur
me esse dixeris. Nam si ita sum, non tam est admirandum
regem esse me, quoniam, ut tu ais, etiam peregrini reges
Romae fuerunt, quam consulem Romae fuisse peregrinum.
VIII 25] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 43
' Hoc dice,' inquit ' te esse ex municipio.' Fateor, et addo 23
etiam ex eo municipio, unde iterum iam salus huic urbi
imperioque missa est. Sed scire ex te pervelim, quam ob
rem, qui ex municipiis veniant, peregrini tibi esse videantur.
Nemo istuc M. illi Catoni seni, cum plurimos haberet inimi-
cos, nemo Ti. Coruncanid*, nemo M' Curio, nemo huic ipsi
nostro C. Mario, cum ei multi inviderent, obiecit umquam.
Equidem vehementer laetor eum esse me, in quem tu, cum
cuperes, nullam contumeliam iacere potueris, quae non ad
maximam partem civium conveniret. VIII. Sed tamen te
a me pro magnis causis nostrae necessitudinis monendum
esse etiam atque etiam puto. Non possunt omnes esse
patricii—si verum quaeris, ne curant quidem—nec se aequa-
les tui propter istam causam abs te anteiri putant. Ac si 24
tibi nos peregrini videmur, quorum iam nomen et honos
inveteravit et urbi huic et hominum famae ac sermonibus,
quam tibi illos competitores tuos peregrines videri necesse
erit, qui iam ex tota Italia delecti tecum de honore ac de
omni dignitate contendent, quonim tu cave quemquam
peregrinum appelles, ne peregrinorum suffragiis obruare.
Qui si attulerint nervos et industriam, mihi crede, excutient
tibi istam verborum iactationem et te ex somno saepe excita-
bunt, nec patientur se abs te, nisi virtute vincentur, honore
superari. Ac si, indices, ceteris patriciis me et vos peregri- 25
nos videri oporteret, a Torquato tamen hoc vitium sileretur;
est enim ipse a materno genere municipalis, honestissimi ac
nobilissimi generis, sed tamen Asculani. Aut igitur doceat
Picentis solos non esse peregrines, aut gaudeat suo generi
me meum non anteponere. Quare neque tu me peregrinum
posthac dixeris, ne gravius refutere, neque regem, ne deri-
deare. Nisi forte regium tibi videtur ita vivere, ut non
modo homini nemini, sed ne cupiditati quidem ulli servias,
contemnere omnis libidines, non auri, non argenti, non
44 CICERONIS [VIII 25
ceterarum rerum indigere; in senatu sentire libere, populi
utilitati magis consulere quam voluntati, nemini cedere, mul-
tis obsistere. Si hoc putas esse regium, regem me esse confi-
teor: sin te potentia mea, si dominatio, si denique aliquod
dictum adrogans aut superbum movet, quin tu id potius
prefers quam verbi invidiam contumeliamque maledicti ?
26 IX. Ego, tantis a me beneficiis in re publica positis, si
nullum aliud mihi praemium ab senatu populoque Romano
nisi honestum otium postularem, quis non concederet ? Sibi
haberent honores, sibi imperia, sibi provincias, sibi trium-
phos, sibi alia praeclarae laudis insignia; mihi liceret eius
urbis, quam conservassem, conspectu tranquillo ahimo et
quieto frui. Quid? Si hoc non postulo, si ille labor mens
pristinus, si sollicitudo, si officia, si operae, si vigiliae deser-
viunt amicis, praesto sunt omnibus; si neque amici in foro
requirunt studium meum neque res publica in curia; si me
non modo non rerum gestarum vacatio, sed neque honoris
neque aetatis excusatio vindicat a labore; si voluntas mea,
si industria, si domus, si animus, si aures patent omnibus; si
mihi ne ad ea quidem, quae pro salute omnium gessi, recor-
danda et cogitanda quidquam relinquitur temporis, tamen
hoc regnum appellabitur, cuius vicarius qui velit esse inveniri
27 nemo potest? Longe abest a me regni suspicio: si quaeris,
qui sint Romae regnum occupare conati, ut ne replices an-
nalium memoriam, ex domesticis imaginibus invenies. Res
enim gestae, credo, meae me nimis extulerunt ac mihi nescio
quos spiritus attulerunt Quibus de rebus tam Claris, tam im-
mortalibus, iudices, hoc possum dicere, me, qui ex summis
periculis eripuerim urbem hanc et vitam omnium civium,
satis adeptum fore, si ex hoc tanto in omnis mortalis bene-
28 ficio nullum in me periculum redundant Etenim in qua
civitate res tantas gesserim memini, in qua urbe verser intel-
lego. Plenum forum est eorum hominum, quos ego a vestris
X 3i] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 45
cervicibus depuli, iudices, a meis non removi ;• nisi vero
paucos fuisse arbitramini, qui conari aut sperare possent se
tantum imperium posse delere. Horum ego faces eripere
de manibus et gladios extorquere potui, sicuti feci, voluntates
vero consceleratas ac nefarias nec sanare potui nec tollere.
Quare non sum nescius, quanto periculo vivam in tanta
multitudine improborum, cum mihi uni cum omnibus impro-
bis aeternum videam esse bellum susceptum. X. Quod si 29
illis meis praesidiis forte invides et si ea tibi regia videntur,
quod omnes boni omnium generum atque ordinum suam
salutem cum mea coniuhgunt, consolare te, quod omnium
mentes improborum mihi uni maxime sunt infensae et adver-
sae, qui me non solum idcirco oderunt, quod eorum conatus
impios et furorem consceleratum repressi, sed eo etiam
magis, quod nihil iam se simile me vivo conari posse arbi-
trantur. At vero quid ego mirer, si quid ah improbis de me 30
improbe dicitur, cum L. Torquatus, primum ipse his funda-
mentis adulescentiae iactis, ea spe proposita amplissimae
dignitatis, deinde L. Torquati, fortissimi consulis, constantis-
simi senatoris, semper optimi civis filius, interdum efferatur
immoderatione verborum? Qui cum suppressa voce de see-
lere P. Lentuli, de audacia coniuratorum omnium dixisset,
tantum modo ut vos, qui ea probatis, exaudire possetis, de
supplicio, de laqueo, de carcere magna et queribunda voce
dicebat. In quo primum erat illud absurdum, quod, cum 31
ea, quae leviter dixerat, vobis probare volebat, eos qui circum
iudicium stabant audire nolebat, non intellegebat ea, quae
dare diceret, ita illos audituros, quibus se venditabat, ut vos
quoque audiretis, qui id non probabatis; deinde alterum iam
oratoris est vitium non videre, quid quaeque causa postulefc
Nihil est enim tam alienum ab eo, qui alterum coniurationis
accuset, quam videri coniuratorum poenam mortemque lugere.
Quod cum is tribunus plebis facit, qui unus videtur ex illis ad
46 CICERONIS [X 31
lugendos coniuratos relictus, nemini tnirum est; difficile est
enim tacere, cum doleas: te, si quid eius modi facis, non
modo talem adulescentem, sed in ea caussa, in qua te vindi-
32 cem coniurationis velis esse, vehementer admirer. Sed
reprehendo tamen illud maxime, quod isto ingenio et pru-
dentia praeditus caussam rei publicae non tenes, qui arbitrere
plebi Romanae res eas non probari, quas me console omnes
boni pro salute communi gesserunt.
XI. Ecquem tu horum, qui adsunt, quibus te contra
ipsorum voluntatem venditabas, aut tam sceieratum statuis
fuisse, ut haec omnia perire voluerit, aut tam miserum, ut et
se perire cuperet et nihil haberet, quod salvom esse vellet?
An vero clarissimum virum generis vestri ac nominis nemo
reprehendit, qui filium suum vita privavit, ut in ceteros
firmaret imperium: tu rem publicam reprehendis, quae do-
33 mesticos hostis, ne ab eis ipsa necaretur, necavit? Itaque
attende, Torquate, quam ego defugiam auctoritatem consu-
latus mei. Maxima voce, ut omnes exaudire possint, dico
semperque dicam; adeste omnes animis qui adstatis, quorum
ego frequentia magno opere laetor; erigite mentis auris-
que vestras et me de invidiosis rebus, ut ille putat, dicentem
attendite. Ego consul, cum exercitus perditorum civium
clandestine scelere conflatus crudelissimum et luctuosissi-
mum exitium patriae comparasset, cum ad occasum interi-
tumque rei publicae Catilina in castris, in his autem templis
atque tectis dux Lentulus esset constitutus, meis consiliis,
meis laboribus, mei capitis periculis, sine tumultu, sine
dilectu, sine armis, sine exercitu, quinque hominibus com-
prehensis atque confessis incensione urbem, internicione
civis, vastitate Italiam, interitu rem publicam liberavi: ego
vitam omnium civium, statum orbis terrae, urbem banc de-
nique, sedem omnium nostrum, arcem regum ac nationum
exterarum, lumen gentium, domicilium imperi quinque
XIII 36] PRO P. SULLA OR A TIG. 47
hominum amentium ac perditorum poena redemi. An me 34
existimasti haec iniuratum in iudicio non esse dicturum,
quae iuratus in maxima contione dixissem? XIL Atque
etiam illud addam, ne quis forte incipiat improbus subito te
5 amare, Torquate, et aliquid sperare de te, atque, ut idem
omnes exaudiant, clarissima voce dicam: harum omnium
rerum, quas ego in consulatu pro salute rei publicae suscepi
atque gessi, L. ille Torquatus, cum esset meus contubernalis
in consulatu atque etiam in praetura fuisset, auctor adiutor
lo particeps exstitit, cum princeps, cum auctor, cum signifer
esset iuventutis; parens eius, homo amantissimus patriae,
maximi animi, summi consili, singularis constantiae, cum
esset aeger, tamen omnibus rebus illis interfuit; nusquam
est a me digressus; studio consilio auctoritate unus adiuvit
IS plurimum, cum infirmitatem corporis animi virtute superaret.
Videsne, ut eripiam te ex improborum subita gratia et recon- 35
ciliem bonis omnibus? Qui te et diligunt et retinent retine-
buntque semper, nec, si forte a me desciveris, idcirco te a se
et a re publica et a tua dignitate deficere patientur. Sed
3o iam redeo ad caussam atque hoc vos, iudices, testor: mihi de
memet ipso tam multa dicendi necessitas quaedam imposita
est ab illo. Nam si Torquatus Sullam solum accusasset, ego
quoque hoc tempore nihil aliud agerem nisi eum, qui accu-
satus esset, defenderem, sed cum ille tota ilia oratione in
25 me esset invectus, et cum, ut initio dixi, defensionem meam
spoliare auctoritate voluisset, etiam si dolor me meus respon-
dere non cogeret, tamen ipsa caussa hanc a me orationem
flagitavisset.
XIII. Ab Allobrogibus nominatum Sullam esse dicis. 36
30 Quis negat? Sed lege indicium et vide, quem ad modum
nominatus sit. L. Cassium dixerunt commemorasse, cum
ceteris Autronium secum facere. Quaero, num Sullam
dixerit Cassius? Nusquam; sese aiunt quaesisse de Cassio
•
48 CICERONIS LXin 36
quid Sulla sentiret Videte diligentiam Gallorum; qui vitam
hominum naturamque non nossent ac tantum audissent eos
pari calamitate esse, quaesiverunt essentne eadem voluntate.
Quid turn Cassius? Si respondisset idem sentire et secum
facere Sullam, tamen mihi non videretur in hunc id crimino-
sum esse debere. Quid ita? Quia qui barbaros homines
ad bellum impelleret, non debebat minuere illorum suspicio-
nem et purgare eos, de quibus illi aliquid suspicari vide-
37 rentur. Non respondit tamen una facere Sullam. Etenim
esset absurdum, cum ceteros sua sponte nominasset, mentio-
nem facere Sullae nullam nisi admonitum et interrogatum,
nisi forte veri simile est P. Sullae nomen in memoria Cassio
non fuisse. Si nobilitas hominis, si adflicta fortuna, si reli-
quiae pristinae dignitatis non tam illustres fuissent, tamen
Autroni commemoratio memoriam Sullae rettulisset; etiam,
ut arbitror, cum auctoritates principum coniurationis ad inci-
tandos animos Allobrogum colligeret Cassius, et cum sciret
exteras nationes maxime nobilitate moveri, non prius Autro-
38 nium quam Sullam nominavisset. lam vero illud probari
minime potest, Gallos Autronio nominato putasse propter
calamitatis similitudinem sibi aliquid de Sulla esse quaeren-
dum, Cassio, si hie esset in eodem scelere, ne cum appellas-
set quidem Autronium, huius in mentem venire potuisse.
Sed tamen quid respondit de Sulla Cassius? Se nescire
certum. 'Non purgat' inquit. Dixi an tea: ne si argueret
quidem tum denique, cum esset interrogatus, id mihi crimi-
39 nosum videretur. Sed ego in quaestionibus et iudiciis non
hoc quaerendum arbitror, num purgetur aliquis, sed num
arguatur. Etenim cum se negat scire Cassius, utrum suble-
vat Sullam, an satis probat se nescire? 'Sublevat apud
Gallos.' Quid ita? Ne indicent? Quid? Si periculum esse
putasset, ne illi umquam indicarent, de se ipse confessus
esset? 'Nesciit videlicet.' Credo celatum esse Cassium
XIV 42] PRO R SULLA ORATIO. 49
de Sulla uno, nam de ceteris certe sciebat; etenim domi
eius pleraque conflata esse constabat. Qui negare noluit
esse in eo numero Sullam, quo plus spei Gallis daret, dicere
autem falsum non ausus est, nescire dixit. Aiqui hoc
5 perspicuom est, cum is, qui de omnibus scierit, de Sulla se
scire negarit, eandem vim esse negationis huius, quam si
extra coniurationem hunc esse se scire dixisset. Nam cuius
scientiam de omnibus constat fuisse, eius ignoratio de aliquo
purgatio debet videri. Sed lam non quaero, purgetne
lo Cassius Sullam: illud mihi tantum satis est, contra Sullam
nihil esse in indicio.
XIV. Exclusus hac criminatione Torquatus rursus 40
in me inruit, me accusat: ait me aliter ac dictum sit in
tabulas publicas rettulisse. O di immortales! vobis enim
15 tribuo, quae vestra sunt; nec vero possum tantum meo
ingenio dare, ut tot res, tantas, tam varias, tam repentinas
in ilia turbulenfissima tempestate rei publicae mea sponte
dispexerim; vos profecto animum meum tum conservandae
patriae cupiditate incendistis; vos me ab omnibus ceteris
so cogitationibus ad unam salutem rei publicae convertistis;
vos denique in tantis tenebris erroris et inscientiae clarissi-
mum lumen menti meae praetulistis. Vidi ego hoc, indices, 41
nisi recenti memoria senatus auctoritatem huius indici mo-
numentis publicis testatus essem, fore ut aliquando non
25 Torquatus neque Torquati quispiam similis, nam id me
multum fefelUt, sed ut aliquis patrimoni naufragus, inimi-
cus oti, bonorum hostis aliter indicata haec esse diceret, quo
facilius vento aliquo in optimum quemque excitato posset in
malis rei publicae portum aliquem suorum malorum invenire.
30 Itaque introductis in senatum indicibus constitui senatores,
qui omnia indicum dicta interrogata responsa perscriberent.
At quos viros! Non solum summa virtute et fide, cuius gene- 42
ris erat in senatu facultas maxima, sed etiam quos sciebam
R* S* ^ ^
50 CICERONIS [XIV 42
memoria, scientia, celeritate scribendi facillime quae dice-
rentur persequi posse: C. Cosconiutn, qui turn erat praetor,
M. Messallam, qui turn praeturam petebat, P. Nigidium,
Appium Claudium. Credo esse neminem, qui his homini-
bus ad vere referendum aut fidem putet aut ingenium s
defuisse. XV. Quid? Deinde quid feci ? Cum scirem ita
esse indicium relatum in tabulas publicas, ut illae tabulae
privata tamen custodia more maiorum continerentur, non
occultavi, non continui domi, sed statim describi ab omnibus
librariis, dividi passim et pervolgari atque edi populo Ro-10
mano imperavi. Divisi tota Italia, dimisi in omnis provin-
cias, eius indici, ex quo oblata salus esset omnibus, exper-
43 tem esse neminem volui. Itaque dico locum in orbe terra-
rum esse nullum, quo in loco populi Romani nomen sit,
quin eodem perscriptum hoc indicium pervenerit. In quo is
ego tam subito et exiguo et turbido tempore multa divinitus,
ita ut dixi, non mea sponte providi: primum, ne quis posset
tantum aut "de rei publicae aut de alicuius periculo memi-
nisse, quantum vellet; deinde, ne cui liceret umquam repre-
hendere illud indicium aut temere creditum criminari; pos- m
tremo, ne quid iam a me, ne quid ex meis commentariis
quaereretur, ne aut oblivio mea aut memoria nimia videretur,
ne denique aut neglegentia turpis aut diligentia crudelis puta-
44 retur. Sed tamen abs te, Torquate, quaero, cum indicatus
tuus esset inimicus et esset eius rei frequens senatus et
recens memoria testis, et tibi, meo familiari et contubemali,
prius etiam edituri indicium fuerint scribae mei, si voluisses,
quam in codicem rettulissent: cum videres aliter referri, cur
tacuisti, passus es, non mecum aut cum familiari meo
questus es, aut, quoniam tam facile inveheris in amicos, 30
iracundius aut vehementius expostulasti ? Tu, cum tua vox
numquam sit audita, cum indicio lecto, descripto, divolgato
quieveris tacueris, repente tantam rem ementiare et in eum
XVII48] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 51
locum te deducas, ut ante, quam me commutati indici
coargueris, te summae neglegentiae tuo iudicio convictum esse
fateare ?
XVI. Mihi cuiusquam salus tanti fuisset, ut meam neg- 45
legerem ? Per me ego veritatem patefactam contaminarem
aliquo mendacio ? Quemquam denique ego iuvarem, a quo
tam crudelis insidias rei publicae factas, et me potissimum
console, putarem ? Quod si iam essem oblitus severitatis et
constantiae meae, tamenne tam amens eram, ut, cum litterae
posteritatis caussa repertae sint, quae subsidio oblivioni esse
possent, ego recentem putarem memoriam cuncti senatus com-
mentario meo posse superari? Fero ego te, Torquate, iam 46
dudum, fero, et non numquam animum incitatum ad ulcis-
cendam orationem tuam revoco ipse et reflecto; permitto
aliquid iracundiae tuae, do adulescentiae, cedo amicitiae,
tribuo parenti; sed nisi tibi aliquem modum tute constitueris,
coges me oblitum nostrae amicitiae habere rationem meae
dignitatis. Nemo umquam me tenuissima suspicione per-
strinxit, quem non perverterim ac perfregerim. Sed mihi
hoc credas velim: non eis libentissime soleo respondere,
quos mihi videor facillime posse superare. Tu, quoniam 47
minime ignoras consuetudinem dicendi meam, noli hac nova
lenitate abuti mea, noli aculeos orationis meae, quia recon-
diti sunt, excussos arbitrari, noli id omnino putare a me esse
amissum, si quid est tibi remissum atque concessum. Cum
illae valent apud me excusationes iniuriae tuae, iratus animus
tuus, aetas, amicitia nostra, turn nondum statuo te virium
satis habere, ut ego tecum luctari et congredi debeam.
Quod si esses usu atque aetate robustior, essem idem qui
soleo, cum sum lacessitus: nunc tecum sic agam, tulisse ut
potius iniuriam quam rettulisse gratiam videar. XVII.
Neque vero quid mihi irascare intellegere possum. Si, quod 48
eum defendo, quem tu accusas, cur tibi ego non suscenseo.
52 CICERONIS [XVII48
quod accusas eum, quem ego defendo ? * Inimicum ego'
inquis 'accuso meum.' Et amicum ego defendo meum.
'Non debes tu quemquam in coniurationis quaestione defen-
dere.' Immo nemo magis eum, de quo nihil umquam est
suspicatus, quam is, qui de aliis multa cogitavit. 'Cur
dixisti testimonium in alios ?' Quia coactus sum. ' Cur
damnati sunt?' Quia creditum est. 'Regnum est dicere
in quem velis et defendere quem velis.' Immo servitus est
non dicere in quem velis et non defendere quem velis. Ac
si considerare coeperis, utrum magis mihi hoc necesse fuerit
facere an istud tibi, intelleges honestius te inimicitiarum
49 modum statuere potuisse quam me humanitatis. At vero,
cum honos agebatur familiae vestrae amplissimus, hoc est
consulatus parentis tui, sapientissimus vir familiarissimis suis
non suscensuit [pater tuus], cum Sullam et defenderent et
laudarent: intellegebat banc nobis a maioribus esse traditam
disciplinam, ut nullius amicitia ad propulsanda pericula
impediremur. Erat huic iudicio longe dissimilis ilia con-
tentio; tum, adflicto P. Sulla, consulatus vobis parieba-
tur, sicuti partus est; honoris erat certamen; ereptum repe-
tere vos clamitabatis, ut victi in campo in foro vinceretis;
tum qui contra vos pro huius salute pugnabant, amicissimi
vestri, [quibus non irascebamini] consulatum vobis eripie-
bant, honori vestro repugnabant, et tamen id inviolata vestra
amicitia, integro officio, vetere exemplo atque instituto
50 optimi cuiusque faciebant. XVIII. Ego vero quibus orna-
mentis adversor tuis, aut cui dignitati vestrae repugno?
Quid est quod iam ab hoc expetas? Honos ad patrem,
insignia honoris ad te delata sunt. Tu ornatus exuviis huius
venis ad eum lacerandum, quem interemisti: ego iacentem
et spoliatum defendo et protego. Atque hie tu et reprehen-
dis me, quia defendam, et irasceris. Ego autem non modo
tibi non irascor, sed ne reprehendo quidem factum tuum;
XIX 53] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 53
te enim existimo tibi statuisse, quid faciendum putares, at
satis idoneum offici tui iudicem potuisse esse.
At accusat C. Comeli filius, et id aeque valere debet, ac 51
si pater indicaret. O patrem Comelium sapientem, qui,
quod praemi solet esse in indicio, reliquerit, quod turpitu-
dinis in confessione, id per accusationem fili susceperit!
Sed quid est tandem, quod indicat per istum puerum Corne-
lius? Si Vetera, mihi ignota, cum Hortensio communicata,
respondit Hortensius; sin, ut ais, ilium conatum Autroni et
Catilinae, cum in campo consularibus comitiis, quae a me
habita sunt, caedem facere voluerunt, Autronium tum in
campo vidimus—sed quid dixi vidisse nos ? Ego vidi; vos
enim tum, iudices, nihil laborabatis neque suspicabamini,
ego tectus praesidio firmo amicorum Catilinae tum et Au-
troni copias et conatum repressi. Num quis est igitur, qui 52
tum dicat in campum adspirasse Sullam ? Atqui si tum se
cum Catilina societate sceleris coniunxerat, cur ab eo disce-
debat ? Cur cum Autronio non erat ? Cur in pari caussa non
paria signa criminis reperiuntur? Sed quoniam Cornelius
ipse etiam nunc de indicando dubitat, et ut dicitis, informat ad
hoc adumbratum indicium filium, quid tandem de ilia nocte
dicit, cum inter falcarios ad M. Laecam, nocte ea, quae con-
secuta est posterum diem nonarum Novembrium, me consule
Catilinae denuntiatione convenit ? Quae nox omnium tern-
porum coniurationis acerrima fuit atque acerbissima. Tum
Catilinae dies exeundi, tum ceteris manendi condicio, tum
discriptio totam per urbem caedis atque incendiorum con-
stituta est; tum tuus pater, Corneli, id quod tandem ali-
quando confitetur, illam sibi officiosam provinciam depopos-
cit, ut, cum prima luce consulem salutatum veniret, intro-
missus et meo more et iure amicitiae me in meo lectulo
trucidaret. XIX. .Hoc tempore, cum arderet acerrime con- 63
iuratio, cum Catilina egrederetur ad exercitum, Lentulus in
54 CICERONIS [XIX 53
urbe relinqueretur, Cassius incendiis, Cethegus caedi prae-
poneretur, Autronio ut occuparet Etruriam praescriberetur,
cum omnia ordinarentur instruerentur pararentur, ubi fuit
Sulla, Comeli ? NumRomae? Immo longe afuit. Numineis
regionibus, quo se Catilina inferebat ? Multo etiam longius.
Num in agro Camerti, Piceno, Gallico, quas in oras maxime
quasi morbus quidam illius furoris pervaserat? Nihil vero
minus. Fuit enim, ut iam ante dixi, Neapoli; fuit in ea
54 parte Italiae, quae maxime ista suspicione caruit. Quid ergo
indicat aut quid adfert aut ipse Cornelius aut vos, qui haec
ab illo mandata defertis ? ' Gladiatores emptos esse Fausti
simulatione ad caedem ac tumultum.' Ita prorsus, inter-
positi sunt gladiatores, quos testamento patris deberi vide-
mus. ' Arrepta est familia, quae si esset praetermissa, posset
alia familia Fausti munus praebere.' Utinam quidem haec
ipsa non modo iniquorum invidiae, sed aequorum exspecta-
tioni satis facere posset! ' Properatum vehementer est, cum
longe tempus muneris abesset.' Quasi vero tempus dandi
muneris non valde adpropinquaret. ' Nec opinante Fausto,
55 cum is neque sciret neque vellet, familia est comparata.' At
litterae sunt Fausti, per quas ille precibus a P. Sulla petit, ut
emat gladiatores et ut hos ipsos emat; neque solum ad Sul-
lam missae, sed ad L. Caesarem, Q. Pompeium, C. Mem-
mium, quorum de sententia tota res gesta est. ' At praefuit
familiae.' Iam si in paranda familia nulla suspicid Cst, quis
praefuerit nihil ad rem pertinet: sed tamen in munere
servili obtulit se ad ferramenta prospicienda, praefuit vero
numquam, eaque res omni tempore per Bellum, Fausti liber-
tum, administrata est
56 XX. At enim Sittius est ab hoc in ulteriorem Hispaniam
missus, ut eam provinciam perturbaret. Primum Sittius,
iudices, L. lulio C. Figulo consulibus profectus est, aliquanto
ante furorem Catilinae et suspicionem huius coniurationis;
XX 58] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 55
deinde est profectus non turn primum, sed cum in isdera
lods aliquanto ante eadem de caussa aliquot annos fuisset j
ac profectus est non modo ob caussam, sed etiam ob necessa-
riam caussam, magna ratione cum Mauritaniae rege contracta.
Tum autem, illo profecto, Sulla procurante eius rem et
gerente, plurimis et piilcherrimis P. Sitti praediis venditis
aes alienum eiusdem est dissolutum, ut, quae caussa ceteros
ad facinus impulit, cupiditas retinendae possessionis, ea
Sittio non fuerit, praediis deminutis. lam vero illud quam 57
incredibile, quam absurdum, qui Romae caedem facere, qui
banc urbem inflammare vellet, eum familiarissimuin suum
dimittere ab se et amandare in ultimas terras ! Utrum, quo
facilius Romae ea, quae conabatur, efficeret, si in Hispania
turbatum esset ? At haec ipsa per se sine ulla coniunctione
agebantur. An in tantis rebus, tam novis consiliis, tam peri-
culosis, tam turbulentis, hominem amantissimum sui, fami-
liarissimum, coniunctissimum officiis consuetudine usu,
dimittendum a se arbitrabatur? Veri simile non est ut,
quem in secundis rebus, quem in otio semper secum habuis-
set, hunc in adversis et in eo tumultu, quem ipse compa-
rabat, ab se dimitteret. Ipse autem Sittius, non enim mihi 58
deserenda est caussa amici veteris atque hospitis, is homo
est aut ea familia ac disciplina, ut hoc credi possit, eum
bellum populo Romano facere voluisse; ut, cuius pater, cum
ceteri deficerent finitimi ac vicini, singulari exstiterit in rem
publicum nostrum officio et fide, is sibi nefarium bellum
contra patriam suscipiendum putaret ? Cuius aes alienum
videmus, iudices, non libidine, sed negoti gerendi studio
esse contractuni; qui ita Romae debuit, ut in provinciis et
in regnis ei maximae pecuniae deberentur, quas cum peteret,
non commisit ut sui procuratores quidquam oneris absente
se sustinerent: venire omnis suas possessiones et patri-
monio se ornatissimo spoliari maluit quam ullam moram
56 CICERONJS [XX 59
59 cuiquam fieri creditorum suorum. A quo quidem genera,
iudices, ego numquam timui, cum in ilia rei publicae tempes-
tate versarer. Illud erat hominum genus horribile et per-
timescendum, qui tanto amore suas possessiones amplexi
tenebant, ut ab eis membra citius divelli ac distrahi posse
diceres: Sittius numquam sibi cognationem cum praediis
esse existimavit suis. Itaque se non modo ex suspicione
tanti sceleris, varum etiam ex omni hominum sermone non
armis, sad patrimonio suo vindicavit.
60 XXI. lam vero quod obiecit Pompeianos esse a Sulla
impulsos, ut ad istam coniurationem atque ad hoc nefarium
facinus accederent, id cuius modi sit intellegere non possum.
An tibi Pompeiani coniurasse videntur? Quis hoc dixit
umquam aut quae fuit istius rei vel minima suspicio ?
' Diiunxit' inquit ' eos a colonis, ut hoc discidio ac dissen-
sione facta oppidum in sua potestate posset per Pompeia-
nos habere.' Primum omnis Pompeianorum colonorumque
dissensio delata ad patronos est, cum iam inveterasset ac
multos annos esset agitata; deinde ita a patronis res cognita
est, ut nulla in re a ceterorum sententiis Sulla dissenserit;
postremo coloni ipsi sic intellegunt, non Pompeianos a Sulla
61 rnagis quam sese esse defensos. Atque hoc, iudices, ex hac
frequentia colonorum, honestissimorum hominum, intellegere
potestis, qui adsunt laborant, hunc patronum defensorem
custodem illius coloniae, si in omni fortuna atque omni
honore incolumem habere non potuerunt, in hoc tamen casu,
quo adflictus iacet, per vos iuvari conservarique cupiunt.
Adsunt pari studio Pompeiani, qui ab istis etiam in crimen
vocantur, qui ita de ambulatione ac de suffragiis suis cum
colonis dissenserunt, ut idem de communi salute sentirent.
62 Ac ne haec quidem P. Sullae mihi videtur silentio praeter-
eunda esse virtus, quod, cum ab hoc ilia colonia deducta
sit, et cum commoda colonorum a fortunis Pompeianorum
XXIII64] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 57
rei publicae fortuna diiunxerit, ita cams utrisque est atque
iucundus, ut non alteros demovisse, sed utrosque constituisse
videatur.
XXII. At enim at gladiatores at omnis ista vis rogatio-
s nis Caaciliaa caussa comparabatur. Atqua hoc loco in L.
Caacilium, pudantissimum atque ornatissimum vimm, vaha-
mantar invactus est, cuius ago da virtuta at constantia,
iudicas, tantum dico, talam hunc in ista rogationa, quam
promulgarat non da tollanda, sad da lavanda calamitate
10 fratris sui, fuissa, ut consulara voluarit fratri, cum ra publica
pugnara noluerit, promulgarit impulsus amora fratarno, da-
stitarit fratris auctoritate daductus. Atqua in aa re par L. 63
Caacilium Sulla accusatur, in qua ra est utarqua laudandus,
primum Caacilius, qui si id promulgavit, in quo res iudicatas
15 videatur voluisse rascindera, ut rastituaratur Sulla, recta ra-
prahendis; status anim rai publicae maxima iudicatis rebus
continetur, naqua ago tantum fratarno amori dandum arbi-
tror, ut quisquam, dum saluti suomm consulat, communam
ralinquat. At nihil da iudicio ferabat, sad poanam ambitus
aam rafarabat, quae fuarat nupar, suparioribus lagibus con-
stituta; itaqua hac rogationa non iudicum santentia, sad
legis vitium corrigabatur. Nemo indicium raprehandit, cum
da poena quaritur, sad legem; damnatio est anim iudicum,
quae manabat, poena legis, quae lavabatur. Noli igitur 64
animos aorum ordinum, qui praasunt iudiciis summa cum
gravitate at dignitata, alianara a causa. Nemo labafactara
indicium est conatus, nihil est aius modi promulgatum:
semper Caacilius in calamitate fratris sui iudicum potasta-
tam parpetuandam, legis acarbitatam mitigandam putavit.
XXIII. Sed quid ago da hoc plura disputam? Dicaram
fortassa, at facile at libantar dicaram, si paulo atiam longius
quam finis cotidiani offici postulat L. Caacilium piatas at
fraternus amor propulissat; imploraram sansus vastros, unius
58 CICERONIS [XXIII 64
cuiusque indulgentiam in suos testarer, peterem veniam
errato L. Caecili ex intimis vestris cogitationibus atque ex
65 humanitate communi. Lex dies fuit proposita paucos;
ferri coepta numquam, deposita est in senatu. Kalendis
lanuariis cum in Capitolium nos senatum convocassemus,
nihil est actum prius, et id mandatu Bullae Q. Metellus
praetor se loqui dixit, Sullam illam rogationem de se nolle
ferri. Ex illo tempore L. Caecilius egit de re publica multa:
agrariae legi, quae tota a me reprehensa et abiecta est, inter-
cessorem se fore professus est, improbis largitionibus resti-
tit, senatus auctoritatem numquam impedivit, ita se gessit in
tribunatu, ut onere deposito domestici offici nihil postea nisi
66 de rei publicae commodis cogitarit. Atque in ipsa rogatione
ne per vim quid ageretur, quis tum nostrum Sullam aut Cae-
cilium verebatur? Nonne omnis ille terror, omnis seditionis
timor atque opinio ex Autroni improbitate pendebat ? Eius
voces, eius minae ferebantur; eius aspectus, concursatio,
stipatio, greges hominum perditorum, metum nobis seditio-
nesque adferebant Itaque P. Sulla hoc importunissimo cum
honoris, tum etiam calamitatis socio atque comite et secundas
fortunas amittere coactus est et in adversis sine ullo remedio
atque adlevamento permanere.
67 XXIV. Hie tu epistulam meam saepe recitas, quam
ego ad Cn. Pompeium de meis rebus gestis et de summa re
publica misi, et ex ea crimen aliquod in P. Sullam quaeris;
et, si furorem incredibilem biennio ante conceptum erupisse
in meo consulatu scripsi, me hoc demonstrasse dicis, Sullam
in ilia fuisse superiore coniuratione. Scilicet ego is sum qui
existimem Cn. Pisonem et Gatilinam et Vargunteium et
Autronium nihil scelerate, nihil audacter ipsos per sese sine
68 P. Sulla facere potuisse. De quo etiam si quis dubitasset
antea num id, quod tu arguis, cogitasset, interfecto patre tuo
consulem descendere Kalendis lanuariis cum lictoribus, sus-
XXV 7iJ PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 59
tulisti banc suspicionem, cum dixisti hunc, ut Catilinam con-
sulem efficeret, contra patrem tuum operas et manum compa-
rasse. Quod si tibi ego confitear, tu mihi concedas necesse
est, hunc, cum Catilinae suffragaretur, nihil de suo consulatu,
quem iudicio amiserat, per vim recuperando cogitavisse.
Neque tamen istorum facinorum tantorum, tam atro-
cium crimen, indices, P. Sullae persona suscipit. lam 69
etiim faciam, criminibus omnibus fere dissolutis, contra
atque in ceteris causis fieri solet, ut nunc denique de
vita hominis ac de moribus dicam. Etenim de principio
studuit animus occurrere magnitudini criminis, satis facere
exspectationi hominum, de me aliquid ipso, quia accusatus
eram, dicere: nunc iam revocandi estis eo, quo vos ipsa
caussa, etiam tacente me, cogit animos mentisque convertere.
XXV. Omnibus in rebus, indices, quae graviores maiores-
que sunt, quid quisque voluerit cogitarit admiserit, non ex
crimine, sed ex^oribus eius qui arguitur est ponderandum.
Neque enim potest quisquam nostrum subito fingi, neque
cuiusquam repente vita mutari autnatura converti. Circum- 70
spicite paulisper mentibus vestris, ut alia omittamus, hosce
ipsos homines, qui huic adfines sceleri fuerunt. Catilina
contra rem publicam coniuravit. Cuius aures umquam hoc
respuerunt, conatum esse audacter hominem a pueritia non
solum intemperantia et scelere, sed etiam consuetudine
et studio in omni flagitio stupro caede versatum? Quis
eum contra patriam pugnantem perisse miratur, quem semper
omnes ad civile latrocinium natum putaverunt? Quis Len-
tuli societates cum indicibus, quis insaniam libidinum, quis
perversam atque impiam religionem recordatur, qui ilium aut
nefarie cogitasse aut stulte sperasse miretur? Quis de C.
Cethego atque eius in Hispaniam profectione ac de volnere
Q. Metelli Pii cogitat, cui non ad illius poenam career aedifi-
catus esse videatur? Omitto ceteros, ne sit infinitum: tan- 71
6o CICERONIS [XXV 71
turn a vobis peto, ut taciti de omnibus, quos coniurasse cog-
nitum est, cogitetis: intellegetis, unum quemque eorum prius
ab sua vita quam a nostra suspicione esse damnatum. Ipsum
ilium Autronium, quoniam eius nomen finitimum maxime
est huius periculo et crimini, non sua vita ac natura convicit?
Semper audax petuians libidinosus, quem in stuprorum
defensionibus non solum verbis uti improbissimis solitum
esse scimus, verum etiam pugnis et calcibus, quem exturbare
homines ex possessionibus, caedem facere vicinorum, spoli-
;ire fana sociorum, vi et armis disturbare indicia, in bonis
rebus omnis contemnere, in malis pugnare contra bonos,
non rei publicae cedere, non fortunae ipsi succumbere.
Huius si caussa non manifestissimis rebus teneretur, tamen
eum mores ipsius ac vita convinceret.
72 XXVI. Agedum, conferte nunc cum illius vitam P. Bullae,
vobis populoque Romano notissimam, indices, et eam ante
oculos vestros proponite. Ecquod est huius factum aut
commissum, non dicam audacius, sed quod cuiquam paulo
minus consideratum videretur? Factum quaero? Verbum
ecquod umquam ex ore huius excidit, in quo quisquam
posset offendi? At vero in ilia gravi L. Bullae turbulentaque
victoria quis P. Bulla mitior, [quis misericordior inventus est]?
Quam multorum hie vitam est a L. Bulla deprecatus 1 Quam
multi sunt summi homines et ornatissimi et nostri et equestris
ordinis, quorum pro salute se hie Bullae obligavit! Quos ego
nominarem—neque enim ipsi nolunt et huic animo gratissi-
moadsunt—sed quia mains est beneficium,quam posse debet
civis civi dare, ideo a vobis peto ut, quod potuit, tempori
73 tribuatis, quod fecit, ipsi. Quid reliquam constantiam vitae
commemorem, dignitatem liberalitatem moderationem in
privatis rebus, splendorem in publicis ? Quae ita deformata
sunt a fortuna, ut tamen a natura incohata compareant.
Quae domus? Quae celebratio cotidiana, quae familiarium dig-
XXVII 76] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 6i
nitas, quae stadia aniicorum, quae ex quoque ordine multi-
tudo! Haec diu multumque et multo labore quaesita una
eripuit hora. Accepit P. Sulla, iudices, volnus vehemens et
mortiferum, verum tamen eius modi, quod videretur huius
s vita ac natura accipere potuisse. Honestatis enim et digni-
tatis habuisse nimis magnam iudicatus est cupiditatem, quam
si nemo alius habuit in consulatu petendo, cupidior iudicatus
est hie fuisse quam ceteri; sin etiam in aliis non nullis fuit
iste consulatus amor, fortuna in hoc fuit fortasse gravior
lo quam in ceteris. Postea vero quis P. Sullam nisi maeren- 74
tem, demissum adflictumque vidit? Quis umquam est suspi-
catus, hunc magis odio quam pudore hominum aspectum
lucemque vitare? Qui cum multa haberet invitamenta urbis
etfori propter summa studia amicorum, quae tamen ei sola in
15 malis restiterunt, afuit ab oculis vestris et, cum lege retine-
retur, ipse se exsilio paene multavit. XXVII. In hoc vos
pudore, iudices, et in hac vita tanto sceleri locum fuisse
creditis? Aspicite ipsum, contuemini os, conferte crimen
cum vita, vitam ab initio usque ad hoc tempus explicatam
20 cum crimine recognoscite. Mitto rem publicam, quae fuit 75
semper Bullae carissima; hosne amicos, talis viros, tam
cupidos sui, per quos res eius secundae quondam erant
ornatae, nunc sublevantur adversae, crudelissime perire
voluit, ut cum Lentulo et Catilina et Cethego foedissimam
25 vitam ac miserrimam turpissima morte proposita degeret?
Non, inquam, cadit in hos mores, non in hunc pudorem,
non in hanc vitam, non in hunc hominem ista suspicio.
Nova quaedam ilia immanitas exorta est, incredibilis fuit 'ac
singularis furor; ex multis ab adulescentia collectis perdito-
30 rum hominum vitiis repente ista tanta importunitas inauditi
sceleris exarsit. Nolite, iudices, arbitrari hominum ilium 76
impetum et conatum fuisse; neque enim ulla gens tam
barba'ra aut tam immanis umquam fuit, in qua non modo tot.
62 CICERONIS [XXVII 76
sed unus tam cradelis hostis patriae sit inventus: beluae
quaedam illae ex portends immanes ac ferae, forma hominum
indutae, exstiterunt. Perspicite etiam atque etiara, indices,
nihil enim est, quod in hac caussa dici possit vehementius,
penitus introspicite Catilinae Autroni Cethegi Lentuli ce- s
terorumque mentis: quas vos in his libidines, quae flagitia,
quas turpitudines, quantas audacias, quam incredibilis furo-
res, quas notas facinorum, quae indicia parricidiorum, quan-
tos acervos scelerum reperietis! Ex magnis et diuturnis et
iam desperatis rei publicae morbis ista repente vis erupit, ut »
ea confecta et eiecta convalescere aliquando et sanari civitas
posset j neque enim est quisquam qui arbitretur, illis inclusis
in re publica pestibus diutius haec stare potuisse. Itaque
eos non ad perficiendum scelus, sed ad luendas rei publicae
77 poenas Furiae quaedam incitaverunt. XXVIII. In hunc 15
igitur gregem vos nunc P. Sullam, indices, ex his, qui cum hoc
vivont atque vixerunt, honestissimorum hominum gregibus
reicietis? Ex hoc amicorum numero, ex hac familiarium dig-
nitate in impiorum partem atque in parricidarum sedem ac
numerum transferetis ? Ubi erit igitur illud firmissimum 20
praesidium pudoris? Quo in loco nobis vita ante acta prode-
rit? Quod ad tempus existimationis partae fructus reservabi-
tur, si in extremo discrimine ac dimicatione fortunae deseret,
si non aderit, si nihil adiuvabit?
78 Quaestiones nobis servorum accusator et tormenta mini- 25
tatur. In quibus quamquam nihil periculi suspicamur, tamen
ilia tormenta gubernat dolor, moderator natura cuiusque
cum animi tum corporis, regit quaesitor, flectit libido, cor-
rumpit spes, infirmat metus, ut in tot rerum angustiis nihil
veritati loci relinquatur. Vita P. Sullae torqueatur; ex ea 30
quaeratur, num quae occultetur libido, num quod lateat
facinus, num quae crudelitas, num quae audacia. Nihil
erroris erit in caussa nec obscuritatis, indices, si a vobis vitae
XXIX 8i] PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. 63
perpetuae vox, ea quae verissima est et gravissima debet
esse, audietur. Nullum in hac caussa testem timemus; nihil
quemquam scire, nihil vidisse, nihil audisse arbitramur. Sed 79
tamen, si nihil vos P. Sullae fortuna movet, indices, vestra
s moveat. Vestra enim, qui cum summa elegantia atque inte-
gritate vixistis, hoc maxime interest, non ex libidine aut
simultate aut levitate testium caussas honestorum hominum
ponderari, sed in magnis disquisitionibus repentinisque peri-
culis vitam unius cuiusque esse testem. Quam vos, indices,
10 nolite armis suis spoliatam atque nudatam obicere invidiae,
dedere suspicioni. Munite communem arcem bonorum,
obstruite perfugia improborum, valeat et ad poenam et ad
salutem plurimum, quam solam videtis per se ex sua natura
facillime perspici, subito flecti fingique non posse.
IS XXIX. Quid vero ? Haec auctoritas, semper enim est 80
de ea dicendum, quamquam a me timide modiceque dicetur,
quid ? inquam, haec auctoritas nostra, qui a ceteris coniura-
tionis caussis abstinuimus, P. Sullam defendimus, nihil hunc
tandem iuvabit? Grave est hoc dictu fortasse, indices, grave,
M si adpetimus aliquidj si cum ceteri de nobis silent, non etiam
nosmet ipsi tacemus, grave: sed, si laedimur, si accusamur,
si in invidiam vocamur, profecto conceditis, indices, ut nobis
libertatem retinere liceat, si minus liceat dignitatem. Accusati 81
sunt uno nomine consulares, ut iam videatur honoris amplis-
s5 simi nomen plus invidiae quam dignitatis adferre. 'Adfue-
runt' inquit 'Catilinae illumque laudarunt.' Nulla tum
patebat, nulla erat cognita coniuratio; defendebant amicum,
aderant supplici, vitae eius turpitudinem in summis eius
periculis non insequebantur. Quin etiam parens tuns. Tor-
30 quate, consul reo de pecuniis repetundis Catilinae fuit advo-
catus, improbo homini, at supplici, fortasse audaci, at ali-
quando amico. Cui cum adfuit post delatam ad eum
primam illam coniurationem, indicavit se audisse aliquid, non
«
64 CICERONIS [XXIX 8i
credidisse. 'At idem non adfuit alio in iudicio, cum ades-
sent ceteri.' Si postea cognorat ipse aliquid, quod in consu-
latu ignorasset, ignoscendum est eis, qui postea nihil audie-
runt; sin ilia res prima valuit, num inveterata quam recens
debuit esse gravior? Sed si tuus parens etiam in ipsa sus-
picione peiiculi sui tamen humanitate adductus advocationem
hominis improbissimi sella curuli atque omamentis et suis et
consulatus honestavit, quid est quam ob rem consulares, qui
82 Catilinae adfuerunt, reprehendantur? 'At idem eis, qui
ante hunc caussam de coniuratione dixerunt, non adfuerunt'
Tanto scelere adstrictis hominibus statuerunt nihil a se
adiumenti, nihil opis, nihil auxili ferri oportere. Atque ut
de eorum constantia atque animo in rem publicam dicam,
quorum tacita gravitas et fides de uno quoque loquitur neque
cuiusquam ornamenta orationis desiderat, potest quisquam
dicere umquam meliores fortiores constantiores consularis
fuisse, quam eis temporibus et periculis, quibus paene
oppressa est res publica? Quis non de communi salute
optime, quis non fortissime, quis non constantissime sensit?
Neque ego praecipue de consularibus disputo; nam haec
et hominum ornatissimorum, qui praetores fuerunt, et uni-
versi senatus communis est laus, ut constet post homi-
num memoriam numquam in illo ordine plus virtutis,
plus amoris in rem publicam, plus gravitatis fuisse: sed
quia sunt descripti consulares, de his tantum mihi di-
cendum putavi, quod satis esset ad testandam omnium
memoriam, neminem esse ex illo honoris gradu, qui non
omni studio virtute auctoritate incubuerit ad rem publicam
conservandam.
83 XXX. Sed quid ego ? Qui Catilinam non laudavi, qui
reo Catilinae consul non adfui, qui testimonium de coniura-
tione dixi in alios, adeone vobis alienus a sanitate, adeo
oblitus constantiae meae, adeo immemor rerum a me gesta-
XXX 8s] PRO P. SULLA OR A TIG. 65
mm esse videor, ut, cum consul bellum gesserim cum coniu-
ratis, nunc eorum ducem servare cupiam, et in animum
inducam, cuius nuper fermm rettuderim flammamque re-
stinxerim, eiusdem nunc caussam vitamque defendere? Si
medius fidius, indices, non me ipsa res publica, meis labori-
bus et periculis conservata, ad gravitatem animi et constan-
tiam sua dignitate revocaret, tamen hoc natura est insitum, ut,
quem timueris, quicum de vita fortunisque contenderis,
cuius ex insidiis evaseris, hunc semper oderis. Sed cum
agatur honos mens amplissimus, gloria remm gestamm sin-
gularis, cum, quotiens quisque est in hoc scelere convictus,
totiens renovetur memoria per me inventae salutis, ego sim
tam demens, ego committam, ut ea, quae pro salute omnium
gessi, casu magis et felicitate a me quam virtute et consilio
gesta esse videantur? 'Quid ergo ? Hoc tibi sumis' dicet 84
fortasse quispiam, 'ut, quia tu defendis, innocens iudicetur?'
Ego vero, indices, non modo mihi nihil adsumo, in quo quis-
piam repugnet, sed etiam, si quid ab omnibus conceditur, id
reddo ac remitto. Non in ea re publica versor, non eis
temporibus meum caput obtuli pro patriae periculis omnibus,
non aut ita sunt exstincti quos vici, aut ita grati quos servavi,
ut ego mihi plus adpetere coner, quam quantum omnes ini-
mici invidique patiantur. Grave esse videtur eum, qui inves- 85
tigarit coniurationem, qui patefecerit, qui oppresserit, cui
senatus singularibus verbis gratias egerit, cui uni togato
supplicationem decreverit, dicere in iudicio: 'non defende-
rem, si coniurasset' Non dico id, quod grave est: dico
illud, quod in his caussis coniurationis non auctoritati adsu-
mam, sed pudori meo: ego ille coniurationis investigator
atque ultor certe non defenderem Sullam, si coniurasse
arbitrarer. Ego, indices, de tantis omnium periculis cum
quaererem omnia, multa audirem, crederem non omnia,
caverem omnia, dico hoc, quod initio dixi, nullius indicio,
66 CICERONIS [XXX 85
nullius nuntio, nullius suspicione, nullius litteris de P. Sulla
rem ullam ad me esse delatam.
86 XXXI. Quam ob rem vos, di patrii ac penates, qui
huic urbi atque huic rei publicae praesidetis, qui hoc
imperium, qui banc libertatem, qui populum Romanum, qui
haec tecta atque templa me consule vestro numine auxilio-
que servastis, tester integro me animo ac libero P. Bullae
caussam defendere, nullum a me sciente facinus occultari,
nullum scelus susceptum contra salutem omnium defendi ac
tegi^ Nihil de hoc consul comperi, nihil suspicatus sum,
87 nihil audivL Itaque idem ego ille, qui vehemens in alios,
qui inexorabilis in ceteros esse visus sum, persolvi patriae
quod debui; reliqua iam a me meae perpetuae consuetudini
naturaeque debenturj tam sum misericors, iudices, quam
vos, tam mitis quam qui lenissimus. In quo vehemens fui
vobiscum, nihil feci nisi coactus: rei publicae praecipitanti
subveni, patriam demersam extuli; misericordia civium
adducti tum fuimus tam vehementes quam necesse fuit.
Salus esset amissa omnium una nocte, nisi esset severitas
ilia suscepta. Bed ut ad sceleratorum poenam amore rei
publicae sum adductus, sic ad salutem innocentium volun-
tate deducor.
88 Nihil video esse in hoc P. Bulla, iudices, odio dignum,
misericordia digna multa: neque enim nunc propulsandae
calamitatis suae caussa supplex ad vos, iudices, confugit, sed
ne quae generi ac nomini suo nota nefariae turpitudinis inura-
tur. Nam ipse quidem, si erit vestro iudicio liberatus, quae
habebit ornamenta, quae solacia reliquae vitae, quibus lae-
tari ac perfrui possit ? Domus erit, credo, exornata, aperien-
tur maiorum imagines, ipse ornatum ac vestitum pristinum
recuperabit. Omnia, iudices, haec amissa sunt; omnia
generis nominis honoris insignia atque omaihenta unius
iudici calamitate occiderunt. Bed ne exstinctor patriae, ne
XXXII91] PRO P. SULLA OR A TIG. 67
proditor, ne hostis appelletur, ne banc labem tanti sceleris in
familia relinquat, id laborat, id metuit; ne denique bic miser
coniurati et conscelerati et proditoris Alius nominetur. Huic
puero, qui est ei vita sua multo carior, metuit, cui bonoris
s integros fructus non sit traditurus, ne aetemam memoriam
dedecoris relinquat. Hie vos orat, iudices, parvos, ut se 89
aliquando, si non integra fortuna, at ut adflicta, patri sue
gratulari sinatis; buic misero notiora sunt itinera iudiciorum
et fori quam campi et disciplinarum. Non iam de vita P.
10 Sullae, iudices, sed de sepultura contenditur: Adta erepta
est superiore iudicio, nunc ne corpus eiciatur laboramus.
Quid enim est buic reliqui, quod eum in bac vita teneat, aut
quid est, quam ob rem baec cuiquam vita videatur ? XXXII.
Nuper is bomo fuit in civitate P. Sulla, ut nemo ei se neque
X5 bonore neque gratia neque fortunis anteferret: nunc spoliatus
omni dignitate, quae erepta sunt non repetit; quod fortuna in
malis reliqui fecit, ut cum parente, cum liberis, cum fratre, cum
bis necessariis lugere suam calamitatem liceat, id sibi ne eripi-
atis, vos, iudices, obtestatur. Te ipsum iam, Torquate, exple- 90
2o tum buius miseriis esse par erat: etsi nibil aliud Sullae nisi
consulatum abstulissetis, tamen eo contentos vos esse oporte-
bat; bonoris enim contentio vos ad caussam, non inimicitiae
deduxerunt. Sed cum buic omnia cum bonore detracta sint,
cum in bac fortuna miserrima ac luctuosissima destitutus sit,
»5 quid est quod expetas amplius ? Lucisne banc usuram eri-
pere vis, plenam lacrimarum atque maeroris, in qua cum
maximo cruciatu ac dolore retinetur ? Libenter reddiderit,
adempta ignominia foedissimi criminis. An vero inimicum
ut expellas ? Cuius ex miseriis, si esses crudelissimus, videndo
30 fructum maiorem caperes quam audiendo. O miserum et 91
infelicem ilium diem, quo consul omnibus centuriis P. Sulla
renuntiatus est, o falsam spem, o volucrem fortunam, o
caecam cupiditatem, o praeposteram gratulationem ! Quam
68 PRO P. SULLA ORATIO. [XXXII 91
cito iUa omnia ex laetitia at voluptate ad luctum at lacrimas
racidarunt, ut, qui paulo ante consul dasignatus fuissat,
repanta nullum vestigium ratinarat pristinaa dignitatis ! Quid
anim arat mali, quod huic spoliato fama honora fortunis
daassa vidaratur, aut cui novae calamitati locus ullus ralictus 5
esse ? Urguat aadam fortuna, quae coepit; rapparit novom
maaroram; non patitur hominam calamitosum uno malo
adflictum uno in luctu parira.
92 XXXIII. Sad iam impadior egomat, indices, dolora
animi, na da huius misaria plura dicam. Vastraa sunt iam 10
partes, indices; in vastra mansuatudina atqua humanitata
caussam totam rapono. Vos raiactiona intarposita nihil sus-
picantibus nobis rapantini in nos indices consadistis, ab accu-
satoribus dalacti ad spam acarbitatis, a fortuna nobis ad
praasidium innocantiaa constituti. Ut ago, quid da ma po-15
pulus Romanus axistimarat, quia savarus in improbos fuaram,
laboravi at quae prima innocantis mihi dafansio est oblata
suscapi, sic vos savaritatam iudiciorum, quae par hos mansis
in homines audacissimos facta sunt, lanitata ac misaricordia
93 mitigate. Hoc cum a vobis impatrara caussa ipsa debet, 20
tum est vastri animi atqua virtutis daclarara, non esse aos
vos, ad quos potissimum intarposita raiactiona davanire con-
vanarit. In quo ago vos, indices, quantum mans in vos
amor postulat, tantum hortor, ut communi studio, quoniam
in ra publica coniuncti sumus, mansuatudina at misaricordia 25
nostra falsam a nobis crudalitatis famam rapellamus.
NOTES.
§ 1, p. 85.
1 vellem: we have here the apodosis of a conditional sentence, the
protasis of which is not expressed; the complete sentence would run
' I would wish, if it were possible for my wish to be fulfilled' Similar
incomplete conditional sentences are common in all languages, our own
included. The ellipse is frequent in Latin with the verb velle; cf. e.g.
Lael. 5 tu velim avertas (sc. si tu quogue velis), with my n.; more
unusual examples will be found in Lael. 64 ubi invenias (sc. si quaeras);
Arch. 26 impetravisset; Balb. 49 quis esset (sc. etiam si exquireretur) •,
on all which passages see my nn. Cf. also Roby § 1536; below § 23,
.3; § 25. 1- 5 § '6, 1. 9; § 46, 1. 20 velim. In Div. in Caec. § 43
Cic. points out ^vellem si fieri potuisset, indices', as a hackneyed
way of beginning a speech. [We rarely find such phrases as minus
quam volebam, though volo and velim, malo and malim interchange;
cf. Roby §§ 1537, 1587.]
dignitatis: i.e. the consulship. Cf. Introd. § 8.
2 obtinere: ' maintain'; the usual meaning of the word in good Latin,
though the rule commonly laid down that obtinere never has the mean-
ing of our word ' obtain' is mistaken.
calamitatem; see n. on 15, 1. 17.
3 modestiae; ' submission to the laws'. In good Latin the word is
always used of the law-abiding disposition, and does not correspond
exactly to our word * modesty', which ispudor. The expression is used
of Sulla again in § 15, 1. 19: his submission to the laws was shewn
by his retirement to Naples after being condemned (§ 17, p. 41, 1. i).
percipere: ' reap'; the word is sometimes actually used of gathering
in the harvest; cf. Cato m. 24 serendis percipiendis condendis fructibus.
The metaphorical sense derived from this simple use is very common.
quoniam: the apodosis begins at tamen in ceteris malis, its proper
form having been slightly changed by the introduction of tamen, which
the awkward insertion of the clause quamquam...capio Kqaixtdi. The
whole sentence is clumsily constructed. A passage in Cicero's speech
for M. Scaurus, as reported by Asconius, reproduces some of the ex-
pressions we have here.
70
PRO P. SULLA.
4 casus infestm; 'an odious mischance*.
honort...everteretur: we can represent this exactly in English: 'was
turned out of. The phrases bonis, fortunis evertere aliquem ot everti
are of frequent occurrence; cf. also Pro dom. 125 iura quibus alios
everteres.
communi—invidia: 'the jealousy that universally attends on the
political career*. Ambitio has been supposed by some to stand here
for ambitus, but, as Halm remarks, Cicero would not thus gratui-
tously reproach his own client. I may add that in Latin so early
as Cicero ambitio is never the equivalent of ambitus in its sense of
'bribery', 'corrupt practice', at elections; the only bad sense it has is
that of' political jobbery'.
t
5 Autroni; objective genitive: ' the hatred felt for Autronius*. Cf.
Kennedy § 174; Roby § 1312; my n. on Balb. 39 smsu Poenorum;
so De Or. 2, 199 Q. Caepionis odium; Plaut. Amph. 1066 terrore meo
(ed. Fleck.) =' the dread you feel for me*.
7 haberet: 'should find*.
animos: here almost ='spite*.
8 quamquam..,cafio: in his speech for C. Cornelius, delivered at the
time, Cic. had expressed his sorrow for the condemnation of Autronius
and Sulla, but had proclaimed it to be necessary.
9 in ceteris malis: 'in the midst of all my other troubles*; i.e. the
anxieties and disagreeable duties thrown on Cic. by the Catilinarian
conspiracy.
10 boni viri: 'loyal men*, in contrast with improbi ac perditi cives;
so in 9, 1. 6; 20, p. 42, 1. 4; 32,1. 7 and very often elsewhere.
12 quasi; here, as often in Cic. ='almost'; e.g. Orat. 41 qtiasi in
- extremapagina Phaedri, 'almost on the last page of the Phaedrus*.
intermissam: 'suspended*; the contrast with notam almost gives
the word the sense of ' forgotten*. For the context cf. what Cic. says
of his own disposition in § 8.
agnoscerent: the tense is accommodated to oblatum esse, not to
potior, as might have been expected. Most writers (except Cicero)
would have allowed the present to stand in spite of the interposition of
the perfect oblatumesse ; see Kennedy § 229, i; Kiihner Gram. § 181, 3 b.
The notion that agnoscere can mean ' to recognise again * (Nagelsbach
§ 114 n.) is mistaken.
improbi; 'unprincipled*. The omission of some adversative par-
tide [sed or cotttra or the like) where clauses are contrasted, as here, is
very common in Latin, but foreign to English idiom. See n. on 22, 1.
30 illttd quaero,
13 redomiti; the word is not found elsewhere in Latin, but is not on
that account to be supposed spurious (with Halm). Cicero has not a
few ajTol elptii.dva; e.g. immoderatio, below, § 30,1. 21; herbescentem in
§ 2.J NOTES. 71
Cato m. 51; miratio in De Div. 2, 49 (elsewhere only in Chalcidius);
intentus (noun) in Sest. 117 (used by Apuleius in a different sense).
Coeptus (noun) occurs in Fin. 4, 41 and Cat. i, 6; after that only in
Statins; cf. n. on § 33, 1. 29 incensione. Halm says it is difficult to
explain the force of the re; I answer that it has the same force as
in re-vincere, which verb Cic. uses only twice, viz. here (as I think) and
in Arch. 11 ; thus re-<lomiti=^thrust back and quelled'. Halm's sug-
gestion 'conquered over again' is certainly wrong.
revicti: see crit. n.
praecipitante; the transitive and intransitive uses of this verb are
about equally common both in prose and verse. So below, 87,1. 16,
and cf. Liv. zz, iz, 11 mora adpraecipitandam rempublicam,
§2.
15 L, Torquatus; see Introd. § zz.
familiaris ac necessarius; the latter word implies a closer degree of
intimacy than the former; cf. § 44, 1. z6 Torquate, tibi med familiari
et contubemali; also § 34, 1. 8; 73, p. 60, 1. familiarium amicorum.
16 si...violasset: Torquatus had apparently alluded, in his speech for
the prosecution, to his friendship with Cic., and had asserted that only
strong public grounds induced him to range himself against his friend.
18 auctoritate meae defensionis; 'the prestige of my speech for the
defence'.
huius: sc. Sullae, dependent on periculi; a most inconvenient use
of the double genitive. So Nep. Them. 10, l huius animi magni-
tudinem; cf. also n. on 8z, 1. 15.
19 offici mei; 'of the service I am rendering'. Officium (opi-ficium)
is primarily an act done from motives arising out of relationship or
friendship.
zo quo...orationis: 'now I should not adopt this line in my speech'.
zi locis: 'occasions'; so below 77,1. zi, where see n.
P. 36.
I laude: 'merit', that which deserves praise; so often, as in Arch.
14; Verg. Aen. 5, primam merui qut latede coronam.
z deriptisset; a strengthening of detrahere above. Halm excellently
quotes Fin. x, 43 terroribus cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium falsa-
rum opinionum temeritate derepta\ cf. too Verr. 4, \12 de manu
Cereris Victoriam deripere (al. eripere) et deam deae detrahere.
4 constantiam etc.: ' my consistency in undertaking this service and
this defence'.
72
PRO P. SULLA.
[§3—
§3.
7 ae: 'now'; often used at the beginning of a sentence, like *ai
Koi 8^, in Greek, to draw attention to a new point.
<tbs; see n. on 24,1. 23.
8 principibus civitatis: the title princeps assumed _ by the Roman
emperors probably comes from this phrase princeps civitatis, not from
the phrase princeps senatus, as is commonly stated. Cf. 7» !• 22 in
re publica principes.
in hoc officio: 'in connexion with this service', 'in the matter of.
Cf. n. on § 18, 1. 6.
9 atque in: as Nagelsbach (Stil. § 121, i) remarks, the repetition of
the preposition in is necessary, because the ojfficium and the defensionis
vis are two things quite distinct and separate.
defensionis iure: 'the legal position of the defence'; cf. Caecin. 38
aequitate defensionis.
10 Hortensifactum: 'the course taken by H.'
11 reprehenddtur meum: the repetition of the verb is not in accordance
with English idiom, but is absolutely required by Latin in a case like
the present, where the negative statement precedes the positive; so
Lael.^ earn molestiamquam debent cafere non capiunt, earn capiunt
qua debent vacare. But when the positive statement comes first, instead
of the verb being repeated, item may take its place; e.g. Oral. 147
omnium magnarum artium shut arborum altitudo nos delectcU, radices
stirpesque non item. Cf. also below, § 85, 1. 27 non dico...dico Ulud.
. In Q. Hortensi factum non reprehendatur, reprehendatur meum, the
chiasmus (inversion of the order of the words in corresponding clauses)
should be noticed. See exx. below, § 8, p. 37,1. 31 n.; 26,1. 13 n.; 52,
1. 20; 75, 1. 22 ; 80, 1. 20.
13 maiorem hae res dolor em: observe how Cic. strives to separate words
closely connected by syntax. So below § 8, p. 37, L 30 ; § 27, 1. 24 ;
§ 34, 1. 14 ; § 64, p. 63,1. 31 paulo etiam longius; § 69, 1. me aliquid
ipso; § 74, 1. 16 hoc vos pudore; see my n. on Cato m. § 3 parum...
auctoritatis. ■.
r4 adferre: trans, 'inspire'.
15 gravius: 'more severe'; so often, as in Flacc. 94 gravia indicia
multa de coniuratorum scelere fecistis ; also below, § 13, 1. 20 and § 85,
p. 65,1. 27.
16 qui...videatur: the noun iudicium here takes the construction of
the verb iudicare; cf. § 70, 1. 31, below. Instances of relative clauses
directly depending on substantives are not very uncommon in Cicero;
thus Tusc. 4, 57 sapientiam esse rerum divinarum et humanarum scienti-
am, cognitionemque, quae cuiusquerei causa sit; Fin. 4, \'^caus sae,
cur quidque fiat et demonstrationes quemadmodum quidque fiat.
§4.]
NOTES.
73
17 esse videatur; Cicero's propensity to end sentences with these words
was so notorious that some Roman youths, says Quintilian (Inst. lo, e,
i8), thought they had mastered the great orator's style when they ended
their sentences with esse videatur.
ita: perhaps the commonest equivalent in Latin of our 'yes'; so
non »Va='no'; § 54, 1. n itaprorsus 'yes, precisely'.
inquit: the omission of the subject gives a touch of contempt;
' quoth he !' Cf. § 38,1. 25.
§ 4.
[9 nm attendit: 'it escapes him'. Halm justly remarks that the
argument here is sophistical; Cic. chooses to assume that his own
investigations into the conspiracy had left nothing to be discovered by
others.
22 hoc: to be repeated with each of the three following nouns; the four
nouns go in pairs, honore auctoritate (relating to public position) together,
and virtute consilio (referring to personal character) together. The ar-
rangement is common in Cic.; see my n. on Lael. 17.
23 rum dubitasse...drfenderet: 'had no doubt that in P. Sulla he was
defending an innocent man'. Halm is decidedly wrong in taking the
words to mean ■ did not hesitate to undertake the defence of P. Sulla on
the ground of his innocence'. Had Cic. meant this he would have
written defenders for quin defenderet; since in a negative sentence (or an
interrogative sentence which assumes a negative answer) dubitare takes
the infinitive construction, when it means to hesitate about a course of
action, but the subjunctive with quin when the sense is to be in doubt
whether certain facts are true or not. Exceptions to this rule are very
rare; see my n. on Cato m. § 16.
24 qui aditus etc.: the omission of the antecedent is not very common in
Cic., especially when, as here, the substantive to which the relative refers
is incorporated in the relative clause. Cf. § 87, 1. 15 in quo=in ea re
in qua; also 2t, 1. 14 in quos.
27 summis viris: so Cael. 73 summi viri et clarissimi cives.
quorum studio et dignitate: an instance of res pro persona=a quibus
studio et dignitate praeditis; cf. 26, 1. 13 ille labor meus deservit; 71,
p. 60, 1. 13 huius si caussa teneretur; 79,1. 6 libidine testium. Halm
seems to take the passage as meaning ' to whose zeal and high position
the crowds in the court are due', as though the presence of a few dis-
tinguished men who were interested in the case caused the outside public
to flock to the trial. This explanation is in itself forced, and is moreover
out of harmony with the succeeding words ornari causam...defendi inno-
centiam.
30 qui adsunt etc.: cf. 61, 1. 24.
3t adsunt: n. on § 14, p. 40, 1. 8 non adfuerim.
salvom volunt: the omission of esse when velle is followed by an
74 P. SULLA. [§4—
adjective or participle is very common in Cic.; see Madvig on Fin. 2,
102. But esse is often inserted, as below, § 32, 1. 12 salvom esse vellet.
pro... auctoritate: ' so far as their participation and their influence go
§6-
32 an vera: the «« can hardly be represented in English. It is really
elliptic; here we have implied Ms what I have said true, or...iI' For an
vera cf. 32,1. 13.
subselKis: criminal trials were generally held in the forum, and seats
were only provided for those who had some official connexion with the
case, the judge and jury, the parties in the trial and their supporters
(advocati).
33 lumina reipublicae: a favourite phrase with Cicero ; see exx. in my
n. on Balb. 48.
P. 37.
1 ilium in locum...in hanc sedem: ilium, if the text be sound, has the
common meaning of 'that famous', 'that splendid'; the clause introduced
by atque is explanatory =' I mean to this lofty position'. The reference
is to the consulship, and Cic. means to imply that among Sulla's sup-
porters were many ex-consuls (wW consulares). Halm thinks that in
ilium...hanc Cicero meant to contrast the distance by which, at the
outset of his career, he was separated from the'consulship with his actual
possession of it; but this is a most fanciful notion.
2 multis et magnis: Cic nearly always inserts the et in this and similar
phrases, except where a third adjective follows, as in Orat. 6 multi
oratores magni et clari. See my n. on Lael. 30.
3 laboribus et periculis; Cic. often enlarges on the difficulty he ex-
perienced in achieving the consulship; cf. his expression in Mur. r7
cum ego claustra ista nobilitatis refregissem.
5 hoc in genere quaestionis: i. e. in coniurationis quaestione (§ 48, p. 52,
1- 3)-
neminem: placed at the end of the clause for the sake of emphasis.
6 recordare...intelleges: in introducing a conclusion or result after an
imperative (or subjunctive equivalent to it) the best prose writers always
use asyndeton, as here; in verse, however, et sometimes precedes the
conclusion; thus Verg. Eel. 3, 104 die quibus in terris...et eris mihi
magnus Apollo ; Phaedr. 3, 5, 7 impinge lapidem, et dignum eucipies
praemium.
de ceteris: 'as to the others'; not directly dependent on recordare,
but almost forming a clause alone. Elliptic expressions with de are thus
often used by Cic.
7 meum et horum; observe that the best writers do not allow the
genitives mei tui sui to be dependent on substantives (unless the geni-
tive be objective), but always replace them by the possessive pronouns
in agreement with the substantives. Thus mea tua sua causa, not mei.
§6.]
NOTES.
75
§6.
8 Vargunteio; quaestor along with Cic. in 75 B.C. For the circum-
stances see Introd. § 18.
9 praesertim: ' and that though'; in Cicero praesertim not seldom
introduces a consideration which is contrasted with what precedes, though
oftener the second consideration is confirmatory of the first. The relative
pronoun after praesertim (instead of cum) is decidedly rare; the only
other example I can find is in Fam. 6, 4, ^ferendam esse fortunam, prae-
sertim quae absit a culpa. The subjunctive defendisset is concessive; see
Roby § 1730; Kennedy § 245.
I o ullo officio.. .coniunctum: ' bound by any obligation
cum illo...cum: see n. on 16, 1. 44.
13 Servium Sullam: for this man and the others here mentioned see
Introd. § 41.
15 nemo: both the Greek and the Roman orators answer their own
rhetorical questions, though a modem speaker would consider the force
of such a question weakened if he did not leave the audience to supply
the answer for themselves.
ceteris...hoc: this proleptic ox anticipatory xxse of ceteris is common;
see my n. on Cato m. § 3.
nocentis: in Off. 4, 51 Cic. says that custom and humanity alike
allow an advocate to undertake the defence of a guilty man, provided he
be not ' nefarius impiusqueSimilarly in Lael. 6i Cic. says that a man
may depart from the path of rectitude to serve a friend ' modo ne summa
turpittido sequatur'.
16 si necessarii sunt; sc. inter se; Halm's question therefore, whether
viri boni or nocentes is the subject of sunt, is not to the point.
17 hoc crimine: cf. hoc in genere quaestionis a\oav^, 1. 5.
levitatis: the genitive is explanatory. Cf. § 9, 1. 10 doloris caussa ;
§ 41, 1. 8 consulatus ; § 54, 1. 11 Fausti.
est...si drfendas: this slight irregularity in the construction of the
conditional sentence is of frequent occurrence; cf. Roby § 1504; also
n. on 15, 1. 13.
18 contagio sceleris: ' criminal defilement'.
obstrictum: ' implicated in'; cf. § 84, 1. 11.
19 parricidio: the construction as in § 84, 1. 11 tanto scelere adstrictis.
Cic. often uses parricidium in reference to the crime of high treason ; cf.
Phil. II, 2g is qui nffitrio se patriae parricidio obstrinxent; also below,
n. on 19, 1. 45.
suspicere; Cic. commonly uses this form in the second person sing,
pres. subj. deponent or passive, but the form in -is in the second person
sing. pres. indie.
•
76
PRO P. SULLA.
[§7-
§7.
20 n<mne...fton...non; when the negative is repeated in an interroga-
tive sentence introduced by nonne, non is usually put for nonne in the
second and succeeding places. Thus in Rose. Am. 98 nonne is followed
by non six times repeated.
sodales: this word was first applied to members of the certain priest-
hoods, between whom an intimacy of a peculiar closeness was supposed
to exist. By the end of the Republic the sodalicia or sodalitates (in-
eluding many not recognised by the state) were very numerous, so that
the number of persons who were really sodales was considerable. _ But
the word was also applied metaphorically to indicate any close friend-
ship. The word sodalis is by formation closely connected with IBos, the
root being the same as that of suus, se ; the original sense of the word is
' one engaged in the same functions with oneself. Collegae also here
signifies ' members of the same sacred college', the collegium a.xA
sodalitas being divided by no strict line.
22 in re publico principes: 'leading statesmen'; cf. above, § 3, 1. 8
principibus civitatis. Re publico is rightly written as two words; see
my n. on Lael. 15 publico re.
defuerunt: so above, § 5, p. 37, L 5 desim, the opposite of odfuerunt
in its technical sense, for which see n. on § 14, p. 40,1. 8. In § 19 Cic.
mentions the Marcelli as endeavouring to avert the condemnation of
Autronius.
23 loeserunt: a word technically applied to witnesses whose evidence is
damaging; cf. De Or. 2, 301 soepe testis non loedit nisi locessitus;
ib. 2, 285 cum loesisset testis Silscs Pisonem; Caec. id ut Caecinam per-
iurio suo loederet; so below, § 10,1. 23.
tontum...qtiod: for this correspondence of tantus with the relative
(far from uncommon) cf. Acad. 2, 122 nulla odes humoni ingeni tanto
est quae penetrare in caelum possit. The relative also takes the place of
ut with the demonstrative is after talis and tam (followed by an adjec-
tive); cf. Fam. 10, 6, 3; Lael. 23.
24 occultari: occulta is stronger than occulo, and implies studied con-
cealment.
per se: 'so far as they were concerned'; a phrase not equivalent to
a se (as Halm says) but parallel to 'per me stetit' and the like ex-
pressions.
26 adesse...afuisse: n. on 14, p. 40, 1. 8.
28 praeter ceteros: so in 9, 1. 13 praeter alios. Halm remarks that
prcseter reliquos is not used, and that prae ceteris (for praeter ceteros) is
exceedingly rare ; as a matter of fact the latter phrase is found only once
in classical Latin (in the best texts), viz. Cornificius ad Herenn. 2, 34.
Ante alios is only found in poetry and the later prose.
29 singulari; 'unparalleled.'
NOTES.
77
§8.
30 hanc...personam: the interval by which these words are separated is
unusually great. Persona is, strictly, the mask used by actors when
representing a typical character on the ancient stage. For each type,
the young inan, the old man, the parasite etc., there was a separate
mask. Hence persona came to mean ' character', implying always that
the individual in connexion with whom it is used, is one of a dass. In
the best Latin the word is never employed like our ' personCf. § 68,
1. 7 P. Sullae persona.
imponis: so imponere personam alicui in Caec. 14; Leg. agr. i, 49;
Off. I, 97. For the context cf. Mur. 6 ego autem has partis lenitatis
et miserieordiae quas me natura ipsa docuit, semper egi libenter, illam
vero gravitatis severitatisque personam non appetivi, sed a re publica
mihi impositam sustinui.
in omnivita: closely with resgestas; cf. p. 4,1. 3.
31 natura..patria...patria...natura: note the chiasmus, for which see
n. on § 3,1. II.
32 severum; ' firm' (in exacting punishment).
P. 38.
3 omni: tota might have been expected here; but see n. on 17, p. 41,1.1.
§9.
4 nihil est quod...abstrahas: ' there is no reason why you should with-
draw'. For the subjunctive (consecutive) see Roby §§ 1680—1686;
Munro on Lucr. i, 83; Cluent. 147; Catull. 10, 9. The positive
expression est quod and the interrogative quid est quod are also common.
The subjunctive is exactly of the same character as that after est qui etc.,
qtiod being really an accusative of reference (like nihil in § 77, 1. 24,
and hoc in 35, L 20), so that nihil est quod ='there is nothing in regard
to which'.
5 comitatu; this word usually means a crowd in attendance on one
particular person; here however the sense is merely ' company', all the
members being regarded as on the same level.
6 simplex: ' indivisible', as in Cato m. 78 cum simplex animi natura
esset. The word properly means ' of one fold', sim- being from V sam,
from which come simul, o'/totor and many other words, while_is
from \Jplek in plico, v\iKeiy. It is often joined with unus, as in Font.
22 (Halm) unum est et simplex aurium iudicium.
una: 'inseparable'.
bonorum: in the political sense of the word; see i, 1. 10 n.
7 admirere: n. on 6, 1. 19.
parte: just our 'party', as often in Cicero's Letters. There is a
78 PRO P. SULLA. [§9—
glance at politics here, as nearly all the men hinted at were of the
opiimaies.
8 animum adverteris; observe that the verb is in the future perfect
indicative, not the perfect subjunctive. As to animum adverteris for
animadverteris see n. on Lael. 8.
videbis: the tense is accommodated to erit, not to animum advertens.
nulla...propria: 'there is no political circumstance which is mine
exclusively . Caussa doloris is (as Halm remarks) little more than a
periphrasis for dolor; the form of expression is common in Cic., who
similarly says in the 'De Finibus' (5 § 33) that when he uses the phrase
' natura hominis' it means nothing more than ' homoFor the geni-
tive cf. n. on § 6, 1. 17 levitaiis ; also on 23, 1. 11 pro magnis.
II princeps ad salutem: 'guide to safety'; for the constr. cf. Arch, i
princeps ad ingrediendam rationem horum studiorum; Phil. 10, 24
principem ad cnnatum; also Lael. 26; Verr. 5, 40; Fam. 10, 17, 2.
Halm says ad salutem depends not on pndnceps but on princeps esse,
a distinction which is untenable because the genitive sometimes follows
princeps, as in Sail. hist. 3, 60 (ed. Dietsch) principes intellegendi, just as
auctor adiutor and other words are followed sometimes by the gen.,
sometimes by ad with acc.
13 consuli :=cum consul essem: ' vwirifi opti' ; cf. § 14. p. 40,1. 3; alson.
on 31, p. 46,1. 3.
praeciptcom: scarcely different in sense from proprium above; cf.
Liv. 3, 14, 4 ut nemo unus praecipuum quicquam gloriae domum invi-
diaeve ferret; so below § 12, 1. 8 contrasted with communis, as here.
Cf. also n. on 82, L 20.
alios...ceteris; 'some others'...'all others'. In the first case Cic. is
comparing himself with a few persons, viz. those who held office at the
same time with him, during the Catilinarian conspiracy; in the second
case with the whole body of citizens. Cf. § 87, 1. 11 vehemens in alios,
inexorabilis in ceteros.
15 partiendae...communicandae: the words do not differ in meaning
more widely than our words ' divide' and ' share'; the latter usually
implies more of companionship and friendship between the parties than
the former.
§10.
18 hoc totum eius modi est; ' the long and the short of it is this'.
inconstant ac levis: 'inconsistent and unstable'; so inconstantia and
levitas are often put together by Cic.; see Clu. 135; Flacc. 66.
19 convenerit: though the ut is preceded by est; the reason being that
a particular past time is referred to.
20 atutoritatem: dependent on conveniat, to be supplied from con-
venerit.
ratio...offici; 'regard for the public interest, respect for private obli
gation'.
NOTES.
79
21 voluntatis: "good will'; the word is constantly used by Cic. of
political inclinations.
nihil minus etc.: i.e. he never ought to contrast my two actions as
though they were inconsistent.
22 debet: the words eius modi est ut, which govern the verb in the
apodosis to si...levis, are not allowed to influence the second apodosis.
23 laesum: see n. on § 7, 1. 23.
videtyr...adferre: ' I think I carry with me'.
24 opinionis: 'reputation'; i.e. what people think of a man. This
objective use of the word is common and exactly resembles the use of
existimaiio. Cf. Lael. 37 uirtutis opinio 'a reputation for virtue'; see
my n. there; also existimaiio, as below, § 77, 1. 22; and n. on § 61,
1. 29 ambulatione.
25 auctoritatis: 'prestige', as below, 12, 1. 13. Halm well quotes
Brut, in in Scauri orationegravitas summaet naturalis qucudam inerat
auctorit(xs, non ut cattssam sed ut testimonium dicere putares, cum pro reo
diceret.
§ U.
27 constituuntur: ' are assumed'.
28 Ixpido: Manius Aemilius Lepidus, consul with Lucius Volcatius
Tullus in 66 B.C. Both were men of little account in Roman politics;
they were partisans of Pompeius in the civil war, but became reconciled
with Caesar and appeared m the senate under him. For the first con-
spiracy of Catiline see Introd. § 10. Garatoni notes the designation
of one consul by his nomen (Volcatius) and of the other by his cognomen
(Lepidus); so in § 56, p. 54, 1. 32 L. lulio, C. Figulo consulibus.
There was no standing rule about the use of nomen or cognomen, which
depended on caprice or convenience. Gar. remarks that the name
.Aemilius here would have been inconvenient, because there were so
many Aemilii.
29 harum in uiraqtte: note the collocation of the words. Cic. rarely
used such collocations as in omnibus horum for horum in omnibus.
30 patris: cf. §§ 30, 34, 81 and Introd. § 10.
32 cum...esset: ' though between myself and you there was the greatest
familiarity'. See Introd. § 22.
illorum temporum et sermonum: ' that crisis and those discussions'.
33 credo quod: the parenthetical credo is usually (though not alwa)rs)
ironical, and doubtless is so here and below, § 27, 1. 26; § 88, 1. 29;
so sometimes when not parenthetic, as in § 39, 1. 33. Cicero means to
convey the impression that he ought to have been summoned to the council.
quod nondum...versabar: ' because I was not yet familiar with the
inner paths of statesmanship'. For the phrase cf. Prov. cons. 40 postea-
quam sum penitus in rem publicam ingressus ; Balb. 14 cum in tanta
re publica versere.
«
8o
PRO P. SULLA.
[§
P. 39.
2 honoris: genitive defining finem ; ' the end I had set before myself,
viz. office'. Finis is to be taken in .the common metaphorical sense of
' aimand honoris means office in the abstract. In Plane. 60 honorum
populifinis est consulatus, finis has its literal and honorum its concrete
sense.
ambitio: 'the passion for advancement'; so often, as in Off. i, 87
ambitio honorumgue contentio.
3 ilia cogitatione: =e. de ilia re; so istius suspicionis in § 12, 1. 16,
and often.
§ 12.
4 vestris consiliis: the deliberations of your father and yourself. So
vos, vobis below.
5 adesse: in its technical sense: see n. on 14, p. 40,1. 8.
cum...turn...cum...turn: the occurrence of cum...tum twice over in
the same sentence is very unusual, excepting when the clauses in which
the repetition occurs are exactly parallel, as e.g. in Balb. 13 cum fortitu-
dinis turn vero humanitatis, cum animi turn consili. Halm quotes what
is probably the only other instance in Cicero of clauses containing cum
...tum being wrapped up in or dependent on another clause containing
a tum which corresponds to a preceding cum, viz. Font. 41 (ed. Halm.)
postresno ipse cum in omnibus vitae partibus honestus atque integer tum
in re militari cum summi consili et maximi animi, tum vero usu quoque
bellorum gerendorum exercitatus.
honorem (u dignitatem atque etc.: we have here an enumeration con-
sisting of two branches, the first being subdivided (honorem ac digni-
tatem). In such a case ac nearly always connects the two subdivisions,
unless a vowel or guttural or h follows. See also my n. on Cato m. § 13.
Honorem refers rather to Hortensius' ojficial position (as ex-consul);
dignitatem to his general character and standing; cf. 24, 1. 18.
6 animum eximium: ' conspicuous affection'; so § 82,1. 13 animo in
rem publicam.
7 amorem in patrem: less ambiguous than amor patris would have
been; see n. on 82,1. 24.
8 communibus...praecipuis I n. on 9, 1. 13.
10 cognovit...consili: for the technical meanings of these words see n.
on 13, 1. 17.
11 et consili vestri fuit et timoris: the word fuit is placed between
consili and timoris by the grammatical figure called coniunctio, for which
cf. below, 18,1. 12; 26,1. 12; 42, p. 50, 1. 5 ; 75,1. 24; 83, p. 65,1. 6.
§ 13-] NOTES. 81
14 copiosissima...omatissima; the former epithet applies to the matter,
the latter to the style of the speech.
13 auctoritatis: ' personal influence' or ' prestigeparticularly as de-
pendent on character. See above, lo, 1. 45 n.
facultatis: 'ability'. For the contrast between and
tas cf. Mur. 4 is defensor daretur qui non minus culferret ad dicendum
auctoritatis quam facultatis.
14 delata...prolata: an instance of what is called figura etymologica,
where words containing a common element are contrasted; cf. below, 30,
1. 16 improbis...improbe; § 47, 1. 45 amissum...remissum; §49,1. 4i
victi...vinceretis; § 63,1. \gferebat...referebat.
15 dicitur: by the opposite side; see § 11, 1. 49 coniuratio facta esse
dicitur.
16 animo comperi; the word animo is only inserted in order to form a
contrast with auris: cf. 46, 1. 19 animus...aures; 33, 1. 4o mentis
aurisque. The verb comperio is constantly used of obtaining information
concerning some hidden conspiracy; see my n. on Acad. 4 § 64.
istius suspicionis :=suspicu)nis de ea re; just as below § 66, 1. 15
ille terror's terror illius rei; so above § 11, p. 39, 1. 3 and often.
§ X3.
17 consilio...cognorunt: consilium is technically used of any body of
advisers to a magistrate, but more particularly of juries; see my n. on
Lael. 37. Cognoscere is also a technical term for trying a case (cf. § 60,
1. 19). Cicero here implies that the senators summoned to his council
by Torquatus' father practically acted as a jury in a criminal trial. The
phrase in consilio esse alicui or adesse alicui is very common.
18 quibus...putabatur: 'the very persons against whom it was thought
that danger was being devised at the time'. Conflareis a very favourite
word with Cicero, who uses it of any underhand proceedings directed to
the detriment of another. So in Cluent. 18 conflare malum 'to plot
mischief; Verr. 4, 116 r. accusationem 'to trump up a charge'.
19 Autronia...dixerunt: see above §§ 7, 10.
ilium: this is chosen, not eum, because it affords a better contrast
with hunc, huic, huius below.
40 gravia: 'damaging'; cf. 3, L 15 n.
hunc...huic...huius: for the repetition cf. 46,1. 7.
defendunt...adsunt: some actually speak for him; others countenance
his defence by their presence as advocati.
41 periculo : n. on 20, p. 41, 1. 31.
43 'the circumstances'.
R- S. 6
82
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 13—
crimen maximcu coniuralionis: ' the charge relating to the most
important of the conspiracies In Latin, as in English, the superlative
is sometimes used where two things only are compared, and when the
comparative would be strictly correct. Similarly in 81, p. 63,1. 33 Cic.
says primam coniurationem, but in 14, p. 39, 1. 29 superioris coniura-
tionis.
14 atque; ' moreover
25 fortuito...temere: the first word denotes the mere absence of reflec-
tion, the second indicates the reckless disregard of considerations which
reflection has suggested.
26 criminum...patronos: 'as advocates to answer the charges*. This
use of palronus to denote one who averts, not upholds something, is
very unusual. The word defensor is commonly used in both senses;
cf. e.g. Sest. 4 salutis defensoribus with Mil. 58 defensores necis.
quorum: ' with regard to which
27 uterque nostrum; the forms nostrum vestrum are not used by the
best writers in any other than the partitive sense; cf. n. on 33, p. 46,
1. 31-
28 potuisset: I am unable to understand why Halm should say that
posset here would have been more correct. The sense is 'each of us
thought he ought to deal with the facts concerning which he had had the
opportunity (i.e. before the time when the deliberation which is implied
by putavit took place) of personally acquiring knowledge and forming
an opinion'. It seems to me that posset would be wholly inadmissible
here, inasmuch as^t would mean that Hortensius and Cicero chose parts
of the case with a view to being able to learn something of them after
the choice had been made.
§ 14.
30 hac; ' the recent'. Hie and ille are often used to indicate events
separated in time, hie denoting the later, ille the earlier. See my n. on
Lael. § 10, and cf. below § 56, p. 54, 1. 33.
hoc primum: apparently hoc refers to what comes after in the next
section; in this sense illud would have been more usual.
32 cum essem consul: 'being consul', 'inasmuch as I was consul'; so
below § 34, 1. 8. The subjunctive here indicates that it was the duty
of the consul to undertake the investigations mentioned; that the
connexion between the fact of Cicero being consul and the fact of
his conducting the inquiry was not accidental, but that one fact was
cause of the other. If Cic. had said cum eram, the two facts would
have been merely pointed out as having happened at the same time.
Cum with subj. never has in Cic. quite the same force as cum with
indie.
multa audivi; ' I received much information' (without asking for it);
mtdta quaesivi; 'I set on foot many inquiries'; multa cognovi; 'I as-
§14.1 NOTES. 83
certained many facts'. Cogttovi here gives the result of quaesivi: of.
Sest. 47 nihil ipse legendo quaerenaoque cognoveram? V&ct. 5,
I't^ame pervestigata et eognita; ib. 4, 137.
P., 40.
1 nuntnts...litterae seen, on § 17, p. 40, I. 18.
indicium: this differs from nuntius, inasmuch as index is the profes-
sional informer, who expects to beneht personally by his information.
So in 44, p. 50, 1. 7; 43,1. 20; 52, L 21; but in 76, p. 62, 1. 8 the
word has the quite general sense of 'indication'. With the context here
of. 20, p. 42, 1. 2 nusquam nomen, nusquam vestigium fuerat; nut-
lum crimen, nullum indicium, nulla suspicio; also 85, p. 66, 1. i, which
passage shews the rashness of those who have wished to expel the
words nulla suspicio here as a gloss.
2 nulla suspicio: the position of these words, after the verb, and at
the end of the sentence, throws great emphasis upon them. There is no
zeugma here, as Richter supposes, for Cic. might very properly say
' nulla suspicio ad me pervenit' =' no suspicion reached meRichter
has probably erred by unnecessarily concluding from suspicatum esse
below that suspicio means a suspicion entertained by Cic. himself,
whereas it plainly means a suspicion entertained by others.
multum haec vox etc.: this sentence is hard to render in English.
Say ' when one who as consul by his statesmanlike policy unearth^ the
conspiracy, by his rectitude disclosed it, by his high spirit punished it,
declares that he received no information about P. Sulla, and entertained
no suspicion concerning him, this assertion of his ought perhaps to
carry great weight'. Cic. never stints his praises of his own action in
suppressing Catiline; but the speeches before his exile are more mode-
rate in this respect than those delivered afterwards.
3 rei piblicae consilio: literally ' by his plans concerning the state' -
r^consilio de re publica, which might have stood here. Similarly § 48,
p. 52, L 3 coniurationis quaestione=q. de coniuratione; § 49, 1. 20
honoris certamen ; 77, 1. dimicationefortunae; 80, 1. iqconiurationis
caussis, and 85, 1. 28 ; 90, 1. 22 honoris contentio.
4 veritate: Richter strangely says that this is put for ad veritatem,
'with a view to symmetry'. He seems to think the sense is 'disclosed
the conspiracy so as to bring out the truth'. But aperire aliquid ad
veritatem is impossible Latin. The ablative veritate is instrumental,
like the other two, and like them denotes something personal to Cicero.
5 audisse; as to the contracted form see Appendix B.
6 nondum: cf. §§ 80, 85.
7 cul purgandum me; the position of me (which would more naturally
have come before purgandum) is chosen for the sake of emphasis.
8 non adfuerim: see crit. n. Halm goes too far when he asserts that
84
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ u—
while the Latins say adesse, non adesse, deesse alicui, they do not say
abesse alicuL He does not deny that abesse^ where it has no dative
dependent on it, may be used as the opposite of the technical term ad-
esse, to appear in court in defence of an accused person. We find this
sense of abesse in § 7, 1. 27; also Acad. '^6 facile etiam absentibus
nobis Veritas se ipsa defendet, I cannot feel Halm's difficulty about
the dative, for (i) the expression aliquid abest alicui for deest is not un-
common ; (a) the dative is really the dcUivus commodi; the fact therefore
that it occurs nowhere else with abesse used in this sense is unimportant,
since this kind of dative occurs in isolated instances with many verbs,
e.g. with absolvo and condemno in Verr. 2, 22 hunc hominem Venen ab-
solvit, sibi condemnat; (3) in the technical sense of failing to support a
person in a law-court, deesse alicui is also rare; cf. § 7, 1. 22.
§ 16.
disturbare: this is stronger than the English 'disturb'; it signifies
literally to pull a thing to pieces by means of a tumult; here translate
' to abolish'. For the facts' here mentioned see Introd. § 9.
conjlato: n. on 13, 1. 18. Observe the position of voluit.
glctdiatorum: these were kept in training schools (ludi) by the train-
ers (lanistae) who were ready to let them out for hire to the ringleaders
of riots.
fugitivorum :=SpairtTwi>, runaway slaves.
deinde id quod vidimus omnes: this may be scanned as the conclusion
of a hexameter verse. Fragments of verses like this may be found here
and there in the prose writings of Cicero, but he avoided complete
verses, which were thought very objectionable. Nearly all those which
modem commentators are fond of pointing out can only be scanned by
neglecting the pauses; no ancient reader would therefore have recog-
nised them as verses. On this subject see my n. on Acad. I, 30; also
on Cato m. § 2.
lapidatione: the word conflata must not be repeated with the word.
concursatione; 'rioting'; as in 66, 1. 17: MSS concursu, for which
see critical note.
si sibi suus: the Latins do not seem to have objected so much to the
repetition of the sound J as did the Greeks. For the concurrence of the
pronouns cf. n. on 27,1. 26.
si...prodesset...requisivit: 'he asked for no aid, if his own self-respect
and personal character were likely (i. e. at the time when he thought about
the matter) to be of no avail'. Requisivit here expresses much more
emphatically than the conditional requireret could have done, the fact
that Sulla was determined to decline such aid as Autronius had sought.
This form of the conditional sentence is quite common in Eng. Cf. § 6,
1. 17 est, si defendas.
§ 16.] NOTES. 8s
14 ille damnatus etc.; the context here should be closely compared with
§ 66.
15 eonsiliis etc.; these are ablatives of respect; see Kennedy § 149;
Roby §1210 (who calls them 'ablatives of the part concerned').
aspectu: so in 66, L 17. Aspectu atque appearance and
expression'.
16 inimicus...infestus...hostis; ' unfriendly to the highest classes, hostile
to all well-affected persons, the declared foe of his native land'. We
have no single word in English which will give the force of hostis here;
it implies that Autronius was really waging war against his country.
amplissimis ordinibus: no doubt an allusion to the three classes,
senators, equites, tribuni aerarii, from whom juries were at this time
drawn.
17 fraclum calamitate: so Phil. 2, 37 frangerer animo; Att. 12, 21, 5
afflicti et fracti animi.
calamitate: this word is specially applied (like av/jupopa in Greek,
particularly in the orators) to convictions which brought with them
partial or total loss of civil rights. Cf. e.g. Balb. 54 eius modi prae-
mium quod nemo adsequiposset sine senatoris calamitate (without procur-
ing the condemnation of a senator); also above, 1, 1. 2 ; below, 36, p.
48,1. 3; 38,1. 21; 62, p. 57,1. 9; 64, p. 57,1.28; 66,1. 20; 88, p.66,
1. 33 {unius iudici calamitate)-, 89, 1. 18; 91, p. 68, 1. 5.
19 modestia: n. on i, 1. 3.
§16.
hac coniuratione; so above, 14,1. 30 n.
20 quid tarn coniunctum etc.: ' what connexion so close as his with
Catiline?' There is a slight ellipse, common in Latin, but foreign to
English; the full expression would be quid tam coniunctum cum alio
(alia re) quam. For a similar ellipse cf. § 18, 1. 6 dissimilem, with n.
The omission of est is common in short emphatic questions and state-
ments: examples are given in my n. on Lael. 14.
21 cum Lentulo: see Introd. § 18.
societas...sceleris: cf. Cat. i, 8 sceleris socios. Scelus here is crime in
the abstract, 'criminality', not any particular crime. Note that with
socius or societas the object of the alliance is regularly expressed by the
genitive. In pro domo 30 gravissimus auctor ad instituendam, fidelissi-
mus socius ad comparandam, fortissimus adiutor ad rem perficiendam
the construction of socius is influenced by that of auctor and adiutor.
So with foedus and pcutio the object of the agreement is regularly denoted
by the genitive.
22 libidinis: here ='lawlessness', the opposite of modestia above. In
Caec. 76 there is an elaborate contrast between ius and libido. So
below, 58, 1. 28; but in 25, 1. 33 and 78, 1. 28 and 79, 1. 6 the sense is
'caprice'.
86
PRO P. SULLA.
audaciae: almost always used by the best writers in a bad sense, that
of recklessness. The few exceptions nearly all occur in historical descrip-
lions of battles, almost the only scenes where recklessness may some-
times extort admiration. The word is extraordinarily common in
Cicero's speeches; c£ below, 30, 1. sa ; 78, p. 6a, 1. 3a.
a3 flagitium: 'scandalous conduct'. This word always looks to the
effect crime has in causing public detestation. The root of the word is
probably the same as that of flag-rare; the metaphor m flagitium may
therefore be compared with those in the phrases ^ardere invidia \ and
'ambustus' used of one who has only just escaped in a criminal triaL
Cf. flag-itare, § 35,1. aS.
24 cum interim Sulla cum: the repetition of cum, which seems harsh to
us, was never avoided by Cic. and the best writers. Cf. e.g. above,
6, 1. 10; below, 36, 1. 31; Arch. 6; Balb. i; Lael. 4; Fin. a, 68
cum tuis cum; De Div. 1, 8; Fam. 9, 6, 3 cum videremus cum ; Liv. 4,
39, 8. Nor do the Latins seem to have felt the awkwardness of placing
the conjunction cum immediately before an ablative; cf. Liv. 4, 55, i.
The spelling quum for cum is wholly without justification; see Ap-
pendix B.
25 noctem • for the nocturnal meetings of the conspirators see § 5a and
Introd. § 18.
26 ne mediocriter quidem; 'not even slightly'. Mediocriter furnishes
only indirectly a contrast to noctem solitudinemque; it is implied that
the conversation and friendship of those who hold secret nocturnal
meetings would be intimate and extensive. For the reading mediocriter
see crit. n.
§17.
27 Allohroges; for the part which these ambassadors played in the
detection of Catiline's conspiracy see Introd. § 19.
28 indices: see above, n. on 14, p. 40, L i.
litterae ac nuntii: so in 14, p. 40, 1. 1. Sallust, Cat. 29, 30, speaks
of the numerous letters and messages brought from all parts of Italy
about Catiline's intrigues. There may be some reference to the letters
~ captured at the Mulvian bridge; see Cat. 3, 6; Introd. § 19.
30 eiecto sive emisso: ' whether expelled or let loose'. So Cic. Cat. a, 1
Catilinam vel eiecimus vel emisimus vel ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti
sumus. For the charge made against Cic. that he had driven Catiline into
exile see Cat. 11. la, 14, 15. The omission of the first sive when the al-
ternatives are clearly and sharply contrasted as here, is rare in Cic. but
became common in prose after Livy, and is a distinctive feature in the
prose of Tacitus.
31 fascis signa; cf. Cat. a, 13 cum arma. cum securis, cum fascis, cum
tubas, cum signa militaria scirem esse praemissa (where however Cic.
§ i8.] NOTES. 87
speaks of preparations made by Catiline himself before he left Rome);
Sail. Cat. 36 sed ipse (Catilina) cum fascibus alque aliis imperi insignibus
in castra Manlium contendit; cf. too Cic. Cat. i, 24 and 2. 13. It
seems to be nowhere else stated that Catiline received arms from Rome
after his departure.
32 /oris: in Etruria, where Catiline's forces were; cf. 53, p. 54, 1. 2
cum Autronio ut occuparet Etruriam praescriberetur.
Lentuli poena: Introd. § 19.
33 aliqisando: 'at last'. Richter wrongly takes it to be for nonnum-
quam, in opposition to numquam. To make Cic. say that Autronius
'occasionally fell into a panic, is foreign to the context.
sanitatem: not exactly 'sanity' in the English sense, but 'wholesome
courses', soundness of thought and action; so below, 83, p. 64, L 32.
P. 41.
1 eo tempore omni: the ablative used for duration of time; rare in the
best writers but common after Livy; cf. § 55, 1. 28, below. It is only
the addition of omni which here gives the idea of duration; so tota in
Caes. B. G. I, 26 eaque tota nocte continenter ierunt. If in these pas-
sages the words tota and omni were omitted the ablatives would merely
denote the time without any r^ard to its duration. For omni might
have been expected toto, here and in 55,1. 28 ; 8, p. 38, 1. 3.
Neapoli: the Scholiast remarks that at this time exile was not one of
the punishments for bribery (see Introd. § 27); Sulla was therefore at
Naples of his own free will. Before Naples received the Roman fran-
chise, it enjoyed by treaty with Rome the ius exsilii, and was a favourite
resort of Roman exiles. When it became a Roman municipium this
state of things ceased; if Sulla had really been exiled therefore he would
not have sought a refuge at Naples. Massilia was the common haven for
the condemned during the later Republic; see e.g. Cat. 2, 14.
2 adfines: this word occurs as adjective often in Cic., sometimes with
the genitive as here, and Verr. 2, 94 rei capitcdis adfinem ; sometimes
with the dative, as below, 70, 1. 21, where see n. For Sulla's stay at
Naples cf. 53, p. 54, 1. 8 fuit in ea parte Italiae quae maxime ista sus-
picione caruit.
3 locus ipse...cucommodatus: the city was a place for ease and luxu-
rious idling.
calamitosorum: n. on 15, 1. 17 calamitate.
§18.
5 hanc tantam: when joined with a demonstrative, tantus almost loses
its relative force and is little different in sense from magnus. There is
in fact a slight ellipse; here tantam=t. quanta est. Translate 'this dis-
similarity, great as it is'.
•
88
PRO P. SULLA.
caussctrufft: cf. 15* 1. 9 fuit Autroni caussa^ quae Sullae est?
dissimiUm...praebui: 'I behaved differently with regard to the two
menHere we have a difference between Latin and English idiom.
We cannot call a man unlike without expressing further what it is that
he is unlike. But in Latin and in Greek too the matter with reference
to which the likeness or unJikeness exists, is left to be understood. For
a similar ellipse see above § i6,1. io, with n. For in utroqiu cf. 20,
1. 19 in aliis vindicassem ; 3,1. 8 in hoc officio, etc.
veniebat et saepe veniebat: the repetition of the verb is very emphatic.
Cf. Verr. 5, 121 errabas, Verres, et vehementer errabas; ib. 3, 15a tene-
tur indices et manifesto tenetur avaritia hominis; Quint. 40 petisses et
petisses statim (Klotz); also below, 64, p. 57, 1. 30 dicerem et facile et
libenter dicerem; 55, \.2\ut emat ffiadiatores et ut hos ipsos emat.
ut se defenderem: this clause seems to depend, not on veniebat alone,
but on the whole expression veniebat...supplex, which implies a request
or entreaty. The clause with ut then follows as on oro imploro and the
like.
condiscipulum: a rare word; it occurs here only in Cicero's speeches,
but is rather more common in the philosophical works. It is not known
under what teacher Cic. and Autronius studied together.
quaestura; Cic. was quaestor in 75 B.C.
commemorabat: 'he recounted'. Commemorare and comsnemoratio
(37, 1. 15) in Cic. are distinctly words of speaking, not of remembering;
see my n. on Arch. § 29.
proferebat: 'he instanced'. ProferreSs a regular word in Cic. for
'quoting examples'; see Lexica, and cf. below, 25, p. 44, 1. 6.
flectebar...frangebar: 'I was so bent and broken from my purpose'.
Note the coniunctio, for which see above, n. on 12, 1. 11.
ut iam...ut iam: these two clauses are quite parallel: the second is
not dependent on the first.
mihi ipsi: 'me personally'; i.e. apart from his general plotting
against the whole state. ,
immissum esse ab eo: Autronius was not the sole deviser of the
scheme to assassinate Cicero; it was determined on at the nocturnal
meetings of the Catilinarians which Autronius attended. See Introd.
§ 18. Nor was Cornelius the only would-be assassin : he is here men-
tioned alone because of his connexion with the case of Sulla, for which
see §§51, 52, and Introd. § 18. For immittere of assassination, cf.
Tac. Ann. 3, 16 nec ilium sponte exstinctum, sed immisso percussore.
sedibus: the plural is not uncommonly thus used by Cic. in the sense
of'home', 'domicile'; cf. Verr. 3, 128 ut ilia aratorum multitudo in
suis agris ac sedibus collocetur. The correction aedibus is unnecessary.
§ 19] NOTES. 89
15 trucidaret, obliviscerer: for the concurrence of these two verbs cf. 32,
1. 16 necaretur, necavit.
§ 19.
16 qua...sum: Roby § 1715.
18 sed cum etc.: the whole protasis down to coeperat is most symmetri-
cally constructed. The first six clauses fall into three pairs, which ex-
actly con-espond to each other; these six clauses constitute the first half
of the protasis; the second half et cum illae...coeperat, echoes the first,
but with some artful variations. Richter insists on taking patriae as
dependent onpericulorum ; if so it is almost impossible to avoid making
all the other genitives dependent on it, and thus the sentence entirely
loses its grace.
19 illorum delubrorum atque templorum: illorum is used deucriKwt: the
speaker points to them. Delubrum differs from templum in that the
latter is not necessarily dedicated to any particular divinity, nor is it
necessarily covered with any sacred building or shrine.
20 puerorum: here, like liberi, includes children of both sexes.
21 veniebat in mentem: Halm notes that in Cic. the phrases venit, venie-
bat in mentem etc., take the so-called impersonal constructions only,
except in the case of neuter pronouns and adjectives and the word res,
which may stand as subjects to the verb. But H. narrows the usage
too much when he says that, failing words belonging to the class just
mentioned, the person or thing remembered must be placed in the geni-
tive, as in the present passage and 38, 1. 23. Clauses of different kinds
may take the place of subjects to the verb, as in Plane. 2 mihi venit in
mentem admirandum esse Af. Laterensem ; div. Caec. 27 in mentem
tibi non venit quid negoti sit? Sex. Rose. 105 qui eo venit in mentem
praedia concupiscere? Further, exceptions to the rules just stated
do occasionally occur, even in Cic. as in Caec. 40 ut vos iudicetis huius
rei ius atque actionem in mentem maioribus nostris non ventsse; also
Har. resp. 55. Exceptions are commoner in Terence, Livy, Quintilian
and later writers. It is worth observing that the Latins always said in
mentem venire, not in animum venire, in these uses.
infestae ac funestae: the jingle is evidently intentional, and is of a
kind common in Cicero. Cf. e. g. Tusc. 3, 64 pueros magistri castigare
Solent nec solum verbis, sedetiam verberibus ; see Kuhner's n. on the
passage. Somewhat similar is ignoratio...purgatio in 39, p. 49, I. 8; cf.
also n. on 12, 1. 14.
23 dnis patriae: cf. Cat. 4, 12 in cinere dejlagrati imperi; ib. 2, 19 in
cinere urbis et in sanguine civium; Verg. Aen. lo, 59 has the expres-
sion cineres patriae.
24 animum memoria refricare: the word refricare (almost peculiar to
Cicero) is commonly used of roughly handling a wound (whether literal
or metaphorical); so here Cic. represents his mind as being in a wounded
«
9©
PRO P. SULLA.
L§ 19—
state. For the construction cf. DeOr. 2, i<)georutndo^emquilugibant
stios, oratione refricabam; Flac. S4 illud volnus dicendo refricuisset.
The metaphors m cin is patriae animum refr icare coeperat are not very
harmonious, but although cinis formally is the subject to coeperat, yet ac-
tually all the substantives preceding would be felt by a hearer or reader
to be subjects as well, and the whole would be taken as forrning one ex-
tended and much vaguer subject. Cicero regularly uses the singular verb
if the nearest subject be singular.
25 et...illi: when is and ille refer in the same sentence to the same per-
son, Ule is used to secure vividness or emphasis, or contrast. Cf. Lael. 59
non est igitur amid talem esse in eum qualis ille in se est, where see my
note. There is often in Greek an exactly similar relation between avros
and eKtivot referring to the same person. A rarer usage is the reference
of hie and ille to the same person, of which an example will be found in
Cato m. 60, where see my n.
hosti ac parricidae: cf. Sail. Cat. 31, 8 Catilinae obstrepere omnes,
hostem atqueparricidam vocare: soib. 51, 25 Catiline and his crew
are called parricidae reipublicae ; cf. too Phil. 2,17 cum homines nefarii
depatriae parricidio confiterentur; also above, n. on 6,1. 19. Parricidae
here may be rendered 'traitor' or * assassin'.
26 his: they were present in court, as advocati of Sulla. See below,
1- 31-
Marcellis: probably descendants of the conqueror of Syracuse. The
father was praetor in 79 B. c. and afterwards governed Sicily; he is men-
tioned as one of the jury which tried Verres The son rose to be consul
in 50, and took the side of Pompeius in the civil war. Some correspond-
ence of Cic. with them is preserved inFam. 15, 7—ir.
patri et filio: see critical note.
quorum...obtinebat; ' for one of whom I felt reverence as for a father,
for the other tenderness as for a son'.
30 cum sdrem; these words are intended to point afresh the contrast
between the case of Autronius and that of Sulla, about whose criminality
Cic. declares he knows nothing. Cf. 86, L 8 nullum a me sciente fad-
nus occultari.
§ 20.
cdque idem ego: 'and yet I'; literally 'and I, though the same
man'. Idem here points a contrast; etiam would have conveyed a quite
different sense. Cf. n. on 34, p. 47,1. 5.
31 pro: not 'on account of, 'because of, but' from regard for'. Pro
does not indicate that the dangers caused the tears, but that the tears
were evidence of the men's desire to ward off the dangers j so below,
§ 84, L 20 meum caput obtuli pro patriaepericulis.
periculis; particularly used of dangers threatened by criminal trials.
NOTES.
91
See above, §. 13,1. 41; below § 49, 1.17; § 71, p. 60, I. 5; 79,1. 8, also
my n. on Arch. 13.
34 lacrimantis: from laerimo not lacrimor. The deponent verb does
not occur till the times of late Latin, the fourth century or so; for Verr.
f;. Ill where many editions once gave lacrimaretur is now corrected.
Halm's note on the passage is misleading; he says that the deponent is
not found in prose.') In N. D. 3, Si our texts still give illacrimari as a
deponent, but it should undoubtedly be corrected to illacritnare. Colla-
crimari (dep.) is found only once, in the pseudo-Ciceronian ConsoUuio.
Messallae: consul in 61 B.C. He was an orator of note (see Brut.
446) and had been associated with Cicero, both in politics and in
forensic affairs. Cf. Att. i, 14, 6 Messalla consul est egregius fcn-tis
constans diligens, nostri laudator ameUor imitator.
33 sustinere: the metaphor is from holding in check an attack in battle,
in which sense the word frequently occurs in the historical writers.
P. 42.
I naturae: sc. meae; cf. 8, p. 37, 1. 31 me natura misericordem esse
voluit.
nec...repugnavit; this clause does little more than echo the pre-
ceding.
res: sc. hominis,' his circumstancesHalm well quotes Ad Heren-
nium I § 9 si caussa turpitudinem habet, exordiri poterimus his ratio-
nibus: rem non hominem aut hominem non rem spectari oportere; add
Att. 14, 15 hominum vitia collegi, non rerum.
1 nusquam nomen etc.: see nn. on § 14.
3 nullum crimen, nullum indicium; crimen is the charge as formulated
by the prosecutor; indicium the information on which the charge is
rased. Cf. Vat. 45 eodem indicia et crimine.
suscepi...suscepi: for the repetition (called by Greek grammarians
Irdvodos) cf. 46, 1. 14; for the context §91.
4 feci libenter ut: cf. the phrase invitus facio ut; Roby § 1700; also
my n. on Lael. § 4, and below, § 69,1. 8.
boni: see n. on i, 1. 10.
5 constantem : ' fam'•,=severum in 8, p. 37, 1. 31.
6 crudelem : cf. f, p. 37,1. 31.
- § 21.
7 ArV;'at this point'.
regnum: ' tyranny'. This was a reproach Cicero often had to bear
during and after his consulship. Cf. Att. i, 16, 10 quousqw, inquit
[Clodius], hunc regem feremus ? Cat. r, 30 si in hunc f Catilinam) ani-
•
92
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 21 —
madvertissem, crudeliter et regie factum esse dicerent; Vat. 43 tu qui nos,
qui de communi salute consentimus tyrannos vocas. Also below § 47, p.
52i 1- 7-
8 eonsulatus: explanatory or definitive genitive; see n. on § 6,1. 17
levitatis. English idiom requires that the word should be rendered by
a nominative: ' what tyranny? My consulship I suppose
9 in quo; see n. on § 54,1. 13; also on 31, 1. 25.
imperavi nihil: Cic. while exalting his own merits as consul was at
all times anxious to represent his own responsibility for what was done as
entirely covered by the authority of the senate. Cf. above, § 9.
et contra: Cic. often uses^? in the place of an adversative conjunction,
generally after a negative clause, as here (see my n. on Lael. 30 suaque);
but occasionally also for et iamen after a positive clause. So too with
que and ac (36, p. 48, 1. 2).
1 videlicet: 'clearly', 'evidently'. The student should carefully dis-
tinguish between the uses of videlicet and scilicet; the former is an inten-
sitive or confirmative particle, the latter explanatory or ironical. In
39, p. 48,1. 33 videlicet has not the ironical sense which Richter attributes
to it.
2 imperio...potestate: all political offices at Rome might be described by
the termpotestas, but only a few (consulship, praetorship, dictatorship, or
their equivalents) could in strictness be called The word impe-
rium always implies power to command an army. It is occasionally
applied by Cic. and oAers, but incorrectly, to the censorship.
non dicis...dicis; the repetition of the verb is necessary when the
negative precedes; if the order had been dicis...non dicis, item might
have taken the place of the second dicis; see n. on 3,1. xi.
3 quo nomine :—qua de causa, as Richter says, quoting Q. Rose. 40 an
alio nomine et alia de causa abstulisse t Nomen primarily indicates a
heading in an account-book; so quo under what heading'.
Cf. 81, p. 63, 1. 24 uno nomine.
4 quod...iri: the answer is of course entirely feigned by Cicero.
in quos: for the omission of the antecedent, which is here awkward,
see n. on 4, 1. 24. For the historical circumstances, cf. Introd. § 21.
6 dixerim; Cic. here practically applies the rules of oratio obliqua to
his own speech, hence the subjunctive.
§ 22.
8 tantum: 'only so much'. This restrictive use of tantum is common
in Cic.; see below, 43, 1. 18; 62, p. 57, 1. 8; 71, p. 59,1. 33 ; 82, 1. 25.
So tarn in 87, 1. 18.
9 opes...potentiam; the former of the two words has the wider sense;
the latter implies personal injhtettce over individuals; the former includes
NOTES.
93
the use of every resource which wealth or position brings with it. Cf.
Phil. I,,29 non opes violentas etpopulo Romano minime ferendam poten-
tiam concupisse; Off. I, 86.
20 fidem defensionis: ' my loyalty in his defence'; the same expression
in Cluent. |§ 10, 118.
caussam recepisses: but above, 20, p. 42,1. 3 suscepi caussam ; also
34,1. 7. Cf. De Or. 2, loi magna offensio vel neglegentiae susceptis
rebus, vel perfidiae reeeptis, where see Prof. Wilkins' note. Whatever
action a man enters on he may be said suscipere ; if in entering on it he
binds himself to other persons, so that by abandoning it he would be
disgraced, he may be said recipere.
21 indicia: the only part of the verb with which in is thus usually
compounded is the passive participle. Cf. avoiioXoyoiiuvos and the like.
22 prcfugisset: i.e. he would have gone into exile without standing his
trial; the opportunity for this was always allowed to the culprit.
si iam : ' if, for the moment', ' if for the sake of argument'. This
use of iam is worth noting. Many exx. are collected by Munro on
Lucr. I, 968, Madvig on Fin. 4, 66, KUhner on Tusc. i, 50.
23 siare iudicio : the ablative is really one of place ' take their stand on
their own judgment
24 dem: dare in the logical %txs%^=concedere 'to make an admission'
is common in Cic.; e.g. Acad. 2, 68 sin quod tu mihi das, accepero and
below, 63, 1. 17.
26 non resistunt; i.e. indicia causaprofugiunl.
27 calamilosos: n. on 15, 1. 17.
idquod...voluisli: so of Antonius in Phil. 2, 20 al eliam quodam loco
facetus esse voluisli. Quam id le, di boni, non decebal!
28 minime: the position of this word afler necesse should be noticed : it
rarely follows the word which it qualifies.
facelus esse voluisli: ' you were pleased to be funny'.
Tarquinium el Numam: the order in which the names are mentioned
is not what might have been expected.
30 millo quaerere: for the infinitive used as object to the verb see Roby
§ 1344, and for millo=omilto § 75, 1. 20.
de rege: the word rege would in English be placed between inverted
commas: =your expression " king
illud quaero: Cic. is fond of placing two clauses in direct contrast
side by side, without marking the contrast by an adversative particle.
For this usage (sometimes called by grammarians adversalive asyndelon)
cf. Roby, § 1027 ; also my nn. on Lael. 5 and Cato m. 3, where a
number of examples are given from those works. Also above § i, 1.12;
§ 27, 1. 23; § 28, p. 45, 1. I; § 31, p. 45» 1-26; § 38,11. 20, 22; § 44,
p. 50,1. 28; § 51, 1. 8; § 62, p. 57,1. 10; § 80,1. 18.
•
94
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 22—
30 peregrinum; the word gains in emphasis by being placed at the
beginning of the clause.
31 ita: here=i'a/w, as often in Cic.
33 conmlemperegrinum : a grotesque idea to a Roman.
§ 23, P. 43.
1 municipio: at this time the word had come to mean an Italian town
which had received the full Roman franchise. At an earlier time the
term municipes was applied to those who (like the inhabitants of Caere)
possessed the private rights of Roman citizens (ius conubit, ius commercii
etc.) but not the public rights (ius suffragii, ius honorum). Cicero's
native town, Arpinum, acquired the imperfect franchise in 302 B.C. and
had enjoyed the full rmVoj since 188.
2 unde iterum: Cic. is very fond of comparing his own services to the
state with those of his fellow-townsman Marius, who is the only dema-
gogue of whom he ever speaks well. In Leg. 2, 6 Cic. makes Atticus
say ' reeie igitur Magnus il/e noster me audiente posuit in iudicio, cum pro
Ampio tecum simuldiceret, rem publicam nostram iustissimas huic muni-
cipio gratias agere posse, quod ex eo duo suiconservatores exstitissent'; cf. also
Sest. so divinum ilium virum atque ex isdem quibus nos radicibus
natum ad salutem huius imperi.
3 pervelim : sc. si tu velis dicere. For the omission of the protasis cf.
n. on § r, 1.1. Pervelim is, I think, the only compound of per with any
part of volo which Cic. uses. Livy has pervelle ; Curtius 10, 2, 17 has
pervelim; I have not come across any part of pervolo in other authors.
[The word is not in Neue's collections.] Plautus and Terence use per-
cupio, Plautus pcrlubet; pertaedet is common; both this and pervolo
were probably colloquial words. Per in the sense of 'exceedingly' is
not commonly compounded with intransitive verbs, excepting inceptives,
e.g. perdolesco.
5 M. illi tatoni: the position of illixR the middle of the name is quite
usual; cf. e.g. Arch. 6 Q. Metello illi Numidico (where see my note);
similarly in Veil. 2, 16, 3 cuius illipietati (ed. Halm); also below, § 34,
1. 8 L. ille Torquatus. For Cato's enmities see my edition of Cato
maior, p. 20; Plin. N. H. 7, 100 says of Cato (euni) quater et quadragies
causam dixisse (was put on his defence) nec quemquam saepius postu-
ledum et semper absolutum.
6 7?. Coruncanio: noted as the first plebeian who became pontifex
maximus. Cic. Plane. 20 makes him a native of Tusculum, but in a
speech of the Emperor Claudius (a noted antiquary) founded by Tacitus
(Ann. n, 24) on a speech actually delivered and still in great part
preserved in an inscription, Coruncanius is said to have belonged to
Camerium.
Curio; M' Curius Dentatus, consul in 290, 275 and 274, when
he conducted campaigns against the Samnites; commanded against
NOTES.
95
P3rrrhus also; enjoyed three triumphs. The place of his birth is un-
known. Curius and Coruncanius and Fabricius are often mentioned
together by Cic. as types of the rustic sturdy simple Roman character
of early times; see Lael. i8; Cato m. §§ 15, 43.
cum...inviderent: cf. Prov. Cons. 19 quis plenicr inimicorum fuit
Mario ? The bitterness of the nobility against Marius when, though
Hotnts homo, he was candidate for the consulship, is often depicted in
Sallust, lug. e.g. c. 84.
a me monendum: an exception to the rule that the dative follows
on the gerund or gerundive to express the agent. Exceptions are very
rare outside of Cicero's writings, in which a considerable number occur.
Cf. Roby § 1147. Madvig on Fin. 2, 30 quotes an example from Livy
and another from Seneca the younger; of nearly all other writers whether
of an early or a late date, it can be definitely said that they avoided the
usage. There is an instance in a letter of Brutus ap. Cic. Fam. 11, 20,
3. It may be noted about the instances in Cic. (i) that they are vastly
commoner in the speeches and letters than in the oratorical and philoso-
phical works, (2) that in most of the passages the agent is denoted by one
or other of the personal pronouns; thus Fin. 2, 30 oratio videtur non a
philosopho sed a censore opprimenda is rather unusual, (3) that in by far
the larger number of passages the excuses made by grammarians (as by
Roby § 1147) do not hold good.
pro magnis etc.: 'as the important interests of our friendship
demand'. Pro magnis caussis nostras necessiiudinis is here little more
than pro nostra magna consuetudine. For a similar periphrastic expres-
sion cf. Liv. 6, 25, 9 suorum usuum causae, literally 'the motives or
reasons supplied by their own advantage'; and above, n. on 9, 1. 8. See
also my n. on Acad, i, 6 caussas rerum efficientium. On Cicero's friend-
ship with Torquatus see Introd. § 22 and below, § 34.
si verum quaeris : ' if you ask my candid opinion'. This parenthetic
expression, as well as the shorter form si quaeris, is commonly found
in Cicero. For the two forms cf. esto ('be it so') and verum esto, both
equally common.
ne curant quidem: the few offices (such as that of flamen Dialis)
which were still confined to patricians were so burdensome that the
revived patriciate had to be bribed by Augustus to take them. Not
more than twelve patrician families survived at the end of the Repub-
lican period.
se...anteiri; ' that they are your inferiors'.
§ 24.
inveteravit: ' has become familiar'. Inveterasco is more often used
of bad than of good things.
quam: goes with necesse erit.
96 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 24—
17 competitores tuos; probably for the miaestorship. Torquatus had
certainly not at this time held political office. The function of prose-
curing was confined as a rule to young men who had their reputation to
win.
18 iam; since the passing of the lex lulia in 89 B.C.
Italia: at this time Italy, as officially recognised, only extended as far
north as the Aesis on the W. and the Rubico on the E.
delecti: i.e. the men of the highest rank in the various municipia.
honore...dignitate: seen, on § is, I. 5.
19 cave appellee : cf. Kennedy § 92 ; Roby § 1606.
20 peregrinorum: i.e. those whom Torquatus called foreigners, the
Roman citizens of the municipia.
21 qui: referring not to the last noun peregrinorum but to the leading
subject of the preceding sentence, viz. competitores.
attulerint: sc. ad petitionem: ' bring to the contest'.
nervos; a favourite word with Cic. for ' strength', ' vigour'.
excutient; so {in re similt) Mur. 30 omnia ista nobis studia de
manibus excutiuntur. Cf. 47,1. 24 excussos.
22 ieutationem: Cic. uses this form, not that so common in Tacitus,
iactantia. So ignoratio (below § 39, p. 49,1. 8), not ignorantia; see my
n. on Acad, i, 45.
ex somno excitabunt: the metaphor is common; e.g. Phil. 2, 68
perterritum te de somno excitari ; ib. 30 quae excitent tantae caussae indor-
mientem.
23 ed)s te: the form abs hardly ever occurs unless before a word beginning
with t (unless in compound verbs) and in ordinary Latin only in the
expression abs te. ribs quivis in Ter. Ad. 2, 3, i is a rare exception.
§ 25.
24 me et vos; Cic. artfully contrives to set the jury against Torquatus
by implying that he cast on them also the slur of foreign birth.
25 sileretur; the editors explain this as equivalent to sileri debebat. But
the subjunctive in Latin has no such force. Subjunctives of this class
(styled by many grammarians as 'jussive' subjunctives) are merely parts
of elliptic conditional propositions. Here sileretur is not the true apodosis
to the protasis si...oporteret, but is rather the apodosis to a suppressed
protasis such as 'si caperet'. So with Vergil's famous words
dictis, rilbane, mamres . The fact that ne occurs with some of these
subjunctives has led some scholars to regard them as conveying com-
mands or prohibitions put into past tenses because the circumstances to
which they might have applied are past (So Roby § 1604.) But a
past imperative is an inconceivable thing, and the ne in passages like
Att. 2, I, 3 «« poposcisses is merely equivalent to «<?«, as ne often was
NOTES.
97
in early Latin. It is worth observing that whatever explanation may be
given of the subjunctives here discussed, the same must equally apply
to the imperfect subjunctive which regularly takes the place in oratio
obligua of an imperative in oratio recta. For suppressed protasis cf. n.
on I, 1. I.
i6 a materno genere: a slight extension of the common use of a in the
phrases apatre 'on the father's side'; a matre ' on the mother's side'.
27 Asculani; of A scutum in Picenum.
28 gaudeat etc.: no doubt Cic. here alludes to the fact that Arpinum
received the Roman franchise a century earlier than Asculum.
29 neque...dixeris...neque: the use of neque...neque for neve...neve is far
from uncommon; cf. Roby § 1602.
30 gravius: to be taken with derideare, as well as with refutere.
refutere: this verb has not exactly the sense of our English ' refute',
but means rather to prove a thing or person to be empty or worthless.
The root is ghu, in Latin fu (in futilis etc.), in Greek xv-. The simple
verb -futare would therefore originally mean to empty out, or pour
away.
31 nisi forte regium: this passage smacks strongly of the Stoic para-
doxes, one of which was to the effect that the perfectly wise man is the
only king, in the true sense of the word. This particular paradox is
nowhere developed at length by Cicero, but in his 'Parculoxa' will be
found many expressions resembling those in the text. Cf. Hor. Od. 2,
2, 9 latius regnes avidum domando Spiritum quam si Lil>yam remotis
Gadibus iungas et uterque Poenus Serviat uni.
32 homini nemini; Richter says Cic. often uses this expression; as a
matter of fact he always says nemo homo not nullus homo, except in one
doubtful passage. He regularly uses nemo with all nouns denoting
persons, e.g. nemo civis, nemo sapiens, also tumo alius, not nullus
alius.
33 contemnere; 'to make light of. The word is not so strong as
spernere ox our 'despise'; it is the Greek bXiywpetoBat 'to hold in low
esteem', not KaToppoveiv.
P. 44.
I sentire :=sententiam dicere; so in 82, 1. t9.
libere: 'with freedom of speech'=/teT4 srappriotas; so in Tacitus
libertas con-stantly has the sense of vappriola.
populi...voluntati: cf. Lael. 93 animus qui ad alterius voluntatem con-
vertitur.
4 dominatio: 'tyranny'. This word is the commonest representative
in Latin of the Greek rvpca/vls.
98
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 25—
5 dictum...superbum: 'conceited or overbearing utterance'. Note
that dictum is never quite the same as verbum, but implies some utter-
ance with a strongly-marked character either for good or evil; often it
has the sense of ' witticism'.
6 prefers; n. on 18, 1.-11.
verbi...maledicti: 'an odious epithet and an insulting vilification';
literally ' the odium of an epithetetc. Cf. Cat. 3, 3 eiciebam—non
enim verecr huius verbi invidiam (so often ' absit invidia verba'); Phil.
13, 4 contumelias minasque verborum; Gael. 6 maledictio nihil hatet
propositi praeter contumeliam; Pis. 31 ausus es meum discessum in
maledicti et contumeliae locoponere; Cat. i, 16 vocis contumeliam.
§26.
7 ego...a me...mihi: notice the emphatic repetitions and cf. 13, 1. 20.
beneficiis...positis; when the benefit is conferred on a person Cic.
generally says benefcium ponere apud aliquem ; or without regard to the
verb, beneficium in aliquem (cf. below, 27, 1. 30). The construction
here may be compared with the expressions ponere curam or diligentiam
in aliqua re (De Div. i, 93 ; Mur. 45). Trans. ' after the great services
I have bestowed upon the country'.
8 mihi: ' for myself', in contrast to rr/aWrVa.
9 konestum otium: the equivalent of otium cum dignitate (Sest. 98).
sibi haberent: nothing is gained by labelling this subjunctive (with
Halm and Richter) as ' permissive'. It is purely conditional, its protasis
being suppressed (' they would thus keep to themselves', i. e. if they acted
as I wish). For the ellipse of the protasis, see n. above, 25,1.24, and n.
on 1,1. 1. For the form of the whole passage cf. Cato m. 58 sibi habeant
igitur arma, sibi equos, sibi hastas, sibi clavam et pilam, sibi venationes
atque cursus ; nobis senibus ex lusionibus multis talos relinquant; Flacc.
104 sibi habeantpotentiam, sibi honores, sibi ceterorum commodorum sum-
mas facultates: liceat his qui haec salva esse voltterunt, ipsis esse salvis ;
Sail. or. Macr. 18 gerant habeantque sua modo imperia. As to sibi habe-
rent cf. the phrase used in divorce at Rome ' tuas res tibi habeto'.
10 honores...imperia: honores {% a. general ima iot political ofifices; for
imperia see n. on 21,1. 12.
alia...insignia: possibly a hint at Pompeius and the toga picta
which he had the peculiar privilege to wear.
11 mihi liceret: adversative asyndeton ; see n. on 22,1. 30.
12 tranquillo...quieto: for the coniunctio see n. on 12,1. 11.
13 si hoc etc.: si is repeated here probably oftener than in any other
single sentence in Latin. Nagelsbach, Stil. § 179, has excellently com-
mented on the artificial structure of this sentence. The clauses at the
beginning and end of the long protasis (si hoc nonpostulo...si mihi ne
§26]
NOTES.
99
etc.) closely correspond. Each has only one si; the idea of each is the
same, viz. that Cic. longs in vain for otium. Then the clauses from si
ille labor to sunt omnibus will be found to balance exactly those from si
voluntas to patent omnibus ; each of these two portions contains si five
times repeated, the clauses being all positive. The passages si,..cura
and si:..labore ^ain closely resemble each other. The whole protasis
therefore consists of six portions in three pairs; if we denote these pairs
by AA', BE, CC, they are arranged in this order ABCCB'A'. We
therefore have an elaborate form of the figure called chiasmus, by which
in its ordinary and simpler form one pair of similar expressions is placed
between the members of another pair of expressions. [See n. on 3,
1. II.] It is well worth the student's while to dissect for himself the
other passages to which Nagelsbach refers, viz. Sest. 35 and 42 ; Mil. 67;
De Or. I, 58. Cf. also §§ 52, 53, below.
14 pristinus: 'from of old,'. The epithet should also be understood
with the succeeding nouns down to vigiliae. All these refer to Cicero's
labours as advocate in the forum. In ille labor meus deservil we have
res pro persona=ego labore meo deservio. Cf. 4, 1. 27 n.
offuia: for the word officium cf. n. on 2,1. 19.
operae: in the sense 'aid', ' assistance', Cic. uses opera in the singu-
lar. The plural here is not, as some editors say, for the sake of sym-
metry with vigiliae, but rather has regard to the number of different
cases in which the assistance had been rendered. The plural in this
sense is not uncommon : e.g. Fam. 16, 10, 2 tu Musis nostris para ut
operas reddas; Verr. 2, ' Canuleius qui in portu Syracusis operas
dabat. Cf. below, 37, 1. 16 auctoritates; § 70, L 28 societdtes cum .
indicibus; 76, p. 62, 1. 7 turpitudines.
16 requirunt studium meum :=carent studio meo; i.e. seek for it with-
out finding it.
studium meum: observe the coniunctio, for which see n. on 12, L 11.
17 rerum gestarum vacatio: the genitive here expresses the ground on
which the release is given; so Leg. i, 10 and Nep. Att. 7, i aetatis
vcuatio; Cael. 30 vacationem adulescentiae veniamqtce petere (but ib. 43
cululescentiae excusatio).
18 aetatis excusatio: cf. such expressions as excusatio legationis obeundae
(Phil. 9, 8); aetatem excusare ' to plead age as an excuse' (Liv. 22, 40,
6), morbum e. (Cic. Phil. 9, 8); inopiam e. (Caes. B. C. 3, 20, 3).
19 animus...aures: cf. 12,1. 16 animo...auris.
20 recordanda et cogitanda: Cic. no doubt alludes here to works which
he had on hand relating to his consulship; a history of it in Greek
which he dedicated to Atticus (Att. i, 19, 10); another in Latin which
was probably never finished (1.1.); a long poem in three books of which
part is quoted in De Div. i, cc. 11—14.
22 vicarius: 'substitute'or'successor'. A rather favourite word with
Cic., e.g. Caec. 57 alieni iuris v. One of the meanings of the word
7—2
100
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 26-
(though not, as is often said, the original meaning) is 'a slave owned by
a slave' (by permission of the master, as part of his peculium)', see e.g.
Verr. 3, 86.
§27.
23 longe abest a me; Ms very foreign to my character'.
ii quaeris: for the omission of sed at the head of this clause, cf. n. on
22, 1. 30.
24 sint...conati: for the separation of these words cf. n. on § 3,1. 13.
ut...invenies: the passage is really elliptic (after a very common
fashion). The sense in full is Mn order that you may not have to rake
up ancient history [I tell you this, viz.] you will find etc'. In other
words the clause is dependent on a verb not expressed. Cf. 51, 1. ri n.;
60, 1. 17 n.
ut ne replices; this clause is no doubt final, as is shewn in the
preceding note. The syntax of ut ne, ut nan, is difficult and still in
need of discussion. The generally accepted rules are (a) ut ne is used
only in final clauses; {b) ut non is used only in consecutive clauses.
See Kennedy §§ 19s, 205; Roby §§ 1636, 1650, 1696, 1704; Drae-
ger, Hist. Syntax §§ 411, 542, 562; Madvig on Fin. 2, 15. Rule
(^) is practically correct, but about rule (a) there are great difficul-
ties. Where ita ..ut ne occurs the rule can only be applied by assum-
ing a harsh ellipse, or by saying that ita implies purpose; or by some
other such device; cf. Kenn. §§ 195, 205. After considerable investiga-
tion, I venture to think (i) that ita (from the same root as is) and ut
(from the same root as qui) are related exactly as is and qui are, viz. as
relative and antecedent; (2) that if clauses introduced by qui, followed
by subjunctive, and preceded by is, are considered as consecutive, so must
similar clauses introduced by ut followed by subjunctive, and preceded
by ita ; (3) that the introduction of ne does not alter the nature of such
clauses; (4) that in all instances I have been able to find of ita...ut ne
the writers conceived the ///-clauses as consecutive not as final. Further,
in some passages where there is no ita, the clause with ut ne must be
referred to the consecutive class. A full discussion of the matter would
require too much space here; I reserve it for a forthcoming note on
Fin. 2, 15.
replices: the metaphor is from unfolding a roll. The word in this
use is rare; the only other instance in classical Latin seems to be Leg.
3, 31 si velis replicare tnemoriam temporum; cf. however Fin. x, 72
tempus in poetis evolvendis consumere.
25 memoriam: this word often corresponds, as here, to our 'history'
exactly; annalium memoria is ' history preserved in records'.
ex domesticis imaginibus: 'from your family tree'. The busts of
ancestors who had held curule office stood in the atrium of the Roman
noble's house. Each had a titulus declaring the honours of the man
whom it represented; while woollen threads {stemmata) ran from bust
to bust, shewing the relationships of the persons represented. Cic.
NOTES.
lOI
alludes here to M. Manilas Capitolinus, hero of the Gallic siege, the
story of whose condemnation and execution is told by Livy 6, 14—so.
In 6, so, 4 Livy mentions the charge of attempting to set up a tyranny.
ex imaginibus: ex not uncommonly depends on invenio and reperio
in Cic. The idea here is ' you will find by selection from', where we
should rather say 'in*. So § 76, p. 6s, 1. s exportentis; 8s, 1. sy ex illo
gradu.
res enirn gestae credo: ' yes, I suppose my exploits...'. For the
ironical credo cf. n. on 11,1. 33. Enim is elliptic as ydp so often is in
Greek, =' but what you say is true, for '•
meae me: in the style of Cicero there is a great tendency to throw
pronouns together. Cf. 15,1. 13 ; 85, p. 65,1. sg.
extulerunt...cUtulerunt: cf. n. on § is, 1.14.
nescio qtios spiritus: 'some strange arrogance*. Nescio quis often
thus conveys the notion of strangeness or surprise. In the sense of
' insolence * ' arrogance * spiritus is used by the best writers in the geni-
tive and ablative only of the singular number and the nominative and
accusative only of the plural; cf. Liv. si, i, 5 ingentis spiritus virum ;
Cic. Leg. agr. s, 93 Aunc regio spiritu; Cluent. 109 animos eius ac
spiritus tribunicios ; Caes. B. G. i, 33, 5 Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus,
tantam arrogantiam sumpserat. The word has the good sense of' high
spirit' only in poetry and the later prose.
tam Claris, tarn immortalibus: for Cicero's self-laudation see n. on
§ 14. p. 40.1. s.
qui...eripuerim: the clause is causal, and looks to what comes after
rather than what precedes: ' I shall consider myself sufficiently rewarded
for having rescued...*. Cf. 3s, 1. 6; 36, p. 48, 11. i, 6; 4s, 1. is; 88,
p. 67, L 4; Roby § 1714; Kennedy §sio. Qui...eripui, would have
been merely descriptive of me.
tanto: n. on 18, 1. 5.
in...beneficio: n. on s6, 1. 7.
mortalis: Cic. only uses this word for homines with one or other of
the attributes multi, omnes, excepting in Lael. 18 where he has nemo
mortalis. The use of mortalis in prose (like fiporol in Greek) was at all
times rather poetical. Sallust (the first prose writer who deliberately
introduced poetical words merely for picturesque effect) is the first to use
the word freely in this sense; Caesar avoids it altogether; Livy has it
sparingly; in the rhetorical style of the silver Latin writers it is
common.
nullum...redundarit: a forecast of the evil that befel Cic. five or six
years later. Cf. De Or. -i, 3 (written after the event) Jluctus qui a com-
muni peste depulsi in me redundarunt. The word redundare is a favourite
one with Cic.
redundarit: the fut. perf. indicative, not the perf. subj. With this
completed future the completed future infinitive adeptum fore corresponds.
102
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 27—
Cf. Fam. 13, 18, 1 U ita existimare volo quibuscttnque officiis AUitum
obstrinxeris, isdem me tibi obligatum jore. This form of the infini-
tive is very common with passive verbs, not so common with deponents.
See a collection in Neue Formenlehre 11® 365. It is surprising that this
infinitive form should not receive more notice than it does in our ordi-
nary grammars.
§ 28.
31 etenim: introduces the reason for the apprehension just expressed.
33 plenum: generally (with few exceptions) followed in Cic. by the
genitive.
a vestris cervicibus deptdi: cf. Cat. 3, 17 non facile hanc tantam
molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. Note that Cic. does not
use cervix in the singular; nor does Sallust, nor Caesar; in Livy and
after him it is often met with. Varro (L. L. 8, 5, 107) says that Hor-
tensius the orator first used it. In Verr. 3, 49 Cic. curiously says
(addressingVerres)patronum tuum [i.e. Hortensium'\ in hoc
crimine cerviculam iactaturum. In the earliest Latin verse cervix is
found. After depellere (as after other verbs compounded with de) Cic.
uses de, ex, and ab, but most frequently ab.
P. 46.
1 a meis: for sed omitted see n. on 11, 1. 30.
2 paucos: emphatic, in reference to plenum.
fuisse...quipossent: past tenses because the plot was past.
3 eripere de: but above, 27,1. 28 eritmerim ex. When eripere means
' to rescue' as in Phil. 12, 7 ^ manibus est ereptus Antonius, and below,
35, 1. 16, it is followed by ex in Cic., except in Rose. Am. 149 vita
S. Rosci de manibus sectorum erepta est, where de should be corrected.
When the sense is ' to snatch away' the dative of the person regularly
follows (rarely ab aliquo, as in Verr. 3 §§ 115, 179). or e or de with abla-
tive of thing.
faces: the Catilinarians had threatened conflagation as well as war.
See Introd. § 19.
5 potui, sicutifeci: cf. 49,1.19 pariebatur, sicuti partus est.
consceleratas: a very strong word=' thoroughly penetrated by crime';
so below, 1. 14.
6 quanto periculo: modal ablative. In Cic. and other writers periculo
and cum periculo both occur frequently. So with pace and cum pace, cura
and cum cura and many similar expressions.
7 cum...cum: n. on 16,1. 24.
cum...susceptum: so Cat. 4, 22 quare mihi cum perditis civibus ae-
temum bellum susceptum esse video. The dative of the agent after the
passive verb is in Cic. confined to the perfect participle.
§ 3I-] NOTES. 103
§29.
9 illis; explained by the clause quod...eoniungunt.
10 suam salutem etc.: ' link their own security with mine', i.e. look
on their own as wrapped up with mine.
12 uni maxime: unus, like eXi in Greek, is commonly used to intensify
superlatives.
13 non solum: see critical n.
quod.. .repressi : this is the cause as stated by Cic., not as imagined by
the conspirators, else represserim must have been written. Cf. 48,
P- 5«. U- 4. 5-
§30.
16 improbis ..improbe: n. on 12,1. 14.
17 ipse: by this word a contrast is expressed between what Torquatus
was personally, and what his father was.
his...dignitatis: 'having laid the foundations of his young life in
such wise, with such hope before him of winning the highest posi-
• tion'.
fundamentis adulescentiae: cf. Cato m. 62 earn me senectutem laudare
quae fundamentis adulescentiae constituta sit. Adulescentiae is
genit. not dat. The foundations laid by Torquatus are the conduct by
which he hoped to win public honours. Fundamentum is very com-
monly used by Cic. metaphorically, with iacere, ponere etc.
21 immoderatione: the word only occurs here. Cf. n. on i, 1. 13
redomiti.
22 audacia: n. on 16, 1. 22.
24 laqueo: 'the noose'; cf. Introd. § 19, and crit. n.; also n. on 32,
1. 16. For carcere cf. § 70,1. 32 n.
§ 31.
25 in quo: lit. 'in connexion with which thing'; trans, 'and, to begin
with, one ridiculous part of the proceeding was that etc.' Cic. very
frequently begins sentences and clauses with in quo=in qua re, even
when there is some feminine noun in the preceding sentence with which the
relative might have been made to agree. Cf. 93,1. 23 and for the use
of the relative at the beginning of a refutation n. on § 54,1. 13.
absurdum : the primary meaning was * out of tune'; cf. Cic. De Or.
3, 41 vox quasi extra modum absona et absurda; it then came to mean
'ridiculous , 'foolish' much in the same way as ineptus, which literally
means ' out of place'. The root of absurdus is svar, which is redupli-
cated in susurrus. The old poet Naevius has sardare, formed from the
stem (sardo-) of the simple ran/ar, whence the compound ab-surdus=ab-
sardus, Festus, who preserves the word of Naevius, explains it by intel-
•
104 PRO P. SULLA. [§31—
legere; but he may well be wrong, as the passage 'quodbruti nec satis
sardare qututU' readily admits the sense ' to speak clearly
s6 leviter:=suppressavocesAx>s^,\.ii.
eos: for omission of sed or autem see n. on § aa, 1. 30 j also crit. n.
ay iudicium: here distinctly used of the ploue of trial. So below, 89,
1. 8 itinera iudUiorum.
non intellegebat: dependent on quod above.
a8 ita...ut; 'on such terms that'. So in 4a, p. 50,1. 6; 58, 1. ap; 60,
1. 19; 61,1. a9.
quibus se venditabat: 'whose applause he was courting'. It is
doubtful whether venders se or aliquam rem alicui can be said for venditare;
in Att. 13, la, a Ligarianam (orationem) praeclare vendidisti [so MSS,
but many edd. venditasti] postkac quicqutd scripsero, tibi praeconium
deferam, we probably have a jest: ' you have sold my speech for Ligarius
in excellent fashion: for the future whenever I write anything I will
make you my auctioneer'. There is a curious jest in Har. resp. i cum
is (Ciodius) P. Tullioni Syro navaret operam atque ei se, cui totus ve-
nierat, etiam vobis inspectantibus venditaret.
89 id: as ea precedes, many scholars have regarded id as spurious here.
But the sense of ea and id is not quite the same; id means ' the whole
proceeding' and does not refer specially to the words spoken. More-
over the change from plural to singular is not uncommon ; cf. Madvig
on Fin. a, aa and 61.
non probabatis : but above probatis. The change is intentional;
probatis indicates the abiding sentiVnent of the jury about the conspiracy;
probabatis the feeling they had at the time of Torquatus' action.
iam: literally ' when we get to it'. The word does Httle more than
emphasize oratoris est viiium, and may here be rendered by ' actually'.
30 oratoris...vitium ; 'a rhetorical fault'. In the first place (Cic. im-
plies) Torquatus sinned against common sense, in the second against the
rules of rhetoric also.
est: see crit. n.
non videre...postulet; the ancient teachers of rhetoric taught their
pupils how to classify all possible cases, and elaborately drilled them in
the lines of argument appropriate to each class of case. Cicero here
casts doubt on the soundness of Torquatus' education in rhetoric. In
De Or. a, 891—306 Cic. makes Antonius insist on the necessity there
is for an orator to take careful account of the strong and weak points of
his own and his adversary's case, and above all, to say nothing which
may damage his own.
31 nihil...lugere; 'nothing is so damaging to a man who is prosecuting
another for conspiracy, as the impression that he laments the punish-
ment and execution of the other conspirators'.
§ 32 ] JVOTES. 105
33 is tribuniis: the scholiast says either L. Calpumius Bestia or Q.
Metullus Nepos is meant. Bestia was certainly implicated in the plot
of Catiline (Sail. Cat. cc. 17, 43); there is no evidence that Nepos was
concerned in it; nor is it likely, as he was a partisan of Pompeius, and
absent with him from 67—63 B.C. As the words ex illis imply that
the tribune hinted at was really a conspirator, most scholars since
Garatoni have held that Bestia is here meant.
P. 46.
2 eum doleas. the indefinite second person doleas seems to us awkwardly
near to the definite te. The subjunctive should probably be classed as
'iterative'; cf. Roby § 1716.
si quid: the si is without conditional force; so in Greek often el^ rts
is almost equivalent to ocrris. Cf. below, 47,1. 24 id...si quid.
3 talem adulescintem : in passages like this we feel the -absence of a
Eresent participle from esse So above, 9,1. 13 and below, § 33,
•22.
vit^icem; here 'punisher'. The word just as often has the exactly
opposite sense of' protector' or ' champion'.
4 velis esse: 'you give yourself out to be*. Esse is emphatic, being
at the end of the clause. See n. on 78, p. 63, 1. i debet esse.
§ 32.
5 tamen: elliptic as often ; the sense is ' much as I have blamed your
other faults, yet I blame this most of all*.
ingenio et prudentia: 'ability and wisdom'; by ingenium only those
intellectual endowments are meant which are given to a man by nature;
prudentia implies moral effort.
6 caussam...tenes: 'you do not grasp the country's case'; i.e. 'you
think you are the mouthpiece of the country when you bewail the fate
of the conspirators'. Caussam rei publicae is contrasted with the prose-
cution of Sulla, and Cic. implies that Torquatus blunders about both.
The usual rendering 'you do not grasp the interests of the country' (so
Halm and Richter) is quite out of harmony with the succeeding words.
tenes:=-intellegis. The dictionaries will supply examples of this
usage, which is common in Cicero.
qui arbitrere; 'in that you suppose'. For similar causal clauses
with qui see n. on 27, 1. 28.
7 plebi Romanae: see Introd. § 19.
omnes boni: see n. on § i, 1. 10.
11 fuisse ut voluerit: precisely so below, § 62, p. 57, 1. 10 ; also S 60,
1. 19 cognita est...dissenserit; § 65, 1. 13 cogitarit. After a perfect
tense, the dependent clause may have either an imperfect or a perfect
•
io6 PRO P. SULLA. [§32—
subjunctive. The perfect marks strongly the completion of the act.
Cf. Roby §§ 1509, 1510 ; Kennedy § 219.
11 kaee omnia: ' our whole empire'. This very idiomatic use of haec
recurs below § 76, p. 62, 1. 13; Att. 12, 19, 1 si modo haec stabunt, and
elsewhere. Nagelsbach, Stil. § 50, 3, has some excellent remarks on the
usage, and points out that in Cat. 4, 7 haec delere and hoc imperium
delere are used convertibly.
perire: Halm favoursperdere, a conjecture of Campe, who objects to the
repetition of perire in the next line, and urges that a stronger word than
perire is needed to go with sceleratum. But on the other side the following
points may be pressed; (1) even Cic. is not extravagant enough to suppose
that Torquatus, while prosecuting one man for conspiracy, appealed to the
auditors as themselves conspirators; (2) if T. appealed to them at all,
it must have been because he supposed them averse to the illegal punish-
ments inflicted by Cic. and the senate; (3) perire is much more idiom-
atic than perdere, since Latin writers, after verbs of desire, commonly
express the action desired by a passive rather than an active verb where
there is a choice; indeed even when the active might be expected, we
often find the passive, for which see my n. on Acad. 2, 42 ; (4) if per-
dere be necessary here, then much more necessary is it in § 75, 1. 23,
where no one has questioned the text. Cf. also § 61, 1. 27 iuvari
cupiunt. Perire is of course the ordinary classic^ substitute for a
passive of perdere, perditus being the only part used by the best writers.
12 cuperet...haberet; the change from voluerit to the imperfect is no
doubt intentional; the perfect refers to one particular moment, the imp.
to a lengthened period of time. See my n. on Acad, i, 35 (second
edition); cf. also below § 58,1. 25 exstiterit...putaret.
salvom esse veiled: see n. on § 4,1. 31.
13 an vero: so in § 5, p. 36, 1. 32. The form of the whole sentence
should be carefully observed. It really comprises two sentences {an
vero...imperium and tu...necavit) placed in strong contrast; the first
refers to a generally admitted and approved action, the second to an
action which is called in question. The inference is that the second
action is absurd.- This form of rhetorical inference is the 'enthymeme'
par excellence of the ancient writers on rhetoric. Cf. Cic. Top. §§
55 sq. and Cope, Introduction to Aristotle's Rhetoric, p. 104; also my n.
on Arch. § 17.
clarissimum virum: T. Manlius Torquatus, consul in 340 B.C., and
commander in the war of the Romans against the Latins. The story of
the son's execution, by which the father earned the title ' Imperiosus
is too well known to be retold here.
generis ac nominis: it was of course possible for two men to be
of the same genus but not of the same cognomen. Here nomen is loosely
used so as to include cogtiomen. Cf. § 88, p. 66, 1. 26.
vestri: cf. vos, vobis in § 12 etc.
14 in ceteros: to be taken with imperium.
§ 33-] NOTES. 107
15 rem publicam. the senate ordered the execution of the conspirators,
but Cic. here as ever assumes that the country at large favoured the act.
domesticos hoslis; ' her internal foesThe expression is often used
of Catiline's crew, as in Sest. 11.
16 necaretur, neeavit: the words are intentionally placed together; for
the contrast cf. § 49,1. ai ur mcti in campo in foro vinceretis. Necare
is properly ' to strangle'; Lentulus and Cethegus were so put to death.
The occurrence together of two verbs in different constructions is not
very common; cf. however above, § 18, 1. 14.
§ 33.
iiague...mei: 'so observe, Torquatus, how far I turn my back on the
opinions I expressed in my consulship'. It is better not to render
qteam by ' how little' (so Halm and others ' wie wenig') since it is the
context alone which conveys this force. Nt^elsbach's remark (Stil.
§ 86, 4) that fuam with verb properly means ' how much' (' wie sehr')
and that therefore the use we have here is ironical, is mistaken. With
our passage cf. De Or. a, 180 vide quam sim deus in isto genere.
18 exaudire: in a n. on § 30,1. 13 Halm gives as the meaning of this verb
'ganz, deutlich hbren', as though ^arimplied 'thoroughly', 'out and out'.
The sense is rather ' to hear from a distance', ' to catch a sound'. Cf.
Att. I, 14, 4 nosti sonitus nostras; tanti fuerunt tU ego eo brevier sim,
quod eos usque istinc exauditos putem. The meaning assigned by
Halm is quite inapplicable to passages like Att. 13, 48, i heri nescio
quid in strepitu videor exaudisse; moreover the verb is often used of
sounds difhcult to catch, as supernatural noises (in Virgil and else-
where).
19 adstatis: see crit. n.
20 magno opere: the form magnopere is mistaken; so write nimio,
maximo opere.
mentis aurisque: cf. la, 1. 16 animo...auris. Cic. often \i3serigere
animum, auris. For the union of the metaphorical with the literal
sense of erigere cf. Phil. 13, 24 cum in gremiis mimarum mentem
mentumque deponeres.
22 consul=cum consul essem: again a need is felt of a present participle
like Sm : see above, n. on § 31, p. 46,1. 3.
23 'conflatus; an invidious word; 'scraped together', as in conflare
pecuniam etc.
24 exitium: i.e. by conflagration; see 1. 29 incensione.
patriae: probably dat. not genitive.
ad: ' with a view to'; cf. n. on 92, 1. 14.
25 reipublicae; here 'the constitution', as below, 1. 30.
in castris...esset constitutus: ' was placed in command of the camp
Cf. n. on § 90,1. 24 destitutus.
«
io8 PRO P. SULLA. [§33—
26 meis consiliis: with liberavi.
27 sine tumullu: 'without any ^meute arising', i.e. inside the city.
Halm explains 'tumultu non indieto', i.e. 'without public declaration
that a state of lumullus existed'. On such a proclamation by the
senate a general call to arms would follow. For the meaning of
tumultus cf. Phil. 8, 3 maiores nosiri tumultum lialicum, quod erat
domestieus, tumultum Gallicum quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea
nullum nominabant. Tumultus therefore implies sudden and imminent
peril from Gaulish or Italian foes.
sine dilectu; as Sallust expressly says (Cat. c. 30, 36) that Cic. and
Antonius were directed by the senate to enrol troops, the meaning of
the statement here can only be that the outbreak of the conspiracy within
the city was prevented before troops had been enrolled.
29 confessis: as Halm remarks, Cic. lays great stress on the confession
wrung from Lentulus and the rest, which made their crime mani/estum
and therefore, according to him, punishable by execution. Cf. Sail.
Cat. 52, 36 (speech by Cato) de confessis, sicuti de manifestis rerum
capitalium, more maiorum supplicium sumendum. Cic. here takes
credit for the arrest and the forced confession, but says nothing of the
sentence, wishing it to be understood that for it the senate was respons-
ible. Cf. Introd. § 19.
incensione: a very rare word, probably occurring elsewhere in
classical Latin only once, viz. in Cat. 3, 9. Cf. n. on i, 1. 13 redomiti.
internicione: for the spelling see Appendix B.
3? statum: 'the settled peace'; so below 63, 1. 16.
terrae: less common than orbis terrarum, but not unfrequently met
■with in Cic.
urbem...imperi: 'this capital, in fine, the home of each one of us,
the defence of foreign princes and peoples, the glory of all nations, the
seat of empire'.
32 omnium nostrum: as nostrum is never used by Cic. excepting in a
partitive sense, this phrase must be explained as a double genitive ' of
all of us'. It has been objected that we do not find nostrum omnes
but nos omnes, in Cic. This is true, but only shews that we have to
choose between two difficulties. In De Or. 3, 37 omnium vestrum is
immediately followed by quisque vestrum, as though Cic. regarded the
construction of vestrum to be the same in both cases. [Madvig con-
demns omnes Samnitium in Liv. 10, 31, 5; but Ovid, Pliny the elder
and Tacitus use cuncti with the genitive.]
arcem regum etc. : cf. Cat 4, 11 videor enim videre hanc urbem,
lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium gentium, subito uno incendio
concidentem. Rome is called arcem omnium gentium in L^. Agr.
I, 18, and the metaphorical use of arx is very frequent in Cic.
nationum...gentium: ntz/M is a separate tribe or political aggregate;
gens a race or stock which may comprise many different nationes.
§34-]
NOTES.
33 lumen: a weaker metaphor than lucem orbis terrarum in Cat. 4, ii,
quoted above. See my n. on Acad. 2, 26 lux lumenque (second
^ition).
domicilium : so Cat. 3, i boc domUilium clarissimi imperi.
quinque: Introd. § 19.
§ 34, P. 47.
1 <J« .• n. on 5, p. 36,1. 32.
2 iniuratum..,iuratus: the contrast between these two words is
much beloved by Cic. Cf. e.g. Caec. 3 id iurati dicunt quod ego
iniuratus insimulo.
3 in maxima contione; the reference is to Cicero's famous oath on
leaving the consulship. He was prevented by a tribune from swearing
the ordinary oath, that he had observed the laws, and improvised an
oath to the effect that he had saved the country. Cf. Acad. 2, 62. It
is to be hoped that the spelling concio is now finally banished. See
Appendix B.
4 illud; refers on to the words harttm omnium...superaret.
ne quis...improbus: the MSS give nequi, but ne quis seems necessary
here, as improbus is an adjective. Our MSS, however, do not allow us
to lay down strict rules for the use of ne quis, ne qui and the like. See
my n. on Acad. 2, 61, and cf. crit. nn. on § 41, 1. 26 and § 43,1. 17,
below, also n. on 39, 1. 27.
5 idem: Halm (after Spengel) is no doubt right in taking this to be
nom. plur., agreeing with omnes, not neut. sing. After illud Cicero's
usage would require id not idem (cf. n. on § 71, p. 60,1. 13 huius...eum),
moreover the contrast calls for idem, since this word is constantly used
in agreement with the subject to point a contrast between two statements
or actions. Cf. n. on § 20, p. 41,1. 30. As to the spelling, the forms
idem and eidem (two syllables) are good for Cicero s time; but not
iidem, which our texts give us so constantly. [It is possible that Cic.
wrote id and that the em has come from the om in omnes.']
7 suscepi...gessi: the contrast is between determining on a plan and
carrying it into action: cf. Arch. 1 ad suscipiendam et ad ingrediendam
rationem horum studiorum. For suscepi cf. n. on § 22, 1. 20.
8 ille: Halm says that had Cic. been addressing the jury and not the
corona poptili at a distance from the bench, he would here have used
iste, and H. so explains ille in § 2, p. 36, 1. 2; § 35, 1. 24. But in § 35,
1. 22 illo is used of Torquatus in a direct address to the jury. The fact
is that the difference between ille and iste is here one of tone ; the latter
conveys a touch of impatience or contempt.
cum esset: n. on 14, p. 39, 1. 32.
contubemalis: here (as often) used of association in civil life.
Primarily, the word implies one who forms part of the personal retinue
no PRO P. SULLA. [§34—
of a commander in the field; lit. 'one who lives in the same tent'.
Roman youths of gentle birth usually made their first campaigns under
the eye of the general.
9 auctor: here not 'adviser' but 'backer', 'partisan', a not uncom-
mon sense. In the next line the meaning is ' instigator'.
adiutor; 'lieutenant'; particeps; ' associate'.
10 exstitit;=sepraebuit, 'came forward as'.
princeps...iuventutis: the title here given to Torquatus is merely
complimentary, like pri7iceps in re publico, for which see n. on § 3, 1. 8.
So Livy often designates young Romans of high birth (serving with the
equites) by the titles principes iuventutis, proceres iuventutis. In im-
penal times princeps iuventutis was a title reserved for the emperor's
successor.
signifer: cf. the metaphors in Att. 4, i, 7 equitatus ille qtum ego in
clivo Capitolino te signijero ac principe collocaram; Mur. 50 dux et
signifer calamitosorum.
11 parens eius; see Introd. § 42.
13 interfuit; 'was present in person'; cf. Fam. i, 6, i non interfuit
solum sedpraefuit.
nusquam...digressus; a hyperbolical statement; so in Balb. 5 Cic
says of Balbus when on service numquam a Memmio (the general)
discessisse; Liv. 37, 53, 18 numquam a consuls abscessi; similarly Xen-
Mem. 4, 4, 40 d SI oix dweXelxtTO (ri abrov ZuxpaVovs el iii)
ri dvayKoiov etr/. Observe that nusquam is an adverb both of place and
of direction ; so usquam. There are no separate adverbs in ordinary
classical Latin corresponding to those In Plautus viz. quoquam and ne
quequam. [Quoquam however occurs in Lucr. 5, 843; Nep. Att. 7, i.]
14 est...digressus: n. on § 3, 1. 13.
auctoritate: so Fin. 4, 64 qtio quidem auctore nos ipsi ea gessimus,
of the elder Torquatus.
unus: like eXs ris dv-qp, 'so far as a man could'. So above, 49, 1.14.
§ 35.
16 videsne: «/is very frequently used by the Latins in questions where
a modern would insert a negative; here ' do you not see ?'
tit.,.gratia: 'how I cut you off from your sudden popularity with
the scoundrels'. For eripiam ex cf. n. on § 28, p. 45, 1. 3.
17 retinent retinebuntque semper: cf. Lael. 102 mihi quidem Scipio...
vivit semperque vivet; Plin. ep. 4, I, 11.
18 si...desciveris: i.e. if you abandon your friendship for me. Cf. § 4,
p. 35,1. 16. Both desdscere and dejicere are primarily used of military
revolts.
19 sed iam redeo: a common 'formula ipsum se revocantis' from the
Latin of Cato the Censor onwards.
§36.]
NOTES.
Ill
20 caussam; Cic. admits that his attack on Torquatus has, strictly,
nothing to do with the case.
hoc...testor: *I call you to witness'. The accusative hoc is of the
same description as quod in 9, 1. 4, where see n.; cf. also Plaut. Capt.
prol. 3 hoc vos mihi testes estis.
21 quaedam: this slightens the force of the very strong word necessitas:
'compulsion of a kind'; cf. n. on § 53,1. 7 quasi tnorbus quidam.
22 illo: n. on § 34, 1. 8.
Sullam solum: very uneuphonious to modem ears; cf. however my
n. on Acad. 1, § 6 quam quibusnam quisquam.
23 nihil aliud agerem nisi defenderem: the elliptic phrase nihil aliud
nisi (without verb like ovSkv aWo rj) is also very common. Defenderem
is really due to a kind of attraction for defendere.
qui cucusatus esset: we have here an example of the way in which
statements of fact which are not hypothetical fall under the influence
of neighbouring hypothetical particles. If we may imitate Dr Kennedy's
expression ' sub-oblique' we may call a clause like this ' sub-hypo-
thetical'.
24 ilia oratione: corresponds to hanc orationem below.
25 dixi: cf. § 2, p. 35, 1. 16 quoniam L. Torquatus, meus familiaris ac
necessarius, indices, existimavit, si nostrum in accusations sua necessi-
tudinem familiaritatemque violasset, aliquid se de auctoritate meae de-
fensionis posse detrahere.
26 dolor.- ' indignation',
me meus: see crit. n.
27 ipsa caussa...Jlagitccvisset: cf. § 69,1. 13 ipsa caussa cogit.
28 flagitavisset; a very strong word: 'would have cried aloud'. See n.
on § 16, 1. 23 and cf. pro Quint 13 tametsi caussa postulcU, tamen quia
postulat, nonjlagitat, prcuteribo. But for the interposition of si...co^erei
^between cum esset invectus and Jlagitavisset, Cic. would have written
flagitcmt; see n. on 1. 23 above.
§36.
29 aJ> Allobrogibus: see Introd. § 19.
31 L. Cassium : see Introd. § 19.
32 secum; i.e. the conspirators. For cum ceteris...secum cf. n. on § 16.
1. 24.
P. 48.
I diligentiam: properly 'minute pains-taking accuracy '; here almost
equivalent to 'curiosity'. The word corresponds in meaning to ixpi^eia
but not to our 'diligence', which is in Latin rather industria.
«
112 PRO P. SULLA. [§36—
1 qui...non nossent: 'not knowing'. For the subjunctive see n. on
1. 28.
2 ac; see n. on § ei, 1. 9 contra.
3 pari calamitate; Introd. § 9, and n. on § 15,1. 7.
eadem voluntate: 'the same way of thinkingVoluntas \% vtv]
used by Cic., as here, of political inclination.
4 quid; sc. respondit; the answer only really begins at§ 38,1. 24.
si respondisset; 'if he had answered' {then); miki non videretur:
' I should not think' {now).
5 in hunc...debere: 'that it ought to be regarded as incriminating my
client'.
6 qui...impelleret: = cum is imp.; cf. n. on §27, 1. 28. For the con-
text cf. Sail. Cat. 40, 6 eo praesente coniurationem aperit {Umbrenus),
nominal socios, prcuterea multos cujusque generis innoxios quo legatis
{Allobrogum) animus amplior esset.
§37.
9 una facere; the equivalent of secum fcuere above.
etenim : koI ydp: ' and indeed'.
o esset: fuisset might have been expected ; but the sense is that such a
proceeding as that imputed to Sulla would be thought at all times
ridiculous.
2 nisi forte: ironical as usual, introducing a supposition palpably
absurd; the verb that follows is always in the indicative.
nomen...fuisse: it is doubtful whether the construction aliquid est in
memoria alicui occurs elsewhere. On the analogy of aliquis adest in
iudUio alicui and the like expressions, we should rather have expected
adfuit; possibly Cicero wrote it.
4 illustres: ' conspicuous'.
5 commemoratio : n. on § 18,1. 10 commemorabat.
6 auctoritates; see n. on 26, 1. 14 operae.
7 colligeret; ' was bringing to bear the influence of leading men in the
conspiracy'.
§38.
9 iam vero; these particles (as in § 57, 1. 9 and § 60, 1. 10) introduce
the last and most important link in a particular chain of argument.
Trans. ' nay, more'.
illud...potest; 'the statement cannot possibly be made good, that...'.
§ 39-] NOTES. 113
20 Gallos.. Cassia; as the clauses beginning with these two names are
strongly contrasted, it will be necessary in translating to insert 'while
' still or some such phrases. For the omission of an adversative par-
tide before Callos cf. n. on § 22, 1. 30 iilud quaere.
2\ calamitatis: n. on § 15, 1. 17.
22 «■ i.e.'was at the time when the question was put*. Hence
esset not fuisset.
23 huius: sc. Sullae.
in mentem venire: see n. on § 19, 1. 21.
24 sed tamen : ' but putting that aside'. So § 44, 1. 24.
25 cerium: the neut. adjective used as substantive, as in falsum dicere
(below, § 39, p. 49, 1. 3) and other such phrases. So Att. 8, 11 D, 2
dum cerium n 'bis referreiur (qu. by N^elsbach). Other exx. of adjectives
used as substantives will be found in 84, L 23 invidi; 49, IL 14 and 22 ;
S7. L II-
inquii: n. on § 3,1. 17.
dixi aniea etc.: if the reading be right, it is very awkward to have
the stop at aniea and the rest of the sentence unaffected in its construe-
tion by dixi.
arguerei: the charge supposed to have been made by Cassius is
hypothetically treated as continuing up to the moment of speaking;
hence the imperfect not the pluperfect, which would have viewed the
charge as belonging only to the moment at which Cassius presumedly
made it. Trans. ' even hf he charged my client, bui only when the ques-
tion was put to him, I should not think it a proof of his guilt'.
26 ium denique: so in § 19, 1. 24.
§39.
27 quaesiionibus: ' criminal courtsis, literally,' commission
of inquiry'. In early times, such commissions were issued by the comiiia
ceniuriaia from time to time for the trial of criminal offences, but gradu-
ally permanent commissions were established. The final organisation of
the criminal courts was due to Sulla.
iudiciis: sc. publicis ; merely repeating quaesiionibus. For the read-
ing see crit. n.
28 aliquis: many MSS and editions give aliqui ; but the s would easily
drop out, as sed follows, while it is very doubtful whether Cic. ever used
aliqui by itself as a substantive. Cf. n. on ne quis, 34,1. 4.
29 uirum...nescire? ' is he trying to clear Sulla, or does he sufficiently
convince us of his ignorance?' A dilemma : either Cassius really knew
nothing against Sulla or was trying to whitewash him. Cicero supposes
his adversary to accept the latter alternative.
30 saiisprobai: so Acad, i, 10 saiisneprobus ?
H. S.
8
114
PRO P. SULLA.
[§39—
de seipse: Cic. nearly always employs this form, rather than de se
ipso; see my nn. on Lael. 5 and Cato m. 4.
videlicet: see n. on § si, 1. 11.
credo: ironical, see n. on § 11, p. 38, 1. 33.
celatum esse...de: celatum is in agreement with Cassium. The con-
struction celare aliquem de aliqua re ' to withhold information from
some one about something' is not uncommon; cf. Gael. 53 Celatam esse
Clodiam dixit.
P. 49.
domi eats: the interviews with the ambassadors probably took place
at his house.
3 in eo nutnero: Cic. always has in eo numero, ex eo numero, not in
eorum n. etc. Cf. my n. on Arch. 30.
dicere falsum: Cic. here assumes what he has to prove, that if Cassius
had charged Sulla with belonging to the conspirators, the charge would
have been false. For falsum cf. n. on § 38,1. 24 certum.
4 nescire dixit: the omission of the subject (r^) before the infinitive is
attested by Mss in hundreds of passages similar to this, but seldom
left unchanged by editors. See my n. on Acad, i § 18 (second
edition).
6 eandem...quam si: Cicero uses this form for idem...quasi, idem atque
(or ac) si, used by earlier writers.
7 extra coniurationem: the same expression in Sail. Cat. 39, 5.
8 ignoratio: n. on § 24, 1. 22 iactationem ; also, for the similarity in
sound between ignoratio. and purgatio, the n. on § 19,1. 21 infestae ac
funestae.
illud...tantum satis est: tantum goes with illud and is here restric-
tive, as in the exx. quoted on § 22, 1. 18; 'this one thing only'. Cic.
often uses tantum satis or sat est with the demonstrative pronoun
omitted, as Fin. i, 30 tantum satis esse ctdmonere. So § 82,1. 25 tantum
quod satis esset, with which cf. Leg. 2, 6 tantum complectitur quod satis
sit modicae palaestrae, loci. [In a n. on Fin. i, 30 Madvig gives a won-
derfully perverse interpretation of our passage; he says tantum satis
forms one expression, and stands as a predicate.]
contra Sullam nihil esse: cf. Acad. 2, 58 neque id est contra nos,
with my n. (in ed. 2).
§40.
inruit: a strong word; ' launches himself upon me'; it implies that
the attack was purposeless.
dictum sit: sc. indicium. The falsification of public documents was
far from uncommon at Rome. As there was no regular ' quorum' in
§41.]
NOTES.
"5
the Roman senate (though for a few purposes certain statutes prescribed
the number of members who should be present) it was possible, with the
connivance of the officers of the aerarium, the Roman record office, to
• spread abroad decrees of the senate which were never passed. See e.g.
Cic. Att. 4, i8, 1 (4, 17, 2 in Wesenberg's text); Fam. 9, 15, 4. Cf.
also Pro domo § 50, where it is stated that in the law whereby Clodius
banished Cic. one of the reasons he gave was that Cic. had forged a
senaius consul turn.
14 tabulaspublicas: see n. on 42, p. 50^ 1. 7.
vobis...tribuo: Cic. was much ridiculed at this time for boasting
repeatedly of the favour of the gods. Cf. Decl. in Cic. 3 Cicero se dicil
in concilio deorum immortaliumfuisse; ib. 7.
15 tantum dare ut...dispexerim: a condensed expression for t. d. ut
dicam me dispexisse. The brachylogy is precisely similar in the common
form '«<?« adducor ut...sit' for'«. a. ut credam esse\ Cf. e.g. Fin. i,
14 illud quidem adduci vix possum ut ea quae senserit ille tibi non vera
videantur; Madvig ad 1. has an admirable note.
17 in illa...rei publicae; 'amid that raging storm which burst over the
country'. It would be a mistranslation to render tempestate by ' time'
or 'season', since Cic. declared tempestasiox tempus to be poetical and
archaic (De Or. 3, 153) and only himself used the word in that" sense
once (De Div. i, 75); though Sallust, Livy, Tacitus and others employ
it freely.
18 dispexerim; 'had insight into'; 'divined'. This word must be
carefully distinguished from despexerim. Dispicere is to see with diffi-
culty, as through a chink. Cf Fin. 2, 97 utprimum dispexit, of a man
coming round after having fainted from a wound ; ib. 4, 64 catuli qui
iam dispecturi sunt.
20 ad unam salutem; ' to the thought of deliverance alone ';=ad unam
cogitationem salutis.
21 erroris et inscientiae: these words have been sometimes taken to
refer to the conspirators. But they are not nearly strong enough for
that; moreover the context shews that Cic. is contrasting his own
insight with the blindness of other statesmen who refused at first to
believe in the existence of the conspiracy.
22 lumen praetulistis: lit. 'carried a light before my mind'; i.e. 'shed
light upon my mind '. So Plin. ep. 5, 17, 4 ; Val. M. 3, 2, 2, and often
in other writers.
23 nisi etc.: ' unless I attested in some public document the credit of
the information'. For auctoritatem indici cf. Arch. 9 tabulis...quae solae
optinent publicarum tdbularum auctoritatem ' the credit due to public
documents'.
8—2
ii6 PRO P. SULLA. r§4i—
25 quispiam...aliq«is: the attempts often made to distinguish between
the uses of these two pronouns are in great part vain; there are in-
numerable passages in which the two are interchangeable; cf. e.g.
De Or. 1, 38 si de rusiicis rebus agricola quispiam out si de pingendo
pictor aliquis diserte scripserit.
id...fefellit; ' such a case was far from my thoughts
26 sed ut; the ut is here repeated for the sake of clearness after the
parenthesis, as in § 89, 11. 6, 7.
aliquis.. .naufragus; see n. on § 34, \. 4 ne quis ; ' some one who has
made shipwreck of his inheritance . Cic. applies the term naufragi
to Catiline's conspirators in Cat. i, 30 and a, 24; the metaphors we have
here are much usm by him.
27 aliter indicata ; sc. atque scripta sunt.
29 porium suorum malorum: ' haven of refuge from his own troubles'.
For the genitive cf. Caec. 100 exsilium est perfugium portusque supplici.
30 introductis...indicibus: see Introd. § 19. The phrase introducers
aliquem in senatum is regular; but producere in contionem is said.
constitui: 'I appointed'. ' Evidently no formal resolution of the
senate was passed on the subject. For the word cf. n. on 62, p. 57,1. 2.
senatores ; i.e. I did not employ as usual the public clerks (scribae).
31 interrogata; 'the questions put to them'.
§42.
32 cU quos viros! Cic. felt that it was not enough to say that they were
senators, since many of the worst characters at Rome were members of
the senate. For the expression cf. Rab. perd. 20 equester ordo—at
quorum equituml
33 facultas: 'abundance'. Of this use the dictionaries will supply
examples. For the context cf. Lael. 6a constantes amici eligendi sunt,
cuius generis est magna penuria.
P. 50.
1 celeritate scribendi : there must be here (in spite of Halm's objections
in ed. mai.) some reference to the practice of shorthand, which was
coming rapidly into use at the time. Cic. might very well know what
senators were skilled in the use of this art, but could hardly be expected
to know what men were able to write rapidly in full. Scientia ' skill',
refers, I cannot help thinking, to the same practice, and persequi ' to
follow' points in the same direction. Ancient shorthand did not, like
ours, employ special symbols, but simplified the forms of the letters and
used many abbreviations. The writers of the empire refer much to the
professional notarii, and the art of shorthand was then even taught in
schools.
NOTES.
"7
» C. Cosconium: governed Hispania ulterior in 6a B.C. with the title
^ pro consuW; died in 59, while one of Caesar's ao commissioners for
carrying out the agrarian law which was passed in that year.
3 M. Messallam; possibly not the Messalla mentioned in § ao, p. 41,
1. 3a as present at the trial of Sulla, but one who was consul in 53 B.c.
(In that case n. 4 on p. a3 needs correction.) The year for which he
desired to be praetor must have been 61 not 6 a, as the praetors for
6a had already been appointed when Cic. disclosed the conspiracy.
Some of the older editors find a difficulty in the length of time between
the candidature and the election. But the date to which Cic. here
refers is the 3rd Dec. 63 and the ordinary time for the comitia would be
July 6a, so that the time was far from excessive. A more serious diffi-
culty lies in the fact that Messalla was not consul till 53. But we
really do not know in what year he actually became praetor. If he
did not succeed in 6a it is rather odd that Cic. in publishing the speech
should have allowed the mention of his candidature to stand.
P. Nigidium: a remarkable man; a great student and writer on
philosophy, more particularly on its physical side. His works are often
quoted by Pliny the elder. He was an intimate friend and adviser of
Cic. In 58 he was praetor; in the civil war he took Pompey's side,
and died in exile in 44.
4 Appium Claudium: brother of the infamous Clodius; consul in 54
and Cicero's predecessor in the government of Cilicia.
5 aut...defuisse: note the coniuncHo; for which see n. on§ 12,1. 11.
ingenium: the remark of Schiitz that this word comprises the two
words memoria and scientia above is mistaken. See n. on § 32,1. 5.
6 quid? deinde etc.: for the punctuation see crit. n. For ita...ut:
see n. on § 31, p. 45,1. sS.
7 tabulaspublicas; the phrase is used of all government records; e. g.
in Arch, p of the register of new citizens enrolled after the Social War.
Many writers (Halm, Richter, Lange, etc.) have taken our passive to
prove that minutes of the, senate's proceedings were drawn up on
important occasions, even before the consulship of Caesar in 59, when
the acta senatus became a regular institution. But the fact that the
indicium of the Allobroges was reduced to writing in the senate was
due solely to Cicero's desire for publicity, and there is nothing to shew
that the writing formed part of an ordinary record of the senate's pro-
ceedings for the day. Indeed the words more maiorum prove the oppo-
site view. No one contends that the practice of writing out minutes of
the debates in the senate, if it existed in 63 B.C., was then of any but
recent origin. The words of Cic. really imply that the consuls who had
before him investigated conspiracies had drawn up the records them-
selves and kept them in their houses; his action had only differed from
theirs in being more public and cautious.
8 privata custodia; opposed to cttstodia in the aerarium, the state
record office. The indicium was a document wanted for current pur-
ii8 PRO P. SULLA. [§42—
poses; such documents were probably retained by magistrates only till
the business for which they were needed was completed.
9 occultavi : see n. on § 7, 1. 44.
describi...imperavi: Cic. not unfrequently has a passive (never an
active) infinitive depending on imperare; cf. e. g. Verr. r, 65; Cat.
I, 27.
10 librariis: i. e. the scribae librarii or public clerks.
12 ex qu6...esset :=cum ex eo; cf. n. on 27, 1. 28.
§ 43.
13 locum...quo in loco: the repetition of the antecedent in the relative
clause is not very uncommon in Cic., and in many authors (Caesar par-
ticularly) is frequent.
14 nomen sit: an unusual phrase for nomen notum sit. The word notum
may have dropt out in the mss.
15 eodem: eo might have been expected, but eodem is more emphatic:
' to that same spot'.
in quo...tempore: 'and at that crisis, unforeseen and brief and stormy
as it was'.
16 multa...providi: 'I took many precautions'.
17 ita ut dixi: more emphatic than the much commoner ut dixi; ' even
as I said'.
ne quis: for reading see crit. n. Trans. ' that no one should be
allowed to draw on his memory for just so much as he chose to state
concerning the danger to the country or to any individual'. For tantum
cf. n. on § 22,1. 18.
19 reprehendere: 'to criticise'. often means ' an adverse
criticopposed to existimator.
20 temere creditum: the young student must beware of taking creditum
as a participle in agreement with indicium. The Latin prose writers of
Cicero's time did not use expressions like indicium creditum est 'the
information was believed'. Creditum here is the infinitive {fsse being
omitted) of the impersonal verb, and a dative («) must be supplied; eft
§ 47, p. 52,1. 7. Trans.'that credence was carelessly given to it'. The
omission of esse in the compound infinitive is common in Cic. after verbs
of speaking and thinking. ^
21 iam: ' any longer'; i. e. after the record was drawn up in the senate.
a me...ex meis: cf. n. on § 28, p. 45,1. 3.
commentariis: ' memoranda'.
22 nimia: 'excessive'; i.e. so as to give rise to suspicion.
23 diligentia; see n. on § 36, p. 48, 1. i.
§44-]
NOTES.
119
§ 44.
f4 sed tamen: so § 38, 1. 24.
indicatus esset: i. e. as you assert j cf. § 68, p. 59, 1. 4 cum Catilinae •
suffragaretur.
25 esset: singular verb vrith two subjects, as below § 62,1. 5 compara-
balur; cf. Roby § 1438, who however limits the usage too much when
he says that the two subjects must form but one notion.
27 ediluri fuerint; the reason for this construction will be seen if it is
remembered (i) that the two forms of conditional sentence (a) 'edi-
dissent si voluisses' and (i) ' edituri fuerunt, si volmsses' are convertible,
though the former is much more common than the latter, (2) that if the
apodosis ceases to be independent, and comes to be dependent on a
preceding clause, being connected with it by a particle (as here by cum),
then form (b) can be altered to suit the new requirements, by changing
fuerunt into fuerint, while form (a) is perfectly inelastic. With our
passage cf. Pis. 14 ostendis qualis tu, si ita forte accidisset, fueris illo
tempore consul futurus; Plane. 50 si id fcuere voluisses...non dubito
quin omnis ad te conversura fuerit multitudo. It is important to note
(as Madvig insists in his Opusc. 2, 227 sq.) that no gocKl Latin writer
said anything like 'facturus fuissem, si snssem' for 'facturus fui,
si scissem'; the reason being that the contingency is already expressed
by the future participle, so that there is no room for the contingent
fuissem.
28 codicem: Cicero's own private note-book.
cum videres: for the omission of et before this clause cf. n. on § 22,
1. 30 illud quaero.
2<) passus es, non: see crit. n.
mecum...questus es: the phrase queri cum aliquo (like XoiSopetoBalTwi
as opposed to \oiSopew riva) implies something of mutual recrimination.
familiari meo: ' some one of my friends'.
31 expostulasti: te^z.t mecum aut cum familiari meo,
tu...ementiare: ' are you the man to invent so great a charge?', i.e.
' does it become you to invent ?' Cf. Roby § 1610.
33 quieveris tacueris: Cic. does not omit the conjunction between two
verbs unless, as here^ the passion excuses the abruptness, or unless the
expression is proverbial. Tlie same rule holds of two substantives.
[Cf. § 61, 1. 24 adsunt, laborant.)
in eum...deducas: ' to bring yourself into such straits'.
P. 61.
1 commutati indici; 'of tampering with the information'. Halm qu.
Verr. 3, 83 an audaeius tabulas publicas commutavit ?
2 tuo iudicio: ' by your own verdict'.
I20
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 45—
§46.
5 per me; ■viith. pate/actam,
contaminarem: Roby § i6io.
7 reip.; dative after insidias.
9 tamenne tam: for reading see crit. n.
lo subsidio; predicative dative; see Roby Gram. Vol. II. pcef. p. liii.
§46.
12 fero...fero; the figure called by grammarians brarodos or regressio ;
see § 2o, p. 42, 1. 3.
14 rejleeto: so De Or. i, 53 mentes aut incitantur aut reflectuntur.
The metaphors are from driving horses.
permitto aliquid: ' I make some allowance for'.
15 do: sc. aliquid, 'I concede something'; cedo: 'I sacrifice some-
thing'. We have here the grammatical figure called distributio, by
which the same idea is expressed Iw four different verbs. The accusa-
tive after cedere is only used by Cic. in the case of neuter pronouns
and adjectives. Brut. 290 in cedendo loco does not shew that Cic. could
have said cedere locum, though Varro has such constructions and from
Livy onwards they are common.
18 perstrinxil; 'has chafed me'; lit. 'has grazed'.
19 quem...perfregerim; 'whom I have not overturned and shattered'.
20 credas velim: for credos see Roby §§ 1606, 1608, and for velim n.
oni, 1. I vellem. The construction credere aliquidalicui 'to take some-
thing on some one's word', is not uncommon.
§ 47.
22 nova: ' unparalleled'.
23 abuti: not quite our 'abuse', but rather 'to put to the test', 'to feel
the full force of', ' to put a strain on'. Of. Cat. i, i qtw usque tandem
abuterepatientia nostra?
aculeos...excussos: Cic. has here adapted a common military phrase
'excutere tela alicui', 'to dash the weapons out of a man's hand', of
which we had another adaptation in § 24, 1. 21. There is also a
reference here to the notion that bees always leave their stings behind
in the wound they make, and so die (Verg. Georg. 4, 238; Plin. Nat.
Hist. II, 60). With our passage cf. Cael. vestrae sapientiae est non
abduci ab reo, nec quos aculeos habeat severitas gravitasque vestra, cum
eos accusator erexerit in rem, in vitia, in mores, in tempora, emitters in
hominem et in reum ; Cluent. 152 evellere se aculeum severitatis vestrae
posse confidunt; Flac. 41 mortuos est aculeo iam emisso ac dicto testi-
monio.
§ 48.] NOTES. 121
reeondili: ' sheathedas a bee draws in its sting.
24 id...si quid: cf. § 31, p. 46, 1. 2 si quid; the si has no conditional
force and si quid is equivalent to quidquid, as tl ri often is to on.
25 amissum...remissum : c£ n. on § 12,1. 14 delata...prolate.
26 iniuriae tuae: si. ate factae.
27 virium: cf. De Or. t, 242 non est difficile oratori eiuspartis quam.
cumque defendet, auctorem aliquem invenire; a quo cum amentatat
hastas acceperit, oratoris lacertis viribusque torquebit; Quint. 10, i,
77 carnisplus habet (sc. Aeschines quam Demosthenes) minus lacertorum.
28 luctari et congredi: 'wrestle and battle'. is the stronger
word of the two, being often used of two armies meeting on the field
of battle.
29 usu...aetate: limitative ablatives; see Roby § 1210.
30 tulisse ut: this position of ut in the clause is quite usual in Cic.,
particularly after negatives. Phrases like ut nihil, ut non etc. are
hardly ever found at the beginning of a clause.
31 rettulisse gratiam; this use of gratia for mala gratia occurs now
and then throughout Latin. As Halm remarks, the play on words
in tulisse—rettultsse would have been more pointed had Cic. omitted
gratiam, but he was unwilling to use so harsh an expression as rettulisse
iniuriam,
§ 48.
32 si quod etc.: the ellipse is of a common kind; cf. e.g. below § 51,
1. 8 « Vetera; Balb. 73 utrum scientem voltis contra foedera fecisse
(Pompeium) an inscientem ? Si scientem—0 nomen nostri imperi I
P. 52.
1 quod cucusas: n. on 29, L 13.
inimicum ego etc.: this altercatio is cleverly managed by Cic.
2 et amicum : for et (not at) introducing the answer, cf. Caec. 8 ' est
enim turpe iudicium\ ^et factum qutdem turpe' (so Manut. and
Lambln. rightly read); Fin. 1, 35 Torquem detraxit hosti;—Et quidem
se texit ne interiret.
3 coniurationis quaestione :=qu. de coniuratione ; see n. on § 14, p. 40,
1. 3.
5 de aliis: the word cogitavit shews that Cic. is not referring here to
those who were convicted of participation in the plot of Catiline, but to
his many sympathizers who were never brought to trial. The reading
cognovit is mistaken; see crit. n.
6 quia coactus sum: 'because I had no choice'. For the reading see
crit. n.
«
122 PRO P. SULLA. [§48—
7 creditum est: sc. miki.
regnum est: of. n. on § 21, L 7.
I honestius:'mott cttA\ta\s\y'.
inimicitiarum modum statuere: with phrases like modum or finem
facere, imponere, statture, adhibere, and also fidem facere, the bert
writers nearly always use the construction alicuius rei not alicui ret,
which only becomes common in silver Latin. See my n. on Acad. 1,
to (second edition).
§ 49.
3 agebaiur: ' was at stakeso 83, p. 65,1.10. For the circumstances
see Introd. § 9. As to the change of construction in cum agebatur...cum
defenderent see n. on 14, p. 39, 1. 32.
4 familiarissimis suis: for the use of the superlative adjective as
substantive cf. n. on 38, 1. 24 certum ; and my n. on Arch. § 7.
5 suscensuit: apodosis with double protasis {cum...agebatur and cum...
defenderent).
defenderent: as patroni or advocati; laudarent: as witnesses to cha-
racter; cf. n. on § 81, 1. 26.
7 disciplinam: cf. 1. 25 vetere exemplo atque instituto.
nullius: used as substantive here, because neminis was not in use;
so § 85, p. 65, 1. 33.
pericula: n. on § 20, p. 41,1. 31.
ad propulsanda p. :=quod ad p. p. attinet. But Balb. 47 nulla
foedere a re publica bene gerenda impediretur, which is the more usual
construction.
8 iudicia dissimilis: Cic. far oftener has the genitive than the dative
with similis. dissimilis; see Madvig's elaborate n. on Fin. 5, 12. The
rule once prevalent in schools that similis was used with the dative
when external resemblance was intended, and with the genitive when
the resemblance was internal or in respect of character, is, it may be
hoped, now nearly extinct.
9 adjlicto :=■ si adjlictus esset. Cic. avoided here the ordinary forms of
conditional sentence because the contingency had become an actuality.
vobis: cf. below, § 50,1. 28.
0 sicutipartus est: cf. § 28, p. 45, 1. 4patui, sicutifeci.
honoris certamen: n. on § 14, p. 40, 1. 3.
repetere: a legal term, properly used of suing for property of which
one is wrongly deprived. The Torquati contended that, but for
bribery, the consulship would have been theirs. So 89,1. 16.
1 victi...vinceretis: see n. on § 12, L 14.
in campo: sc. Martio; cf. § 51, 1. 10 in campo consularibus comitiis.
NOTES.
123
25 integro officio: 'without breach of obligation'. For officium of. n.
§ 2. P- 35. 1- 19-
§50.
26 ornamentis; cf. below, 1. 49 insignia, with n.
48 expetas: cf. § 90,1. 45 quid est quod expetas amplius? The context
there is very like this passage.
honos: not honor, which some editions wrongly give. See Ap-
pendix B.
49 insignia: so far as we know the only external distinction which
young Torquatus could gain by his father's success was the right to
display an additional imago among the family busts. For Cicero's
words here and ornamentis tuis in 1. 46, cf. § 88, p. 66, 1. 47 quae
habebit ornamenta, and 1. 34 honoris insignia atque omamenta, both ex-
pressions referring to the ius imaginum.
ornatus exuviis: Cicero's way of putting the circumstances is ad-
mirably suited to excite compassion. There is much in the same vein
in §§ 89, 90; particularly § 89, 1. w ne corpus eiciatur.
30 iacentem: ' lying on the field'; ' prostrate'; cf. 61, 1. 47.
31 hie: adverb; 'in these circumstances', 'at this point'; so below
§ 67, 1. 43, and often elsewhere. In the same sense hoc loco often
occurs.
§ 61, P. 63.
3 at: Cic. here quotes an argument of Torquatus.
C. CorneliJUius: see Introd. § 44.
5 praemi: in cases of conspiracy, the senate determined what rewards
should be given to informers. With regard to many other offences,
certain advantages were secured to indices or delatores by statute. For
the construction quod praemi cf. n. on § 58, 1. 34 quidquam oneris.
7 quid est quod indicat.- § 54, 1. 9 quid ergo indicat ?
puerum: contemptuous for adulescentem.
8 si Vetera: for the facts see Introd. § 10; for the ellipse n. on § 48,
p. 5. 1- 3«-
eum Hortensio: adversative asyndeton; see n. on § 44, 1. 30 illtia
quaere,
9 ut ais; evidently a mere hint thrown out by Torquatus.
ilium conatum...cum voluerunt: Halm quotes a fragment of Cic.
or. in toga Candida: praetereo ilium nefavium conatum tuum, cum...
caedem optimatum facere voluisti.
conatum Autroni: see Introd. § 10.
124
PRO P. SULLA.
[§51—
11 Autronium; here begins the apodosis to sin..., which should
have been in the form AtUronium vidi, Sullam non vidi, but it is
interrupted, and the sense only completed in the next sentence. [At
the beginning of the apodosis there is a slight ellipse of words such as
hoc respondeo : so in § 60, 1. 17.]
12 sed quid dixi; for the correction cf. Verr. 4, 6 nuper hominis nobilis
eius modi, indices, sed quid dico nuper? immo vero modo ac plane
paulo ante vidimus (so Halm). Often dico simply, as Sest. 53 ipso die,
die d ico ? immo hora atque etiam puncto temporis eodem.
13 nihil laborabatis; 'felt no anxiety', a common use of laborare in
Cic. (so § 61, 1. 34; 93,1. 17), who also uses the word of bodily illness.
§ 62.
16 adspirasse: lit. ' breathed towards'; we should say ' that Sulla
ever dreamed of then entering the campus'. With adspirare in this
sense Cic. uses either ad, in, or an adverb, as Pro Quint. 89 dixi
domum Romcu fuisse, quo iste ne aspirarat quidem. Vergil has the
dative in Aen. 13, 353 equis adspirat Achillis.
atqui: used here as very often by Cic. in introducing the minor
premiss of a syllogism. The argument here is : ' Sulla did not appear
in the campus; but if he had been in league with Catiline he would
have appeared there; therefore he was not in league with Catiline'.
It is important to realise that atqui is never a mere particle of transition,
like sed, autem and vero. It always introduces a statement closely
related to the statement immediately preceding. Sometimes (as here)
the second statement extends or confirms the first: sometimes the second
parries or weakens the first. Cf. Roby § 2313, Madvig on Fin. i, 58.
si ..coniunxerat: the indicative because the supposition is for the
moment, and for the sake of argument, assumed to be true.
19 signa criminis; not quite 'proofs of crime', since crimen is in the
best Latin never quite equivalent to our 'crime', but 'evidence for
a charge'. Cf. my n. on Balb. § 6. [Signa, here like orineTa, 'indica-
tions', as opposed to rcKuripia^argumenta, 'proofs'.]
30 ipse: 'in his own person'.
dubitat...informat; note the chiasmus here; see n. on § 3, 1. 11.
et ut: for reading see crit n.
dicitis: i.e. tu et Corneliusfilius,
infirmat: literally 'moulds'; cf. Arch. 4 artibus qnihus aetas
puerilis ad humanitatem in/ormari solet. The idea here is that Cor-
nelius instructs or primes his son.
31 adumbratum: 'shadowy', 'unreal'. Adumbrare, like a-Ktaypaq>eiv,
is properly 'to sketch in outline'. Cf. Cael. 13 (of Catiline) haiuit ille
pertnulta maximarum non expressa signa, sed adumbrata virtutum.
ilia node: see Introd. § 18.
§53-]
NOTES.
125
22 /w/o-yWirawj/ 'in the street of the scythemakers'. Also mentioned
in Cat. I, 8, where Halm qu. Isocr. Areop. 48 iv rats oiJXijrptcrti'.
Similarly inter lignarios in Liv. 35,41110; cf. the ' Unter den Linden'
in Berlin. Many streets in Rome were named from the tradesmen who
inhabited them; thus we have vicus piscatorius, sandaliarius, sigil-
larim etc.
node etc.: the night between the 6th and 7th November.
25 posterum diem Nonarum: ' the day after the nones'; the genitive as
in postridie eius diei, post diem tertium eius diei and the like phrases. Cf.
n. 5 on p. 16.
24 denuntiatione; 'on an invitation from C.* The Latin word does
not necessarily convey the idea of hostility which belongs to our word
' denuntiation'.
25 acerrima...acerbissima: Cic. has applied to nox adjectives strictly
only applicable to the things done or said in the night. Trans. ' the
night which, of all the times when the plotters met, shewed the great-
est keenness and bitterness'. For another example of transference of
epithets cf. 73, p. 60, 1. 29; see also n. on § 89, 1. 13 haee.
26 manendi conditio: lit. ' the terms on which they were to stay be-
hind'; i.e. the purposes for which they were to remain in the city.
N^elsbach, Stil. § 64, i, seems to understand by manendi conditio
constituta est 'the determination was arrived at that they should stay
behind', which interpretation can scarcely be correct. Cf. the phrase -
nascendi conditio, ' the terms imposed upon us at our birth' (Sen. ep.
II, 6); nascendi lex (Val. M. 2, 9, i); also sors nascendi (Quintilian,
Seneca Rh., Valerius Maximus).
27 discriptio: ■=distributio ; to be carefully distinguished from descriptio
'a plan'. For this word see my n. on Acad, i § 17.
29 confitetur: Cic. not only pretends to assume that the dislike of
Cornelius to give information was due to his guilt, but actually gives the
criminality a definite name.
officiosamprovinciam; ' the very serviceable function'.
30 jtrima luce: the ordinary time for paying calls at Rome.
31 lectulo: the use of the diminutive is very common in Cic. in such
passages, and here conveys something of pathos, as Halm points out.
§ 63, P. 64.
2 Autronio; cf. § 17, p. 40, 1. 32 exspectatus foris.
3 instruerentur: the word implies warlike preparations.
5 quo: referred to a plural antecedent;.so not unfrequently.
6 Camerti; Canters is the adjective from Camerinum, a city of
Umbria; Camerinus comes from Camerium, an old town of Latium.
126
PRO P. SULLA.
[§53—
7 quasi morbus quidam: quasi and quidam are both used, separately
and together, to modify metaphors (as here), or to apologise for ex-
pressions which may seem, on other grounds, strange or inaccurate.
[Hence, in his philosophical works, Cic. often uses quasi and quidam
when rendering unfamiliar Greek terms by Latin equivalents.] Cf. §
35, 1. 21 dicendi neeessitas quaedam ; also § 75, 1. 28 nova quaedam ilia
immanitas, where the quaedam adds a vagueness to the nova which
really intensifies it: cf. the uses of rts, rts in Greek.
nihil vero minus: ' nothing certainly is farther from the fact'.
9 quae...caruit: cf. what Cic. says of Neapolis in § 17. The chief
city of Campania, however, Capua, was certainly within the scope of
Catiline's operations. See Sest. § 9; Sail. Cat. 30. The mention of
gladiators below seems to connect Sulla with Capua, which was the
great training-place of gladiators.
§64.
11 gladiatores: see Introd. § 20.
Fausti simulatione; 'on a pretext furnished by Faustus'. The
ablative is modal; see Kennedy § 151 ; Roby § 1236 ; and cf. § 55,
1. 21 precibus. The genitive Fausti is explanatory or definitive; see n.
on § 6, 1. 17 levitatis.
12 ita...gladiatores: ironical. For ita cf. n. on § 3,1. 17.
interpositi: the word often indicates unfair dealing, as in Caec. 71
solent interponifalsae tabulae; cf. also § 92, 1. 12.
T3 quos: Cic. oftens tacks his refutation on to the argument of his
opponent, by the link of a relative pronoun. Cf. § 21, 1. 9 ; § 90, 1. 29;
also § 31, 1. 25.
deberi; sc. populo, as Halm remarks. It is important to remember
that the exhibitions of gladiators, during the Republican period, were,
in theory, unofficial; that is to say, the government did not provide
for them, nor were the magistrates, as such, required to supply them.
Moreover, they were avowedly funeral games, the death of some relative
of the exhibitor serving as a pretext for them. The custom sprang up
first in Etruria, and no doubt grew out of the superstition that the
shedding of blood gave satisfaction to the dead.
14 arrepta est familia: 'a company was hurriedly engaged'. Familia
is often thus technically applied to companies of gladiators; see
Dictt.
15 munus: strictly, gladiatorial exhibitions and no others were called
munera, lit. ' largessesThus we often find ludi and munera men-
tioned together, to include all public exhibitions, of whatever kind.
praebere: Halm remarks that the person who exhibits the gladiators
is said munus edere or dare.
utinam quidem etc.: Cic. insinuates that the company was insufficient
§ 55-] NOTES. 127
for its professed purpose, and therefore a fortiori insufficient for the
purpose of waging war, alleged by Torquatus.
16 non modo: 'I will not say'. So in § 76, p. 61,1. 33.
17 properatum vehementer est: 'eager haste was shewn'. Properare
(like eireiyeo0<u) refers to the mental anxiety for haste, and means ' to
be in a hurry', not to be actually moving rapidly.
18 fuasi vero etc.: probably Sulla the dictator mentioned in his will a
term of years within which the exhibition was to take place.
19 nec opinante; in this phrase as in nec opinatus, and negotium for
nec-otium { = d-<Tx<>^o)i the nee has the force of non, which it commonly
took in early Latin.
§65.
SI per quas etc.: 'which he sent to entreat Sulla'.
precihus: modal ablative; cf. silentio praeterire (§ 61. p. 56,1. 31);
vitio creari and the like; also n. on § 54, 1. 11 Fausti simulatione.
Cic. usually has some attribute with precibus; e.g. Qu. Fr. i, i, 41
precibus tecum fratemis ago.
22 emat...emat; see n. on § 18, 1. 6.
23 L. Caesarem: son of the consul of the same name, who in 90 B.C.
commanded an army against the revolted Italians. This L. Caesar
was consul in 64, and lived on to the time of the triumvirate of Antony,
Octavian and Lepidus. His sister was mother of Antony. The rela-
tionship between this Caesar and the dictator cannot be made out
clearly.
Q. Pompeium: nephew of Faustus Sulla, being a son of Cornelia,
daughter of Sulla the dictator. This P. took a considerable part in the
stormy disputes occasioned by Milo and Clodius.
C. Memmium: husband of Faustus Sulla's twin sister Fausta,
who was divorced and married Milo.
24 quorum de sentential 'by whose advice'; cf. the phrase ' de constfi
seneentia'='\n accordance with the opinion of his advisers', which
stood at the head of every decree issued by a praetor or provincial
governor; so in Balb. 11, where see my n. Less commonly ex
sententia.
praefuit familiae: for this purpose he probably went to Capua.
26 sed tatnen: 'but apart from that'; so in 38, 1. 24; 44, p. 50, 1. 24.
27 obtulit se: 'he offered his services'.
ferramenla: here 'weapons', as in Cat. 3, 10; Suet. Tit. 9 (of
gladiators); more commonly ' tools' used in trades.
28 omni tempore: see n. on 17, p. 41, 1. i.
128 PRO P. SULLA. [§ s6—
§56.
30 Sittius; for the circumstances see Introd. § 16.
ab hoc.missus; see Introd. § 30.
32 L. Iulio...consulibus: in 64 B.C. ForZ. lulio C. Figulo ci. n. on
§ II, 1. 28 Lepido.
aliquanto ante: not a very ingenuous statement; the plot had been
brewing for two years; see below § 67,1. 26.
33 huius; ' the recent'; so above, § 14, p. 39,1. 30, where see n.
P. 66.
3 caussam—caussani; the repetition is very like the repetition of verbs
noticed in n. on § 18, 1. 6.
4 magna rations etc.: ' having important money transactions with the
king of Mauretania'. For ratione=rations nummaria or pscuniaria
cf. Cluent. 41 cum illo nemo iam rationsm, nemo rem ullam contra-
hsbat.
5 turn autsm; the third step in the enumeration, following on primum,
dsinds.
Sulla...gsrsnts: 'while Sulla was his agent, and superintended the
business'. The procurator (§ 58, 1. 31) was originally the representa-
tive of a Roman citizen absent from Italy; and then generally any
one nominated by another to act for him, particularly in legal business.
Hence procurator often corresponds to our 'attorney'. Under the
empire, the officials called procuratorss were so named because they
were the personal representatives of the emperor and had nothing to do
with the senate.
7 dissolutum: ass alisnum dissolvert is the opposite of cus al. cmtra-
hers (below § 58, 11. 27, 29).
8 cupiditas...posssssionis: see below § 59. Posssssio is here actual
tenure or occupation, as distinguished from ownership (dominium), cf.
below, § 71, p. 60,1. 9. The word is especially applied to the occu-
pancy of lands belonging to the state.
9 Sittio non fusrit: ' did not exist for S.'
praediis dsminutis: ' since his property had been trenched upon '.
Prasdia here is the landed property of S. taken as a whole.
§67.
iam vsro; see n. on § 38, 1. 19.
illud quam incrsdibils : in short emphatic clauses like this Cic. very
frequently omits the substantive verb est. So § 71, p. 60,1. 6 ssmpsr
audax pstulans libidinosus.
§ 58.] NOTES. 129
11 familiarissimum: n. on § 38,1. «4 eertum.
n amandare: ' send off on commission to the ends of the earth *. Cf.
Verr. 5, 69 amandat hominem—quo ? Lilybaeum fortasse.
quo: ' to the intent that
14 Aaec; 'events here*. //>sa must be taken with per se, not with
haec; so § 67, 1. 30 ipsosper sese.
sineeoniunetione; ' even apart from any such connexion*. Cic. does
not venture to deny the notorious fact that the conspirators hoped to
raise trouble in Spain.
15 ; corresponds to above.
16 turbulentis: ' fraught with trouble*.
17 officiis...usu; 'by services, by familiarity, by association*.
18 veri simile non est ut: this construction of veri simile est (in place of
the accusative and infinitive) is rare outside Cicero's writings, and
always occurs in negative sentences. Draeger (Hist. synt. 11' p. 477)
quotes no example from any writer between Cicero and Lactantius.
Many expressions which are ordinarily followed by the accus. and inf.
are thus occasionally used with ut and subj. With the former construe-
tion the fact which the clause contains is regarded as a fact merely, with
the latter construction as an inference from some other fact. So render
here ' it is not a likely inference that, etc.*.
41 dimitteret: the imperfect corresponds with arbitrabatur, comparabat
above, and is the ordinary imperfect of action regarded as attempted not
as completed. Here ' it is not likely that he took steps to send away
from him...'. To say (with Halm) that dimitteret is in the 'potential
mood' is only to mystify a very simple circumstance. Cic. preferred
dimitteret to dimiserit here because it puts more forcibly the doubtfulness
of the inference which he states to be so improbable. So Verr. 4,11 veri
simile non est ut iUe religioni suae pecurdam anteponeret ' it is unlikely
that he was ever on the road to setting his money above his religious
scruples'; Vat. 5 sed quaere a te cur C. Comelium non defenderem
'why I never thought of defending C.'. The reason for the imperfect
putaret below, § 58,1. 47 is precisely similar. An unnatural explanation is
given by man;7 German writers of these and similar passages (where an
imperfect subjunctive follows on a present indicative in the principal
clause)—viz. that the imperf. subj. is the apodosis to a suppressed pro-
tasis. On this view in our sentence dimitteret would correspond to an
omitted clause such as etiam si cogitaret 'even had he thought of it*.
§68.
ipse; this word shows that the cases of Sittius and Sulla are similar ;
they were both unlikely men to deal in conspiracy.
44 populo: with bellum facereHit constructions alicui and in aliquem
are about equally common.
R. S.
9
I30 PRO P.. SULLA. [§ S^—
ut...putaret; I take this ut to be consecutive ' so that*. Halm ex-
plains the words as equivalent to ut credi possit eum puiasse, but this
gives an awkward change of construction. For the tense ofputaret iet
n. on 1. s I dimitteret above; for the change of tense from exstiterit to
putaret, cf. n. on § 32,1. 12 cuperet..,haberet.
cum...vicini; Halm curiously concludes from this passage that Nu-
ceria, the town to which Sittius belonged, remained loyal to_ Rome
during the Social war. Cicero's words rather make for the ojmosite con-
elusion. If all Sittius' neighbours {feteri...vicini) wieAX-ia, and his
loyalty was unique (singularis), the men of Nuceria must have been
among the rebels.
28 libidine: 'reckless living'; cf. n. on § 16. 1. 22 libidinis.
negoti: ' to carry on business' is in Latin negotium gerere, not
negotia; cf. the expression negotigerentes for 'merchants' in Sest. 97.
29 ita ut: n. on 31, 1. 28.
31 non commisit etc.: 'he would not allow his stents to incur any
trouble'.
procuraiores: n. on 1. 5, above. These were liable for their princi-
pal's debts.
quidquam oneris: this partitive genitive is, in passages like this,
quite necessary, since quisquam is a purely substantival pronoun, and no
such word as quodquam exists. But Cic. often prefers even qttod
praemi and the like to quodpraemium and the like ; cf. § 51,1. 5 ; 89,
1. 16 quod reliqui.
33 se spoliari maluii: cf. n. on § 32, 1. it perire.
§ 59, P. 66.
1 a quo...timui: for the construction titnere ab aliquo cf. Roby § 1810.
quogenere; %c.hominum; the defining genitive is with oftener
omitted than inserted in Cic.; see my n. on Cato m. § 4.
2 tempestate: n. on§ 40, 1. 17.
3 illudgenus etc.: cf. Cat. 2, 18 unum genus est eorum, qui tnagno in
aere alieno maiores etiam possessiones habent, quorum amore adducti
dissolvi nullo modo possunt.
4 amphxi: N^elsbach, Stil. § 119, i, quotes the passage as an exam-
pie of the way in which the Latins used participles, wliich, in the
idioms of most modem languages, would be superfluous. He also cites
§ 76, p. 62,1. ^ forma hominum indutae ' in the shape of men '; Caes.
S. C. 3, 101, 6 Cassius exceptus scapha refugit' escaped in a boat', and
other passages.
5 divelli: cf. dissolvi in Cat. 2, 18, quoted in n. on L 3.
6 cognationem: cf. Balb. 56 (in answer to a taunt that Balbus had
purchased a house which once belonged to a noble Roman family):
§ 6i.] NOTES. 131
timul Ulud nesciebat, praediorum nvllam esse gentem; emptionibus ea
solere sa^ ad alienos homines, saepe ad infimos pervenire. The sale of
old family property brought with it great disgrace to the seller at Rome.
7 ex susp. vindicavit: this verb is also often constructed with ab; cf.
n. on § 38, p. 44,1. 33. Trans, 'he protected himself against...'.
§60.
10 iam vera; n. on § 38, 1. tg.
Pompeianos: see Introd. § 30.
11 tU...accederent ad; 'that they should set their hand to...?'
coniurationem...facinus: the passage is not exactly tautological.
The coniuratio was a fact, but the facinus was in the main only con-
templated, not realised.
13 id cuius modi sit; ' what it means'.
13 an : ' or is it that'; see n. on s, p. 36, 1. 33.
17 primum: slight ellipse of hoc respondeo, or words like them. See n.
on § 51,1: II Autronium.
18 patronos: each community had to represent its interests at Rome
one or more persons of influence. The office of patronus was generally
hereditary in families. The first patroni of a colonia were usually the
three commissioners appointed to superintend its foundation {fres viri
coloniae deducendae); and Sulla was one of these; see § 63.
inveterasset:' had grown chronic'; cf. § 34, 1. 16.
19 ita...ut: cf. n. on § 31, L 38.
cognita est...dissenserit: cf. n. on § 33, 1. 10. Cognoscere is properly
used of formal l^al enquiry; see § 13, 1. 17 n.
31 sic: is often in Cic. thus used as preparatory to an accusative and
infinitive; so also iia, hoc, illttdand the like.
§61.
34 adsunt laborant: for the omission of et see n. on 44, p. 50, 1. 33
quieveris tacueris. Adsunt, i.e. as laudatores (n. on 81, 1. 30); for laio-
rant see above, n. on § 51, 1. 13).
36 honore: a reference to the lost consulships, Introd. § 9.
incolumem: as to incolumis=qui ccUamitatem non estpMsus; see n.
on§ 15,1. 17 ; and cf. Arch. 9 Gabiniquam diu incolumis fuitlevitas,
post damnationem calam ita s. -
37 qteo; for reading see crit n.
iacet; cf. § 50, p. $3, 1. 30.
iuvari: for the passive infinitive see n. on § 33. 1. i\ perire.
♦ 9—2
132
PRO p. SULLA.
B61-
istis: 'theprosecutors'.
ita...ut; see n. on § 31,1. «8.
ambulatiotu: 'promenade' or * parade', as in Cic. pro domo 116;
Catull. 55, 6 in Magni simul ambulatione. For the transition in mean-
ing from ' walking' to ' place for walking' cf. such uses as opinio=' repu-
tation'(§ lOi 1. 24); = 'character' (§ 77, L 22); stipaiio='A
crowd' (§ 66,1. 18); advoceUio=' a body of supporters' (81, p. 64,1. 6);
tabulatio ' story' (of a building), optio ' officer' etc.
suffragiis; the position held by the old inhabitants of Pompeii (who
were Roman citisens by virtue of the lex lulia) with regard to the
intruding soldiers of Sulla, cannot be exactly ascertained. For a time
the soldiers probably held the original population down by sheer force,
but as the military element died out, the old inhabitants recovered some
of their rights. Cf. Introd. § 20.
cum colonis dissenserunt; put for ab col. dis., on the analogy of
bellare cum aliquo and similar expressions.
§62.
sUcntio: for the ablative cf. § 55, 1. i\,precibtis with n.
quod: when quod introduces a clause cxplcmalory of one which pre-
cedes (as here) the preceding clause always contains a demonstrative
pronoun, generally in the neuter gender and standing as a substantive by
itself, but sometimes (as here) in the masculine or feminine, in agreement
with a substantive; cf. N. D. 2, 131 sed ilia quanta naturae bcnignitas,
quod...
commoda...diiunxerit: Cic. is obliged to speak cautiously of the
cruel spoliation which attended the foundation of the military colonies.
fortunis...fortuna: for the play on words Richter well quotes a
fragment of Naevius given by Cic. Tusc. 4, 67 fortunam anteibo for-
tunis meis.
P. 67.
1 utrisquc: 'both classes'; ixarbpois; like the Greek word, and like
quisque, ixaoros, the plural of uterque is properly used only of groups
or classes.
carus...iucundus; these two words are very frequently thus joined by
Cic.
2 alteros : ' the one class'.
_ constituisse: ' to have established the prosperity of both'. Con-
stiiuere coloniant' to found a colony * (cf. oIk(^€iv, oixiirr^) is a common
phrase, as in Cat. 2, 20 homines ex eis coloniis quas Sulla constituit.
Constituere also often means' to bring into a settled state', as in the
common expressions constituere rem publicam, fortunas. Cic. intends
the word to cover these two senses here.
§ 63.] NOTES. 133
4 omnis itta vis: 'all the alleged display of force'.
rogationis Caeciliae: of. Introd. § 13.
5 comparabatur; singular verb with double subject, as above, § 44,
1. 45, where see n.
6 pudentissimum: ' most honourable'; cf. n. on § 85, p. 65, 1. 49
pudori meo.
7 emits ego etc.: Cicero's answer here is most delicately managed. No
doubt Autronius at least was ready to use force, and Sulla perfectly
willing to connive at it and profit by it.
eonstantia; ' firmness', ' consistency'; so below § 73, p. 60,1. 49.
8 tantum\ see n. on § 44,1. 18.
hune: Caecilius was no doubt present in court.
10 fuisse utvoluerit: n. on § 34, 1. 10.
eum: adversative asyndeton; so with destiterit; see n. on § 44,1. 30
illud quaero.
14 deductus: sc. a eonsilio.
§63.
14 in ea re...in qua re: see'n. on § 43,1. 13.
14 primum Caecilius: there b anacoluthon, as a clause ought to follow,
banning with deinde Sulla. The anacoluthon is of a very common
kind; see Excursus I. to Madvig's edition of the De Finibus.
qui...reprehendis: quern would have been strictly correct, but when
the verb which should govern the relative is separated from it by a con-
' siderable distance, as here, the relative is often constructed as though
it formed part of the immediately succeeding clause; sometimes the
construction is set right by inserting the antecedent at the end of the
sentence, near the verb. Cf. Kiihner, Gram. § 193.
si idpromulgavit etc.: ' if he put forward a measure, which led men
to think that he was anxious to annul a legal decision'.
res iudieatas; rem iudieatam might have been expected. But Cic.
admits that the action of Caecilius titreatened the stability of all legal
judgments. No criminal case could, as a rule, be tried twice over at
Rome; nor could any civil case, once decided, be reopened, unless
unfair dealing were alleged. The exeeptio rei iudieatae, or plea that
the matter in dispute had already been tried, if made good by a
defendant, brought a civil suit to an end.
15 reseindere: lit. 'to cut open'; freely used like our 'rescind*.
restitueretur: sc. in pristinum statum, or in integrum (as in Verr.
5, 14 quoted below).
16 status: n. on § 33, 1. 31. For the context the edd. compare Verr,
5, 14 perditae eivitates desperatis iam omnibus rebus hos solent exitus
«i
134 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 63—
exitialis habere, ut damnati in integrum restituantur, vinctt solvantur,
res iudicatae rescindantur.
16 maxime...cmtinetur: 'depends, more than anything else, on_legal
decisions', i.e. on their stability. The expression ^altquid continetur
aliqua re' is very frequently met with in Cic.
17 dandum :=concedendum ; of. n. on 1. 24.
19 ferebat...referebat: see n. on § 12,1. x4delata...probata.
20 earn quae fuerat nuper: see Introd. § 9. Nuper refers to a time
five years earlier. The word is very vague, and may cover very consi-
derable periods of time; see my nn. on LaeL 13; Cato m. 27.
23 est enim: enim often thus appears as third or fourth word in a
clause, owing to its fondness for close attachment with the verb esse;
see Madvig on Fin. i, 43.
24 manebat...levabatur: cf. § 62, p. 57, 1. 9 nan de tollenda sed de
levanda calamitate.
§64.
noli...alienare: 'do not try to estrange from our case'.
25 ordinum : see Introd. § 25.
26 labefactare: Cic. only uses the frequentative form, not labefacere.
30 di£erem...dicerem:setn.on%ii,\.6veniebatetsaepeveniebat. After
the first dicerem, plura is to be supplied.
31 pauh etiam longim: so Cic. generally says multo etiam magis etc.;
cf. n. on § 3, 1. 13.
32 finis...offici: 'the scope of our ordinary obligations'.
33 propulisset: a strong expression and somewhat rare in the meta-
phorical sense. The pluperfect tense is due to the conditional form of
the sentence; had the sentence referred to future time and not to past
it would have run thus: defendam, si propulit (cf. si promulgavit in
§ 63, 1. 14); if the meaning be so expressed that the condition is re-
garded as not capable of being realist, we naturally have defenderem,
si proptdisset.
implorarem—vestros; ' I should appeal to your fellow-feeling.' The
plural sensus will often afford the best representative in Latin for our
'sympathy'; cf. Fam. 12, 15, 2 homo mihi cum familiaritate, turn
etiam sensibus in republica ('political sympathy') coniunctissimus.
P. 68.
2 intimis.. cogitationibus: ' your secret reflexions'.
§65.]
NOTES.
135
§66.
3 lex: the omission of a particle, such as igUur or enim, is unusual.
fuit proposita: this form of the perfect passive (as well as the corre-
spending form of the plup.) is comparatively rare before Livy. The
sense here is ' remained during a few days as a projectwhile deposita
est is 'it was laid aside, once for all'. Cf. Sest. 55 recordamini legum
multitudiftem, cum earum quae UUae sunt (' which were carried, once
for all'), turn vera quae propositae fuerunt ('continued to be mere
projects'); also Roby § 1453.
4 Kal. Ian.: the first day of Cicero's consulship.
6 nihil...prius: ' no business took precedence of thisCic. here puts
out of sight religious business, which always took precedence of all else
in the senate. Moreover, custom required that the first business brought
before the senate by a new consul should relate to religion.
Q. Metellus; named Celer. He held a command against Catiline in
Picenum, and became consul in 60 B.C.
8 egit de: see crit. n.
9 agrariae legi: the law of Rullus, which was lost owing mainly to
Cicero's vigorous opposition. We have in a tolerably perfect state one
of the three speeches he made against it, and of the other two some
fragments.
reprehensa et abiecta: 'condemned and repudiated'.
10 intercessorem: this takes the same construction as the verb interce-
dere; cf. domum reditus etc., also n. on 3,1.16. But it is probable that
legis should be read. We have the phrase intercessor legis agrariae in
Liv. 4, 41, 7 and 4, 53, 4. The only other examples of intercessor fol-
lowed by a case which I have been able to find in Cic. are Leg. 3, 11
intercessor rei malae, and Quint Fr. 3, 8, 6 i. dictaturae—both doubtful
passages.
improbis: the word implies the utter absence of any restraining
principle. No one word in English exactly represents it. Perhaps
'unprincipled' is the nearest equivalent. Cf. verbis improbissimis in
§ 71, p. 60, 1. 7 'language utterly unrestrained'; § 66, 1. 16 Autroni
improbitate, 'the desperate recklessness of A.' In Verg. G. i, tig
improbus anser is the 'immoderate goose', whose appetite knows no
control.
largitionibus: besides proposing to give away to individuals all the
land belonging to the state, the law of Rullus directed that large pur-
chases of land for distribution should be made at the expense of the
exchequer. Cic. uses the word largitio of these distributions in Leg.
agr. I, 21; 2 §§ 10, 12, 16, 76; cf. too Phil. 11, 12 agrum Campanum
est largitus Antonius.
11 auctoritaiem: here ' the expressed opinion', whether embodied in a
decree or not. Sometimes senatus auctoritas is used of resolutions of
136 PRO P. SULLA. [§6$—
the senate which were vetoed, and therefore had not the force of senatus
consulta.
IS <mere...offici: 'having acquitted himself of the burden of family
obligationOnus offici is a common phrase in Cic.; we have onus
offici suscipere in Rose. Am. iis; Div. in Caec. 5.
13 cogitarit; see n. on § 32,1. 10 fuisse...voluerit.
§66.
in ipsa rogatione: rogatio is here the 'putting of the question' at the
comitia. Trans. ' and even at the voting .
14 Sullam aut Caecilium; the strictly correct construction would have
been ^ neper vim quid a Sulla aut Caecilio ageretur, quis turn nostrum
verebaturV Trans, 'who among us at that time feared any violent
proceedings, so far as Sulla and Caecilius were concerned?' The
attraction into the principal clause of substantives properly belonging to
a subordinate clause is particularly common with verbs of fearing; cf.
e.g. Ter. Eun. 6io metuo fratrem, ne intus sit; commoner still with
verbs of knowing, as Fam. 8, to, 3 nosti Marcellum, quam tardus sit.
Cf. n. on 88, p. 67, 1. 3.
15 nonne omnis etc.: with this p>assage § 15 should be closely compared.
ille terror :=terror illiusrei; seen, on 12,1. 16 istius suspicionis.
16 opinio: stronger than ftV/or/ 'expectation*.
eius: emphatic; ' his were the cries'.
17 voces; the word is applied to animated or striking utterances: see
e.g. Lael. 60.
ferebantur: 'were famed*. Cf. Arch. 21 nostra semper feretur et
praedicabitur...pugna ilia navalis; so often in Cic.
aspectus: cf. § 15,1. 15.
concursatio: cf. § 15, 1. 12. Concursare, concursatio, like vqlitare,
volitatio are generally used of movement directed to mischievous ends.
18 stipatio: ' his following *. This is probably the only passage where
the word has this sense; elsewhere it means 'the act of crowding
together'. For the concrete sense of nouns in -tio see n. on § 61,1. 19
ambulatione.
greges: ' gangs'.
metum...ad/erd>ant- ' brought upon us panic and disorder *. Metum
seditionesque is certainly not put for metum seditionum, as some edd.
have thought.
19 m/or/K/nwiOTU;'most disastrous *. is not (as has been
often asserted, for example by Conington on Verg. G. i, 470) a contrac-
tion for inopportunus. Both im-portu-nus and op-portu-nus are com-
pound adjectives from the same stem as portu-s, a haven. If porta and
portare be compared, it will be seen that partus k literally the place to
§67-1
NOTES.
137
which one goes ; opportunus is therefore literally 'favourable to a journey
or an effort'; importunus being the opposite. In the not uncommon
phrase impcrrtunae vohtcres 'birds that give unfavourable omen' we
seem to have a clear trace of the original sense. From ' unfavourable *
the word acquired the stronger meaning of' foul' abominable
so honoris: Introd. §§ 8, 9.
socio.' the student must be careful not to make this depend on
coactus est; Cic. of course does not employ the ablative of the agent
after a passive verb without ab. The abl. here is rather one of ' attend-
ant circumstances' (Roby §§ 1S42 sq.); hoc socio at^ue C(mite=^\sa.\\ng
this man for his ally and companion .
secundas fortunas: for secundam fortunam or secundas res. I do not
know why Halm and Richter mark this use of the plural fortunae as
rare. Merguet's Lexicon to Cicero's speeches will supply thirty or forty
examples, s.v.fortuna. See below, § 83, p. 65, 1. 8; 89,1. 15.
32 odlevamento: a very rare word, found probably here only in classical
Latin. In Fin. i, 40 we find adlevatio, ' also rare. As Cic. uses leva-
mentum perhaps half-a-dozen times (though not in his speeches), I am
inclined to think that the ad- is a mistake of the writers of the MSS,
induced by their habit of writing atque (which immediately precedes) in
the form adque.
§67.
23 hie; n, on § 50, p. 52,1. 31.
epistulam: see Introd. § 11.
24 Cn.: see Appendix 6.
summa republica: a common expression for 'the most important
interests of the country'; cf. e.g. Cat. 3, 13 consului de summa re
publica quid fieri placeret; also Phil. 5, 46 summo rei publicae tempore;
Verg. Aen. 2, 322 quo res summa loco?
25 ex ea...quaeris: ' you seek to get from it some charge against Sulla'.
For crimen see n. on § 52,1. 19.
26 si...scripsi; 'in that I wrote'. Cf. Cat. I, 31 etenim iam diu, patres
conscripti, in his periculis coniurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio
quo pacto omnium scelerum ac veieris furoris et audaciae maturitas in
nostri consulatus tempus erupit; so Mur. 81.
furorem: cf. § 56, p. 54, L 33.
biennio ante: see Introd. § 10. For the ablative cf. Roby § 1204.
corueptum: 'which was entered on'. Cf. § 16,1. 23 fiagitium con-
cepit: Verr. 5, 13 furore concepto.
28 scilicet: ironical; ' of course'; see n. on 21, 1.11.
is sum qui: ' I am the very man to...'
30 audacter: like audacia, has regularly a bad sense; cf. n. on § 16,
1. 22.
ipsosper sese: cf. § 57, 1. 14
PRO P. SULLA.
[§68-
§68.
31 dequo: sc. Sulla.
33 consuUm: ' as consul ';=ui consulem or qttasi consul esset; cf. Arch.
19 Homerum Chii suum vindicant; Liv. 6, 7, 5 _ nte non agnoscitts
ducem; Hor. ep. i, 7, 37 scupe verecundum laudasti; Val. M. 9, 15, i
C. Murium VII consulem avum vindicando.
descenders: sc. in forum.
P. 59.
I consulem efficeret: the student must carefully distinguish between
efficere aliquem consulem, to carry some one's election as consul, and
facere aliquem consulem, which merely means to give an individual vote
in favour of a man's election as consul. [The whole Roman people is
sometimes said facere aliquem consulem with the meaning that they vote
for him.]
1 operas: 'hirelings'. Of this sense the Lexica will supply examples.
manum : ' an armed force'.
3 concedas necesse est: for omission of ut cf. n. on 46,1. co.
4 cum Catilinae suffragaretur: i.e. 'as you assert*. So in 44, 1. 24
cum indicatus esset tuus inimicus. Suffragari alicui (opposed to_ refra-
'gari) is properly ' to give a vote to a person', but is often u.sed with the
general sense ' to support'.
6 neque tamen etc.: ' and, apart from that, the type of character to
which P. Sulla belongs, gentlemen, does not permit the allegation of
the crimes mentioned, serious and abominable as they were'.
tantorum tam atrocium: as to the omission of et between tantorum
and tam cf. Imp. Cn. Pomp. 31 hoc tantum bellum, tam turpe; Cat. 4,
16.
7 P. Sullaepersona: see n. on § 8, p. 37, 1. 3a
§69.
8 faciam ut dicam: the periphrasis as in § 20, p. 42, 1. 4, where see n.
omnibus fere: the dubious Jere should be noticed.
dissolutis; in Cicero's rhetorical works and speeches diluere crimina
is ordinarily used with the meaning ' to refute the charges'. Cf. Rose.
Am. 82 Eruci criminatio tota, ut arbitror, dissoluta est, nisi forte
expectatis ut ilia diluam,
contra atque: this phrase, like iuxta atque, is not found much in
Latin literature either before or after the time of Cicero.
9 fieri solet: all the Latin rhetorical writers direct that, in dealing with
a criminal case, the arguments from probability should be placed before
all others, and they declare that, of probabilities, those derived from
a consideration of character should take precedence ctf the rest. Cf.
NOTES.
139
Cic. Inv. I, 34 and «, «8; Cornif. ad Herennium 2, 5; Quint 5, 10,
23 and 7, 2, 27; also Introd. § 35.
10 vita...moribus: these two words are very frequently thus placed
together to represent ' moral characterCic. often expresses the Greek
rfiiK^ by pars philosophiae quae est de vita ac moribus. See my n. on
Acad. I, 19; also below § 71, p. 60,1. 14.
de principio: in this phrase, as in de die, de nocte, de means ' imme-
diately after'. Trans. ' as soon as I beganor ' at the outsetand cf.
Qu. fr. 2, 1, 3 fac ut considerate diligenterque naviges de mense Decembri
(' as soon as December begins').
11 occurrere : ' to grapple with'; lit. ' to go forth to meetmrayTSv.
n me aliquid ipso: see n. on 3,1. 13.
quia; cf. crit. n.
13 ipsa causa cogit: cf. § 35,1. 47 ipsa cctusa...flagitaoisset.
14 animos mentisque: properly mens is intellect, animus intellect and
feeling combined. The two words constantly occur together in Latin,
as here and Cato m. § 36; Lucretius even has mens animi.
16 voluerit cogitarit: vette is here simply to desire, cogitare to make a
plan for realising the desire.
admiserit: so § 16, I. 44 facinui admUit, but in § 6, 1. 11 scelere
commisso ; often in se admittere.
ex crimine ponderandum: the verbs iudicare, aestimare, ponderare
take the construction ex aliqua re or aliqua re simply, to express the
means by which the judgment is formed ; so below § 79,1.6. With the
context Halm compares Cluent. 70 perinde ut opinio est de cuiusque
moribus, ita quid ab eo factum aut non factum sit, existimaripotest.
18 neque repente etc.: cf. the well-known words of Juvenal 4, 83 nemo
repente fuit turpissimus; also below § 79, 1. 14 {pitam) subito fiecti
fingique non posse.
§70.
19 circumspicite...mentibus: cf. Leg. agr. 4, 45 illudcircumspicite vestris
mentibus.
41 adfines sceleri: so Cat. 4, 6 huic (facinori) adfinis, and elsewhere;
but above, § 17, p. 41, 1. 2 we have the genitive construction, which is
not uncommon.
Catilina; the sentence is intentionally rendered abrupt by the
omission of a particle to connect it with the preceding sentence.
43 eonatum esse etc.: 'that a desperate attempt had been made by a man
who from childhood had been induced not only by his unsteadiness and
criminality, but by habit also and inclination, to take part in every kind
of villany, debauchery, and bloodguiltiness ?'
I40 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 7°—
24 inlemperantia: cucoXavlf, seelere: see n. on 16, L it.
25 studio: the whole context greatly resembles Sail. Cat S iuie ab
aduUscentia bella intestina, caedes, rapitiae, discordia eivilis grata Juere,
iuvmtutem suam exereuit.
27 civile latrocinium: contemptuously said for civile bellum.^ So, ad-
dressing Catiline, Cic. says (Cat. i, 27) ' tantum profeci ut id quod est
abs te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium potius quam bellum nominaretur^.
Lentuli; for the circumstances see Inlrod. § 18.
28 societates: see n. on§ 26, 1. 15 operas.
indicibus: here=professional informers or spies, of whom numbers
existed at Rome. Ct n. on 14, p. 40,1. i. In Mur. 49 Cic. speaks of
Catiline as having been ' wall^ round with spies and assassins' {vol-
latum indicibus ac sicariis), and again in Sest. 95 as ' always surrounded
by assassins, fenced in by armed men, and fortified by spies' (stipatus
semper sicariis, saeptus armatis, munitus indicibus).
insaniam libidinum: ' his mad caprices
29 perversam...religionem; 'depraved and godless superstition'. Cf.
Introd. § 18. Religio is often thus equivalent to superstitio, as in Verr.
4, 113 tanta religione obstricta iota provincia est, tanta su^stitio men-
tis Siculorum occupavit.
30 nefarie...stulte: adverbs taking the place of objects to the verbs.
Sic, ita, male are thus often used; see my n. on Cato m. § 16,1. 19.
C. Cethego: see Introd. § 18.
3t in Hispaniam profectione: see above, n. on § 3, L 16.
32 Metelli; best known as the commander against Sertorius, 79—71 B.C.
career: the Tullianum or career Mamertinus, on the Capitoline
hill, built, according to tradition, by Servius Tullius.
§ 71.
33 ne sit infinitum: ' lest the task should prove endless'. The im-
personal phrases longum est, infinitum est etc. are constantly employed
where we should use hypothetical expressions 'it wottld be a lengthy
task' etc. ' So below, § 80,1. ic)grave est.
tantum: n. on § 22,1. 18.
P. 60.
t cognitum est: i.e. after formal enquiry: cf. § 13, L 17 n.
3 ab sua vita...damnatum: the ablative with ab after a passive verb,
when the noun is personal, is only found in the best Latin when the
noun is capable of Ming personified. See my n. on Acad, i, 15 (ed. 2);
and cf. § 73, p. 60,1. 32, below.
§ 71.] NOTES. 141
4 finitimum etc.: 'is most closely associated with the danger and the
dutfge which hangs over my client .
5 periculo: n. on § «o, p. 41,1. 31.
6 semper...libidincsm : for the omission ofest see n. on § 57,1. 10.
peUdans; far stronger than our ' petulant'; petulantia is almost
equivalent to impudicitia; cf. Cat. «, 25 ex hoc parte pudor pugnat,
illinc petulantia. Originally the word must have meant ' readiness to
attack' (petere).
7 d^ensionibus: the word defensio has only one sense in Cic., viz.
that of a statement in defence of some action or opinion; strictly a
statement made in a court of law. The words we have here must there-
fore indicate that Cethegus was wont to appear as the advocate of
culprits tried for licentious conduct. Cic. speaks of him in the Brutus
§ 341 as having a clear and loud voice, but no other merit as an advo-
cate. Our passage cannot mean (as some edd. have understood it) that
Cethegus used abuse and violence when himself attacked for his own
immoi^ conduct.
TMrbis improbissimis: * the most abandoned language '; see n. on
§65,1. 10.
8 pugnis et calcibus; a proverbial expression for ' extreme violence';
cf. Plant. Poen. 4, i, 3 incursat pugnis calcibus; Cic. Tusc. 5, n cer-
tantes pugnis calcibus; Verr. 3, 50pugnis et calcibus concisus; similarly
Brut. HI lateribus pugnans (of an orator). Recent editors take the
words as an allusion to the very violent action with which they sup-
pose Cethegus to have accompanied his speeches. The ancient rhe-
toncal writers laid down elaborate rules for the use of both hands and
feet in oratory, and gave cautions against excess. Cf. Quint. 11, 3
§§ 85—136, particularly § 118 manum...ita in tergum flagellet, ut con-
sisterepost eumparum tutum sit, aut...temere sparsa manu in proximos
offendat; § 89 abesse plurimum a saltatore debet orator. I cannot help
thinking, however, from the general purport of the sentence here, that
Cethegus had been guilty on some occasion of using physical violence,
when advocate, against some witness or supporter of his opponent.
9 possessionibus; see n. on § 56, p. 55,1. 8.
10 sociorum: Cethegus had been guilty, like Catiline (Cat. i, 18), of
cruelly oppressing the provincials.
disturbare: above, n. on § 15,1. 10.
11 contemnere; see n. on § 35, p. 43,1. 33.
13 rei p. cedere; ' to bow to the public welfare'.
fortunae ipsi: for the allusion see Introd. § 10.
13 huius...eum: the pronoun is regularly repeats the more emphatic
pronoims Hie and hie ; cf. Acad. 3, 39 with my n. (ed. 3).
si...teneretur: 'if the case i^inst him were not proved by the most
patent facts'; lit.' if his case were not convicted', huius catssa being put
142
PRO P. SULLA.
[§ 71-
for hie (see n. on § 4, 1. if). Cf. Cluent. 7 earn causam quae con-
victa ac damnata sit,
14 mores ac vita; n. on § 69,1. 10.
ipsius: more emphatic than sui would have been; 'his personal
character
§ 72.
15 agedum conferte: like age, agedum is used without regard to the
number of the persons addressed. Livy first used agitedum ; and agite
was at all times rarer than age, when several persons were addressed.
Dum was originally the accusative of a noun d{i)us, with the same
meaning as dies; dum probably at first meant 'for a time*. This sense
is clear in the archaic primumdum. When tacked on to an imperative
it corresponds to the Greek enclitic vw and our unemphatic ' now'. In
the Latin of Plautus and Terence the enclitic dum was attached freely to
other words, chiefly imperatives, as iteradum, tangedum, cedSdum ; but
in the Latin of Cicero and later only agedum and agitedum are found.
cum illius vitam: for cum illius vita vitam ; cf. Verr. 4, 45 ut turn
conferam vitam tuam cum illius ; Plin. H. N. 4, 75 quaiius e magnis
Europcu sinus; Halm also qu. Marcell. 22 ex unius tua vita pendere
omnium; Phil. 11, 9 conferre vitam Treboni cum Dolabellae. In our
passage the reading vitam is decidedly to be preferred to vita, because
it is awkward to have an epithet notissimam without the substantive in
agreement being expressed and also to have no object for conferte. So
in Marcell. 22 vitam should probably be read to avoid the awkward
omission of the subject to the infinitive.
18 commissum; this participle would hardly have been used as a sub-
stantive but for the influence offactum.
paulo...consideratum: 'even slightly imprudent'.
19 minus: here, as below, § 80,1. 23 and often, almost equivalent to a
negative. Hence came French mis- (in mis-alliance etc.) and our mis-.
videretur; imperfect, although est precedes, the sense being 'is there
on record any action of his which seemed cU the time when it took
place...^ Roby § 1517 quotes several examples of similar sequence.
factum quaero ? this form of correction is common with dico (see n.
on § 5I) !• 12) but rare with other verbs.
20 _ in quo...offendi: Cic. has both offendere (intransitive) and offendi in
aliqua re, or aliqua re simply, but the passive form is much the rarer;
cf. Sest. 105 and Mur. 47. Cf. below, § 84, L 17 in quo repugnet.
22 quis...mitior; see however Introd. § 8.
23 quam multorum; note that quot, which is an indeclinable adjective
only, could not be substituted here.
vitam...deprecaius: as Richter points out, Cic. in Verr. 5, 125 uses
deprecari mortem in the same sense as deprecari vitam here. Both uses
§ 73-] NOTES. 143
of deprecart aliquant rem, to that something may be spared, and to
b^ that some punishment may not be inflicted, are pretty common.
24 nostri: sc. senatorii.
equestris ordinis: cfl Cluent. I51 L. Sulla...odium habuit in eqttes-
trem ordinem.
25 se Sullae obligavit; i.e. he made himself formally responsible to
the dictator for the good behaviour of these persons.
27 maius est etc.: because in a commonwealth no man's life ought to be
at the mercy of any individual.
28 ideo...ipsi: 'on that account I beg of you to attribute his power to
circumstances, and his exercise of it to himself.
§ 73.
29 reliquam: the epithet properly belongs to vitae. This transference
of epithets (kypallage) is occasionally met with in all writers; cf. e.g.
Verr. 2, 123 ne plures essent in senaiu ex colonorum numero quam ex
vetere (for veterum) Agrigentinorum; Verg. Aen. 8, 526 Tyrrhenus
tubae clangor. See also above, § 52,1. 25 n.
conslantiam: above, n. on § 62, p. 57,1. 7.
30 moderationem:=aii)ppoaiinp>.
31 splendorem:=/teyaXoirpbreua'.
ita...ut: cf. n. on 31, p. 45, 1. 28.
dtformata: 'marred'. De/ormare is to draw awry, or to draw an
ugly sketch; cf. Caecin. 14 ille quern supra deformavi ' he whose re-
pulsive picture I have already sketched'; Mur. 88 imaginem clarissimi
viri deformatam ignominia.
32 a foriuna...a natura; as these nouns are personified, the preposition
goes with them after the passive verb; see n. on 71, p. te, 1. 3.
incohata: the best mss decidedly favour this spelling of the word,
not inchoata. The verb is connected with an old adjective coits, another
form of cavos, which passed to covos, cms. In incohare the h is caused
by the phenomenon of false aspiration to which ancient languages were
subject, as well as modem. Incohare is therefore literally ' to hollow
out', hence 'to sketch in outline', 'to lay down the first lines'; cf.
in-formare.
33 quae...cotidiana : ' what daily crowds of visitors 1'
familiarium...amicorum: the former word of course indicates a closer
tie than the latter; cf. § 2,1. is/amiliaris...necessarius.
P. 61.
2 diu mtUtumque: a favourite phrase with Cic.; see my n. on Cato
m. §9.
144 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 73—
4 verum tamen etc,; 'but after all such a blow as men thought his life
and disposition had made it possible for him to sufferCic. implies
that men will not think so if he is now convicted, because ' nm cadit in
has mores...ista sttspicio' (§ 75, 1. 26).
5 honestatis; here of mere external rank; more often used of the inner
character, and equivalent to our 'virtue' or '^moralityWith the
context cf. Shakespeare's well-known lines 'if it be a sin to covet
honour' etc.
6 habuisse iudicatus est: the construction called by grammarians
' nominativus cum injinitivo ', in place of the ordinary impersonal verb
with the accusative and infinitive (eum habuisse iudicaium est). So
below, § 84, 1. 16; Cluent 115; Mil. 11; cf. also such uses as Phil.
5, 14 excusetur Areopagites esse; Prop. 5, 11, 36 in lapide huic uni
nupta fuisse legar; and my n. on Lael. 35 deserere.
7 cupidior: ' more selfish'.
9 in hoc: 'in his case'.
§ 74.
II demissum adjlktumqtu: these two participles are not parallel with,
but explanatory of maerentem; otherwise que could not have been
attached to adjlietum ; see n. on 12, 1. 5. Trans. ' in sorrow, because he
was humbled and crushed'.
13 Ituem vitare: cf. lucifuga, used of a man who lives in retirement
(generally with a hint at some evil purpose). Cic. not unfrequently has
lux for 'the public gate'; cf. Cato m. 12 nee ille in luce modo aique
in oculis civium magnus, sed intus domique praestantior; Att. 3, 19, i
qui Ituem omnino fugerem; Q. fr. i, i, 9 in Itue Asiae, in oculis Claris-
simae promncicu ; Brut. 32 forensi Itue carere.
invitamenta: a favourite word with Cic. He has the similar word
iiuitamentum only once (Arch. 23); inritamenlttm, common in later
Latin, he does not use. Trans, m. inv. urbis ' many attractions in the
capital'.
15 cum lege retineretur: cf. Introd. § 27.
16 paene •. qualifies the whole expression exsilio multavit\ paene='l
may almost say'.
in hocpudore: 'with honourable feeling like this'.
hoc vosp.: see n. on § 3,1. 13.
20 cum crimine recognoscite : ' review in connexion with the charge'.
§75.
mitlo rem p.: 'I put out of sight the national interests'. For mitto
cf. § 22,1. 30.
22 cupidos: 'fond'; so often, as Plane. 55 mtdti amici, multi cupidi
ltd.
§ 76.] NOTES. 145
res seeundae omatae: cf. Arch, 16 haec siudia secundas res ornant,
adversis perfugium ac solacium praebent.
seeundae...adversae: note the chiasmus (n. on § 3,1. 11).
23 p>erire voluit: see n. on § 32, 1. 11.
25 vitam: observe the coniunctio (n. on § 12, 1. 11).
turpissima: ' with a disgraceful death in view
26 non cadit in : ' does not square with'; a common phrase in Cic.
28 nova quaedam : cf. n. on § 53, p. 54, 1. 7 quasi morbus quidam.
ac singularis: ' and even unique
29 ex multis...exarsit; for the general drift of these words cf. § 76,
p. 62,1. 9 ex magnis...erupit.
ab adulescentia: 'from youth onwards'.
collectis: ' incurred'; cf. colligere invidiam in Verr. 5, 19; Verg.
Georg. 3, 327 c. sitim. The sense of our passage is not (as it has some-
times been understood) 'from many faults brought to a focus' (as though
collectis meant in unum collectis).
30 ista tanta; n. on § 18, 1. 5. Trans, ' the great abomination of this
unparalleled villany
importunitas in. sceleris: = importunum atque inauditum scelus. For
the whole expression cf. n. on 4, 1. 27; also 70,1. 28 insanium libidi-
num; and for the sense of the word importunitas n. on § 66, 1.19.
31 exarsit; from exardesco; in classical Latin there is no such word as
exardeo.
§ 76.
hominum...beluae immanes ac ferae: there was no word Cic. loved
more to use of his adversaries than belua, as a glance at the word in
Merguet's Lexikon to Cicero's speeches will shew; it nearly always has
one or several of the epithets fera., taetra, immanis, importuna, pestifera.
With our passage cf. Piso fr. 6 quae te beluam ex utero non hominem
fudit.
33 non modo; see n. on § 54,1. 16.
P. 62.
2 ex portentis: 'to be reckoned as monstrosities'. For ex cf. n. on
§ 27, 1. 25 ex imaginibus.
3 indutae: see n. on § 59,1. 4 amplexi.
4 nihil...vehementius: 'there is nothing on our side which can be
stated with greater emphasis'. Hoc causa is opposed to ilia causa,
'our adversaries' side of the case'; cf. Caecin. 77 cuitts aucioritati
dictum est ab ilia causa concedi non oportere.
R. S. lO
146 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 7^—
7 turpitudines: n. on § 26, 1. 15 operae.
8 notas: ' stains
parricidiorum: cf. n. on § 19, 1. 25 ; but Catiline was charged with
having murdered several near relations; so the word may here have its
proper sense.
9 acervos: cf. Scaur. § 4 acetvo quodam criminum.
11 confecta et electa : the metaphor is from the digestion of food; cf.
N. D. 2, 137 cibtis confectus; also Quint. 10, 1, 19 lectio nan cruda sed
multa iteratione mollita et velut confecta.
12 illis pestibus: trans, 'those plague-spots' or 'that poison'. Pestis
is another of Cicero's favourite terms of abuse.
13 haec: see n. on § 32,1. 11 haec omnia.
15 Furiae; the Furies are often described a.s driving men on from
crime to crime till their final destruction.
quaedam; n. on 53, 1. 7.
§77.
16 gregem: 'gathering'.
cum hoc vivont; ' associate with my client'. The phrase vivere cum
aliquo implies close intimacy; often it means ' to stay at some one's
house', as in Acad. 2, 115.
18 hoc...numero: see n. on § 39, p. 49,1. 3. For the readings here see
crit. n.
hac fam. dignitate: for familiaribus hoc dignitate ; cf. § 75, 1. 30
tanta importunitas inauditi sceleris.
. 19 partem ; 'faction'. Cf. § 9, 1. 7 n.
sedem; Halm aptly quotes Cluent. 171 nisi forte existimamus ilium
ad inferos impiorum suppliciaperferre...ab uxorum, a fratris, a liberum
Poenis eutum esse praecipitem in sceleratorum sedem ac regionem. Cf.
also Virgil's and Horace's use of sedes; as Hor. Od. 2, 13, 23 sedes
piorum ; Verg. Aen. 6, 328 prius quam sedibus ossa quierunt.
20 ubi erit: cf. the common Greek phrase oiSafioD tXvai.
21 quo in loco: ' on what occasion ?' Locus is often used of time, as in
the phrases ad id locorum, Liv. 22, 38, 12 ; inde loci, Lucr. 5, 443.
22 existimationis; 'character'; i.e. what is thought of a man; for the
passive sense of the verbal noun in -tio cf. also opinio =' reputation' in
I 10, 1. 24, and n. on § 61, 1. 29 ambulatione.
23 dimicatione fortunae :=d. defortuna ; cf. n. on § 14, p. 40, 1. 3.
24 non aderit; see n. on § 14, p. 40,1. 8 afuerim.
nihil; for the accusative cf. n. on § 9, L 4.
NOTES.
147
§78.
15 quaestimes servorum: see Introd. § 36.
2J gubernat...infirmat: the verbs go in pairs (cf. n. on 4, 1. 12); in
guSemat moderatur the metaphor is from the steering of ships, in regit
flectit from the guiding of horses. Trans, 'inquiries by torture are
piloted by pain, are governed by individual qualities both of mind and
body, are directed by the presiding officer, are turned aside by passion,
are tainted by hope, and undermined by fear'.
euiusque; this is not in agreement with but dependent on animi;
cf. Cicero's well-known expression mens euiusque, is est quisque (Rep. 6,
26), and for the double genitive n. on 82,1. 15.
28 quaesitor: one who presides over a criminal court (quaestid) of what-
ever kind. The young student should be careful not to confound this
word with quaestor as some of the writers of the MSS have done here.
libido: sc. quaesitoris. For the word see n. on § 16,1. 22.
29 spes; the hope of the slave, either to obtain reward, or to have the
torture stayed.
tot: probably in agreement with rerum, not with angustiis.
30 vita...torqueatur; ' let the life of P. Sulla be put upon the rack'.
31 num quae; see Appendix B.
occultetur...tateat: the former word is much stronger than the latter;
cf. n. on § 7, 1. 24.
32 facinus: when left without an epithet, this word always has a bad
meaning; pulcerrimum facinus however, and the like expressions, do
occur.
p. 63.
1 vox: for the metaphorical use, cf. Scaur. 16 rerum vox est naturae
vestigium, veritatis nota.
debet esse: with this order of the words the emphasis is on esse, with
the other order debet) it is on debet. So putat esse and esse putat,
potest esse and esse potest are about equally common. It is often erro-
neously said that Cic. avoided esse potest at the end of a clause because
of the dactylic rhythm ; it is not true that he did avoid it, and the
order of words in these cases depends on emphasis only. Cf. n. on
31, p. 46,1. 4 velis esse.
2 nihil: for the emphatic repetition of this word cf. my n. on Cato
m. 13: also cf. § 83, p. 64, 1. 32 adeo.
§79.
5 vestra...qui: so § 80, 1. 17 nostra qui. For the reference of the rela-
tive to an antecedent not exactly expressed, cf. Vat. 29 nostra acta,
10 2
148 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 79—
qtios tyrannos vocas; Acad. i, 103 Academia...a quihus, where see my
note.
5 elegantia : ' refinement'. Elegans is properly ' choice' niceneat
'precise', and very nearly corresponds to the Greek It is often
applied to statements, such as legal formulae, which have the merits of
clearness and compactness. For its application to conduct, cf. Cato m.
13 est etiam quiete et pure atque ekganter actae aetatis placida ac lenis
senectus.
6 ex libidine—ponderari; so above, § 69, I. 16.
libidine testium: lor testibus libidine imbutis ; cf. 4, 1. 27 n.
8 Perieulis: cf. n. on § 20, p. 41, 1. 31.
10 armis suis: 'its proper defences'.
11 munite...bonorum: ' strengthen the common stronghold of all right-
minded men'. The arx is the blameless life, and these words form the
contrast to nolite (yitam) armis suis spoliatam aiqtte nudatam obicere
invidiae. As to the metaphorical use of arx see n. on § 33,1. 32.
12 obstruiteperfugia: 'cut off the retreat'.
valeat; sc. vita.
13 per se ex s. n.: the word ex is probably a corruption here, as Cic. so
frequently uses the phrases sua sponte, sua natura and the like, side by
side with per se, without any connecting link.
14 subito...posse: cf. § 69 end.
§80.
15 semper: see crit. n. The sense seems to be ' at every turn *; i.e. in
a case relating to the conspiracy of Catiline, it is not possible for Cic. to
avoid constant reference to his own views.
17 quid? this takes up again the interrupted question introduced above
by quid vera i
coniurationis caussis: for the objective genitive c£ n. on § 14, p. 40,
1- 3-
18 abstinuimus; as Halm remarks, Cic. when speaking of himself does
not use the plural so often in his speeches as in his other writings.
P. Sullam : adversative asyndeton ; see n. on § 22,1. 30 illud quaero.
19 grave est: for est a modem would be inclined to write sit; see, how-
ever, the n. on § 71, p. 61, 1. 33. Trans, 'this is an offensive thing to
say, gentlemen, offensive, if we are suitors for anything'. Cicero returns
to this in § 8,^. The phrase grave dictu occurs in Phil. 9, 8; cf. also
difficile dictu (Lael. 24) and incredibile dictu (common).
20 si adpetimus...silent: note the chiasmus (n. on § 3,1. 11).
23 libertatem: 'freedom of speech', srapprialap, as so often in Tacitus.
Cf. § 2J, p. 44,1. I sentire libere.
si minus: above, n. on § 72, 1. 19.
§ 82.] NOTES. 149
§81.
24 uno nomine; see n. on § 21,1. 13.
25 adfuerunt: n. on § 14, p. 40,1. 8.
26 lattdarunt: testimony as to character played an important part in
Roman trials. This testimony was often borne not merely by indivi-
duals, but by communities and corporations, and much of it was of a
purely conventional character. Cf. § 49,1. 15. As to the circumstances
alluded to here see Introd. § 12.
27 cognita: n. on § 13, 1. 17.
amicum :=eum, quia amicus erat.
29 non inseguebantur: ' they did not bear hardly upon...'
, parens tuus etc.: see Introd. § 12.
32 ad eum; for ad se, by a rare use, the circumstance narrated in post...
coniurationem being regarded from Cicero's point of view, and not from
that of Torquatus' father. So in Brut. 220 (Curius) orator vivis eim
aequalibus proximus optimis numerabatur; Mil. 39 qui (Pompdtts)
cum decretum de nu Capuae fecit, ipse Italiae cunctae cupienti et eius
fidem imploranti signum dedit.
33 non credidisse: adversative asyndeton again ; above I. 18.
P. 64.
t alio: 's. cexXaKn oihsx'i pxA {or alio quodam, not alio ullo.
4 ilia res prima; the information mentioned above, concerning the
first conspiracy.
5 debuit esse gravior; ' ought it to have had more weight ?'
ipsa: strengthens etiam; ' even in the very midst of surmise of
danger to himself.
6 humanitate; the real motive, as Halm remarks, was fear. Humanitas
is ' gentleness', ' kindliness'; that softening of disposition which comes
of culture.
advocationem...honestavit: 'gave respectability to the body which
supported that abandoned wretch, by appearing ia his chair of office'.
For advocatio in the concrete sense, cf. Sest. § 119 scio quid haec advo-
catio postulet, and n. on § 61,1. 29 ambulatione.
7 sella curuli: we learn from this passage only that magistrates ap-
peared in full official insignia when they went into court to offer a
laudatio.
§82.
9 idem: above, n. on § 34,1. 5.
10 caussam dixerunt: 'were placed on their trial'; the regular mean-
ing of caussam dicere.
ISO PRO P. SULLA. [§82—
11 scelere adstrictis: cf. § 6, 1. 18 and Ven. 4, 71 tanto scelere
obstrictum.
12 adiumenti...opis...auxili: cC n. on § 46, 1.15.
13 animo in: 'affection for'; cf. § 12, 1. 5.
14 tatila...loquitur: 'though silent, is eloquent'. For the oxymoron
(or intentional contrast of words which when strictly used contradict each
other), cf. Sest. 40 qui hominibus omnia timentibus tacendo loqui vide-
bantur; Cat. 1, 18 (patria) secum tacita loquitur; ib. 21 cum tacent
clamant; Div. in Caec. 21 etiam si taceant, satis dicunt.
15 cuiusquam ornamenta orationis: cuiusquam is not in agreement
with orationis (that would be impossible, since quisquam is a substan-
tival pronoun), but depends on the words ornamenta orationis taken as
one whole expression; so precisely Fin. i, 14 Platonis, Aristoteli,
Theophrasti orationis ornamenta ; Brut. Scaevolae dicendi elegantia;
cf. Madvig on Fin. 1.1.; also above, § 2,1. x8; 78, 1. 27.
17 quibus...respublica; ' which nearly wrecked the country'.
18 quis non etc.: for the historical circumstances, see Introd. §§ 18, 19.
19 optime; see crit. n.
sensit: see n. on § 25, p. 44,1. i.
20 praecipue: ' tyLc\\is\vd[y'. Praecipuos Aeooiei %ome\h\ng peculiar lo
the person or persons spoken of, and is nearly equivalent to proprius.
For example, our word 'privilege' is often best rendered in Latin by
ius praeci^om.
haec...est laus ut: 'such praise is due that...'; the clauses begin-
ning at ut constet are explanatory of haec laus.
22 post...memoriam: 'within the memory of man'; a phrase like post
homines natos.
23 ordine: ' body', so Flac. 43 senatorium ordinem, and often.
25 'depicted', 'characterized'. The word often implies that
bad features in a character (like deformare, n. on 73, p. 60, 1. 31) are
represented; thus Pis. 68 ncm contumeliae caussa describam quemquam;
Phil. 2, 113 ista tua minime avara eoniunx (Fulvia), quam ego sine
contumelia describo.
tantum quod satis esset: see n. on § 39, 1. 10.
27 ex; see n. on § 27, 1. 25 ex imaginibus.
28 omni; 'all possible'; this emphatic use is common.
§83.
30 sed quid ego f as to the reading see crit. n.
laudavi...adfui: above, § 81, 1. 25 adfuerunt ..laudaverunt.
§83]
NOTES.
31 reo...non adfui; some of the ancients contended that Cicero did
defend Catiline on one occasion. This view is strongly combated by
Asconius in his notes on the speech '/» toga CandidaKs Cicero's letters
^ew that he was quite ready at one time to appear as Catiline's advocate,
if it would have served his own ends, the controversy is unimportant. Cf.
Introd. § 12. For nan adfui see n. on § 14, p. 40, 1. 8.
testimonium: cf. Introd. § 21.
32 sanitate: n. on § 17, p. 40,1. 33.
adeo : n. on 78, p. 63,1. 2 nihil.
33 constantiae meaei 'consistency with myself ; cf. § 62, p. 57,1. 7 n.
P. 65.
1 consul: see n. on 31, p. 46, 1. 3.
bellum: cf. 28, p. 45, 1. 8.
2 eorum ducem: ' one of their chiefs'.
in animum inducam : the expression in animum indticere, though
met with in Plautus and Terence, once in Sailust, and frequently in
Latin prose from Livy downwards, is found here only in our texts of
Cicero, who elsewhere has animum inducers alone. It seems probable
that our MSS are here at fault and that in animum inducers is one of the
many archaisms reintroduced into Latin prose by Sailust and Livy. The
preposition in was very readily inserted and omitted by writers of MSS.
3 rettuderim; a favourite expression with Cic.; so pro Dom. 63 coniu-
rationis tela retundere; Cat. 3, 2 gladios in rem publicam destrictos ret-
tudimus; Cluent. 123 censorii stili mucronem r.
Jlammam : see 28, p. 43, 1. 3 and Introd. § 19.
5 medius Jidius; Le. me deus Julius (from fides—cf. Zeis tIotios)
adiuvet.
6 animi: note the coniunctio; see n. on § 12,1. 11.
7 natura...insitum: tpboti (/upvTov. Natura is here adverbial (like
ipvaei) not a personification such as we had above with vita, § 71, p. 60,
1. I, where see n.
8 fortunis: above, n. on§ 66, 1. 21.
10 agatur: as above, 49, L 13.
11 in hoc scelere; ' as touching this crime'. That in hoc scelere here is
not a mere substitute for the genitive of the crime, the following passage
will shew: Phil. 2, 9 te in isto ipso ('in that very matter') convtnco non
inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam anuntiae.
12 renovefur: especially used of recollection. See my n. on Acad, i
§ 14.
*
XS2 PRO P. SULLA. [§83—
13 tgo committam etc.: ' am I the man to induce people to think'. Cf.
44, p. 50, 1. 31 tu...ementiare, with n.
14 casu: cf. Cat. 3, 49 Ua me in re publica tractabo ut tneminertm
semper quae gesserim, curemque ut ea virtute, non casu gesta esse
videantur.
§84.
15 quid ergo i A favourite mode with Cic. of introducing a new point.
Also often quid ergo est ?
tibi sumis: ' do you arrogate so much to yourself?'
dicet fortasse: cf. Roby, Gram. Vol. 11, Pref. pp. ci sq.
16 quispiam; see n. on § 41, 1. 45.
iudicetur; see n. on § 73, p. 61, 1. 6.
17 in quo repugnet; cf. the common expressions gloriari, offendere in
aliqua re {a. on § 74, 1. 40).
19 reddo ac remitto: so Plane. 73 remittere atque concedere ; Fam. 5, 10,
2 remitto tibi et condono. Adsumere is opposed to remittere in Plane.
56 also.
in ea re publica versor: ' my public policy is not of such a kind '.
Cf. Balb. 14 cum in tanta re publica versere, et maximis negotiis praesis.
With the context the whole of § 28 should be compared.
20 obtuli: Cat. 3, eos quisepro salutevestra obtulerint invidiaepericu-
lisque omnibus ; Pis. 41 unum me pro omnium salute obtuli.
pro...periculis: see n. on § 40, p. 41, 1. 31.
43 invidi; substantival, as in Plane, i meosinvidos, and often. Cf. n.
on 38, 1. 44 cerium.
§86.
44 cui senatus etc.; Cic. often boasts of the unique honours decreed to
him on the occasion. The supplicatio was generally decreed in conse-
quence of a victory in the field. Hence togato here contrasted with
paludato.
46 non defenderem etc. : this would be equivalent to asking the jury to
accept as a conclusive proof of innocence the fact that Cicero was
counsel for the defence. Hence it would be offensive {grave) to
the jury.
27 non dico...dico: see n. on § 3, 1. 11.
dico illudetc.: ' I make a statement which I shall not claim to make
in view of my position but in view of my sense of honour'. For the
construction adsumere aliquam rem alicui rei cf. Plane. 56 ut eorum
reprehensionem vos vestrae prudentiae adsumere, meae modestiae remittere
debeatis.
§ 87.] NOTES. 153
«8 caussis eomurationu=caussts de coniuratime: so above, 80, 1. 17;
see n. on 14, p. 40, 1. 3.
29 ptidori: in interpreting pudori to mean 'modesty', Halm and
Richter seem to have misunderstood the drift of the argument. Cic.
means ' you must believe me as a man of honour (for pudori cf. pudeti-
tissimum in § 62, p. 57, 1. 6) when I say that I would never have acted
as counsel for Sulla if I had supposed him to be one of the conspirators.
But my means of information were so ample that if he had been in the
plot, I must have known it'.
ego Ule: see n. on 27, 1. 26 meae me.
32 omnia, multa...non omnia...omnia: observe the chiasticarrangement
(n. on 12, 1. It).
33 initio dixi: §§ 14, 17, 20.
§ 86, P. 66.
3 di patrii; the di patrii indigetes of Verg. Georg. i, 498.
penates.t not here, as Halm says, the gods who maintain the indi-
vidual households in the state, but rather the penates publici who watch
over the collective interests of the community.
6 vestro numine: above, n. on 40, 1. 14.
7 integro...libera: ' with my judgment uncorrupted and unenslaved'.
8 sciente: cf. n. on § 19,1. 30 cum scirem.
10 nihil comperi: Cic. seems to have repeatedly announced in the
senate concerning the Catilinarian conspiracy ' secomperisseomnia^. The
phrase became a cant one at the time, and Cic. was often taunted with
it; see my n. on Acad. 2, 62 and cf. Decl. in Cic. 3 qui nihilpotsrat...
de eo Obi compertum erat.
§87.
11 idem; see n. on 34, p. 47, 1. 5; also on 20, p. 41, 1. 30.
alios...ceteros: see n. on § 9, 1. 13. Cic. means that he was vehemens
regarding Catiline himself and his followers who were summarily
executed, inexorabilis towards those who were afterwards brought to
trial, and sought his support.
15 ^uam qui lenissimus: for this expression cf. Fam. 5, 2, 6 tarn sum
amicus rei publicae quam qui maxime; ib. 13, 3 iam gratum id mihi
eritquam quodgratissimum.
in quo:=in ea re in qua ; cf. n. on § 4, 1. 24.
16 praecipitanti: n. on § i, 1. 13.
17 misericordia etc. : ' it was pity for my fellow-countrymen which led
me to use severity, but only so much as was needful'. This theme is
154 PRO P. SULLA. ' [§87—
much dwelt on in Cat. 4, c. 6. For tarn in the restrictive sense of. n.
on tatUum in § it, 1. 18.
[9 una node: Introd. g 18.
20 suscepta: 'adopted'; of. n. on § 22, L 20.
sed ut etc.: § 8 should be closely compared.
21 voluntate: cf. § 8, p. 38,1. 2.
§88.
23 nihil...multa: observe the chiastic arrangement (n. on 12, 1. 11).
24 propulsandae...caussa: i.e. the condemnation for bribery will still
remain, even if you acquit him.
25 confugit: probably perfect, not present.
26 ne quae: see Appendix B.
nota...inuratur: Cic. is fond of metaphors of this class; cf. e.g.
Phil. 13, 40 (of Antony) quern ego inustum verissimis maledictorum notis
tradam hominum memoriae.
28 }uibebit...reliquae; for readings see crit. n. Reliquos (like Xotiros)
often bears the sense of' future.'
ornamenta: with especial reference to the loss of the ius imaginum.
29 credo: n. on'g 11, p. 38,1. 33.
aperientur: Cic. here says of the imagines what strictly belongs to
the armaria, where these imagines were kept. Cf. n. on 27, 1. 25.
30 vestitum : the senatorial garb.
32 generis: the stock from which he comes, the Manlian family;
nominis: the name his branch of the family bears (the Torquati);
honoris; the ofiScial rank he had himself attained.
33 exstindorpatriae etc.: cf. Introd. § 27.
P. 67.
1 hanc.. .sceleris: ' such a stain of grievous crime'.
2 id laborat: the demonstrative pronouns are often thus inserted,
where not absolutely required, for the sake of clearness or emphasis :
cf. e.g. Fam. 7, 26, 2 lex sumptuaria, quae videtur XitAtjjto attulisse, ea
mihi fraudi fuit. For laborat see n. on 51, 1.13.
3 conscelerati: the con- is strongly intensitive; so above, 28, p. 45,1. 5.
huic puero: probably dependent on metuit (' he fears for this boy')
and not on relinquat at the end of the sentence, with which ei must be
understood from cui. There is therefore a kind of attraction ; see n. on
§ 66, 1. 14.
§ 9° ] NOTES. 155
4 cut...sit '.—cum ei sit etc.; cf. n. on 27,1. 28.
honoris frtictus: cf. § 50, p. 52, 1. 29 insignia honoris, with n.
§89.
7 at ut: see n. on § 41, 1. 26. It is quite possible, however, that ut
here is not a mere repetition of the preceding ut; the sense of ut adjlicta
may be ' so far as is to be expected in his crushed fortunes'. For this
use of ut in parentheses cf. Cato m. § 12 t» homine Romano with
my n.
8 iudiciorum: for ad indicia; genitives of this class are common after
iter via semita, as after 6dbs and similar words in Greek.
9 et fori: for the fulness of expression Halm compares Brut. 21
deflansse iudiciorum vastitatem et fori; see also crit. n. on 39, p. 48,1. 27.
campi: boys, as well as men, took exercise in the campus
Martins.
disciplinarum: ' places of instruction'. The word is to be referred
to both kinds of instruction, not mental only (Halm) or physical only,
with reference to the campus (Richter). Cf. pro imp. Pomp, aipueri-
tiae disciplinis; Flac. 5 illius aetcUis disciplints.
1 o vita: a rhetorical exaggeration for status; not life itself was at stake,
but all that makes life valuable.
11 ne corpus eiciatur; a reference to exile. See Introd. §27. For a
rhetorical piece in the same style with this cf. Sex. Rose. 71, 72.
laboramtts: n. on § 51, 1. 13.
12 quid...reliqui: n. on § 58,1. 31 quidquam oneris; so quod reliqui in
1. 16.
13 haec: for hoc by attraction; so below, 89,1. 25 lucisne hanc usuram
for lucisne huius u. The idiom is common, especially in Cic.; cf. e.g.
Cato m. 35 alterum illud exstitisset lumen cwitatis, where illud is for
ille=Africani fUius. In my n. three other passages will be found.
Refer also to n. on 52, 1. 25 acerrima.
vita: cf. the common phrases vitam esse nullam, piov ovk eti/ai
§iior6v.
'5 fortunis : n. on 66, 1. 21.
16 repetit: n. on 49, 1. 20.
17 cum parente; probably his mother.
frcUre: see Introd. § 13.
18 id: n. onl. 2, above.
§90.
2 2 par erat: for par est; the sense is 'it was long ago right'. So
often aecum erat for aecum est. In the phrase par est, par ' even' has
the sense of aecum. Cf. my n. on Lael. 15 fturat aequius.
, 156 PRO P. SULLA. [§ 90—
vos; father and son; cf. § 12 etc.
22 honoris: for the genitive cf. n. on 14, p. 40, 1. 3.
23 cum homre : ' along with his office '.
24 cum...sit: 'seeing that he is undone by this most unhappy and
most disastrous mischance'. Dc-stituo, the opposite of con-stituo (cf.
§ 33, 1. 25 in castris...constitutus) here retains something of its original
meaning, and destUutus sit is almost equivalent to iaceat, for which see
n. on § 50, 1. 30.
25 lucisne hanc usuram: for lucisne huius usuram which occurs in
Rab. Post. § 48 (in a very similar appeal to the jury). For the trans-
ference of the pronoun cf. n. on § 89, 1. 13 haec. Usura is 'the right
to enjoy*, originally used much likepossessio (n. on § 56, p. 55, 1. 8).
26 plenam : n. on 28, p. 44, 1. 33.
27 rcddiderit: 'will surrender it on the spot*. For the tense see Roby
1485. It is certainly indicative, not subjunctive.
28 adempta: a strong word to use of a disgrace which was only
impending.
an vero: n. on 5, p. 36, 1. 32.
29 ut expellas: Halm (and after him Richter) makes these words de-
pend on quid est quod expetas in 1. 25. But I doubt whether an
example of a clause with tU dependent on expetere can be produced of
earlier date than Tacitus. I therefore suppose ut to follow on vis in 1.
26, with change of construction from eripere. [The verb expetere is in
classical Latin generally used either absolutely or with the accusative of
the object after it.]
cuius • n. on 54,1. 13 quos.
§91.
31 omnibus centuriis: if (as is the common view) there were at the
time 10 centuries in every tribe, and 18 equestrian centuries besides,
this unanimity is very remarkable. But perhaps Cicero's statement is
to be taken cum grano salts.
32 renuntiattis est: by the presiding consul, who was technically said
renuntiare the result of the election. The election was not complete
till this formality was gone through, and there are instances on recoixi
of the voting being renewed, after it had been onct completed, but
before the renuntiatio took place.
0 falsam spem etc.: ' how deceptive were his hopes ! how fleeting
was his success ! how blind was his ambition !' Cic. has both nomi-
native and accusative after the interjection o, but after en and ecce the
nominative only.
33 praeposteram: if Cic. wrote this word here, it must imply that the
congratulations came out of their due order ; that men ought to have
§93-] NOTES. 157
awaited first the result of the trial de ambitu. I cannot help thinking
that Cic. really wrote fraeproperam, which occurs in his letters and
yields a far more satisfactory sense.
P. 68.
5 relictus esse: videbatur is to be supplied from videretur.
6 quae coepit: there is an ellipse of the infinitive urguere, since Cic.
does not use coepi absolutely, as do Sallust, Livy and later writers.
Cf. Lael. 68 ipso equo nemo est quin eo quo eonsuevit libentius utatur
quam intractato et novo (with my n. there); Leg. i, 29 fiecteret quo-
cumque coepisset.
repperit: the subject is still fortuna not Sulla.
§92.
10 vestrae etc.: cf. Acad, i, 43 tuae sunt nunc partes. In this sense
of *r61e', Cic. employs always not pars.
12 reieetione interposita: for the facts to which this difficult expres-
sion refers see Introd. § 26: as to the word interposita cf. n. on § 54,
I. 12.
13 repentini; cf. Leg. agr. 3, 10 repentinus Sulla nobis exoritur.
14 ad spem: Cic. does not use in spem, nor does he employ in to
denote purpose, as other prose writers do, beginning with Livy.
a fortuna: n. on 71, p. 60, 1.1.
17 laboravi: ' felt anxious'; n. on 51, L 13.
§ 93.
21 'spirit'.
22 convenerit: sc. aecusatoribus.
23 in quo; for in qua re} see 31, p. 45, 1. 25 n.
APPENDIX A
ON THE TEXT.
[Remarks affecting the text will also be found in the explanatory
notes on the following passages, viz. 14, p. 40, 1. i indicium; 18, 1. 14
sedibus : 32, 1. 12 perire; 34, 1. 5 idem; 39, p. 49, 1. 4 nescire dixit;
43, 1. 14 nomen sit; 65, 1. 10 intercessorem; 66, I. 22 adlevamento; 72,
1. 15 vitam; 79, 1. i^per se; 91, L Hprcuposterami\
The best information as to the MSS sources is still to be found in
K. Halm's recension of the text contained in the second edition of
Orelli's Cicero, which was begun by Orelli, and continued after his
death by Baiter and Halm. The volume containing the speech for
Sulla appeared in 1856. Halm's text is mainly derived from a com-
parison of the evidence of the following authorities;
T=codex Tegemseensis, now in the Munich Library; the only
high-class MS which contains the whole of the speech.
y=codex Vaticanus no. 1525, which ends at the words periculo
meminisse in § 43.
A=quotations from the speech made by the Scholiasta Bobi-
ensis.
E=codex Erfurtensis now at Berlin. This now only contains a
fragment beginning with the word repetundis in § 81, and
going to the end of the speech. Another Erfurt codex is
quoted by H, whose readings are here denoted by Erf.
B=Brussels MS no. 9763 ; which has a great number of peculiar
corruptions, but often agrees with T V A E in preserving the
right reading. The readings of this Ms bear a great resem-
blance to those of a ' codex Parcensis' quoted on the mai^n
of Manutius' edition of 1554.
S=codex Salisburgensis Aulicus, now at Munich.
Besides these there exist a large number of MSS of Italian origin,
which are pervaded by corruptions from which the above are more or
less free. Halm attributes the principal importance to T V A and of
these T naturally has the greatest weight. I incline to think that Halm
ON THE TEXT.
159
has followed it too implicltljr, and have myself not unfrequently de-
parted from its readings where Halm accepts them. In many pass^es
I have consulted a ms in the Library of the University of Cambridge,
marked Dd xiii s. It was written in 1443, but was probably copied
straight from a ms two or three centuries older. In the ^Fro Sulla'
its readings (which I denote by C) shew a most remarkable agreement
with those of Halm's B, but I think C has fewer corruptions. I can
only here select a small number of textual difficulties for comment; but
my text throughout has been formed after a careful weighing, even in
small points, of all the material I could get. I denote Halm's readings
by H, and where that letter is given without further comment the read-
ing is that which stands in the second edition of Orelli.
§1.
1. 13 redomiti: so mss except B (confusi) and C (contusi). For a
defence of redomiti see explanatory n. [T divides the word into re
domiti which some edd. have accepted.]
revicti: my correction for victi, which edd. keep; the change seems
to be absolutely demanded by the rhythm of the clause.
§2.
1. 17 necessitudinem: so T VC H; other Vl^^necessitas. Gellius 13, 3
quotes Caesar for the use of necessitas with the sense of necessitudo, but
it U foreign to Cicero.
p. 36, 1. a vidit; so T V C ; B has the word after deminiturum ;
other msb have indices, with speravit or putavit after deminuturum. In
many msb vidit would be indistinguishable from the first five letters of
indices. So in 21, 1. 11, V alone has preserved the right reading vide-
licet; the other msb have indices; and in 39, p. 48, 1. 33 only B T give
videlicet, the rest either drop the word or write indices ; in 41, 1. 22 vidi
is given by B T, indices by the rest: in § 76, p. 62, 1. 3 B gives videte
for indices.
§ 3.
1. 13 mihi; so all msb except V michi me, whence H mihine, but the
interrogative particle is not a necessity (cf. § 45, 1. 4; Draeger, Hist.
Synt. § 156) and the me is clearly an insertion due to the fact that Cicero
so often writes meae me, mihi me and the like : cf. 35, 1. 26.
§ 6.
p. 37, 1. i excelsissimam; so H after V only; other mbb celsissimam,
which may be right, as Cic. uses the simple adjective elsewhere, though
not in his speeches.
1. 5 qui in: so H with V; other msb omit in. H in his small edition
also omits it. But the preposition is required by Cicero's usage (cf.
i6o
APPENDIX A
§ 48, p. 52, 1. 3 in coniurationis quaesiione defendere). Even the best
mbs insert and omit the smaller prepositions with the greatest caprice;
many examples occur throughout this speech; cf. also my ed. of the
speech for Archias, p. 75. In the present passage quiin would readily
pass through quin to qui. [Cf. below, n. on § 36, p. 47, I. 29 cd> Alio-
brogibus; also § 55,1. 26 in munere.]
§ 6.
1.16 deserendos: Hafter V only; TBC defendendos; C omits non
before putant.
§ 7.
1. 20 non collegae: II in ed. min. gives nonm c. after V, but cf. my
explanatory n.
1. 24 non modo non: V om. the second non: but non modo cannot
stand for non modo non, unless a negative follows in the succeeding
clause. Ill 26, 1. 17 all Mss but 4 or 5 omit the second non where a
negative follows; in such cases its insertion only adds to the emphasis
thrown on the first negative.
§9.
1. 11 tunc princeps .'so TV; but it is very doubtful whether Cic.
used tunc before a consonant. Cf. 52, 1.28 where TBC give turn tuus,
the other mss tunc; in 87, 1. 18 E T have turn fuimus, the rest tunc.
§ 12.
1.16 animo: the inferior mss have a common confusion. For
animo cf. 26, 1. 19; also Cat. 3, 4 (where autibus and animis are con-
trasted).
§13.
1.24 defensionis; the word is in T B C, but omitted by most mss and
by H in ed. min.
§ 14.
p. 40, 1 2 nulla suspicio: these words are thought by Mommsen
to be a gloss, and to have been brought here from § 20, p. 42,1. 3; see
however my explanatory n. on indicium. If there has been any trans-
ference, it is rather from § 14 to § 20, where the words are preserved by
only a few mss.
1. S if T V H ; other Mss ipse.
1. 8 non adfuerim: TVBC have non affuerim; the other mss
abfuerim without non. Either reading might be justified; see expl. n.
ON THE TEXT. 161
§ 16.
1. n coneursatione: my correction for eoncursu. For eoneursatio cf.
§ 66, 1.17 with expl. n.; it gives precisely the meaning here required,
of running to and fro on mischievous errands, which is not conveyed by
§ 16.
1. 26 mediocriter; my correction for mediocri. The expressions
mediocris sermo, m. congressus are strange; the adverb improves the
structure of the sentence, and the final syllable of mediocriter would
readily drop off with sermone following. So in 17, 1. 32 T has lentu
for Lentuli; in 32, 1. 11 omni for omnia,
§ 17.
p. 40, 1. 31 signa: after this MSB have legiones, which gives an ah-
supd sense: cf. explan. n.
§ 18.
1. 13 mihi ipsi: Thasj^r^, but cf. 13, L 18 quibus ipsis periculum
conflari putabatur.
§ 19.
1. 26 patri et jil"> •' marked as gloss by H in ed. min., also by Richter
and others. But the Marcelli at this time were difficult to distinguish;
the addition of the words therefore seems natural.
§ 20.
p. 42, 1. 3 nulla suspicio: so VErf. only; cf. n. on § 14.
§ 26.
p. 43, 1. 29 non anteponere: so H after T V; B omits non; C has
non aut eponere, which is practically the same reading as that of T V.
Inferior MSB and most edd. before H give ante non ponere, which is
impossible in Cic.
§27.
1. 24 replices : this may be an error for explices, which might easily
pass to eplices, replices. Cf. explan. n.
p. 44, 1. 32 in qua urbe; the MSB except A have et after memini,
and it probably ought to be restored. Immediately after AT V give
verser ; the rest omit the word.
R. S. II
I62
APPENDIX A
§29.
1. 13 solum: nearly all MSS have modo solum, but these two words
are not joined in good Latin ; though solumtnodo occurs late.
§30.
1. 22 P. Lentuli: Garatoni and others have marked this as a gloss;
but Lentulus is here mentioned separately as the leader of the con-
spiracy in Rome after Catiline left. Cf. Introd. § 18.
L 24 de laqueo : my correction for de Lentulo of T V; B has Lentuli
and the other mss P. Lentuli as above. The transitions to lanqueo,
lancueo, lantulo, lentulo are easy, particularly as Lentulus was men-
tioned two lines above. For a similar corruption cf. Leg. 2, 60 where ,
msb have longae coronae; in which passage I think longae has come
from lautae through laniae, lancae.
§31.
P- 4S> !• oratoris est: I have added the est, which, as is well
known, readily falls out in mss, particularly after a word ending with s,
in which cases it was often written together with the preceding word,
thus ! oratorist. The omission of the substantive verb in Cic. is strictly
limited and the present sentence lies outside the ordinary limits of
Cicero's usage. [Cf. explan. n. on 57,1. 10.] Illustrations of the readi-
ness of msb to droo est are 'found in 6, 1. 17 where est after lezntatis is
omitted by V (Halm with T only writes etdpa est); in 20, p. 41, 1- 33>
where T'V give no est after enim; in 35, 1. 22 'V leaves out est after im-
posita; in 39, p. 49, 1. 4, B has no est after ausus; similarly, in 54, L
17, T only has est; in 56, p. 55,1. 7 no mss have preserved it; in 62, p.
37,1. t T omits; and so on through the remainder of the speech.
§33.
1. 19 ^este/ so T B VC S ; other mss and most edd. before H give
adestote; it is very doubtful whether Cic. used this form of the impera-
tive from esse.
adstatis: xay correction for adestis, which I cannot believe Cic. to
have written after adeste above. Some mss (not T V B C S) add corpore
or corporibus after adestis.
§34.
1. 4 w quis: so B only; H and edd. generally ne qui; but (though
the matter cannot be absolutely determined) it is hardly likely that Cic.
would use this adjectival form of the pronoun, where improbus is evi-
dently felt as an epithet, not as an adjective put for a substantive. Cf.
39,1. 28 aliquis (msb aliqui)\ 41, 1. aliquts...naufragus (so msb);
43,1. 17 ne quis...posset (mss ne...qui).
1.5 idem : Cic. may have written id, as msb mix up the two words a
good deal; cf. 31, p. 45, 1. 29, where B has idem.
ON THE TEXT.
163
§36.
I. 26 me meus: Orelli's em. for meus of MSS. Cf. 27, 1. 26 meae
me, where B omits meae; also n. on 3,1. 13 above.
§36.
p. 47, 1. 29 ab Allobrogibus: the preposition is absent from all
MSS excepting A B V (even from T C). Cf. explan. n. on § 66,1. 20
socio; also crit. n. on § 5, p. 37,1. 5 qui in.
p. 48, 1. 8 suspicari viderentur: all MSS except TVE YoM^suspica-
rentur (so C). This class of error is common; cf. e.g. Acad. 2, 70
where Mss give facerent for fiuere dieerent.
§39.
p. 48, 1. 27 in quaestionibus et iudieiU: H with A and one in-
ferior ms gives indiciis. The interchange is one of the commonest in
mss; but it seems to me unlikely that Cic. after speaking of the court
would go back to the information. In quaestionibus et iudiciis we have
an example of Cicero's characteristic fulness of expression; so in 89, 1.
8 iudiciorum et fori.
1. 28 aliquis: MSS and edd. aliqui ; but see my explanatory n., and
crit. n. on § 34, 1. 4, above.
1. 32 ipse: Tonly; the rest ipso; see explan. n.
p. 49,1. 4 nescire dixit: H with B only se nescire; but the se is
unnecessary; see explan. n.
§ 40.
1. 20 convertistis .• so T V BC only ; the xestconttdistis; the error
being due to praetulistis in the next line.
§42.
p. 50, 1. 6 deinde quid feci? H and most other edd. put ? at
deinde, leaving out that oSx&xquid. Huldrich proposed the punctuation
I have adopted, quoting Caec. § 24 quid? testes quid aiunt; cf. also
Sull. § 36, p. 48,1. 4 qtM turn Cassius P
1. 11 tota Italia; so H in ed. min. after Madvig; mss have toti
Italiae, except V which gives totae and so shews the source of the
error.
§43.
.1. 17 ne quis: MSS and edd. ne qui; see above, n. on 34,1. 4.
I64 appendix A
§44.
1. «p passus es: edd. here put ? making tacuisti, passtts es like
quieverts tacueris below (see my expl. n.). But it is better to make the
three verbs tacuisti, passus es, questus es parallel.
§45.
1. 9 tamenne: my em. for tamne, which is less common in Cic.,
while tamenne is better suited to the present passage,
§47.
1. 23 quia: so H. in ed. min. after Pluygers; cf. n. on § 69,1. 12,
below.
§48.
p. 52,1. I quodaceusas: so T B C; the rest qui accuses.
1. 5 cogitavit: so T B C S ; some inferior mss cognovit.
1. 6 «//».■ mss except B C (even T) omit Cf. however
crit. n. on 31, p. 45, 1. 30 oratoris est. H quotes Verr. 3, 89 cur fecit?
coactus est. quis dicitl tota civitas.
1. II istud: so T B Erf. C only; the rest omit the word.
§49.
1. 15 pater tuus; H (after Rinkes) marks this as gloss in ed. min.
I have doubtfully follow^ him, but feel sure that he is right (after
Campe) in supposing the words quibus non irascebamini below to be
spurious.
1.18 erat; so C and codex Parcensis •, T aderat; inferior mss et erat;
H at erat. When the verb esse is emphatically put at the beginning of
a sentence, it is often left without connecting particle in Cic. In § 54
polemical remarks are thrice introduced without at or any other particle.
Similarly in 63, 1. 19, H gives at after Orelli, where mss omit it.
1. 25 vetere: soT B C H; other MSSivTm, which is not Ciceronian.
§50.
p. 52, I. 28 honos; T H, no doubt rightly. Words of this class
were beginning to change in Cicero's time; honos was one of the last to
■ change, and from all we know of Cic. we may feel sure he would be
conservative in such a matter.
p. 53, 1. 2 esse. mss omit. Cic. does occasionally use posse for
posse fieri, but esse would very readily fall out after potuisse. H restores
it before potuisse, which is less likely.
ON THE TEXT. 165
§61.
L 3 id aeque: so T B C (the last etid'^)\ the rest idemque.
1. 8 si Vetera: so T only and H; B C «« ea; the rest si est causa,
which variants seem to me to point to si vestra (contracted to si vra);
the contraction ca=causa has partly caused the corruption. For vestra
cf. IS, 1. 14 illius eoniurationis quae fcuta contra vos, delata ad vos, a
vobis prolata esse dicitur. The so-called first plot of Catiline was
hardly old enough to be described by the word Vetera,
1. n sed quid; Madvig, H etc. rightly for Cf. explan. n.
§ 62.
1. 20 et ut. so I have written for ut,
§66.
1. «6 in munere; the preposition was added by H. Cf. crit. n.
on § 5. P- 37i 1- 5 »»•
§68.
1.24 populo...exstiterit: this passage is omitted in B and C; one of
the many curious indications of close connexion between the two.
§61.
1. 24 laborant; HC et laborant. H quotes Quint. 75 adsunt defen-
dunt; Div. in Caec. 11 adsunt quaeruntur; Verr. i, 3 ddsit respondeat;
Verr. 5, 127.
1. 27 quo: so the inferior MSB; H with T B in quo. If in is kept it
will be necessary to alter the order of the words to in quo iacet adflictus.
The in seems to me to have come from in hoc above.
1. 30 sentirent: possibly Cic. wrote consentirent, idem being nom.
plur. as in § 34,1. 5, where see explan. n.
§63.
1. 14 qui si id; the si is absent from MSB and was added by H.
I. 15 reprehendis; so T C; the rest reprehendit. Possibly Cic.
wrote reprehenditur: if so the syntax of the .sentence becomes clearer;
see explan. n.
1. 20 nuper: the comma after this word, which greatly improves
the sense, is due to H.
§66.
1. 4 deposita; so H with Erf. only; the other MSB have posita.
1. 6 mandatu: this is rightly given by T; the other mbb have
mandato; cf. the common use oCrogatu, arbitratu.
166 APPENDIX A
1. 7 praetor: T has p. r.; S pr.; B po. ro.; C populo Romano in
full. The abbreviations p. r. for populus Romanus, p>r. for praetor And
r, p. for res publica give rise to many confusions in MSS. Cf. my crit. n.
on Arch. § ti. The gap in B C noted above, n. on 58, 1. 44, will be
seen to be due to the same cause.
1. 8 egit de; a plausible but unnecessary em. is that of Sylvius,
egite.
§68.
P* 58, 1. 33 eonsulem: H in ed. min. after Richter for consul.
§69.
1. 12 quia; my correction for qui; cf. § 47,1. 23 (crit. n.).
§71.
p. 60, 1. 3 a nostra: so C with codex Parcensis. H after T gives
vestra; the inferior MSS nostra.
1.10 vi; after this word or after armis most MSS give conatum ; C
has omatum, which explains the corruption; omatum was originally a
marginal gloss on armis, made by some one unfamiliar with the phrase
vi et armis.
§ 72.
1. 15 vitam: B C S and some other MSS ; T mta ; cf. explan. n.
1.17 ecquod: I have doubtfully retained this, the reading of all MSS
and editions. Very possibly it should be changed to ecquid. Cic. often
has a masculine genitive after the quid, si quid, ecquid, and other
neuter pronouns; see e.g. Inv. i, 22 si quid eorum ; Tusc. 5, 40 quid
istorum est. The sense would then be, 'is there anything about my
client pointing to action or crime due to a very reckless spirit?'
Factum thus Mcomes a participle like commissum ; cf. explan. n.
1. 22 quis misericordior inventus est I These words (retained by
H) are found only in Erf. and are surely a gloss.
§ 73.
p. 60, 1. 33 quae domus? quae: possibly domus qucu is a cor-
ruption for domestica, as Pluygers suggested, and H. writes in ed. min.
§ 74.
I. 14 tamen: this word has probably got displaced in the MSS, and
originally stood after a/uit; so Fleckeisen suggests, and is followed by
H in ed. min. If it is in its right place it has the sense of ' however ,
' I may remark'.
§ 76.
p. 62,1. 9 scelerum; so H with T only; the rest give facinorum.
I have followed H hesitatingly.
ON THE TEXT. 167
§ 77.
1. 17 atque vixtnmt; so all MSS except T (««/) which H follows.
I agree with Richter in thinking that Cic. would shrink from convey-
ing a hint to the jury that some of Sulla's friends had abandoned him.
gregibm: this can hardly be right, after grege above. Perhaps
the original reading was coetibus.
§ 79.
1. 13 per se: so H in ed. min. after Mommsen; T has ^se.
§ 80.
1. IS semper-. Spengel's conjecture, saepe. is probable. The two
words, when written in contracted forms, are very much alike, and
would be easily confused.
*
§ 81.
p. 64,1. 2 si postea: MSS sed, exc. S (si); probably in the arche-
typal MS si was written sei, which passed to set, sed.
§ 82.
1. 19 optime; Spengel's em. (adopted by H and Richter) for aper-
tissime, or aptissime; the corruption is partly due to the contraction
for per, viz. p with a line across the downstroke.
§ 83.
p. 64, 1. 30 sed quid ego? 'But what of my own conduct?' I
have altered the punctuation ; previous edd. give sed quid? ego... Cic.
is, I think, pointedly comparing his own conduct with that of the con-
sulares. Cf. § 36, p. 48, 1. 4 quid turn Cassiusi
§ 88.
1. 28 habebit: H in ed. min. after Pluygers, for habet.
reliquae; so Mssexc. E, with which H formerly read reliqua.
§ 89.
1. 7 a? «?; so E T B C} the other MSS omit ut.
*
APPENDIX B
ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE TEXT.
It is to be hoped that the chaos which has distinguished the ortho-
graphy of Latin texts published in England will soon be a thing of the
past. It was compounded of the errors of inferior mss and the vain
imaginations of scholars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
who altered the spelling of numerous words to suit their supposed ety-
mology. My endeavour has been to present nothing which it is probable
Cicero would not have written. The evidence of even the best mss in
these matters is, if taken by itself, insufficient. The writers of mss
naturally obscured the orthography of the earlier times, and introduced
the later spellings which were familiar to them. Where the codices
preserve the older spellings, their testimony is valuable, because we
know the preservation must have taken place in the face of the greatest
difficulties. But the attempt to follow the best mss implicitly would
produce a chaos only less confounded than that from which we wish to
escape. No editor, so far as I am aware, has ever consistently printed
the text of any ancient Latin work exactly as it is found in the superior
mss or any one of them. But the result of an attempt to carry out the
plan may be seen in such works as Baiter and Halm's Cicero, where
the orthography is most hopelessly inconsistent throughout. The
spelling of Ciceronian Latin was emphatically not like that of Shake-
sperian English, to a large extent dependent on caprice. The number
of disputed or variable spellings was small; certainly not larger than it
is in the English of to-day. Nor must attention to Latin orthography
be deemed a matter of supererogation. Chaotic spelling appreciably
increases the difficulties which I^tin presents to the learner. It also
often obscures the formation of the words, and in many cases renders it
impossible to pronounce as the ancients did. A reformed orthography
is absolutely essential to sound etymology.
The evidence of mss must be supplemented by that of inscriptions,
and from references to orthc^raphy in ancient writers, particularly the
grammarians; in many other cases ailments from probability based
on different grounds are possible. When all available means have been
employed a number of doubtful matters must remain; in these uniformity
of some sort should be aimed at.
In what follows I have only mentioned things which especially bear
on the text of the speech for Sulla.
ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE TEXT. 169
a. List of words the orthography of which is agreed upon by the
majority of scholars who have given attention to the subject.
adtdescem, adttlescentia; not adolescms,
beltta not belltta.
C. as the abbreviation of the name Gaius (Caius has no existence);
also Cn. for Gnatus {Cnaeus has no existence). Cf. my n. on
Lael. § 3.
ceterus not caeterus. The form eaeterus is rare in MSS {f in all words
gets represented occasionally by or) but gained acceptance because
scholars of the 17th cent, ludicrously derived the word from kcU
trepos.
condicio not conditio (which is a rare word connected with condere ' to
build').
contio not concio. The question is settled by the form coventionid in
the Sctum de Bacchanalibus. Corssen has shewn that in classical
Latin ti never passed to ci.
cum or quom not quum. It is the rarest possible thing to find quum .
even in a bad Ms. The form seems to have been adopted by
scholars of two or three centuries ago because they found qum on
inscriptions, which they thought must be a mistake for quum.
discidium not dissidium. Madvig has devoted an excursus at the end
of his ' De Finibus' to the spelling of this word. Several of the
best MSS of the ' pro Sulla' give the correct form. The word is
connected with discindcre not with dissidere.
epistula not epistola.
konos not honor; see above, p. 164.
intcllego not intelligo ; so neglego, mglcgentia. The MS marked T
by Halm nearly always gives the correct spelling.
intcmicio not internecio or internitio.
lacrima or lacruma not lachryma or lactyma. These last forms are
typical examples of the way in which false orthography has spread.
Y was a letter not reckoned by the Romans, even in Quintilian's
time, as belonging to the Latin alphabet, and was only used in spell-
ing words distinctly recognised as Greek. The fact that Saxpv and
lacrima come ultimately froin the same root has of course nothing
to do with the spelling of lacrima, which was certainly not
borrowed from baxpv, as Syrus for example was from Zv/ios.
Inclytus and sylva are examples of the same error.
litterae not literae.
maeror, mcurere, not moeror, moerere.
multare not mulctare. The spelling of the word is abundantly
demonstrated by inscriptions.
I70 APPENDIX B
nuniius not nuncius, so denuntiatio. The modern Italian form no
doubt led to the spelling nuncius, Nuntius is for novent- ius ' the
news-bringer
paulo not paullo ; so paulisper.
qucticns not quotUs; so Miens. The best mss of our speech give
us the right form.
repperit not reperit; so rettulit, rettudit.
Sulla not Sylla,
suscenseo not succenseo; sus from subs, sups as in suscipere etc. The
best MSS of the ' pro Sulla' give suscenseo.
b. Other orthographical matters.
cu, oe should be written, not ce, oe. If students use the contractions
in their own writing, it is often impossible to determine which of
the two diphthongs they mean.
aliquis, aliqui. It is better to use the second of these forms when
the pronoun is distinctly adjectival. See the explanatory n. on
§ 39, 1. 27; so ne quis, ne qui etc.
caussa: I accept Quintilian's evidence that Cicero wrote thus, not
causa.
■e not -is in the second person singular, present subjunctive deponent
or passive, but -is not -e in the second person singular present in-
dicative deponent or passive. The mss of this speech are singu-
larly clear on this point.
e (final) not -i in ablatives like vetere.
eis not iis; see below on isdem.
-t not It in the genitive singular of substantives ending in -ius, -ium ;
thus Tulli, Hortensi, exsili etc.; but in adjectives -ii as necessarii.
Although editors of Cicero have not generally adopted these spell-
ings they can be conclusively shewn to be right. Similarly di
not dii (nor dei).
-i not -e in the accusative plural (masc. or fem.) of nouns, adjectives
or participles whose genitive plural ends in -ium. For Cicero this
rule has a high degree of probability.
i not H in words like obicere, reicere, eicere.
i should be written everywhere, not /, when the Latin symbol had
the consonantal sound. The pronunciation of our j is so utterly
unlike that of the Latin consonantal -i that to use it leads to great
confusion.
incohare not inchoare ; see n. on § 73.
ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE TEXT. 171
isdem or eisdem not iisdem. It can be proved that the word, however
spelt, was in Cicero's time dissyllabic. So probably eis or is not iis.
The errors of MSS often indicate the true forms, which are in the
best often preserved.
pulcherrimus. The ch in this word was due to 'vulgar aspiration ',
and was just creeping into the word at the end of Cicero's life.
quae not qua was probably written by Cicero in the feminines from
ne quis, si quis etc.
uo or vo not uu or vu should be adopted for the text of Cicero, except
in a few words like tuus sum, where the change was complete at
the end of Cicero's life.
xs should probably be written in texts of Cicero in words where both
the X and the s are etymolt^cally justifiable; thus exsilium exspec-
tatio exstitit.
The general tendency of scholars is not to run together the com-
ponent elements of expressions like qua re, quam ob rem, res publica,
magna opere, tantum modo, ne quis, si quis etc. In words compounded
with prepositions it is impossible to lay down general rules for the assi-
milation of the preposition to the succeeding word.
Even a cursory glance at a good text of Cicero will bring to light
his fondness for contracted verb-forms. In the speech for Sulla there
are about fifty-four instances of forms containing v between vowels
where contraction is possible; in all but three or four instances the best
MSS give the contracted form only. It is probable that Cic. regularly
wrote -assem etc. and -eisse not -avissem etc. and -avisse ; also probably
(though this is rather more doubtful) -asti, -astis not -avisti, -avistis;
■ara, -arim etc. not -avera, -averim; -aram not •averam. So in Cic.
-issem, -isse, -iero, -ierim, -ierunt are more likely than the uncontracted
forms; cognoram is better attested than cognoveram, nosse than navisse;
more doubt hangs over words like decrerim, decresse, but audiissem^ is
not Ciceronian. It is highly probable that in the every-day pronuncia-
tion of Latin the contractions were always used.
INDEX
TO THE INTRODUCTION, NOTES AND APPENDICES.
[IVAere two figures are given, one large and one small, the large figure
indicates the page of this edition where the matter referred to wUl be
found; while the smaller refers to the numbers oH the left-hand side of
each page of the notes.\
a, ab with certain verbs 102 33 ;
1023
see also * ablative'
ab omitted in mss 163
a matemo genere 97 26
abesse 83 8
ablative, see ' cases'
abs 96 23
abstract for concrete 132 29
absurdus 103 25
abuti 120 23
ac at beginning of sentence 72 7
and atque in enumerations 80 5
adversative 92 9
intensitive 145 28
acta senatus 117 7
aculeus 120 23
ad of purpose 107 24; 157 14
adesse, non adesse 83 8
ad finis 87 2; 139 21
adjectives as substantives 113 25;
122 17; 129 II
adiutor 110 9
adlevatio, adlevamentum 137 22
admittere 139 16
adquefor atque 137 22
adspirare 124 16
adstringere scelere 150 11
adulescens adolescens 170
adumbrare 124 21
adverbs for objects 140 30
advocatio 132 29; 149 6
ae, oe 171
aerarium 'the record office' 117 7
agedum, agitedum 142 15
agere nihil aliud nisi 111 23
agi 122 13
agnoscere 70 12
agrarian law 135 10
ixpipeia 111 I
album iudicum 25
aliquis...quispiam 116 25
...aliqui 113 28; 162; 171
alius 78 13; 149 i
Allobroges 18
amandare 129 12
ambitio 70 4; 80 3
ambitus 70 4
ambulatio 132 29
ambustus 28; 86 23
an vero 74 32
anacoluthon 124 11; 133 14
see also ' construction changed'
animi 70 7
animum advertere 78 8
animus...mens 139 14
animus affection 80 6
dpoiuiKoyovfievos 93 21
ante alios 76 28
antecedent, see 'pronouns'
INDEX.
173
Antonius (consul of 63) 13; 15
Antonius (triumvir) 1^ 33
airai tl/nilUm 70 13
apodosis, see 'conditional sentences'
ardere invidia 86 23
arguments, arrangement of 29; 138
9
Arpinum 94 1 ; 97 38
arx 108 33; 148 11
asyndeton 74 6 ; 93 30; 119 33;
1353; 139 31 ; 164; 165
at 116 33
atque, see ' contra' and ' ac*
atqui 124 16
attraction in conditional sentences
111 «3
of tense, see 'verb'
of substantives from sub-
ordinate into principal
clause 136 14
of pronouns 155 13
auctor 110 9
auctoritas 115 33; 135 11
audacia 86 32
aiT6t..jK(trot 90 35
Autronius consul 9
condemned for bribery 10
conspires with Catiline
11
alarm concerning 14
one of Catiline's lieute-
nants 15; 17 .
condemned for vis 20'
in exile 21
bee's sting, metaphor from 120 33
bellum facere constr. 129 34
belua 145 31
spelling 170
beneficia ponere constr. 98 7
Bestia 105 33
boni in political sense 70 to
brachylogy 116 15; 115 30
bribery laws 11
C. for Gains 170
cadere in 145 36
Caecilius 13
•
Caeparius 18
Caesar, Julius 12; 14
Lucius 127 33
calamitas 85 17
Camerium, Camerinum 125 6
campus Martins 155 9
Capua 126 9
career 140 32
cams et iucundus 132 i
cases: genitive objective 70 5; 83 3
double 71 18
definitive or explan-
atory75 t7; 78 8;
80 3; 92 8; 95 11
of purpose or aim
85 31; 99 17
ofpersonal pronouns
747
of nouns in -ins,
-ium 171
in posterum diem
nonarum 125 23
partitive after neuter
pronouns 130 31
after modum statuere
etc 122 II
after iter 155 8
dative predicative 120 10
with similis, dissimilis
-122 18
commodi 83 8
with passive verb 102 7
accusative, strongly predica-
tive 138 33
of respect 111 20
plural of -i stems 171
ablative of instmment 83 4
of manner 155 21
of circumstance 102
6; 137 20
of limit 121 29
of time 87 I
of place 93 23
of respect 85 15
of measure 137 26
with ab after gerund-
ive 95 II
after passive verb
13720; 140 8
See also ' attraction'.
174
INDEX.
Cassius (L. C. Lon^nus) 18; 19
Catiline, his early life 8
character 9; 146 8
stands for consulship 9
prosecuted 9
his first plot 11
Catiline, supported by Torquatus
the elder 13
his bearing in the senate 15
failure at comitia 15
second conspiracy 16
his military preparations
36 31
Catulus 23
caussa rei publicae 105 6
spelling 171
mea caussa etc. 74 7
caussam dicere 149 10
cedere constr. 120 15
celari constr. 114 33
celeritas scribendi 116 i
celsus 159
centuries 156 31
cervix 102 33
ceterus proleptic 75 15
prae ceteris, praeter ceteros
76 28
contrasted with alius 78 13
spelling 170
Cethfegus 17; 18; 107 16 ; 141 8
chiasmus 72 11; 98 13
ci and ti 170
Cicero, his account of Sulla 12
his letter to Pompey 12
as consul 13
his speech 'in toga can-
dida' 14
counteracts Catiline 14
attacks Catiline in senate 15
his danger from Catiline 17
his reasons for defending
Sulla 22
his speech for Sulla 28 ; 29
his rise to consulship 74 3
on the duty of an advocate
75 15
charged with tyranny 91 7
throws responsibility on sen-
ate 92 g; 108 29
praises Marius 94 a
Cicero, his writings on his consul-
ship 99 20
enrolled no army 108 27
boastsoffavourofgodsll514
his pathos 123 29
cinis patriae 89 23
circumspicere mente 139 19
Claudius, Ap. 117 4
Clodius 9; 13
Cn. for Gnaeus 170
codex 119 18
coepi without infinitive 157 6
coeptus (noun) 70 13 _
ccgitavit and cognavit confused in
MSS 164
cognatio cum praediis 130 6
cognoscere 81 17
collacrimari 91 32
collegae 76 26
colligere 145 29
collocation, see ' order of words'
combustus 28
comitatus 77 5
commemorate t8 10
commentarii 118 21
communes loci 32
communicare 78 15
commutare ' to tamper with' 119 i
comperio 81 16; 153 10
concio 109 3 ; 170
concipere 137 26
concursatio 136 17
condicio (spelling) 170
condicio manendi 125 26
condiscipulus 88 8
conditio 170
conditional sentences
protasis suppressed 691;
96 24 ; 98 9; 129 21
double protasis 122 15
indicative in apod, with
subj. in protasis 75 17;
84 13
prot. and apod, do not
exactly correspond 124
I I
conficere 146 11
confirmatio 28; 29; 31
conflare 81 18
conflatus 107 23
INDEX.
'75
congredi 121 sS
coniunctio 80 11
consceleratns 102 5; 154 3
consilium 81 17
constantia 133 7
constituere 116 30; 132 ^
construction changed 69 3; 130 24;
156 29 see also 'anacoluthon'
contemnere 97 33
continere 134 16
contio 109 3; 170
contra aliquem 114 10
contra atque 138 8
contracted verb forms 172
contubemalis 109 8
Cornelius, C. (pater) 17; 20
(filius) 21
Coruncanius 94 6
Cosconius 117 2
Gotta 10; 11
Crassus 12
credo parenthetic 79 33
passive 118 20
constr. 120 20
crimen 91 3; 124 19
cum repeated 66 24
spelling 86 24
tempom with subjunctive 82 32
cum...tum 80 5
cupidus 144 7; 144 22
Curius Dentatus 94 6
custodia privata 117 8
dare=concedere 93 24
dative; see 'cases'
de='immediately after' 139 10
de with certain verbs 102 33 ; 102 3
de sententia 127 24
debet esse etc. 147 1
deesse 76 22 ; 83 8
defensio 141 7
defensor 82 25
deficere 110 18
deformare 143 31
delubrum 89 19
deminuere pra^ia 128 9
denuntiatio 125 24
depellere 102 33
•
deprecari 142 23
deripere 71 2
desciscere 110 18
describere 150 25
destituo 156 24
dictum 98 5
di^ressio 28; 30
diligentia 111 i
diluere crimina 138 8
Bio Cassius 12
discidium, dissidium 170
disciplina 155 9
discnptio 125 27
dispicere 115 18
dissentire cum aliquo 132 29
dissolvere crimina 138 8
aes alienum 128 7
distributio 120 15
disturbare 84 10
diu multumque 143 2
dominatio 97 4.
dubitare, constr. 73 23
dum (enclitic) 142 15
e and i 171
editio, editicii indices 25
eflicere aliquem consulem 138 i
eicere 171
eis, iis 172
eisdem, iisdem 172
elegans 148 5
ellipse of connective and adversative
particles; see 'asyndeton'
of protasis; see 'conditional
sentences'
of antecedent; see 'pronoun'
of agere 111 22
of esse with velle 73 31
of esse after verba dicendi 118
20
of est in short clauses 85 20;
1289; cf. 162; 164
of verbum dieendi 112 4; 131
'7
of subject to verb 73 17
of subject before inhnitive
1144
of substantive governing geni-
tive 142 15
176
INDEX.
ellipse of defining genitive 130 i
of sive 86 30
with an 74 32
with enim 101 25
with si 121 32
with tamen 105 5
with tantus 87 g
in comparisons 85 20; 88 6
enim 134 23; confused with animo
160
enthymeme 106 13
eodem 118 15
iirdfoSos 120 12
iirCKcyos 33
epistula 170
epithets transferred; see 'h3^allage'
eripere constr. 102 3
esse omitted ; see ' ellipse *
in Mss 164
emphatic 105 4; 164
esse debet etc. 147 i
esse videatur 73 17
est omitted in Mss 162
et adversative 92 9
connecting adjectives 74 2
,, verbs in imperative 74 6
„ other verbs 119 33
introducing answer 121 2
omitted ; see * asyndeton'
for set, sed in mss 165
etlam 90 30; 134 31
euphony 111 22
evertere constr. 70 4
ex after certain verbs 101 25; 102
33 ; 118 21; 131 7
exaggeration 155 10
exardesco 145 31
exaudire 107 18
excelsus 159
excitare ex somno 96 22
excusatio 99 18
excutere 96 21; 120 23
existimatio 146 22
exordium 28
expetere 156 29
familiaris 71 15; 143 33
feet and hands, use of in oratory
1418
ferramenta 127 27
ferri (of rumours) 136 17
fides defensionis 93 20
figura etymologica 81 14
finis 80 2
flagitare 111 28
flagitium 86 23
flamen dialis 95 11
fortuito...temere 82 25
fortunae 137 20
frangi aliqua re 85 17
fulness of expression 163
fundamentum (met) 103 17
furiae 146 15
Gabinius 18
genitive; see ' cases'
genere (quo g. for quorum) 130 i
gens...natio 108 32
gero...suscipio 109 7
gladiatorial exhibitions 126 13
glosses 160; 161; 162; 164; 166
gratiam referre 121 31
gravis 81 20; 148 19
grex 136 18; 146 10
habere (sibi) 98 9
hendiadys wrongly assumed 136 18
herbescentem 70 13
hic...ille 74 I; 81 19; 82 30; 90 25
haec (neut.)=nostrum impe-
rium 106 11
hie (adverb) 123 31; 91 7
homo...res 91 i
honestas 144 5
honores 98 10
honos, honor 164
Hortensius 12; 20; 23
humanitas 149 6
hypallage 125 25; 143 29
facere una 112 9
facere aliquem consulem 138 i
facultas 81 13; 116 33
iand e171
and j171
iacere 123 30
INDEX.
177
iactatio, iactantia 96 22
iam 104 29
iam (si i.) 93 22
iam vero 112 19
id and idem confused in MSS 163
idem 109 5; 90 30
with qitam si 114 6
igiiominia 27
ignoratio, ignorantia 96 22
if 171
illacrimo, illacrimor 91 32
ille: see 'pronouns'
imagines 100 25 ; 154 29
ius im^inum 10; 123 29
immittere 88 13
immoderatio 103 21
impedio constr. 122 17
imperium 92 12
impero constr. 118 9
imponere personam 77 30
importunus 136 19
improbus 135 10 ,
in repeated 72 9
with abl. 151 11
with acc. of purpose, 157 14
added in mss 165
in quo 103 25
incensio 108 29
inclitus, inclytus 170
incohare 143 32
incolumis 131 26
indicative; see 'verb*
indices 25
indicium 83 i; 91 3
indictus 93 21
inducere in animum 151 2
industria 111 i
infinitive, see ' verb'
infinitum est etc. 140 33
informare 124 20
informers' rewards 123 5
ingenium 105 5
inruo 114 13
insignia consulatus 123 29
intellego, intelligo 170
intemperantia 140 24
intentus 70 13
inter falcarios 125 22
intercessor 135 10
interdictio aquae et ignis 27
•
R. S.
interesse 110 13
intermissus 70 12
internicio 170
interponere 126 12
introducere 116 30
inurere 154 26
inveterasco 95 16
ipse per se 129 14
confused with per se in mss 167
de se ipse 114 32
ipsius for sui 142 14
is ; see ' pronouns'
isdem 172
ita='yes' 73 17
=talis 94 31
ita ut 118 17
ita...ut 104 28
Italia 96 18
iudicare (res iudicatae) 133 14
indices confused with vidit in mss
159
indicia publica 113 27
indicium of place 104 27
iuratus...iniuratus 109 2
iuxta atque 138 8
labefactare 134 26
laboro 124 13
lacrima, lachryma 170
lacrimo, lacrimor 91 32
Laeca (M. Porcius L.) 16; 20
laedere 76 23
lanistae84 11
laqueo confused with Lentulo in mss
162
latrocinium 140 27
laudatores 131 24; 149 25
laus 71 I
lectulus 125 31
Lentulus 17; 18; 107 16
Lepidus (M' Aemilius J..) 79 28
levamentum 137 22
lex Aurelia iudiciaria 25
Calpurnia de ambitu 10
Cassia tabellaria 26
lulia 96 18
Licinia 25
Lutatia 23 n.
12
178
INDEX.
lex Plautia de vi 23; 24
Porcia 19
Tullia de ambitu 25
Iibertas=5roj5ji))j<rlo 97 i
libido 85
librarii 118 lo
litterae 170
XoiSopetv XoiSopetffffai 119 tg
locus of time 146 21
lucifuga 144 13
ludi 126 13
lumen...lux 109 33
lumina rei publicae 74 33
lux=' the public gaze' 144 13
maeror, moeror 170
magno opere etc. 107 20
maiestas 24; 26
manifesti 108 29
Manlius 15; 16
Marcelli 90 26
Marius 94 2; 95 7
Massilia 87 i
Memmius C. 127 23
memoria 100 25
esse in memoria alicui 112 12
mentes...aures 107 20
Messalla 23; 117 3; 91 32
metaphors in condict 89 24
Metellus Celer 135 6
metre in prose 84 11
minus 142 19
miratio 70 13
mitto=omitto 93 30
with infinitive 93 30
moderatio 143 30
modo (non m.) 127 16
not joined with solum 162
modum statuere constr. 122 11
mortalis loi 30
Mss of the speech 158 sq.
multare, mulctare 170
multi et magni 74 2
munera 126 15
municipium 94 1
narratio 28
natio...gens 108 32
natura adverbial 151 7
naufragus 116 26
Neapolis 87 i
n6 for nonne 110 16
omitted 159
ne=non 96 25
ne qui, ne quis 109 4; 162
ne quoquam 110 13
nec=non 127 19
necessarius 71 15
necessitas, necessitudo 159
nec opinans 127 19
negotium 127 19
negoti gerentes 130 28
nemo adjectival 97 32
Nepos 105 33
neque...neque in prohibitions 97 29
nervi 96 21
nescio quis 101 26
Nigidius 117 3
nihil est quod 77 4
nisi forte 112 12
nomen, quo nomine 92 13
nomina and cognomina 79 28; 106
13
non modo non 160
nonne...non 76 20
nostri, nostrum 108 32
nouns with constructions of verbs
72 16
verbal-nouns in -tio 132 29
numero (in eo n.) 114 3
nuntius 83 i
spelling 171
nuper 134 20
nusquam 110 13
o (interjection) 156 32
obicere 171
obtinere 69 2
occulto 76 24
occurrere 139 r i
offendere, ofifendi constr. 142 20
offerre 152 20
officium 71 19
omnis 77 3
omnis 'all possible' 150 28
omnium nostrum 108 32
INDEX.
T79
opera, operae 99 14; 138 2
opes 92 19
opinio ' reputation' 79 24
orbis terrae 108 31
order of words 72 13; 77 30; 79
29; 83 .7; 84 13 ; 93 28;
945
see also' chiasmus'
ordo 150 23
orthc^raphy 169 sq.
oxymoron 150 14
paene=paene dixerim 144 16
pairs of words 73 22
wap^/c/Satrts 28
parricida 90 25
parricidium 75 19
pars 'faction' 77 7
partes 157 10
particeps 110 9
participle; see * verb'
partiri 78 15
patricians 95 13
patronus ' advocate' 82 26
of colonia 131 18
penates publici 153 3
per compounded with volo etc. 94 3
per se, a se 76 24
percipere 'reap' 69 3
perdere 106 11
perduellio 24; 26
pericula 90 31
periphrasis 78 8; 91 4; 95 11
perire 106 11
peroratio 28, 33
persona 77 30
personification 140 3
perstringere 120 18
pestis 146 12
petulans 141 6
Piso (L. Calpurnius P.) 11; 12; 15
Plautius Silvanus 24 n.
play on words 81 14; 132 33
plenus 102 33
plural, change from to singular 104
29; cf. also 99 14 and 148 18
Pompeii 20; 132 29
Pompeius Cn. 8; 12; 98 10
Pompeius Q. 127 23
ponderare ex 139 16
ponere beneficia 98 7
portus with genitive 116 29
possessio 128 8
post hominum memoriam 150 22
potentia 92 19
potestas 92 12
p. r. in abbreviations 166
prae ceteris 76 28
praecipitare 71 13
praecipuos 78 13; 150 20
praeferre lumen 115 22
praeposterus 156 33
praesertim 75 9
prepositions, repeated 72 9
changed 102 33; 118
21; 131 7
omitted in mss160; 165
princeps ad 78 11
civitatis, senatus 72 8
iuventutis 110 10
pro 90 31
probabile 31
procurator 128 5 ; 130 31
producere 116 30
proferre 88 11
pronouns: relative
antecedent repeated in
relative clause 118 13 ;
133 12
omitted 73 24; 92 9
pronouns : qui after praesertim 75 9
correlated with tantus
76 23
constructed with wrong
clause by attraction
133 14
referred to antecedent
not exactly expressed
147 s
pronouns: demonstrative
repeated 81 20; 98 7
superfluous 154 2
is...ille 90 25
id after ea 104 29
is repeats hie, ille 141 13
eum for se 149 32
haec causa 'our side'
1454
INDEX.
pronouns: ille...iste 109 8
ista suspicio=s. de ista
re 81 i6'
pronouns concurring 84 13; 169.
See also ' attraction' hie
' idem' ipse' nostri' qui-
dam' quispiam
properare 127 17
propositio 28; 29
protasis : see' conditional sentences '
prudentia 105 5
puer contemptuous 123 7
pueri of both sexes 89 20
pudens 183 6
pudor 153 29
pugnis et calcibus 141 8
pulcherrimus 172
quaesitor 24 ; 147 28
quaestio perpetua 24 ; 113 27
quam with verb 107 16
quasi 'almost' 70 12
apologetic 126 7
que 144 11
questions, corrective 124 12
rhetorical 75 15
queri cum aliquo 119 29
qui for quia in MSS 164; 166
quidam 111 21; 126 7
quispiam 116 25
quod, conjunction 132 32
quoquam 110 13
quot142 23
quoties, quotiens 171
quum 86 24; 170
Rabirius 14
ratio = r. pecuniaria 128 4
re in compounds 70 13
recipere 93 20
redeo 110 19
redomitus 70 13
redundare 101 3 r
referre gratiam 121 31
reflecto 120 14
refricare 89 24
refutare 97 30
refutatio 28
regnum 91 7
regressio 120 12
reicere 171
reiectio 157 12
relative; see ' pronouns'
religious business in senate 135 6
renovare 151 12
renuntiare 156 32
repetere 122 20
repetition, emphatic, of nouns 128 3;
see also ' pronouns'
replicare 100 24 ; 161
repperit, reperit 171
reprehendere, reprehensor 118 19
repugnare in aliqua re 152 17
requirere 99 16
res...homo 91 i
res iudicatae 133 14
res publica ' a piece of public busi-
ness' 152 19
res pro persona 73 27
rescindere 133 15
retundere 151 3
revincere 70 13
rhetoric, ancient 104 30
rogatio 136 13
Rullus, his agrarian bill 14 ; 135 10
s, the sound repeated 84 13
sanitas87 33
scelus 85 21
scilicet 92 II; 137 28
sed corrective 124 12
sedes 88 14; 146 19
sella curulis 149 7
senatus auctoritas 135 ii
senatus consultum ultimum 16; 19
senatus consulta forged 114 13
sensus plur. ' sympathy' 134 33
sentences artificially constructed 89
18; 98 13
sententia (de s.) 127 24
sentire=sententiam dicere 97 i
separation of words; see 'order of
words' and ' chiasmus'
shorthand, ancient 116 i
INDEX.
i8i
si omitted in Mss 165
confused with set, sed in mss 167
si iam 93
si quaeris 95 13
si quis, si qui
si quis = offTts 105 2
sic preparatory to acc. with inf. 131
21
signifer 110 10
signum 124 19
silva, sylva 170
similis constr. 122 18
simplex 77 6
Sittius 15
sive (once with two alternatives) 86
30
societas with gen. 85 21
sodales, sodalicia 76 20
solum 162
speech, divisions of, 28
spiritus 101 26
splendor 143 31
stare with abl. 93 23
status 108 31
stipatio 136 r8
Stoics 97 31
street names 125 22
subjunctive; see'verb'
subsellia 74 32
Suetonius on Sulla 12
suffragari 138 4
Sulla (dictator)
Sulla (P. Cornelius) consul 9
his character 10
prosecuted 10
and Catiline's first conspiracy
12
after his disgrace 13
at Naples 13
stops rogatio Caecilia 14
his connexion with Sittius 15
and Catiline's second plot
20
time of his trial 23
his acquittal and subsequent
life 26
his ' modestia * 69 3
Sulla (Faustus) 19
Sulla (P. and Servius) 20
sum omitted in mss 164
•
summa res publica 137 24
superlative for comparative 82 23
suscenses, succenseo, 171
suscipere 93 20; 109 7
sustinere 91 33
Sylla wrong spelling 171
syllables dropt in mss 161
tabulae publicae 117 7
tam restrictive 153 17
tam quam qui etc. 153 15
tamen (sed t.) 113 24
see 'ellipse'
tamne for tamenne in mss 164
tantus...qui 76 23
tantus = permagnus87 S
tantum restrictive 92 18
tantum satis 114 10
temere...fortuito 82 25
tempestas 115 17
templum 89 19
tenere=intellegere 105 6
ti and ci 170
toga picta 98 10
Torquatus Imperiosus 106 13
Torquatus (T. Manlius) the younger
prosecutes Sulla 10
his acquaintance with
Cic. 21; see also
96 17
Torquatus the elder 10
torture 32
toties, totiens 171
tumultus 108 27
tunc before consonant 160
vacatio 99 17
Vaigunteius 11; 12 ; 17 ; 75 8
velle aliquem salvom 73 31
vendere, venditare 104 28
venire in mentem 89 21
verb repeated 72 11; 88 6
singular with plural subject 119
25 5 133 5
juxtaposed with other verbs 89
15
I82
INDEX.
verb in indicative with si 124 i6;
134 33; 137 26
with quod 10313
subjunctive, causal 101 s8
concessive 75 9
consecutive 77 4
directly dependent
120 20
by attraction 111
23; 111 28
in indignant excla-
mations 119 31
in oratio obliqua 92
16
iterative 105 2
'jussive' 96 25
with cum 82 32
with ut ne, ut non
100 24
infinitive as object 93 30
contracted forms 172
nominativus cum infinitivo
144 6
completed fut. inf. dep. and
pass. 101 31
tense changed 104 29; 106 12;
112 4 ; 130 24
sequence 78 18; 105 11 ■; 142
19
present and subj. pass and de-
ponent; second pers. sing. 75
19; 171
present and future joined 110
17
imperfect for pluperfect 11210;
113 25
for present 155 20
of attempted action
129 21
future perfect indicative 78 s;
• 101 31; 156 27
tense perfect pass, with sum and fui
135 3
pluperfect subjunctive 82 28
verb participles redundant 130 4
as subst. 142 18
lack of from sum 105 3
fut.-with fuerint 119 27
gerundive with ab and abl. 95 11
see also ' conditional sentences'
and ' ellipse'
verisknile non est ut 129 18
vestra and vetera confused in MSS165
vicarius 99 22
videlicet 92 11
vidit and indices confused in MSS159
vindex 105 3
vindicare constr. 131 7
vires of orator 121 27
vita ac mores 139 10
vivere cum aliquo 146 16
unus 103 12 ; 110 14
uo, vo, uu, vu 172
Volcatius (L. V. Tullus) 9; 11
Volturcius 18
voluntas 79 21; 112 3
vox 136 17
usura 156 26
ut dependent on notion of whole
clause 88 8
ut repeated 116 26
position of in clause 121 30
in explanatory clauses 150 20
parenthetic 155 7
after expetere 156 29
interchanged with acc. and inf.
130 27
ut ne, ut non 100 24
uterque (plural) 132 i
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