REMARKS
ON THE
Affairs and Trade
O F
Citgl&itta and 3'relanb*
Wherein is fet down :
1. The Antient Charge of Ireland, and all the Forces fent thither
from 1170 until the Compleat Conqueft thereof in 1602, with
the Returns of Forces and Treafure which have been made thence
to England^ towards the Conquefts of France, Scotland and Wales.
2. The peculiar Advantages which accrue to England by Ireland :
As alfo thofe made in the Courfe of Trade.
3. The State of the Trade, Revenue, Rents, Manufaftures, &c. of
Ireland, with the Caufes of its Poverty. — And the State of the
Trade, and Rents of Lands in England from the Reign of Ed. III.
unto this time, with the Caufes of their increafe and Abatement.
4. The only fure Expedients for their Advancement, with the Ne-
ceflity and Utility of the Repeal ( as well as Sufpenfion ) of the
Laws againft Dilfenters; and the Teft.
y. How the Redu&ionand Settlement of Ireland may be improved to
the Advantage of England^ and Increafe of their Majefiies Revenue^
1500000/. may be raifed by Ireland, to the eafe of England, ex¬
pediting of their Majefties Affairs— And how Ireland maybe ren-
ared Ufeful towards the retrenching the Power of France.
By a hearty Well-wijher to the Protefiant Religion, and the
Profperity of thefe Kingdoms.
Mitl; allowance*
LONDON,
Printed for Tho- Parkhurfi at the Bible and Three Crowns in cheapfide
near Adercers Chapel, i6pi.
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To His
Grace James Duke of Ormonde
The Right Honourable,
Richard Earl of Burlington and Lord High
Treafurer of Ireland,
William. Earl of Portland,
Lords of Their
Sir John Lowther Baronet, Vice-"
Chamberlain to Hes Majefty,
Sir Stephen Fox Knight, j Ur^'
Thomas Pelham Efquire, j
Sir Henry Ajhurfi Baronet,
And
Sir Thomas Clergis Knight.
My Lords, and Honoured Gentlemen,
Hip Hefe Papers which were writ with a more private defign, yet chiefly iu~
tended for the Service of Their Majefties and the Publique^ are now
JL addrejfed to your Lordjhips to render them the more ufeful to thofe
Ends j the fever al Eminent Stations in which all of yon are, gives
yon the opportunity of improving whatever is herein propofed to that pnrpofe, 1 he
unhappy management of the Affairs of Ireland on every Rebellion, hath made
the Charge of their Re dn ft ion to England ten times more than needed. Camb-
den obferved that by long ufage it was grown a mifchievous Cuftotn in Ireland,
that Rebels might with part of the Plunder they took from the Englifh procure
A 2 Pardon:
The Epiftle Dedicatory.
Pardon .'Whereby, and the Lenity of England, Rebellions were nourijhed there.
This is moft certain that the Papift shave always had fuch Influence on the
Councils of England, as on the conclnfion of every Rebellion, they have been
left in a condition to renew them at pleafure 3 to the great Charge of England,
and Ruin of the Englifh Planters in Ireland, and of their Improvements, And
now, they, the. French K. and the late K. J. have their Inftrumentsat Work^
tothat end. But five Rebellions having been raifed there betwixt 1567, and
j 642. and now a Sixth, ( of which two formidable and chargeable ones hav¬
ing happened within the memory cf many yet living) will, if we be not doomed
10 Infatuation, wftrutt us in the neceffity of breaking their power, and utterly
difabling them for future Rebellions.
There are a Party of Men who while the late K.]. was in Ireland mag¬
nified both it, and the Force of the Iriftl, but upon the Tydings of the happy
progrefs of His Maje flies Arms, ( to detratt from the Glory of His Acqui-
fit ions ) they reprefent that Kingdom as chargeable and ufelefs, nay as dif-
advantagious to England. It hath however to their Mortification already
yielded Laurels to incircle His Royal Brows, and will do Treafure to His
Coffers, with a rich Return to this Ki4i£dom of the Charge laid out for
its Reduttion 3 if the Settlement thereof be duly attended. It is enough
for His Maje fly to Conquer, it ought to be the Care of His Minifters to
fettle and fecure. There is indeed a great meafure of Wifdom required to
improve Viclories, as well as Courage and Condutt to Atchieve them. It
hath been obferved to be the Fate of the Englifh t&lofe that by Treaty,
which they gain by Conqueft 3 Five Hundred Fears Experience hath verified
it (in great meafure ) as to Ireland. The Affairs and Trade of thAt
Kingdom, its Utility and Importance to England; and the Influence it hath
on the Trade and Rents thereof, feems to have efcaped the obfervation of mofi
of our State/men and Merchants ; I have in thefe Papers attempted to refcue
them from that obfeurity, and to lay them before Four Honours. Now
that the Affairs of that Kingdom are before Fon in Parliament, Councils and
Committees : For which prefumption nothing can Apologize, but the Zeal
for the Publick,, with which they were written. I am in all humility,
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Your moft Humble Servant,
W. H.
s / a,
(i;
SIR
The Subftance of the Firft of the In¬
quiries you Propofe, concerns Ire¬
land ; which I take to be this i
Sll
Firft, Whether England hath been Lofer, or Gainer> by
the Conquefi of Ireland, the Charge confidered that
hath been Expended thereon ?
YO U are pleafed to require my Anfwer to this and the other
Queries which you propofe, prefuming that my Acquaintance
with that Kingdom, doth Capacitate me to fatisfie you
therein. I confefs I have made Obfervations that would at
leafl: have Contributed thereunto : But my Abfence from Pa¬
pers that would have inabled a more diftinft and fatisfaftory Account of
thofe matters, might have excufed my Difobedience, at leaft for the pre-
fent: But being you admit not thereof, but ufe the Power you have
over me in commanding afpeedy Compliance s I will in Obedience
briefly fet down what occurs to me on that Subjedt; tho' my Sentiments
in this matter being different from many others, I forefee the hardinefs
of undertaking to contradidl Common-Fame, or to reftifie a vulgar
Error. I have heard feveral, and among them fome of the Famed
States-Men of the Age, wi(h there were no fuch place as Ireland, and
fault its nearnefs to England as detrimental or unprofitable. As if had
they been confulted, they could'have rectified the Creation, by leaving,
it out, or placing it better elfewhere. The Error lies in not apprehend¬
ing its ufefulnefis to England. Others gravely tell us (both in Difcourfe and
Print,) that the gaining and keeping Ireland hath coft England more
than the purchafe of all that Kingdom is worth. But thefe are like him
who pay'd Ten Shillings for an Ewe, kept her Five Years, pay'd Twelve
B Pence-
if
( 2 )
Pence per Annum for her keeping, tho' he Yearly received her Lambs
and Fleece, yet bejieved he was Fifteen Shillings the worfe by having
her- I confefs I was once half of the mind, that the Expence of Eng~
land in Biocd and Treafure about that Kingdom had been vaii: My
Curiofity led me to examine whether it were fo or no; and I will here
faithfully impart what I have met with on that Subjedt, which will at
leaIt lead towards an Anfwer, if not fatisfie your firft Inquiry.
Know then, that the English footing in Ireland did not Commence up¬
on a publick, but private undertaking.
For Mac- Vurogh King of Leinfier, having been driven from his King¬
dom, gave his only Daughter in Marriage to Richard Strongbow Earl of
Chepfiow and Pembroke, and with her his Kingdom after his Death, on
condition he fhould affift and reftore him- The Earl purfuant thereun¬
to, incouraged his Relations Fitz-Stephens and Fitz,Gerald to joyn in
that undertaking, who with near 400 brave Men, put off from Milford,
and Landed near Wexford in Ireland in May Mm. 1170. They were
foon followed by Legrofs with 130 more; and in Augufi following by
Strongbow himfelf with 1200. Many of thefe Parties were Perfons of
good Quality, great Valour and attended with wonderful fuccefs: For
notwithftanding the fmart oppofition made by the Natives, Strongbow in
a fhort timerefiored Mac-Murogh, and inlarged his Dominions tofuch
a Degree, as rendred him fufpedted by HenryW. who by Prohibiting
all Commerce with Ireland, &c. conftrained the Earl to yield him all
his Acquisitions in that Kingdom. The King granted back to Strongbow
the Principality of Leinfier, referring all the Port-Towns, and certain
Tra&s of Land about them to the Crown.
King //^.himfelf,feme write with 45 co,others that were amongft em
fay but with 500 Knights, Landed in October 1172 near Water ford$ his
Prefenceand Fame, with the Terror and Succeis of Strongbow3^ Arms,
fo intimidated the Natives in Leinfier, Munjler, and Conaught, that Five
of their Kings on Notice of his Arrival did him Homage ; and became
his Tributaries.
The greateft part of his Charge was fpent in Royal Entertainments;
and his time ( for the five Months he flayed there,) in endeavours fo
to fettle matters, as wholly in future to cut Of from France the ufual affi¬
ance afforded by the Iriill when Attacqued by the Arms of England. He
had experimented the benefit the Crown received without Charge by
Strongbow s private undertaking ; Therefore he wifely refolved by like
Methods to make that part he had gained, bear the charge of Conquer¬
ing the whole. To that end he diftributed large Scopes of Land to the
great Men that attended him. As to Hugh Lacy, the Kingdom of JfqatL
finding ioo Knights for his Seryice for ever, &c. About four rears after
the
(3 J
the Irifh yielded him} ( crthe King impofed) a Tax of Twelve Pence on every
Houfe, or Toak^ of Oxen there, which amounted to no fmall Summ in thofe days.
After the Death of Strongboxp, the King at Oxford made his Son John
King of Ireland> and as our own Writers tell us, he divided the Lands
of that Kingdom to his Subje&s, as well of England as Ireland, to be
held of him and his Son John $ he gave Miles Cogan and Robert Fit ^Ste¬
phens the Kingdom of Cork. to whofe Relief foon after Arrived there,
Richard Cogan with a Troop of Horfe and a Company of Foot.
Anno. 1184. Philip de Breos as fore-runner of the young King, went
into Ireland with a fmall Party of Horfe and Foot 5 the next Year the
young King followed with no Army, yet Honourably attended, and
with fome Treafure. This young Counceller (like Rehoboams,) hand¬
led the Iri(h Princes that Congratulated his Arrival, fo roughly , that
they were provoked to Rebel: Whereupon Eight Months after his Ar¬
rival he left that Kingdom in a much worfe condition than he found it.
King Henrys Wars in France, the unnatural Rebellion of his Sons,
and his other troubles permitted him not to relieve it; yet to purfue his
former Method, he committed the Government of that Kingdom to
the Renowned John de Courty, and gave him a Grant of the whole Pro¬
vince of Vlfier, then unfubdued 5 the Irifh Princes thereof, having not
hitherto owned any fubjeciion to England.
The Valiant Courcywith 3 or 400 of his friends and followers with
the Forces then in Ireland, noc only reduced the Rebels in the other
three Provinces to their former fubje&ion; but alfo brought Vlfier un¬
der the EngUJh Yoak.
Richard L was fo taken up with his expedition to the Holy Land, the
perfidy of the French King, and his unhappy detention by the Emperor $
That he concerned not himfelf with the Affairs of Ireland, that I find ;
further then that he Married Ifabel, the Sole Heirefs oiStrongbow to
William Maxfield Earl-Marfhal of England; who was alfo (in right of
his Wife) made Earl of Pembroke and P. of Leinfier.
This Earl left IfTue of that Marriage five Sons, (who fucceeded
each other to their Fathers Honours and Eftace, yet Died Iflfuelefs) and
five Daughters, whofe Fortunes in Ireland and Wales recommended them
to the greateft Pears of England. As Joyce the Eldeft to Earl Warren,
who had with her the County of Wexford, of whom came the Earls 0/March,
&c. Matilda theficond, had the County of Catherlow, and Married Hugh
Blgod, Earl of Norfolk 5 Ifabel, the third Daughter, had the County of
Kilkenny, and Married the Earl of Glouceffer and Hereford ; Sybilla,
the fourth had the County of Ki!dare,W Married William Ferrars Earl of
Ferrars and Darby : Eva the fifth Daughter had the Mannour of Dunmas
( now called the Queens County,) and Married the Lord Bruiie of Gower;
B 2 where•
(4)
whereby the Revenue of thofefive Counties became tranfmittable annually into
England. Theft Ladies, Cambden telli tssy enriched their Husbands with
Children, Honour and Poffejfions.
King John having received 1000 Marks from Volois Lord Ju/lice of Ire¬
land, to difcharge him without account for the Revenue he had received of that
Kingdom 5 Soon after committed the Government thereof to Walter and
Hugh L acy, who abufed his Authority, not only to the Oppreifion of
the frijh, but to t> e lubverlion of many of the beft En lijh Families alfo,
to that degree, that ( our Writers lay ) their Exactions, Oppreflions,
and Tyranny ( Murders might be added) was intolerable * yet King
John inftead of eafing thole Preffures, (if we believe Grafton and Fabi¬
an) impofed Taxes on the People of Ireland towards his Wars with France,
much greater than they were able to bear. So that by overftretchings he
crackt the firings of the Irilh Harp, whereon for fometime after was only heard
the difcordant found of Revolt, Fa pin and War in every Corner. To quell
which, the ijth of May 1210. The King himfelf landed near Water-
ford with an Army (their number no where given us.) The Irifh Kings,
and great Lords immediately appeafed him by Submiitions, Homage and
Tributes. He granted the Engltjh Subje&s in Ireland the benefit of Mag¬
na Chana^ and the Laws of England. He fetled twelve Counties, ap¬
pointed Courts, Judges, Circuits and Corporations as in England; he
granted vaft Scopes of Land to his great Englilh Lords, in Knight Service
for fmall Rents. For 2500 Marks, he reft or ed W alter Lacy, and for 4000
Marks, Hugh Lacy, and returned into England in Auguft the fame year.
In the year 1213, being threatned with an Invafion from France, he re¬
ceived from Ireland 500 men at Arms well appointed, and a great number of
other Horfe who came to his ajfiftance at Barkham Down.
^ Henry III. during his 56 years Reign, was fo fully employed by the
French in the Bowels of England, the Weljh and Scotch on his Borders,
and his great Lords at home, That he neither ajfifiedy nor minded Ireland,
further than to draw powerful Afiifiances of men thence, which he received
againFt France Anno 1230, and 1254^ and agatnft Wales in 1245, in
1256, &c. as he had done of Kittuals in the beginning of his Reign, having
received thence loco Bacons, two Ships load of Corn, and one of Oats. The
Clergy of Ireland granted him a Subfidyy and he received Aid thence towards
paying a Debt to the Dauphin of France. He made his eldeft Son Edward
Lord of Ireland. The 17th of his Reign the King of Conaught exhibited
a Complaint, That although he had ever fince King John fubdued him,
duly paid his annual Tribute of 5000 Marks, yet he was difturbed by John
de Bur go,
Edward the Firft being in War with Scotland, and the Irifh generally
In Rebellion, the Scott inyaded Inland^ and committed all manner of
Bar-
-( 5 )
Barbarities; but were not only expelled, but followed by the Englijh
of Ireland, who feverely revenged the Injury they had received, and
therein did acceptable Service to the Crown of England.
In Anno 1293. The King drew Succours from Ireland again ft the French,
as he did again ft the Scotch, when Balliol, the Chair and Marble were ta-
kpn, and the two latter brought thence. Two years after another confiderable
Army from Ireland met the King near Edinburgh, and tendred him con ft-
derable Service 5 as did a third Army from thence at the Battle of Falkirk.
Soon after which Tho. Biflel with a party from Ireland invaded Scotland,
and pofftffed himfelf of the I fie of Arrain, which the King gave to him and
his Heirs as an acknowledgment of his good Service. This King received the
whole Tenth of all Ecclefiaftical Revenues in Ireland for feven years, undone
Fifteenth of the Temporality towards the holy War Alfo Mid towards the
Marriage of his Sifter, and feveral times prejfed them for other Aids.
The Scots foon after they had given Edward II that great defeat at
Bonoksbome, ( encouraged by that Kings Male-adminiftration) took the
opportunity to revenge the Mifchiefs they had received from Ireland in
the former Reign.
Edward Bruce twice invaded Ireland, and notwithftanding the oppofiti-k
on he met w ith over-ran and facked a great part of it, deftroyed Men,
Women and Children, Towns, Churches, and all that came in his way,
and excited the irifh to almoft a general Rebellion, while the Scots King
made a like havock in all the North parts of England.
This Edward Bruce was Crowned King of Ireland,but,though his Rage
wa> great, his Reign was ftiort, it being but one year- The Cruelties
committed by the Scots were fo many, as caufed even the Irifh to abhor
and abandon them, who therefore joyned with the Engltjh, who at lad
defeated. Bruces s Army, cut off his Head, and as an acceptable Prefenc
fent it to King Edward.
In this War the Scots loft 3OOOO, and the Iiilll-Englifh 15000 fighting
men, befides others. The whole Land was almoft Rafted, impoveriihed
and depopulated-, yet the King was fo far from relieving or fuccouring
it. That he required, and received thence the -«th Penny from all the Tempo¬
rality towards defending England againft the Scots.
In his 16th year, he was attended at Curlee by the Earl of Louth with
6 COO foot and 30Q men at Arms, and IOOO Hoblers. all well appointed; and
by the Earl of Ulfter with 300 men at Arms, and in the 17th year of his
Reign he was fupplyed thence with JGQO Quarters of Corn fent him to Aqili-
tain.
I do not find that there was any (landing Army in pay in Ireland-
When Edward 111. nrft afcended the Throne ( nor for feveral years af¬
ter ) the whole charge of the Civil Lift then amounted but to 308 L
5 s»
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a for a year, and it was becaufe the chief Governor was a great
Favorite, that he had 500 I. per Annum for his Entertainment, out of
which he was to maintain twenty or thirty Horfemen-
In the 6th year of this Kings Reign, the Lord Darcy t a potent Ar¬
my from Ireland, invaded Scotland. So that (as our Writers exprefs it)
what by the King on the one fide, an by the Irilli on the , Scotland
was fubdued, and Baliole placed on the Throne. And two years after the
fame Lord Darcy over-ran part of Scotland, and the , which he might
have poiTefied had they been worth keeping. Notwithftanding which,
this King, the 15th year of his Reign, recalled all the Royal Franchifes
and Liberties 5 and refumed all the Lands and Signories that had been
granted by him, or his Father 5 which put the born there, into
almoft as bad a Condition as the Natives, and tended to unite them as
fellow fufferers, and laid the Foundation of innumerable Mifchiefs.
Let an Army went thence to help the King then in France, and did him good
Service, and were with him at the Battle of Crefley, as did another party
from Ireland go to him, to the Siege of Calais, Anno 1347.
In 1353. Sir Tho. Rokyrby carried over into ten men at Arms,
and tw enty Archers In 1361 the King made his third Son Lionel Duke
of Clarence, Lord Lieutenant •, he married Elizabeth de Burgo, whofe For¬
tune was 30000 Marks per Annum. In her right he was Earl of ,
Lord of Meath and Conaught. Here I muft diffent from a truly worthy
learned and fcrutinous Enquirer into the Affairs of that Kingdom 5 who
will not allow her Fortune to be above the Moiety of that Summ, be¬
caufe that what thereof lyes in Lifer, being feized into this Kings hands
ffom the 5thto the 8th of Iris Reign, ( by an odd account) yielded but
about 0900 /. But he neither confidered the Frauds of Concealors and
Collectors, nor remembred the late devaluations made by , where¬
by not only all Vlfter,but a great part of Ireland was laid wafle and un¬
peopled, and the Engli(h by Diffentions in Arms againft one another, in
thofe very years; fo that the inftance affedts not the Cafe, for thofe
Rents and Profits were of very great value, and might have been a thou-
fand times more in fetled times, notwithftanding there was received no
more in thofe three years.
This Duke carried over with him 1 yoo men, chiefly to recover his
Wifes Inheritance; yet he was fo far from ufing them folely to that
purpofe, That he only recovered part of Meath, and of the Sea-Ports
of Vlfter; for the Condition of the Kingdom requiring, he employed
them (with good Succefs ) in Leinfter, and Munfter, therein, as in ma¬
ny other Refpe&s, he preferred the publick good to his particular Ad-
vantage ; in acknowledging of which, and other good Services, the Clergy and
Laity gave him two years fall Profits of their Tythes and Lands.
William
\A: ' - - m
( 7 )
William Winfor was Tent Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and with him a
party of men * but their number ( being as I fuppofe but fmall ) is no
where given us. He undertook for 11213 /. 6 s. 8 d. per Annum, to
bear the whole Charge of that Kingdom both Civil and Military. Du¬
ring his Government he obtained 5 OCX)/, of the Parliaments of that Kingdom
towards maintenance of the Kings Wars, which I prefume was thofe with
France.
Richard II. Anno 1384. committed the Government of Ireland to
Robert Fere, Earl of Oxford, and Duke of Ireland, during his Life, with
Power to receive the whole Revenue without Account, and to keep
an Army of 1000 Archers, and 500 men at Arms for two years. But
I do not find that either he or his men went thither, for the Kings Af¬
fections to him were fuch, that he would not bear his abfence. Yet he
continued Lord Lieutenant (even or eight years, during which he con-
ftituted feveral Deputies, and received moft of the Profits of that Govern¬
ment to his own life.
The King being reproach'd abroad, That he could neither rule Eng¬
land, keep his part in France, nor finilb the Conqueds of Ireland, he re-
folved to retrieve his Reputation in refpedt of the lad 3 To that end he
took Shipping in October 1394, and landed at Waterford with an Army
of 34000 Men, but to little purpofe; partly for that he fuffered himfelf to be
cheated ( as were his Predeceffors ) by the feigned Submijfions of moil of the
Trifil Princes, and great Lords, who on his arri val humbled themfelves Some
of whom quitted all Title to their Edaces in Leinfier, and conditioned
with their Swords ( under the Kings Pay ) to carve out Edates for
themfelves in other parts of the Kingdom * with which the King was
condrained to be fatisfied, by reafon of the Clamour and Importunity
of the Clergy of England. Whofe condant hatred of Reformation, and
fear that the Enormities of their Lives, and Corruption of their Do-
dtrin.es Should be expofed by the WUkl fits, caufed them to fend the BP
(hops of Fork and London to haden the Kings return. The truth is, they
wanted the Royal Authority for persecution of the Innocent, and uip-
preffion of the Truth. ^
Togratifie their Importunity the King returned at Shrovetide or Fa-
fler following, having fufficient Power, but not time to do any thing
confiderable. .
At his departure he left Roger Mortimer,Earl 01 frL rch,his Lord Lieu¬
tenant who, (in right of his Wife) was Earl of Vliter, Lord of Cc-
naught, Meath and Clare, and next Heir to the Crown. He was mur¬
dered there four years after.
It was cudomary until near this time, tor the torn Chancellor to
pay annually 2QOO Marks into the Exchequer, for the ufe of the great Seal\
which
(8;
which vent a great way towards hearing the charge of that Kingdom in peace¬
able times. But the Fees being much abated, that branch of the Reve¬
nue did fo too. € „ , Tr. _ , .
In Revenge of the Murder of the Earl of March, King Etc hard went
thither again in -April 1398. with fuch an Army, as with their Necefla-
ries and Followers took up a Fleet of 300 Ships. TheIrifhgenerally mol¬
lified him by their old Method of Submiffions The obftinare he intended to
have fubdued- But the Tidings that the Duke of Lancaster ( after¬
wards Hen. IV.) was landed in England, and claimed the Crown, cal¬
led him back; fo that he landed in England the 24th of June following,
and foon after ( for his Male-adminiftration ) loft firft his Crown and
Liberty by Order of Parliament, and then his Life by the hands
of Villains. The Clergy nor Parliaments of thofe times had not imbi¬
bed the Dodtrine of Non-refiftance, or Paflive Obedience, or that the
Crown could not be forfeited by Male-adminiftration, or that it could
not for the good and Prefervation of the Community be transferred, or
that any Legal Poffeffor of it might difleize the Subject of his Liberty
or Franchifes, or take away and difpofe their Eftates at Pleafure.
You muft know that from the time of King Hen. II. his Expedition
into Ireland, until this time, Ireland was of the fame ufe to the Crown,
that Tangier, and the pretence of a War with France was to Charles II.
Richard II. had often, and now Hen. IV. began to defire Money from
the Parliament of England for fupply of Ireland, and had a Subfidy grant¬
ed for three years of 50/. for every Sack of Wool Skins and Wool-
fels from every Denifon; and 4 /. from every Stranger. Alfo one
Tenth,and one Fifteenth for fupport of his War with Scotland, relief of
Calais, and Ireland3 but he found fo much ufe for it in England, that I
do not find that one Penny of it went thither.
But on the other fide, being in War with Scotland, the Engliih of
Ireland fought the Scots in his quarrel at Sea, where many of the firft were
killed and drowned-
In I4053 They tookjhree Scotch Ships, and their Commander } and twice
in Favour of England invaded Scotland with good Succefs ; and the fame
year invaded Wales, did much harm to the Welch, and carried away good
Booty.
This King made the Duke of Lancaster Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
for feven years. He went thither in 1401. and returned into England
in 1403. his Entertainment or Salary was but 666 /. 13 /. ryd. per An¬
num. And it was becaufe he was the Kings Son that it was fo much.
So inconfiderable were the Armies that were kept up in Ireland, that it
was an honour placed on this Duke, that he was permitted to have an
Army of 1500 men in all Ireland, though many of the Irifh were in Re¬
bellion,
<9 )
bellion, and fo frugally were the Affairs of that Kingdom managed,
MiijftK that this Duke was limited to keep up that Army but for three years-
1 About Lammas 1408. The Duke of Lane after went into Ireland zfe-
cond time, and narrowly efcaped being killed by fome of the Rebels.
At his arrival there he compelled the Earl of Kildare to pay him 300
Marks for his Male-adminiftration. He had a Tallage granted him by the
imijt Parliament of Ireland, and returned into England next March after his
tintend landing in Ireland, Whoever looks into the Troubles of this Kings
Reign, will fee that he could fupply Ireland neither with Men nor
:CroM,( Money-
wfoh; Hen. V. was fo fully taken up with his Conquefls in France, that he
lis Crowt minded Ireland no further than to draw Supplies thence, which he did An-
letythei; no 1412. under the Earl of Ormond- And in 1417 the Prior of Kil-
itaJnoti mainhamtwf& 1600 in Mail, with Darts and Skeyns, all tall nimble men,
ICe, or | arrived at the Camp before Rouen, and joyfully accepted the moll dangerous
ortkitc ^oft, wherein they fo acquitted themfelves, that our Writers tell us no men
ftfeiji mre more Pra*fed? nor did more harm to their Enemies : For by their Agility
of fell® cf Body, and fwiftnefs of Foot, they did more mifchtef the Enemy, than their
Pfe Warded Horfes did hurt to the nimble Irifh. And in the f even years of his
Reign, the French Historians tell us, that the Irifh did over-run all the I fie
'tofefr France> did innumerable damages to the French, and daily brought
[ Vittuals and Preys to the Englifh Army, which fo terrified the French
• uJj about Paris, that they fled and left the Country defolate. The Parlia-
V,n ' ment of Ireland granted this King 1700 Marks at feveral times towards the
: y! maintenance of his Wars.
jib aofl; tEnglifh in Ireland being wafled with the Supplies they had yield-
'e|' ed to England againft Scotland, Wales and France, and the frequent
otktii,& Rebellions there, the Parliament there reprefented the ill Condition
thereof in 1442, to Hen. VI. and that by reafon thereof, the Publkk
Revenue was 14561, per Annum lefs than theneceflary Charge.
, A ® Cardinal of Winchefter, the better to engrofs the King, and that
aftnefirlr fa ir,jght rule at Pleafure, caufed Richard Duke of Tork^ Earl of Vlfter
to be lent Lord Lieutenant thither; to induce his Acceptance, he
nt) w gained the King to promife the Duke all the certain and cafual Revenue
i d tk of Ireland, and 26661 13 s. 4 d. for the firft year ( to be paid out of
rifM: of England,) and 20001, fterling per Annum for feven years more ; but
this was ill paid. However he had feveral Succeflfes againft the Re-
iant of ^ bels, gained the Hearts of the Englifh, made good Laws, and governed
dinto# fo worthily, That out of Gratitude and Inclination to him, lie was affi-
fted in his Pretentions to the Crown by Kildare, and feveral great Par-
isfofl^ ties out of Ireland, as was the King by another Party thence under the
Irtl0$ Earl of Ormond in the 34*h and 38/A? years. A great Party thence was
>(1 to fe'
C
cut
C io T— —
cut off, and fell with him at the Battel of Wakefield, as many frotri Ire¬
land did on the other fide at Mortimers Crofs 5 thefe great Loffe fur-
nifhed the Natives with opportunities to enlarge their Borders, and
ftreighten the Englifh. f .
About Anno 1474. the 14^ of Edward IV. The Parliament of Ire¬
land eredted the Fraternity of St. George, c'onfifting of Thirteen Noble¬
men, who were yearly tochufe of themfelves a Captain of the Bro¬
therhood, who for his year was to command 120 Archers on Horfe-
back, 2x6 d. per diem, forty Horfemen at 5 d.per diem, forty' Pages at
four Marks per annum, to be paid out of a Subfidy of 12 d. per pound,
laid on all Merchandize Imported or Exported. And thefe were all
the ftanding Forces in pay at this time. Six years after, Richard Duke
of 2V^being Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Kilda^e his Deputy did un¬
dertake to keep that Kingdom in peace with eighty Archers, and twenty Spear¬
men all on Horfeback for 600 I. per annum.
The Infancy of EdwardV. gave his unnatural Unkle the opportunity
ofMurthering him, together with his Brother in the Tower, whom he
fucceeded under the Title of Richard III. Anno 1483. but a period was
put to hisTyranny, Ufurpacion and Life in 1485.
Henry VII. held himfelf under no obligation to do much for Ireland,
becaufetwo walking Spedires thence, ( Lambert and Warbeck ) difqui-
eted a great part of his Reign, yet in 1487. he fent over 500 Men un¬
der Sir Richard Edgcomb, ( fome write that he carried no Forces with
him) and about fifty more Anno 1492. The next year after, the King
by Act of Parliament there, refumed all the Crown Lands that had
been granted away fince the firft of Henry VI.
In the Ninth year of his Reign, he lent over Sir Edward Voyning his
Deputy, and with him 940 Men. He (by his Policy rather than force)
did more Service to his Prince, and good to the Englifh there, than any
of his Predecefiors, by gaining that Parliament to Enact, That all the
Publick Statutes of England, made before that time, fhould be in force
in Ireland, That no Parliament be held there until the Bills be firft cer¬
tified to the King under the great Seal there 5 and thofe Bills be affirm¬
ed by the King and his Council to be expedient for the Land, and
Power be given under the great Seal of England to call a Parliament 3
and many other beneficial Statutes. He gamed the King a Tax of 26 s.
8 d. out of every 120 Acres arable Land, m Lieu of Purveyance, and a
Kefumptionof all Grants made fince the fir ft of Edward III. which in AnilO
1499. was followed with a Subfidy of 12 d. per pound on Imported Commodi¬
ties, and a Subfidy from the Clergy and Laity, and in Anno 15 08 he had
13 4 d. granted him out of every no Acres Arable Land.
In
C"J
In Anno 15-15. The Parliament of Ireland granted Henry VIII. a'
Snbfidy. In.Anno 1520. The Earl of Surry was fent Lord Lieutenant
with'200 &t^/C$jpeJay poo more) but whatever the number was,
they. m.J>hgldM with-him the n&tt year. The Souldiets
pay at this,time was 4 d per diem.
In 15 24. The Earl of Kildare undertook^ the Government, and to defray
the whole Charge of the Kingdom with its own Revenue, which he and his
Deputy held with little interruption for near ten years. Annoi^ig.
Six William Skpffington carried over 200 Men, according to fome 500.
In 15:34. he carried over 7*0 to fupprefs the Rebellion of the Fit^Ge-
raids; as did the Lord Grey 200 more the next year, who ended it; up¬
on which, 75° of thfe Army was disbanded. This Rebellion is faid to
coft the King above 20000 /. The Revenue of the Kingdom by reafon
of that Rebellion being but 5000/. per annum. To repay which, or
prevent the like charge in future, The King had the fir ft Fruits, then the
twentieth part of all Ec cleftaftical Livings, then the fir ft Fruits of all Abbeys,
Priories and Colledges, in that Kingdom given him. Kildares Eft ate of
893 I per annum, and many great Eftates ofthofe concerned in that Rebelli¬
on were all given to the King, as alfo all Lands belonging to all Abbeys, Frio-
ries and Colledges there. And the Eftates of many Abfentees.
Hitherto the Wars in Ireland was moftly between the Englifh, and
Native Jrijh, on the Score of Civil Intereft.^ But from the time of
this Kings firft Divorce, and Kildares Rebellion, the degenerate En¬
glish joined with the Irifb, and pretended Religion for their fubfequenc
Rebellions, which thenceforth became more frequent, and more formi¬
dable, being fomented and abetted fometime by the Emperor, fome¬
time by France, fometime by Spain, moftly by the Pope •, efpecially
from, the time of the Kings afliiming the Supremacy. Henceforward
they have been no longer Loyal, than whilft they have been compelled
to be fo.
In 1539- Sir William Brereton carried over 250 Men. In 1542, the
Parliament gave Henry VIII. the Title of King of Ireland, all his Pre-
deceffcrs having only had the Title of Lord thereof
In Anno 1543. the Irijh Revenue (befides Cuftoms, firft Fruits,
Tributes and fome other particulars) amounted but to
8700 /. per annum, and the whole charge to but 10500/. The Chief
Governour upon all Warlike Expedition ( by anantient ufage in that
Kingdom) did Tax each County with a certain Summ of Money to
defray the charge thereof: So that it is not eafie to apprehend that Ire¬
land at this time could be a charge to England. The (landing Army was
but 375 Hoi;fe and 150 Foot, in 1544. 700 Men were fent from Ireland
into France, who-greatly damnified the French, and by pretty Stratagems,
C 2 contributed
( 12 )
contributed to the fupply of the Army with Vrovifions. u4nd in obedience to
the Kings commands 3000 Men were fentfrom Ireland again/1 Scotland.
Ill 1547. Edward VI. to fecure that Kingdom (upon the Reforma¬
tion of Religion ) fent thither 600 Horfe and 400 Foot under Sir El
ward Belingham, who with the Forces there, fubdued the Eemfepy
Connors, and Moons then in Rebellion, whereby Offailie and Leixe were
forfeited tothe Crown. . . ,
This King being incumbred with Wars.with France, and Scotland,
and many Rebellions at Home, did ( as Haywood tells us ) draw much
people /row Ireland to ferze him in his Wars. To replenilh which, in the
fourth year of his Reign, he fent thither 400 men and 8000/, <dnd
the next year the Englilil from Ireland Invaded the Ifes o^ScotlaricL
In 15 56. Queen Mary committed the Government of that Kingdom
to the Earl of Suffex, who carried Sir Henry Sidney with him, (and
25 coo/, in Calh) by whofe affiftance he finithed w hat Belingham had fo
worthily begun, in breaking the power of the ,
&c.whereby Luxe W Offailie were in the , and Englifli
Plantations fettled in thofe parts, now called the King's and Queen's
Counties. The Irilll Parliament then gave the Queen a 13 s. 4
out of every Plough-Land forten years, which W3S a great addition to the
Revenue. In 15 5 8. This Earl had 500 men out ot England, with whom
and the Forces of that Kingdom, he Invaded of Scotland, took,
fome, and facked feveral others of them; the (landing Army there, in this
Reign when mod, was lefs than 1700. and fometimes lefs than
1100.
In 1560. which was two years after Q. to the
Crown, there was 500 Foot fent into Ireland to recruit the Army.
In 15 6s-The Army in the Queens pay was but 1200 Horfe and
Foot. The Charge of the Civil Lift about 1500 /. per annum. The Re¬
venue of Ireland furmounttd xocoo/. per annum, befides large Summs fre¬
quently gained from the Irilll Lords on their and Tribute
on them, fo that the Queens Charge could be but fmall, confidering tbat all the
Freeholders on every occafon of Marching the Army Rebels, were
obliged to fend certain numbers of Horfe and Foot, with Provtfons to attend
the Chief Governour, or Commander in Chief of
This Parfimonious Queen to avoid Expence, and the fending men for
Ireland, ordered that every Tenant there that paid her 40/. per annum
Rent, lhould be obliged to find a Horfeman, and every one that paid
61. 13.'. 4 d.per annum a Footman, Armed for her Service, to be
ready on all occafions.
About this time O Donnel fubmitted to the Queen, and conditioned to
pay 200 /. per annum, and to attend her Army on all oceapons with a number
of
. # \ (n )
of Horfe and Foot $ as did many others of the Irilh, rvh fnbmittedon like con-
Hit ions of Compofitions, and A[ftfiance.', which not only augmented the
^ Wof| Revenue, and leflened the Charge of the Army, hut helped much to-
WwetSirr wards paying for their Fetters. ThisO Donnel^u years after paid the
Ife Dfuj Queen 12 CO I. for Delinquency and Arrears of his Compofttion.
^Leixe,; In 1565. The Valiant Captain Randolph Landed at Derry with a
Troop of Horfe, and 700 Foot to fettle a Plantation *, he did great
1 toi kit , Service, although at laft he loft his Life in the Improvement of a me-
morable Vi&ory which he obtained againft the Rebels. In ij5p.
which, ij- Captain Ward with 400 Souldiers were fent into Ireland-7 he landed at
[8xo/t Cork.
Scotland The Queens great Study was to inlarge and firm her Conqueft in
: that Kit Ireland, without Charge. In order thereunto lhe Attempted to tread
ith Kiuj( [; in the fteps of Henry II. and feveral of his Succeflors, who gained moft
of their Intereft in that Kingdom, at the charge of a few of their Sub-
k jecis, with little charge to the Crown or Kingdom of England: In or-
», and E| der thereto, the Queen in 1772. incouraged Sir Tho. Smith at his own
'$ and Charge to fettle an Englifh Colony in the Ards. She granted every
Footman 120 Acres, and every Horfeman 240 Acres (which then
iddition to" was as much as 5 oq'" Acres in England ) paying her one penny per Acre
*4 within Per *nnHm% And the year following flie Lent the Earl of Ejfex roooo /.
fell" on a Mortgage, and gave him half the Clandeboys, on condition that h§
iythere c ^ou'd Plant 200 Horfe and 400 Foot; each Horfeman was to have
imeslii 4°° Acres, and each Footman 200 Acres, paying 2 d. per Acre Quit-
Rent. Where that Noble Lord did perform many brave Exploits,
'Cdlir anc^ done much better had he not been countermined by the en-
.j^ ' mity and oppofition of feveral Great Men both here and there.
J. In 1576. An Antient Tax called the Cefs (of five Marks on each
mj f Plow-Land) which had been difcretionarily levyed by the Chief Go-
ni^ : vernours there, from Edward Ill's, time to this, C under pretence ofPre-
riy rogative ) had-by this time been Arbitrarily ftretched to eight or nine
n\'i pounds a Plow-Land; being now complain'd of as a publick grievance,
m*uU, was reduced within its firft Bounds. Yet notwithftanding this, and
? other Regulations, the worthy Sir Henry Sidney who governed there,
rww " augmented the Queen s Revenue IIOOO /. per annum above what he found
iding men-Qnf;j t|^s tjm€ (according to the beftof our Writers)England gained
)l< F!m and maintained its footing in Ireland, with very inconfiderable Charge
(fle.mat f. tQ t[ie publick. But henceforward the Charge became much greater,
awe, tot moftly occafioned by the Queens great Pariimony, who always em-
. j ployed incompetent force for fubduing the Rebellions that were raifed,
mmm- whereby they were lengthened to trebble the time and charge that
( C ^
. Would elfe frave fervecL I know notwjhedigr it QUght to be reckoned
as expended for th$Coftqueft of tijai; I^qgdom f tbo' tfeawas. the IfTue
of it) b^caufe (he greatefipart of it was occasioned by the Kin&fHfMfc
TheQueep, to difart Wa$ot?i^^BW8 -fiPqVi* employ¬
ed and fought him in the Netherlands, moftly at the coft of the Dutch,
.andihe to divert her from aflifting the or Invading his Domini¬
ons, fomented Rebellions in Ireland,and affifted them with Men, and
foir.e Money, yet fought her moftly at the coft of the
In 1579. There , was 600 Men fent out of into
!yet rheymadeiip tlje Army there in the Queens pay but nop Ho'rfe
' and Foot. But the Rebellion of Defmond and others, (and the Spani¬
ards that joined tbqpi j ^difi ^equire the augmentation of the Army.
To that end three Companies were fent from Berwick.,and 1 so Horfe
under Capt. Norm.And in 1580. Six Companies under Capt.
150 Horfe under C.Ruffel,which in 1582. were followed with 400 under
the Earl of Ormond. Thefe with the Militia of that Countrey, killed
Defmond, deftroyed his Confederates-in that Rebellion, expelled the
Spaniards, and reftored fuch meafure of Peace to the Kingdom, that
the publick Revenue ofitfor the year 1583. amounted to about 24000/.
and thenceforward it encreafed mightily, by the firm Settlement of
Eftates, and Enlargement of Trade, infomuch that in 1584. the Lord a'°j
Deputy propofed to the Queen, that if the would add but 50000 /. for PV
three years to the MJh Revenue, hewojuld engage with both to defray !M
the whole Charge of the Kingdom, maintain 2000 Foot and 400 Horfe,
Wall Seven confiderable Towns, Ered Seven great Bridges, and
Build Seven ftrong Caftles : But fhe comply'd not therewith.
However in 15S5. In order to put that Kingdom into a good pofture
of Defence, and of little Charge to the Queen 5 the Lord Deputy ap¬
pointed a grofs Survey to be taken of the Province of and
Thomond, whereby they were found to contain 8095. Plow-Lands pro¬
fitable, the Proprietors of which agreed to pay the Queen a
of about 4000 /. per Annum, and to find 1254 Foot, and 264 Horfefor the
Queens Service within that Province, and 347 Foot and 108 Horfe at any
time for 40 days in any part of Ireland.
A Militia alfo was fettled in Munfter of 4500 Bill-Men and 900 Shot.
And the Queen being Intituled to near 60OCOO Acres of Land by the For¬
feitures of Defmond and his Accomplices (his particular Rents being above
7000/. per Annum) She granted thofe in Kerry, Conilagh and Limerick,
together at id. per Acre. Thofe in Water-ford' and Cork at $d. per Acre
per Annum Quit-Rent. Every 300 Ac res fueling a Horfeman, and every 200
Acres a Foot*Man Armed for her Sexpife.
A Militia being thus fettled, the Queen in 1587. Remanded 1000 Sol-
diets
(DDI
ow'Ii|
eguftyi
% ffaftfr
$Brftt
and 9CcS
ttiiytkl
:s beings:
ai tim
I
Jei0
■———r#3
diers out 0/Ireland, which [he Jem into Holland, and tear Kingdom' enjoy¬
ed a kind of-tranquillity for above Twelve Years.
In 1597- Tyrone and others broke out into Rebellion : Whereupon
General Norris with 3000 Men were fent thither. But thefuccefles of
the Rebels required greater Forces, fo that 100 Horfe and 2900 Foot
more, were lent thither Three Years after. 7
In 1598. The Government of that Kingdomscommitted to
bert Earl of EJfex, with Power from England to encreafe the A!rmy; there-
(which were about 8000 men) unto 20000 Horfeaa<f Foot. Yet this
Brave, but Unfortunate Earl effected little.
The Lord Mount joy fucceeded in that Government, who with 1yioo
Horfe and Foot that he found there; and 2000 Men that were fent him
in 1601. from England; expelled the Spaniards, fupprefled the moft ge¬
neral and formidable Rebellion that untill then had happened in that
Kingdom. And therewith finifhed the entire Conqueft of that Kingdom,
wherein this Qjueen imployed more Forces,and fpent more Treafure than
all her Progenitors: For we are told that it coft her Eleven Hundred
Ninety one Thoufand two Hundred Forty Eight Pounds Sterling, befides
the Revenue of that Kingdom.
Cambden fuggefts, it was the ill choice of Officers, Lenity, and ParfT
mony of the Queen, and fome about her, that occafioned her great Ex-
pence,, for that had the work been effedtually fet upon with competent
Force and Treafure, it might have been perfected with a quarter of the
Charge.
ThtEnglijh in Ireland at this time being generallyPapifts,were very back¬
ward in granting Supplies againft fuch as broke out into Rebellion. For
tho* by the vigilance of the Government, many of them were awed, and
kindred from joyning with thofe in open Rebellion, yet were their
Hearts fo much with them that they not only obftrudted the granting
of Money to the Queen, but parted with much to Rome, where they
purchased Pardons for not Actually and Openly joyning with the Rebels.
The Principles of that Religion, Teaching them, that it was Sin not to
Rob, Murther and Rebel. However the chief Goyernour and Prcte-
fiantParty prevailed fofar, as to gain their Parliaments in the Second of the
Queens Reign, to grant her the Firjl Fruits and Twentieth Part of all Ec-
clejiafiical Livings. In her I Ith, Tear a fubfidy, as alfo a Cujhm on Wines 5
and at feveral times many large Scopes of Lands on the Attainders of Arch-
Rebels. The chief Governour there indeed by Antient ufage did on eve¬
ry March of the Army, Cefs the Country difcretionarily for their
fupport, which was fome help.
The Refult of what hath been hitherto faid is this.
That Strongbow Conquered moft of the Province of Eeinfler.
Hugh
(16 _
Hugh De Lacy Conquered Meath.
Cogan, Fit ^-Stephens, Bruce and I'oer, the Province of Munflcr,
Bourke and De Claro, part of Conaught and Thomond.
Sir John De Courcy Conquered much of Uifier.
That all this was dene with little or inconfiderahle Charge to the
Crown (for the firft 4c o Years, vi hich reached to the middle of Queen
Elizabeths Reign except in thofe expeditions of Henry II. King John,
and Richard II the laft of whom only, carryed over an Army capable
of doing any confiderable Service.
The mod part of that time, there wasnoftanding Army kept in that
Kingdom (at the Charge of England) except what was paid by the Irijh
Revenue.
That when Armies were Raifed, they feldom exceeded a Regiment
or two, and were only kept up during the chief Governours being upon
Service againft fome particular Rebels, For at his Return to Dublin, or
in the beginning of Winter they were ufually Disbanded.
That the whole Charge of the Civil Lift ( of which I have the par¬
ticulars y in Edward III. his time s was but 308 /. per Annum. Towards
the latter end of whofe Reign (in a time of Rebellion ^when an Army
was fent thither, the whole Charge of both Civil and Military Lifts
were but 11213 / 6 s. 8 d. per Annum.
That in 1442 That Kingdom being weakned, drained, and impo-
verifhed by the fupplies afforded thence to England; Their Parliament
reprefented it to Henry VI. as a mighty evidence of the deplorable con¬
dition of that Kingdom : That the expence thereof (in that wafted
condition) furmounted the Revenue 1456/ per Annum.
That in Edward IV. his time, that Kingdom was Defended only by
the Fraternity of St. George, who were wholly paid out of the Cuftoms
there.
That in the latter end of that Kings Reign, the Earl of Kildare did
undertake for 600 I per Annum to keep the whole Kingdom in Peace.
That in 1543. The Handing Army was but 525 Horfe and Foot, andthe
whole Charge of the Kingdom but 10500 /. per Annum. The certain Revenue
thereof was then 8700/. per Annum, befides Cuftoms, Firft Fruits, Tributes,
&C. which could not but make up the Revenue, fo as to furmount that Charge.
^ That confidering the numerous and frequent Supplies of Men, Provi-
iions, and Money that our Kings from time to time received from
Ireland againft France, Scotland and IVales, it is not eafie to determine
whether Ireland received much more from England, than Eng¬
land received from the Englifh Planters of Ireland.
That
"X
( 17 J
That for a great part of the firft 400 Years, the Revenues were great;
that our EngtijhLand-Lords Yearly drew thence, for the Rents of the
vaft Scopes of Land that they were feized of in that Kingdom.
That Ireland being almoft from the firft Conqueft to the end of Queen
Elizabeths Reign in a State of War, was wholly lupplied withall Com¬
modities in a way of Trade from England, whereby this Kingdom re¬
ceived confiderable advantages.
That if we Allow that the Government of England hath been at Ten
Thoufand Pounds per Annum Charge for the Support of , from
the firft Conqueft thereof unto the time we are upon, ( which no way
appears probable) yet if the Kingdom did Annually give Fifty or one
Hundred Thoufand Pounds by Trade and Rent of Lands, (which our
great Men were Seized of in Ireland5) England was however a confi¬
derable Gainer by Ireland.
If upon the whole matter it doth not plainly , that England
been profited by Ireland, yet 1 conceive it is evident that the Conqueft of that
Kingdomhath not coft England tie Tenth part ofwhatmoft imagine, andthat
through this whole Trail of time, the Engliih there have , ,
and nobly ajfifted England againfl all its Enemies.
Here I will conclude my Anfwer to your firft Enquiry; in doing
whereof I have Troden in an unbeaten Path, which rendred it the
more troublefome and difficult. I have diligently fearcbed, and faith¬
fully fet down all the Forces and Treafure that I find mentioned in any
of our, or the Irijh Writers to have been fent into Ireland from Anno.
Bom 1170. to the Year 1602. which concluded the entire Conqueft of
that Kingdom, and the Life of the Famous Queen Elizabeth.
! !i
The Second Query is, In what lnftances (if any ) doth it appear,
that Ireland is Beneficial or Neceffary to the well-being of Eng¬
land ?
HEre, Becaufe Generals prove little, or are liable to Cavils, I
will for the clearer Illuftration inftance only in fuch particu¬
lars lhall be undeniable.
I. Confider, that England being an Ifland, our outward ftrength for
Defence againft Invafion, for offence of our Enemies, and for fecurity
of our Trade, lies in the numbers of our Ships and Seamen. That
Trade, that employs, alfo enables the encreafe of thefe, and is neceflary
to our well being.
D That
( 18 )
That Money that we gain purely for our Ships let to Fraighe to Mer¬
chants of other Countries, is one of the cleared- profits to the Kingdom,
and as advantageous to the Publick as any other, not only in the fore-
mentioned refpe&s, but alfo for that we part with nothing in Lieu of
this Money, but the Labour of our Men, and the Wear and ' ear of
our Ships •, yet hereby at the Charge of others we enaeafe and em¬
ploy our Shipping, breed and pay Seamen- Thus the Neiherlanders
by being the Carriers of Christendom have in a great Meafure raifed
themtelves to their prefent^ opulence.
Now t >at I may make it evident, that Ireland Contributes to our
Strength, Security, the encreafe of our Shipping and Seamen, and that
we are yearly confiderable Gainers in other refpedis alfo by that King¬
dom ; you mufi know that the People of Inland have but few Ships
of their own; That at leaft two thirds of their Exportations and Im¬
portations are.'made in our Bottoms.
In the Year 166S I was in that Kingdom, and did fee a Computati¬
on that was delivered in to the Council of Trade there, by one of the
Members thereof, who made it Out, that tho' the Exportations of that
Kingdom about that time amounted but to 450000 L per Annum that
yetmoft, or all their Commodities being Grofs or Bulkey, they paid
for Fraight to Ships of England for the Exportation of them, and for
Importing the Proceed thereof, 130000 i per Annum, which feemed in¬
credible to the other Members of that Society. Yet being ftri&ly ex¬
amined, it was found to be near 10000 /. Ihort of what our Seamen re¬
ceived yearly thence.
But this Scale of Trade between this and that Kingdom, having
fuffered a confiderable alteration by our Folly in Prohibiting their Cat¬
tle, and forcing them to carry feveral of their Commodities to Forreign
Markets, and thence to fupply themfelves with many things that till
then they wholly derived from us, whereby they have encreafed their
Forreign Trade and Shipping, ( yet fo as that there is not Ten Ships be¬
longing to Dublin their Metropolis.)
I will now prefent you with a fmall Scheme of the Trade between
England and Ireland as it flood about 1685. before the lefs-confidering,
fcented the Game that was playing for 29 Years paft for introducing Po-
pery and Arbitrary Government, and drew in their Stocks from Trade.
There was about that time and before confiantiy employed to and from
Ireland, and ufual y Fraighted by the Merchants of Ireland thefe Ships
following, which belong to England.
n 1
Ships belonging to London, Ilimouth, ApJom9 or Exceter and
w*i, ana the Ports between thefe ——*-■ , —* fl5
Ships
f 19;
Ships belonging to BarnflabIe,Biddiford, Cbmlseffitivhedd, Bridgwater, )
Brifiol, Forrefi of Dean and the Ports between
Ships belonging to Swanfey, Milford, all South and North-Wales • 20
Ships belonging to Chefter, Dawpool, Ncjfon and Mojfon —— 30
Ships belonging to Liverpool-water 150 cf which employed in the > T,
Trade of Ireland tHo
All the Coaft of Lancafhire and Car life - — 5:
Ships belonging to White-Haven and fforkjngton — 60
510
That you may the better comprehend the benefit we Annually re¬
ceive by this Article of the Jrijh Trade, I will fet before you how thefe
Ships are ufually employed in, and by theTradfcof Ireland and will fet
down but one Voyage in a Year, for fuch as they fend to America,
Spain and France, tho' to the two latter they frequently make two Voy¬
ages in a Year.
20 Sail employed yearly to America, one with another of 60 7
Tuns, befides the Ships Store, at 5 I per Tun, out and home > 6000L
is 500 I. per Ship *—• I
20 Sail yearly to Spain of 60 Tuns, at 31 per Tun, out and home
180 per Ship. J
20 Sail yearly to France,of 60 Tuns at 21, per Tun, out and
120 I. per Ship. —• — —— — T
120001.
70 Sail of 50 Tuns each in the home Trade, out and home Paflengers,
thefe make 20 s. per Tun 501, per Voyage, thefe frequently make 8
Voyages in a Year,but I reckon but 6 that is 3001, per Ship. —21000/.
180 Sail are yearly employed in the Coal-Trade between England and
Ireland,and that theComputation of this Article maybe beyond contra¬
diction,! will keep to an Eltimate given in to the King and Council in
June laft, by the White-Haven and Workington Men, viz.. That they
have 60 Ships continually employed in the Coal-Trade to Ireland,from
70 to 150 Tuns, (but I reckon them at 80 Tuns one with another,)
which for one Turn is 4800 Tuns, and for Eight Turns in a Year, is
38400 Tuns at 12 /. 6 d. per Tun is 14000 /.
They Alledge that they pay Colliers, Carters, Porters, Carpenters,
Rope-makers, Smiths, Seamen, &C.per Annum -7443/.-1-8.
And I allow they pay otherwSjys, —— 25* 56~i8-*4,
Both which is 10000 / which deduded from 24000 /.they receive 14000/.
per Annum Fraight for their 60 Sail, and reckoning proportionally for
D 2 120
( 20 )
120 Sail more, employed in the fame Trade from other parts of Eng.
Und and Wales, it makes 28000 / and for the whole 41000/. Sterling
paid yearly by Ireland for Fraight of the Coals. They take off, be¬
sides 30000 /. for the before mentioned particulars. Here you fee
we Gain 75000/. yearly from Ireland by our Shipping} and it's evident,
that whatever Trade conftantly employs them, tends to their encreafe,
and the encreafe of our Seamen.
II. That Trade that Annually takes off a good proportion of our
natural Products, Manufactures, and of the Forreign Commodities that
we Import (for which we can have no Sale, or Vend elfewhere,) is ne-
cefiary for keeping up the Rents of our Lands, enriching our Husband¬
men, employing our Manufacturers at home, and our Shipping and Sea¬
men abroad. -
I have in the former inftance (hewed you that Ireland takes off above
io~coo Tuns of our Coals yearly: And if our Cuftom-Houfe Books
be examined, it will be found, that that Kingdom hath taken off year¬
ly 240000 Buffets of our Salt 3 541 I.of our Hops, 120 Tuns of Cider,
30 Ships Loading of our Apples, 3000 Tuns of Iron-Oareand confider-
able quantities of Tin, Lead, Saffron, &c. Thefe are part of thofe I
call our natural Products, which are yearly fpent in Ireland, which ena¬
ble the payment and keeping up of our Rents.
That Kingdom likewife takes off yearly a good proportion of our
Manufactures, as Fulfians,Ticking, Haberdafhery, Sadlers ware, Pinns,
Nledles, Knives, Gloves, Fanns, Cutlers ware, Belts, Laces, Stock¬
ings, Fine-Cloath, Stuffs, Iron-ware, Brafs, Pewter, Glafs, Earthen
and Wooden-ware, Books, Caftors. Hereby our Manufacturers are kept
in work, and our Trades-Men that fell thefe to the Merchants en¬
riched. Befidesall which, Ireland yearly takes from us conliderable quan¬
tities of the Goods which we Import from other Countries: As Oyls,
Grocery, Druggiftery, Raw-Silk, Cotton-Wool and Yarn, Dying Stuffs,
Paper, Whalebone, Train-Oyl, Hollands, Ozenbrigs, and Hamburg-
Linnen, Callicoes, Spices. By this Trade our Ships and Seamen ( for
fo much) are employed, and our Merchants enriched.
In thefe refpeCts Ireland is not only ufeful,but neceffary to England,(or
were there no fuch place (as fome foolilhly with) we could have no Em¬
ployment for the Ships lately ufed in that Trade. For our Merchants
and Mariners being Numerous, Wealthy, Knowing and Studious of
their own profit, do fupply all known Markets, with as much of our
natural Products, Manufactures, and Imported Commodities, as they
will take off at any reafonable profit} for we want not hands, nor
flock in Trade, but Trade to apply them to with any moderate advan¬
tage,
Every
M
( 21 )
Every days experience, or a walk in Blackvcell-Hall, Exeter, Norwich
Leeds, IV,xksfield, &c. Markets, would make it good beyond contradi¬
ction, that the hands at prefent employed in our Natural Products and
Manufactures, do as Trade now (lands, more than (ufficiently fupply our
home Confumpcion, and Forreign Trade; and that, if more ot thefe
were raifed in quantity, it would by glutting all Markets, rather pre¬
judice than enlarge our Trades and were there no fuch place as Ireland,
or were it cut eft from its dependance on England, and fupplied from
elfewhere, we could no where Vend the Commodities that Kingdom
yearly takes off
And a little Voyage from London-Bridge to Graves-End, (even in times
of open Trade' may (atisfie the doubtful, if not convince the incredulous,
that we have more Ships than all our (hare of the Trade of the World
doesconftantly employ, and a view of the Ships (formerly employed
in the Irifh-Trade,) which now lie by the Walls at the Ports before
named, fince the Trade between us and Ireland hath been (hut up, and
which may be had at Fraight, at little more than half Fraight 5 do (hew,
that neither our Merchants, nor Seamen, know how otherwife to em¬
ploy them.
. III. That Trade that fupplies us with Materials for our Manufactures,
(and thereby employment for our People) efpecially fuch as we can¬
not have, or not fo Cheap from other Parts, is neceflary to our well-
being. In the former inftance I (hewed you, that Ireland takes off a
good proportion of our fuperfluities: In this you'll fee that in Lieu of
part of them, it fupplies us with ufeful and neceflary Materials for our
Manufactures, and that Cheaper than we can have them from elfewhere.
We do fome Years receive 6000 l- Weight of Linnen-Yarn for Warps
for our Fuftians, to make into Cburfe Linnen, Thred-Buttons, Tapes,
Inckles, &c. 137300 Cony Skins for Hatts, x 200 Dozen of Calf-Skins,
40000 Raw and Drefled Hides, 373600 Goat,Sheep and Lamb-Skins, and
Pelts for Glovers,and many other ufes; Tallow, 38000/. Weight, All
which.ferve for many ufes, both Domeflick and Forreign. Some Years we
received from Ireland2 ioooo,fome Years 254000 great Stones of Wool,
at 18 Pound to the Stone, which (as was made out to the lafl Parlia¬
ment, by a Weft Country Member of the Houfe of Commons,) employs
180000 of our Wool-Dreflers, Combers, Carders, Spinners, Weavers,.
Dyers,Fullers, Dreflers, Shears-men, Tuckers, Knitters, Calenders, Prof¬
fers. And whereas it may be thought that the Wools of would
yield a better Rate, were none Imported from ; 'tis certain that
the Pafture Ground in England could not fupply the quantity brought,
in from Ireland : And were the quantity lefs than now is, work would
be wanting for the Poor; or were Wool dearer, the Price of our Ma¬
nufactures
( n ) Fir
rfufa&ures would he ra5 fed, and we fliould thereby be in dangei of lofe- or for
ingour Forreign Markets for them. . c .
IV. That I rade that furnifties us with Commodities for Forreign
Markets, which vs e cannot have elfe where, is in fame fort neceuaryfor lm
us, both F r employing our Stock, our Ships and our Sea-men. The fed
chief way vhereby the Dutch greatly enlarge their Traie^and augment k{
their V - hrhj is by buying up the Commodities of other Countries, and City
carrying aiem in their own Ships to proper Markets. Ireland furniiheth n(
us with feveral Advantages of this kind ? for our Merchants have had lufmi
fhipped.oft thence for their own Aco unt in one vear^ 8oo Tuns of Sak jAld
mon, 700 I uns of Pilchards, 12000 Barrels of Herrings, 1201 uns of iCk
Eels, 900000 Hake-fifh, 1040000 of Barrel, Hogs-head and Hpe ftaves, foi
3600 quarters of Rape-feed, < >oooo yards of courfe narrow-bandle othe
Wollen-clorh, 38000 /. weight of Butter, iooo /. weight of Cheefe, Mi
43000 raw Hides, 800 douzen of Calf-Skins, 25000 Barrels of Beef, Several
1000 Barrels of Pork, befides Leather, Caddows, Bacon, Corn, and in
feveral other Commodities - few of which, if any, could be fupplyed and(
them from any other part of the World,- or at leaf! not fo cheap, or fa fck
conveniently as from Ireland 5 for our Ships in their way to forreign M
Markets frequently touch, or call in Ireland for fome of thefe Commo-
dities to compleat the Cargoes of other Goods they carry hence? which kik
is of much greater advantage to our Trade than is apprehended at firft MA
view. itUj
V. We are gainers by Ireland, in that they take our Money and pay
11s Intereft for it; Suppofe we have but 40000/. in Money at Intel eft
in Ireland, (Incereft there being 10 per Cent.) it yields us 4000 /.per
Annum, continued there ten years, we have drawn thence 40000 /. for H{fCl
Intereft, and at laft we receive our entire Principal alfo. But confider- |0Dt(
ing that Ireland takes off more of our Commodities yearly than we do
of theirs, they are obliged to fend us Money, and we having the advan¬
tage of the Exchange, we receive in Ireland 1061. or 108/. for every |jy
hundred Pounds we part with in England: So that at 6 per Cent. for ex- L|^
change, we part but with 37600/. and yet receive 4000 I. per Annum L
Inter eft thence. IL'<
Of the fame Nature and Advantage is the Rent that our Noblemen, C
Gentlemen and Merchants yearly receive for their Lands in Ireland, LI
which are yearly tranfmitted thence hither. Inftances of this kind are b J
too many to be enumerated. I will fee before you fome considerable »rZ
Inft-ances of Profit that we receive from Ireland, and which that King- ^
dom particularly yields us in three Schedules.
Firft,
( *3 )
Firft, by Rent of Lands in Ireland, belonging to Perfons that wholly
or for the mod part live in England, and are therefore frequently tranf-
mitted hither.
per Ann.
Rents of the Lands pof- ^
ffefled by he Duke of £7000 /.
York the late K- S
City of London, and the
12 Companies
Erafmns Smith 2400/.
Aid. John Smith deceafed 4001.
Sir Charles Lloyd 0800 /.
Sir WiL Barker^ Brewen ?nd^,3500 /,
?j.6ooo/.
others
Maurice Thomfon
Several Adventurers
Sir Wi// Temples Eftate
and Office
Heirs of Earl of Effex
Sir tt'iH. Courtney
Lord Fttz. Harding
Lord Berkely
Lord Arlingtonj &C»
Earl Angle fey
400/.
50CO /.
1400/.
I20O/.
2000 /.
IOOO/.
800/.
2000/.
4000/.
369OO/.
per Ann.
Earl Strafford 1800 /.
Darcy of Platton 700 /.
D. Albemarl I yoo /.
Lord Conway 200Q I.
D. Buckingham 2500/.
Sir Wandesford 1200 7.
Mr. 2 yo /.
D. Ormond I7000/.
Lord Ranelagh and Lady L .
# Dowager J 3°CO U
Sir James Shane 500 /.
Lord Lisburne 2000/.
Earl Thomond 3S°° /.
Sir Edward Scot 300 /.
EarlCorJ^ 14000/.
Earl Londonderry IOOO /.
Earl of Kildare 3500/.
54750/.
36900 /.
91650/.
The fecond Lift of Perfons refident in England, that did receive Pert-
fions out of the Revenue in /re/W in 1685. and ftnce.
Lord Lisburn
Earl Sunderland
Lady Er. Keightly
Countefs of Portland
Mrs Pfyblethorn
Earl of Rochefler
Earl Dorfet and Tho, Felton
Sir Edward Scot
per Ann.
300 1.
5000 /.
400 L
500/.
200/.
1600/.
800/.
5©o /,
21?9. Sheridan
Cha. Laburn
Capt. Beverffam
Mrs. Knight
Mrs. Cufels
per Ann.
550 /.
100 /.
117 /.
200 /.
2001.
103671
jiiO)
The
( 24)
The third Lift is of other Advantages that we receive by that Kingdom.
per Ann%
For Students that come thence to the Univerfities and Inns of y g0CQ ^
Attendants and Expedantsat Court, and Travellers hither- ^8000/
Profit made by the Chief Governours that are lent hence thi- ^ ^QQ0^
thpf oKrwr* FvnPnrP ———«- ■
ther, above their Expence
We ufually have three Commiflioners of the Revenue there, )
that are fent hence at iooo /. pe Annum each, allowing^- 2000/.
1000/. for their Expence -
Profit by the Poft-Office 6000I.
Intereft of 40000/. that is put out by our People, in Ireland 4000/.
34000/.
The Revenue there in 1686 was in the total 334575 r7 '• <5 4
Allow for Infolvencies- — 10912 /. 11 .51
3136631. 6s. 3d.
Total of the Eftablifhment, viz..the Charge of that I 6s id
Kingdom ) 5 '
Remains 80000/.—■
This overplus was tranl'mittable to England.
The overplus for Anno 1683. was but 40000/. Infolvencies? jfe
allowed as above in Anno 84. and 85. but 60000/. I will >40000/. ar
therefore reckon it communibus Annis but \ .. ,l
Brought from above
740001.
If in the firft Lift the Eftate of any man be over valued, 'tis moft cer¬
tain that many of the others are under-valued; and that there are feveral
Perions of lefs quality not named, whofe Eftates are in , and that
fpend them in England I have not wilfully erred. I have a Lift of
Particulars in my Hands drawn up by the Council of Trade in
in 1672. whereby the Abfentees Eftates then living in , are va¬
lued to 1x6040 /. per Annum. Nor is this a late Advantage that
reaps by Ireland, for both the Hiftories and Laws of this and that King¬
dom
mips
V
ji5 )
domdo complain, That from the firft Conqueft they have been impo-
verifhed by their Nobility, and Gentry's, fpending their Eftates in
England.
As to the Second Lift of Penfioiiers, I do not find that there hath
lefs than 10000 /. per annum been paid for many years paft to Perfons in
England. Upon the Eftabiilhment Anno \6"j6. The Pentions then
payable to Perfons in England was 10500 L per annum. All the Per¬
fons mentioned in this Lift but three, were certainly in England, and I
am informed the other three were refident here alfo. However the
Summ payable to thofe three amounts but unto 5C0 /. in all-
As to the Third Lift, it depends on Eftimates, wherein as to the two
firft Articles, and the fourth* fifth and fixth, I have been careful to
keep much within what they really are. As to the third Article 'tis
certain that the Annual Profits our Noblemen make of that Govern¬
ment doth much exceed what I have fet down.
And as to the laft which concerns the Surplufages of the Revenue,
whoever confults the Eftabiilhment of that Kingdom, will find, that
for many years paft there has been an Articlein it appointing a confide-
rable Summ to be returned Annually into England. In 1676. it was
but 2QOOO I. per amutit.
In Charles II. time, there was great Summs raifedin that Kingdom,
that never came into the Exchequer there; nor as I am informed is
there any account how they were difpofed. Whether they were di-
ftributed to Irijli Rebels as a reward for cutting Proteftants Throats in
1641, or transmitted for England, I cannot fay, but poflibly it may one
day prove worth his prefent Majefties Enquiry, when once that King¬
dom tends towards a Settlement, if he thinks good, to have a retrofped:
fo far. Hefe I am likewife to take notice, that when Forces have
been fent from Ireland hither, or to Tangier, they have conftantly been
paid thence.
By the particulars of this laft inftance, it is evident, That we not
only reap the common advantages ufually made in the courfe of Trade
between one Kingdom and another $ but that we alfo make many otheir
confiderable ones by Ireland, which that Kingdom peculiarly yields us,
and is like yet to do to a greater degree, if we put it into a better con¬
dition of Trade and Improvement, which I lhall hereafter make
°UThe three Lifts I have fet down before you do fhew, That we re¬
ceive 176017. L per annuity in thofe particulars, 750001, thatthey pay
us annually for Fraigbt of our Ships, which makes 245017. enough of
it felf for ever to Cure us of our Jealoufie, That that Kingdom will be
prejudicial to us in point of Trade, for thefe very Out-lets of their
E Treafure
(16)'
Treafure will infallibly keep them low. And the very encreafe of their
Trade and Confumption will encreafe the Revenue there, and make
them liable to fend fo much more as that (hall happen to be, annually to
England, which helps to fupport our Charge and Enrich us- For what-
foever the Revenue of Ire-and amounts to yearly above the Charge of
that Kingdom, hath been, and will be tranfmitted into England, and is
fo much clear profit to the King and this Kingdom,
They are yearly liable to us for more than we receive in Commodity
thence; and therefore much of what their Merchants fend to France,
Spain, &c- on their own proper Accounts is returned by Exchange, or
brought in Forreign Coyns into England, fo that they feem to fublift by
Miracle. However they were in a thriving condition when King
James II. Afcended the Throne.
Nor is the advantage finall to England, nor to our Nobility and
Gentry, that whilft the elder Brothers, Gentlemen of Eftates here,
juftle and fcuffle for Offices and Preferments, and think all too little for
them, That their younger Brothers have to repair unto in Shoals
( on every change of.Government there, which ufually happens every
three or four years) where they meet with Offices, Employments and
Preferments both of Honour and Profit, Ecclefiaftical, Civil, and Mi¬
litary ; and frequently arrive at confiderable Eftates, or a way of Live¬
lihood, whereby they live as plentifully and contentedly (though per¬
haps not fofplendtdly ) as their Elder Brothers here.
Nor is this advantage limited to the Nobility and Gentry only .• For
England breeds more Mechanicks, than it can maintain. The Sur¬
charge of thefe, that by their ftay here would but impoverifh the reft,
find Work and Livelihood in Ireland. As do many decayed Fa¬
milies that repair thither yearly for Bread, and are received therewith
great Humanity, and Kindnefs.
It is Ignorance, Envy, French Gold, or Wicked and Treacherous
Defigns that put Men upon Quarrelling with the Trade, Situation or
Improvement of Ireland as prejudicial, or inconvenient to for
the fair, fpacious, and fafe Harbours on the South, and South-Weft
Coaft of Ireland, furnifh our Merchant Ships in their Voyages to
Afia, Africa, and return from America, and moft part of not
only with commodious (belter and refrelhments in Storms, Tempefts
and other Extremities at Sea, but alfo retreat, refuge, and fecurity
from Pyrates, and Enemies in times of War.
And Ireland by its Situation lyes conveniently, not only for Security
and Advice for our Merchant Fleets in time of War, but alfo ro \nt,4
cept and interrupt the Trade of our Enemies. e
And
*
( 27 )
And how lightly foever thefe advantages may be pad over by thofe
that poflibly for French-gold, would cut, untwift, or weaken our
for";j Threefold Cord, yet they are obvious enough to all confidering, un-
Cla-; byafled States-men, Merchants and Navigators.
For let it beconfidered, That the great currant of Trade runs be¬
tween England and France, and that were the Ports of Ireland and France
in one hand, or both in War with us ; That either, much more both,
would (hut up, and damage, if not ruine our Trade, in that in the lat¬
ter cafe, it might be done meerly by Privateers without the Expence
of a great and chargeable Fleet, as our Merchants already find in part
to their great_coft and lofs.
Thus you fee that If eland is beneficial to England, by employing a-
bove 300 Sail of Ships conftantly, together wick the Hands and Trades
that depend on them. That it takes off confiderable quantities of our
natural Products, of our Manufactures, and of our Imported Commodi¬
ties, which yields Employment to our People, contributes to keep up
the Rents of our Lands, and Enrich our Merchants-
That almoft all the Commodities we receive thence, are not only
ufeful, but neceflary to us, to enable our Manufacturers, and employ
multitudes of our People.
That our Forreign Trade is encreafed by the Commodities our Mer¬
chants Ship off from Ireland which they can have no where elfe, and
lyes there conveniently for our Ships to take in in their way to their
proper Markets-
That we receive thence yearly above 240000 befides many other
advantages. .
That many younger Brothers, and fupernumerary Artizans, and Fa¬
milies that fall to decay, and that cannot fubfift here, are received and
entertained with kindnefs in Ireland, where they grow Rich, or at
leaftSubfift.
That the Situation of that.Kingdom is fo far from being prejudicial
toii England,That it is commodious for the lhelter, fecurity and en¬
largement of our Trade.
That were there no fuch place, we (hould want Employment for at
leaft 300000 of our People, and Sale for a good part of our Products
and Manufactures. . .
That ihould Ireland continue in the hands of our. Enemies, many of
our People would be beggared, moftofour Forreign Trade be greatly
indangered and obftructed, if not ruined.
So that without further confideration of this matter, 1 do conclude,
That as Irelandis the antienteft, fo it is the molt noble, and profitable
Acquifition that ever England made, though it is but little more than
. • - E 2 twenty
( 28 )
twenty years fince the (landing Revenue of that Kingdom did confide-
rably furmount the Charge of it; yet our Kings ever fince King John's
time have drawn large Supplies not only of Men, but alfo of Money,
from Ireland. K- James and K. Charles the Firft received feveral Summs
of Money thence, which with the advantages by Trade, and mod of
the fore-mentioned particulars have rendred Ireland considerable to
England for near 500 years paft.
You take notice that our Nobility, Clergy and Gentry have imbibed
a Notion, that the abatement of the Rents of Lands in England for
twenty fix years paft have been occafioned by the Improvements of
Ireland in that time: And thence you raife your
T
Third Query, Whether the Improvement of Ireland vom not
thecaufe of the Abatement of Rents of Lands in England Or
whence clfe hath it come that Rents of L mds have fallen one Fifth
part fince theTear 1662.
O fet you right in this matter, it's expedient that I lay before you
_ the true flate of that Kingdom and its Trade, whereby you will
be able to fee the folly ofourfufpicions, and the difficulty, if not im-
poffibility of receiving prejudice by the Improvement of Ireland, at
leaft in this or the next Age, unlefs we enforce it by bearing too hard
on them, as we did in the bufinefs of Gattel, and compel them to bet¬
ter Husbandry at home, and to more Forreign Trade, than they are
any way difpofed to, or prepar'd for. And then I will (hew you whence
it is, that our Lands have fallen fo much in their Rents.
Ireland is indeed an Iftand, that for extent of Acres, richnefs of Soyl,
falubrityof Air, numeroulnefs of good Rivers and Havens, variety of
Fiftiings, native Products, and materials fit to be improved into Manu¬
factures, Scituation for Trade, eire.comes behind few Iflands in the
World. Yet it hath hitherto advanced but very little in Trade, Riches
or Improvement. Although it hath for 518 years owned Subjection to
England, and been in great meafure Inhabited by to that de¬
gree, That three fourths of the prefent Papifts there, are of
Extraction, who yet by the influence of that pernicious Religion, are
as much difpofed to Mifchief and Barbarity, as the native Irijh -, yet I
fay the Trade and Improvements thereof are inconfiderable. The
Caufes whereof I apprehend to be thefe.
i
ia ILjiUA
i. That
( 19 )
1. That the Popifii Religion is retained by about five fixth parts of
the Inhabitants; which not only enjoins about 2 Idle or Holy-days
more in a year than our Church 5 by expence on which, the lofs of fo
much time, and of what might be gained therein, the ill habits, and
indifpofition to labour contracted by fuch Idlenefs, and the fpungings
of their Clergy, by which, and the difpleafure of God on that Religion,
(being that abomination that caufeth defolation) they are kept Poor.
Hereby they are liableyearly to fend much Money to Romero par chafe
tions, Pardons, &C- and they aSlually do fo ; And are alfo at the Charge of
training up their Youth at St. Omers, Doway, Valado.lid, the
fuites Colledges in France, ( which is a real drain to their Treafure ) where
they are fitted for all Fillany, and mftrntled how to trouble Church and State.
And by Gods juft Judgment for permitting that Religion, ( whilft with¬
out compulfion it is fo eafie to reform them 5} they are made Thorns
in our fides. Thefe (I fay ) make up one caufe of the Poverty of that
Kingdom, and will remain fo, as long as their Idolatry is connived at.
2. The Second Caufe of the Poverty of that Kingdom, is, tire paucity
of the Inhabitants, the whole number being reckoned to be but 120000a1
Souls, whereof 300000 are Children,many by their quality exempt from
Labour, and the reft are few enough for Tillage and Husbandry, there
being Ten Acres, of Land EngHJh meafure profitable, and five unpro¬
fitable in that Kingdom for each Soul in it. Hence it is, that -in the
Fifiling Seafon, the Merchants of that Kingdom pay 20000
to Scorc/;Fifiier-men,that go from Scot la to take the Herrings and other
Fifh, tliat prefent themfelves to their Nerts in the Harbours. To
which may be added,the poor and mean way wherein above three fourths
of them live,their Food, ttho' they live the midft of plenty) being moftly
Milk and Potatoes; their Cloathing, Courfe Bandle Cloath and Linnen,
both of their own making. A Pot, a Griddle whereon to Bake their
Bread, a little Snuff, Salt, and Iron for their Plows, being-almoft all,
that they trouble the Merchant or Shop-keeper for. A little Hut, or
Cabbin to Lodge in, is all that the generality of them feek, or have
Ambition for.
3. A third Caufe of their Poverty ( which is alfd an evidence of it,)
is, the Raw and Unmanufactured condition of the Commodities they
Export. The Bulk of their Exportation befides Fifii •, is Wool, Raw-
Hides, Flax, Linnen-Yarn, Cony-Skins, Sheep'Skins, Pelts, Hogs¬
heads and Barrel Staves, &c. Add hereunto the few Markets that they
have for thefe. They are Prohibited, carrying their Wool and Yarn
to any Market but England. The Carribbe Ifiands were their beft Mar¬
ket for Beef, Pork, ana Provifions, which tho' we have left them Free¬
dom to carry thither, together with Servants and Horfes, yet'tis under
fuch
(30;
fuch hard conditions, that they are in a manner wholly cut off from that
Trade. Thefe being fo Bulkey, and of fo little Value, that it requires
two or three Cargoes of them to Lade one Ship back with Plantation
Commodities. And we have Prohibited them to carry any of their
Manufactures f which would have help'd in this Cafe) thither, except
they enter, and pay the Duty for them in England, which on fome Goods
is twice, on others the whole value of the firft coft-
4. The ftnall quantity of Coin that is in that Kingdom* and the great
difproportion between that and the Payments of the Kingdom. To
clear this, I will give you a rough, yet near and probable computation,
what the Rents, publick Payments and Trade there doth require, or of
what Money is neceflary to put that Kingdom barely into a thriving
condition.
1. There ought to be in it as much Money, as one Years Rent of
near Eight Millions of Acres profitable Land which are in that King¬
dom, and the Houfes doth amount unto, which fuppofe to be 11 coooo/.
This is the Land-Lord and Tennants (hare of the Ca(h of the King¬
dom.
2. It is neceflary there be alfo fo much Coin as one Years value of
the Natural Products of the Kingdom does amount unto, at Jeaft as the
Commodities Exported in that time do come to. This is the Merchants
and Trades mens (hare of the Money, and in Ireland fhould be about
5 90,000 I
3. So much Money as one Years Revenue and Taxes does amount
Wo i which in Ireland is about 3000001 or at lead fo much as is the
Charge of the Kingdom, which including Penfions was 243663 /.
4. So much Ca(h as the Tythes and Church Livings amount unto,
which for 27 Bifhopricks, Deanries, &c. and about 2200 Parilhes;
ril reckon 200000 /.per Annum.
5. It's needful that there be Manufactures in a Kingdom to employ the
Indigent, and keep them from Rapin and Violence 5 and if fo, it's ne¬
ceflary there (hould be fo much Mony for that ufe as one Years Manu¬
facture doth amount unto 5 for which (becaufe they are fo few in
kind, and little in quantity) well reckon but4oooo/.
Thefe five make up a neceflary Capital of two Millions and 83^3/.
Now did the Ca(h of the Kingdom equal thefe requirements, Rents,
Taxes and Tythes might be well and duely paid, the Scale of Trade
move nimbly, and feme Manufactures be carried on.
But where the Ca(h of a Kingdom doth not exceed the firft, third,
fourth foremensioned ufes, fuch Kingdom is incapacitated to advance
de, Shipping, Manufactures or Improvements.
Such
T3o
[ftoB| Such Deficiences of Calk, (accordingto the Degree of it) occafiom
.itttcj cheapnefs of the Natural product of fuch Kingdoms, ill payment of
lPlanut R-ents> anc^ Debts, and necefiarily impofe a low value upon Lands both
ni of| in purchafe, and Rent.
thayejq 'fhe Paftant Cafh of that Kingdom in its mold flourilhing condition,
CffitCj was never eftimated to be 400000 /. but grant it be fo much, yet
that is lefs than one Fifth of what is necefifary to enable the payment
ndthej, of Rents, Taxes, and Tythes, and to carry on the fmall Trade of that
lgdoit: Kingdom. -
m Here you may fee the Fundamental Caufe of the ill payments, Cheap-
>?z:t. nefs of Lands, fmallnefs of Trade, and Poverty of that Kingdom, tho'
a not the only one.
The want of Stock in Trade, is the reafon why the moft of the pro¬
mts [jj duds of that Kingdom are Exported by our Merchants, and not by the
j 1,1 Merchants of that Kingdom, whereby the profit made on them in For-
iJj,,,.: .reign Market accrues to England.
g(t|." 5. Another Caufe of the Poverty of Inland, is, the high intereft
■ that Money is at there, being by Law 10 per cent, befides Procuration,
. and Continuation Money, &c. which the needy pay alfo This is a con-
I fequent and proof of the former, and that which cuts the Nerves, and
1 Jf Hamftrings of Induftfy. For as Scarcity of Coin, keeps the Natural
I mme procjU(^s 0f a Country at a low rate; fo high Intereft both hinders
® their being Manufactured, and advances the price of them when Manu¬
factured, that they cannot be afforded fo Cheap at Forreign Markets, as
does * £iie ]ike Manufactures raifed where intereft of Mony is low.
uch as isg
\]66] !■ jf iqere ;£ f,e objected, that the Cheapnefs of Wool (as to the Wool-
HOtjDtl ]en Manufacture ) will countervail the difadvantage of high intereft :
a .law jt's anfwered, that it will not, for 12 Pound of Wool which! cofts but
two Shillings dearer in England than there, will make a piece of Serge
)»pp tiiat may ftand fome in 3 l. fome in 41, or two pieces of Stuff that may
10)its* together ftand in as much i the price of the Wool being fo fmall a part
featsMt of the Disburfe, will not countervail the high intereft on the reft. But
e fo M befides this, there being but little Manufacture there, and not full work
for Tuckers, Dyers, Drafters, Calenders, Hot-Prefters, &c. there,
and Mi as there is here, the rate of thefe there, is double to what it is here 5
:nts, 8® and fo is their Oyl, Dying Stuffs and Forreign Materials, moft of which
e oflE they carry from England, for which at a high value they pay 10 per cent.
for Cuftoms and Excife on their Importation-
Sri, W It is the leaft skilful of our Workmen that go thither, and even the
toadr# skilful there meet with a great inaptitude in the People to Manufacture,
tho' they ought to be content with them for their own ufe, yet they
Sd cannot
(p. «>
f annot perfect them fo as t-o be able to Sell them at any Tolerable price
in the fame Market with curs.
A pregnant Inftance vhereof we had a few Years flnce. Some Oi our
Merchants thought to make confiderable advantage by Buying Bayes
(like thofe of Colchefier.)in Inland, and gave Ccinmiflicn for large
quantities which were bought up, whereupon there was a great fpurt of
Trade for that Commodity for a little time. But notwithftanding Col-
chefier Bayes is the eafieft part of the Woollen Manufacture to be made,
imitated and perfected, yet when chofe made in came to be com¬
pared with the true CclchejkrBayes in they differed fo much for
tlie worfe, that on a fudden the IrWeavers loft their Trade, and
fonie of them were Ruined by thole that were left on their hands,
not being able to find a Market for them. Here you alfo fee one rea-
fon why they Export moft part of their Commodities Raw and Un¬
manufactured-
6. A fixth Caufe of Inlands Poverty, is, the Cheaprtefs of Lands
in that Kingdom, andeafinefs to fubfift, with the difficulties that attend
Trade there, which makes their Merchants turn Purchafers asfoonas
they have gotten as much as will maintain their Families; whereby the
flock in Trade there is fmall- For it's obferved, that tho' many
there gain a Livelihood by Trade, yet very few of the Merchants of
that Kingdom have acquired confiderable, or competent Eftates, for
the reafons before mentioned, and becaufe of the many Cloggs that lie
on this Trade, which will hereinafter be obferved.
7- Add to thefe their improvidence, the prodigality and excefs of the
Englijh there, in the Confumption of Forreign wares, moftly fuperflui-
ties which they might well be without. As fine Cloath, Stuffs, Silks-
Laces, Haberdaffiery, and the reft that I have before enumerated, which
they derive wholly from England. As alfo fome that they have from
other Countries: Above 3 ceo Tuns of Wine and Brandy have been
Imported and Confumed in that Kingdom in one Year. Some Vices
and fome Vertues feem to adhere to the Soil of moft Countries, how¬
ever the Inhabitants are changed. Thus Luxury and Hofpitality to moft
plentiful countries; and fo to Irel, efpeciaily in Houfekeeping,
wherein they exceed us as far as we do the Frugal Dutch* and fo are no
Savers by the great Plenty of the Country.
■' LV ffPMR
8. The uninterefled (and frequent change) of the chief Governors
who are moftly them from .England,who tranfmit all that they get
above their neceflary Expence into England.
9. The
( 33 )
9 The frequency of Rebellions in that Kingdom (which difcourages
and deftroys all Improvements J occasioned by the folly and negligence
of England, and the influence the Papifts have always had on our Coun¬
cils •, fo that on their reduction they have conftantly found fuch Favour
as to be left in Condition to renew their Rebellions at Pleafure.
10. Caufe of Irelands Poverty is the Clogs and Reftraints on then-
Trade, partly by England, partly by their own Parliament, who, by a
perpetual Law, have incapacitated the growth or increafe of their Trade,
efpecially fo as that it cannot interfere with the Trade of England.
The Truth is, both Parliaments have been impofed on, partly by
fome Commiflioners of the Cuftoms here; who to fix themlelves the
better in their Seats, and at once to ingratiate themfelves at Court, and
with the EnglifiiMerchants that deal to the Plantations, pretended they
could greatly encreafe that branch of the Revenue by impoling hard
things on Ireland. Partly by two fets of Men who defigned the farm¬
ing of the Cuftoms and Excife in both Kingdoms and actually did
Farm part of them here. Thefe by their Creatures in that Parliament,
wherein were fome Penfionaries; under pretence of advancing Trade,
and the Rents of Lands in England, &c. gained feveral Ads to be palled
very difadvantagious to Ireland, and the Plantations, and of little or no ad¬
vantage to England. Particularly thofe t^at bar the People of Ireland
from carrying any Afian, African, or European Commodities to any of
the Plantations, but Provifion, Servants and Horfes, except they be
brought into, entred, and pay Cuftomin England, and be bound to re¬
turn hither with the proceed likewife.
As the Plantations heavily complain of thefe Ads, fo do the People
of Ireland. I have feen certain Reafons drawn up in Ireland againft thofe
Ads, too many and too long to be here inferted. Yet being they fall in
with the prefent Subjed, I will mention fome of them,
That as /re/W is the Antienteft and nobleft, fo is it the moft benefi¬
cial Acquifition of England. Not only by taking off annually great Pro¬
portions of the natural and artificial Commodities thereof = But alfo of
Afian and African Commodities (two thirds of the Importations of
Ireland being from England) by employing confiderable numbers of
E nglijhShips, by the yearly Rents of the Eftates of fuch as live in Eng¬
land, and of Abfentees tranfinitted hither, by the Charge of Students at
the Univerlities and Inns of Court, Income of the Poft-Office; Surnms
carried away by chief Governours, the furpluflage of the Revenue, &c.
much of all which is carried into England in Calh.
That the Commodities exported from Ireland to England are all necef-
fary or ufeful to England. But that the Commodities imported thither
from England, are 'fuperfluous, and fuch as Ireland may, or rnuft be
F with.
• W
( 34 )
without, ( to the prejudice o£England) except there be a relaxation
of the prefent Severities put on that Kingdom.
That Ireland being planted with Englify, or thofe of Enghjh Extracti¬
on, under the fame Sovereign, under almoft all the fame Laws with
England, in fome refped under the fame Legislative Power, (tor Laws
made in England, wherein Ireland is named, bind Ireland, &c. ) Ireland
is by thefe, and feveral other ways in a manner Incorporated, and be¬
come one Body with England. ^
In thofe Ads they note two things^ the ends of them, and the rea-
fons of them-
The ends of them are, to keep the Plantations in a firm Dependence
on England, to appropriate the Trade to, and from them to England.
And that England may be a ftaple for the Plantation Commodities.
They fay all thefe Ends (fave in one little particular of fmall moment
to England, but of great Importance to Ireland ) are infallibly fecured
to England without thefe A6Is of Reftraint, &c.
As to the firft, they fay, That the Merchants of Ireland are general¬
ly Englifh, or of English Extraction; and having many Plantations in
thefe Iflands, are part Proprietors; that it cannot be imagined that their
Trade and yearly fending many of his Majefties Subjects thither, can
weaken, but rather firm their Dependance on England, which confef-
fedly in thofe ACts cannot be fupplyed from, or not without great Pre¬
judice to England. And which elfe muft be fupplyed with more Ne~
groes, to the Hazard, if not Ruin and lofs of thofe Plantations.
As to another End, which is, That England may fupply thofe Plan¬
tations with all Afian, African, and European Commodities. They fay
that Inland hath not been accuftomed to fend any of thefe, except
thofe of the Growth, or Manufacture of Ireland to the Plantations, nor
can they fend any other if they had full Liberty. For by the Att of Cufioms
in Ireland, all Wines, Tobacco, wrought Silks, all Haberdafliery Wares, and
all forts of Grocery Wares imported into Ireland, pay a great Cuttorn, and
draw back^no part of that Duty on Exportation. The Law there denying the
Merchant that Priviledge. By which Claufe England is fecured that the
Merchants of Ireland cannot fupply the Plantations with any Wines,
Silks, Haberdafliery, or Grocery. And by another Claufe in that Att\
the Merchants of Ireland are rendred uncapable to fupply the Plantations or
any other part of the World with any Commodities whatsoever ,which is once Im¬
ported into that Kingdom ; The Claufe is this*, cc That all Forreign Com-
" modifies, except Wines and Tobacco, and thofe of the Englijh Plan-
" tations imported into Ireland by a Denizon from any the Parts or Pla-
" ces beyond the Seas, other than England or Wales, fliall for ever pay
one third more in Subfidy over and above the Subfidy payable for the
" " lame
(35 )
" fame according to the Book of Rates, and every Stranger double,
It is to be noted, That moft Commodities but what Ireland conftantly
if bit derives, or are fupplyed with from England, are valued in the book
bus5, of Rates, at a higher value than the fame Commodities are valued
nfotli in the book of Rates in England. So that according to the intrinftcl
value of the Commodities, all Forreign Goods pay almofi io per Cent. Cujlom
ted, anil on Importation into Ireland, except what they have from England. There¬
fore, fay they, he that reads the A6ts for Cuftoms and Excife in Ire-
andtkt land, will imagine that the Parliament of Ireland was in the Confpiracy
to ruin the Trade of that Kingdom. For though it is known, that thefe
Depent and other fevere Ciaufes in thofe Ads were added in England when the
i to hi Bills were fent into England for Approbation 5 yet they were allowed
CommoJi and paffed into Ads by the Parliament of Ireland, So that upon the whole,
Um they conceive it clear as the light at Noon-day, That England can fur nip) the
illiblji Plantations, and all the World, with Afian, African, and European Com¬
modities, 6 if not 8 per Cent, cheaper than ctis pojfible for the Merchants of
i<| arc ji Ireland to do it 5 which is a full fecurity of that Trade to England.
Plant® As to the third End of thofe Acts in England, that barr their Trade
to the Plantations, which is, That England maybe a Staple to all the
istiitk World for the Plantation Commodities.
wiidic® The Merchants of Ireland fay, this alfo is infallibly allured to Englandy
0I]tp[ though Liberty fhould be allowed them to trade to the Plantations. As
vidian t0 ^ World, Ireland only excepted •, Not only for fome of the rea-
tjO0j' fons given under the former head, which take Place likewife here 5
jy but alfo becaufe, although Plantation Commodities (fince the additional
jg Up Duties were added ) pay a higher duty on Importation into Englandy
u ' than ttyey pay on Importation into Ireland. Yet op Exportation out of
I ; Ireland, they leave much more of the Duty behind, than they do on
Exportation from England. To inftance only in two of them. Ginger
p yi on Importation into Ireland pays 12 d. per hundred weight Cuftom, and
* on Exportation draws back no part of that duty. Ginger exported out
;< of England leaves behind.
m ft, Tobacco ( which is the moft considerable of all the Plantation Com-
C^«J; modifies\ Imported into Ireland, and-again exported thence, leaves in
1 any m t|ie j£jngS hanjs 0ne penny per pound behind ? but exported out of Eng-
f% T andy it leaves but a half penny behind, which is the eighth or tenth part
maim- value of that Commodity. So that England will certainly remain
i chit ml a Staple for thefe Commmodities to all the World, except Ireland, not wit h-
i ponding full - titer ty of Trade to the Plantations fjould he allowed the Merchants
)Enm 0jp lrelan^ por thac the Englijh Merchants can fell Tobacco 10 or iz per
?ftitsorf Qenu at"ieafjj ancj Ginger ~ per Cent, cheaper than the Merchants of
[forwf Ireland, and fo likewife all other Plantation Commodities,
lyablefor/ • • ' F 2 The
C 36 )
The fecond thing they note in thofe Ads, that prohibite the Mer¬
chants of Ireland to trade to the Plantations, but through &c.
is the reafon of them, which forms the Equity of them, That the
Plantations are Peopled with his Majefties Subjeds of England, and that
England hath and doth daily fuffer great Prejudice by tranfporting great
numbers to thofe Plantations for the Peopling of them.
To this the Merchants of Ireland fay, That in Fad it is 1110ft certain,
that a full Moiety or near it, of all the working Whites, and many of
the Proprietors in all the Caribbe Iflands, and atleaft three fourths of the
Whites on Aiontferat are of the People of Ireland.
And that if thofe Plantations had not for many years been fupplyed
with People, cherilhed and furnilbed with Viduals at low Rates from
Ireland, they had perifhed, or not come to what they are. For had
they been neceflitated to have paid Rates for Food, they could
not have fubfifted. So that, (fay they) If hath not only in a
great meafure fuftained them, but alfo are part Proprietors, and have in
a great meafure Peopled them, and are daily fending People thither,
where they are needed ; then Ireland is within the Reafon of thofe
Ads, and ( as. they conceive) ought not to be debarred Commerce
with them, at leaf! for their own Produds, and Manufacture, which is
all that they defire Liberty for.
They fay, it feems to be a great Severity, (being they are of the
People of England ) that they ihouid be treated as Forreigners: And
were the Tables turned, and their Brethren of England in Ireland, the
Legiflators would think the Laws at leaft unkind.
That it feems hard, that an Englilh man, becattfe he goes to inhabit in
Ireland, or is fent thither to help to fecure that to England, Jhould
therefore lofe a great part of the Priviledge of an Englilb man, and be treated
as a Forreigner. rj ;v:.
That thefe Restraints tend towards untwisting or weakling our threefold
Cord, by alienating (if it were poffible ) the Hearts of the People from Eng¬
land, andfeem rather to be designed by France, than to flow from the gene¬
rous temper of an Englifll Parliament.
That the fame Parliament that Enacted thofe Laws, were fo fenfible
of the Advantages England reaps by Ireland, and that it is the Intereft of
this Kingdom to cheriih That,that they comprehended Ireland in the Act
of Navigation; and allowed the People and Ships thereof the fame Pri-
vi!ecges-as to tne People and Ships of England. As an acknowledgment
Wiiejeof, the Parliament of Ireland by their Act of Navigation, grant¬
ed all the like Priviledges to the People and Ships of England as to their
own.
That
/ 37 )
That as to tht Virginia Trade, which brings greateft Advantage to his
Majefiy, the Merchants or Ireland are in a manner wholly cut off from
thar Trade, except they will drive it to the utter Ruin of the Kingdom
(which they refolve not to do ) For neither Provifion, rior Horfes will
go oft at Virginia]nor are Servants to be had to fucli numbers as to en¬
able that Trade; And the Export of their Manufacture is prohibited.
So that if they will drive that Trade, they muft do it with Caili, and
turn all the little Money they have into Smoak, or be at the exceftive
charge, double hazard and expence of time, to come unto, and return
through England with that ( as all other Plantation Commodities)
which, hath occahoned frequent lofs of Seafons, and of Ships and Car¬
go's to the lofs of the Duty to his Majefty, and Ruin of many Merchants,
as they made appear in very many 'deplorable Inftances, too long to be
here inferted.
They fay, That whereas by an Act of the 25. Car. 2. For better fe-
curing the Plantation Trade, It is Enacted, That if any Ship or Veftel,
which by Law may Trade in any of the Plantations, lhall come to take
on board any Plantation Commodities, and that Bond fliall not be firft
given, with fufticient Surety to bring them to England, , or
wick, That there lhall be paid there on white Sugars 5 s. per Cent, on
Mujcovados8 d. per Cent.on Tobacco i d, per Pound, &c. which afford¬
ed fome eafe tojthe diftreffed Merchants of Ireland in returning, with¬
out being neceilitated to come to England to enter. Tet that door
hath been (hut again si Ireland by the Artifice of the Arbitrary
of the Cufioms in England. For contrary to the plain Import of that Larv,
There was a Ship of England which paid that Duty in the Plantations, feiz.ed
and condemned, under pretence that that Was only intended for the 1
between Plantation and Plantation, althtug is- nothing in the API that ■
gives Countenance to that ConftruPtion.
That tho' the Manufactures of Ireland are few, and that the nioft con-
fiderable of them is Lumen, which interferes not with the Manufacture
of England,and that the quantity exported in timesof Free Trade to
the Plantations was but fmall, yet the Suftenance of a good number of
the moft neceflitous of their People depended wholly on that little, and
that they cannot fubfift barely by Air, more than the People of Eng¬
land.
That by reafon of the eafinefs to fubfift in Ireland, the Reftraints on
Trade, the difficulty, if not impoffvbility ( now) to grow rich by
Trade, and the che^poefs of Land; Merchants are inclined to purchafe
rather than Trade. That from henc^i and the mean way of living of
the Natives, paucity of Inhabitants, little demand of the Native G'onr-
modities in Forreign Markets, the want of any- peculiar Commodity,
as
( 3t)
as Tinn is to England, &c. It appears there is little reafon why the IjP
Gentry and Merchants of England Lhould be fo jealous as they are of the
Improvement of Ireland, or the growth of its Trade, and lefs why they y
Ihould bear fo hard on it.
That albeit Liberty is granted to the Merchants of Ireland, to fend ^
Provifions, Servants and Horfes to the Plantations 5 yet Provifions and ;'f j
Horfes being of great ftowage, and fmall value, It requires two Car- ®[JSJ
goes of them to lade one Ship home. And it is not to be expected f,
that the whole proceedflhould in the fame Voyage be turned into Com- *
modity for return. Hence it becomes abfolutely neceflary for them to :l;f,
carry fome fmall parcels of the Manufacture of Ireland with Provifions,
Servants and Horfes, to enable a Cargo for the Ships return, or to re- W
turn half or one third empty, which doubles the Charge of Fraigjit, and ^
Charge on the Commodities returned Or if they will not do this, they 4$°
mufi carry Money to England to buy, and take in fome Manufacture S!l
there, which doubles the hazard and charge, and by lofs of time, and "%
contrary Winds occafion lofs of Seafons, and often of Ships and
Goods. And if any of the Woollen Manufacture of Ireland be brought ft
to enter here fin order to fend them to the Plantations) the half duty on din
them in England, is in fome the whole, in others the half of their firft M,
Coft. Which how hard foever, tyet they muft not ( as the cafe ftands) 4"
upon any eafier terms trade to thofe parts, tho' part of the Dominions of iift
their natural Prince, and ;n a great meafore peopled and fupported by Mgi
themfelves. v
That fince the Prohibition of Cattle to England, and as an effeCl thereof\
the Merchants of Ireland have in return for Beef Tallow, Hides, &C. fup- ililti
plyedthat Kingdom with many Commodities from For reign Parts, which be- Iwjtei
fore that Prohibition, were; brought only from England. And that if the re- Art!,
firaint be continued on their Manufactures to the Plantations, They will, be ;roM
neceffitated to truck, their Manufactures in Spain, Portugal, &C for Plan- itkm
tat ion and other Commodities which they ufed to have from the Plantations, iHoIhl
and from England. IP here, if oncetheir Manufactures be brought into dt- lilifloil
mand, the. prejudice /© England will be a thoufand timers greater than can arjfe. hf Ujt
from their carrying fwqll} quantities of them to the Plantations. ; . p) w
T That the Condition-:of Ireland In the foremencioned refpects is very 'irfk
deplorable. For notwithftanding the Englffh there are liable annually
to England for thofe vaft Summs before mentioned, yet they are prohi- %
1 to (end their Sheep, Cattle, Beef, Pork or Butter (the product %\ih
or their Land) huher. Nor can they fend their, Manufacture;, the only %k
hmpioyment optneirPeople hither, nor to any of the Plantations, no,- totb
not 10 much as CiOaths for their Servants. If they Tend Servants, they Asto
mult not lend Cloaths with them for one year, nor Co much as handfom- M]
ly
A 1 ' • 'X
. ( 39 ) •
ly to recommend them to a Market; nor Brandy fufficient for their
Voyage, left any fhould be left at their Arrival. If they fend Horfes
they mult not fend a new Bridle. If they do in any of thefe Cafes
tranfgrefs, they are fore to be ruined by the Commanders of the Ships
of England chat watch that Trade, as many have been. They are by
England prohibited to Plant Tobacco to employ their Lands at Home
that is laid wafte. ^11 which (fay they) renders Ireland and the Mer¬
chants thereof fit Objetts of his Majefiy and the Parliaments Companion,
which they hope will in due time be extended to them, the hard Circumflances
in which they are being once underfiood by their Brethren o/England.
It is fome Relief to thofe that imagine themfelves under preftiires to
be permitted to utter their Complaints. Thus I have (out of their
own Mouths) given you part of the anxious reafonings of the Mer¬
chants of Ireland, about the Cloggs laid on the Trade of that Kingdom
by England. Whereunto I (hall add one more, which by reafon of the
weight and importance ofit to England, I am not willing to omit; and
it is this.
That if thefe Reflraints be intended to compel them to take off more Com¬
modities from England 3 or that they fhould Trade only with England, They
ift are ill defigned: For that according to the State, into which England hath
diil brought the Trade of that Kingdom, f as is before fet forth) it is impoffible
IDf for the people (//Ireland to enlarge their Trade with England. For fhould
p " they buy more of England than they do, and have done for five years pajl,
they are ( by thefe Prohibitions ) rendred uncapabletopayforit. But on the
contrary, England hath ( by thefe Reflraints ) laid an abfolate necejfity on
Ireland to takeoff lefsof the Produtt and Manufatluries of England than they
have formerly taken off. For when they enjoyed liberty to carry their Mann-
failures, as well as Provifions to the Plantations, they ufually brought the
Frodutl of them mo England, which they Trucked for Engliih Commodities,
or therewith paid their Debts here 5 or if they paid Duty, and Exported them
to Holland, &c. ahey returned the proceed of them into England, and apply-
ed it to the ufes before-mentioned. But feeing England hath not only fhut, but
fafl lockt this Door alfo againfi them, they muft now (though with much re¬
gret) to the prejudice of England, neceffarily feek. new Trade, and ftpply
themfelves for future from Places where they can vend their Native Products,
and Manufallures*
Whatever there is in their former reafonings, I am of Opinion, that
this laft deferves due confideration, as being of importance to the Trade
of England' But here I'll put an end to the exercife of your patience as
to that particular.
As to the Cloggs laid on their Trade by their own Parliament, they
have fallen in, and been mentioned with thofe laid on them by Eng¬
land,
(■
land, the moft confiderable being that Claufe in the Act of Cuftoms,
which impofeth one third more Subfidy on all Commodities Imported
into Ireland, except thofe Imported from England or the Plantations.
This they fay was added to the Bill in England. However it was palled
by their dwn Parliament, and is in effect, or was intended by thofe
which added it, as a Prohibition of their Trade with any part of the
World, but England.
Another difcouragement which they alledge, is the exorbitant Fines
in the Act for Excife in Ireland, as lofs ofFranchifes, Imprifonment, and
the Barbarous Corporal Funifhments to be inflicted thereby, which
are fuch, That Merchant and Slave in Ireland are convertible terms;
and had indeed been fitter to have been impofed on Slaves at
than on Free-born Englifi Men.
If the view I have given you of the Trade and Condition of Ireland
hath not fatisfied you, that it is not the Improvement of that Kingdom
that hath iellened the Rents of Lands in England, I prefume the aclwer
to the fecond part of the Inquiry w e are upon will fully do it.
The fecond part of the Query, is, What have been the that
have occajioned the Rents of Lands to have abated or fallen one fifth part, or
confiderably fince the year 1662 ?
This Query fuppofeth, That Lands generally throughout England
did in 1662. or thereabout, yield confiderably more Rent than now
they do. I was defircus to inform my felf as to the certainty of it, left
this unhappinefs fhould have been only particular to your felf, and fome
few about ycu, I had the curiofity to inquire in Surrey ( fifteen Miles
from London) whether like Abatements had hapned there as in your
parts oftheCountrey ; and I had many Inftances given me where feve-
tata
m
Tfc
iktei
'ili(
it Ike
Mttit
liie&f
Mat
ail Dr.
ral parcels of Land which in 1662. and 1663. yielded 30 I.per annum, are
now fet ( upon the Rack-rent) at 22 /. per annum, and fo proportiona-
bly for greater and lefs quantities of Land: So that being confirmed in
the Truth of the matter of Fact, I have therefore the more fludioufiy
enquired into the caufes thereof.
To refolve this Query to fatisfactlort, it is necelfary that we retro-
fpect the Conditionof England unto the tirne when Lands were at a ve¬
ry low and mean value as to the Rents of them 5 and if we can find
w hat it was that railed them to tnole high Rents they yielded about
i(562. it is probable that that will direct or help us to find the true
caufes of their Abatement.
To go no further back than the Reign of Edward III. we fhall find,
That England had no Manufactures, few Ships, little or no Exportati¬
on but a little Leather, befides Wool, and Wool-fells, of which feme-
times 30000, at other times 10000 Sacks was Annually Exported ( for
Cuftom
hwrin
ma
f, n
witk
® til
i M
p,
iu
in
m ip
flWr,
PtheKi
\
( 41 )
Cuftom of which that King received 250001, annum.) England nei¬
ther had nor affected Trade further than in our own Seas, and to the
Netherlands,or not to any purpofe; but Jived wholly, or moftly by
Tillage, and Paliurage ofCattel. So that being deflitute of Manu¬
facture and Trade, Lands yielded lefs Rent in England at that time,
than they did in Ireland thirty four years ago ( which was foon after that
Kingdom had been depopulated by the Rebellion of 1641,) when good
Land was fet at 12 d.per Acre.
This is evident by the low Rate of Provifions in L ondon in thisReign,
where a fat Ox was fold for 6 s.8 da fat Sheep 6 d. five Pidgeons
id. a. Quarter of Wheat 2 s. a fat Goofe 2 d. The products of the
Fields being fo cheap the Rents of Lands muff needs be very low.
Stow tells us that in this Kings Reign, a Tax of 5 16 S d. being
laid on each Parifh in England. That 112/. was abated to and
the like Summ to Devonfhire, becaufe of the extream Poverty of thofe
Counties: But fince they have become the Seat of feveral Manufactures,
the Cafe is much mended with them.
This Wife and Warlike King being as Mafculine in his Councels, as
Valiant in Arms, projected at once the enlarging of his Dominions, and
the enriching of them. He obferved that his Wools were Tran¬
sported to the Netherlands, wrought up there, and part of them return¬
ed in Draperies, &c. with .vaft advantage to the Manufacturers and to
thofe Provinces. End understanding that fome of the Corporate Cities and
Towns where the Weavers had Seated themfelves, had by hard and unkind Im-
pofttions and ttfage, difgufted many of their Brethren that dwelt Country Vil¬
lages. The Kingtoofthe advantage thereof, and by the offer of many large
Immunities and Triviledges, invited feveral of them England,
where they were fure to Buy Wool Cheap, and Sell Cloth dear- For
their, further encouragement, the King paid the Charge of
tation, gave them Freedom in Corporations, with many peculiar
Houfe-Rent free for fome Tears, defray d the Charge of their Families out of
his Exchequer, until their Labour brought in m5 and Pro¬
hibited the wearing of any Courfe Forreign Cloth, ^fiis isao its
effeU, for thereon many of the Clothiers with their dependents removed and
fettled in England. Whereby the Scale of the Trade of the Kingdom
did much alter for the better by the 28th. Year of that. Kings Reign, foe
by that time Cloth was made in England., not only ir. good mealu. a for
home fupply, but alfo fome Courfe fort for Exportation, as appears by
the following Ballance of the Trade of that Year Recorded in the Ex¬
chequer. By which we may fee as the State and finainefs, of the Trade
of the Kingdom, fo alfo the great Parfirpony of. thofe timps..
taff . „ '
Oh cEx-
\
c 42;
Exhortations.
I. s.
-189909. —.
006073. 1.
-81624. I.
14 Laft, 17 Dicker and 5 Hides of Leather at 6 l.per Laft — 89. 5.
whereof the Cuftom amounts to— 17.
31651 Sacks and ahalf of Wool at 6 /. per Sack —
3036 Hundred 65 Fells at 2 /. ^Hundred of 120
Cuftom of both amounts to
d.
i
1.
4774 Clothes and a half at 40 /. Cloth ; 0095 4p. —. —.
8061 Pieces and a half of Worfteds at 16 8 d. per Piece 006717. 18 4.
TheCuflom of both amounts to — 215. 13. 7.
The Summ of the out-carried Commodities in value ,0. Trr „
and Cuftom amounteth to — S 2.
The Importations into England 2 Ed. 3'
1832 Clothes at 6 l.per.Cloth
whereof the Cuftom amounts to —
397 Quintals 4 of Wax at 40 s. per Quin.
whereof the Cuftom amounts to —
1829 Tun f of Wine at 40/. per Tun—
whereof Cuftom
s.
12. —
I.
•10992
91.
—795- io- —
19- 17. 5
-3<5S9- —• —
—-182.19. —
Linnen-Cloth, Mercery, and Grocery wares, and all")
other Merchandize- >"943- 6- 10.
whereof the Cuftom — 285. 18. 3.
gin » > ■ mmrnmrnmrnmmmm
Summ of the in-brought Commodities in Value and Cuftom—38970.3.6.
Summ of the in-plufage of the out-carried above the \ o
in-brought Commodities amounteth to— 255-14. 13. o.
The bringing in of thefe few Manufacturers inftantly put the King¬
dom into a thriving condition ; for although it added but 16266 I-
18 s. 4 d. to the Exportations of this year, yet it fo far decreafed the
Importations, as that there was 2.55214/. 13 s. 8 d. added to the
Stock of the Kingdom.
Thus was the Foundation firft laid of the Succeeding Trade, Wealth
and Opulence of England. Henceforward this Kingdom encreafed in
Trade, Shipping and Wealth; Lands yielded better Rents, and the
pro-
( 43 )
products of it a better price, for in 1510. the beginning of Henry VIII's-
Reign, a fat Oxe in London was commonly fold for 26 s. a fat Wether
3 s. 4 d. which allowing for the different value of the Coin is twice as
much in the firft, and above three times as much in the laft. For Silver
and Coin was 20 d. per Ounce in Edward Ill's, time, and was advanced
to 40 per Ounce and no more in 1520.
The fecond ftep was the diffolving of Abbeys and Monafteries. By this,
and the carting off the Popes Supremacy, the power of the Clergy, and
their concern in Civil Affairs abated, to the great benefit of the King¬
dom. ^ Until this was done, the Drones fuckc mortof the Honey, and
ftarv'd the induftrious Bees. But when thofe Livings came into Lay-
hands, the Rents and Money which before was hoarded up in Coffers
came into the Publick Stock of the Kingdom, and circulated. I am a-
gainfi ftripping the truly worthy reverend painful Clergy, I thinks they deferve
good pay and double honour. I would not have the labouring Oxen muz.z,ledy
nor the Labourers hire leffened •, Let them preach the Gofpel, profper and live
honourably by it. Yet I am of Opinion they do always beft and are moft
happy where they keep within their own Province. There is more re¬
quired to accompliih a States man than School and Book learning; the
retired Education of the generality of the Clergy-men begets a temper unfit for
CivilGovernment.Chrift was fo far from committing that to hisDifciplesjhat he
cautioned or prohibited their intermedling in it. Not only the Subjects, but
even the greateft Princes in the Land have been (hocked and made un¬
happy by the Pride and Ambition of Popirti Prelates, (Becket and b-
thers.) But now that Yoke, and the Popes were in a great meafure
cart off to the unfpeakable advantage of Prince and people.
In moft places wrhere Clergy-men lhare in the Government the peo¬
ple are unhappy, as in Italy and other Kingdoms, but where ever they
govern Solely, the people are miferable, as in the Popes Dominions If
the pregnant Inftances hereof given by Mr- Bethel (in his prefent Inte-
reft of England ftated) do not convince all Mankind of this Truth,
furely the late Improvement of thofe Inftances by Dr. Burnet in his five
Letters will do it.
The third happy ftep towards the enriching of this Kingdom, was the
Reformation of Religion, for this contributes to the enriching a People, not
only by the Blefling of God, which hath always attended the National
receiving and confcientious practice of the true Religion, but alfo in
that the nature of it is to civilize and moralize Men ; to make them fo-
ber and diligent, and fo tends to enrich them.
The Proteftant Religion as it makes men more diligent, fober and
induftrious in their Callings than the Popifh Religion, fo it tends more
to the enriching of them, in that it enjoins (as hath been obferved )
G 2 fewer
if
••If
1
l'H:
I
k
up
i et
■■
m
ill
M
i
f
;|r
m
1
'1
•:;r
'•HI !« T
<•$;
1 t'S)
m
( 44 )
fewer Idle days, which expofe men to expence, breeds and begets ill
habits, and an inaptitude to buftnefs and labour, &c. which are the
Companions of Superrtition and Idolatry.
Suppofe the working people of England to be but four Millions , and that the
Labou of each Perfon be valued but 6 d. per day, their worl^for one day a*
mounts to one hundred thoufand pounds which for twenty four days that they
j^ep—> in a year more than the twenty nine days obferved by the Church of
England, amounts to Two Millions and four hundred thoufand pounds Ster-
ling per Annum, which of it felf is fufficient on the one hand to impo-
verifli. and on the other to enrich a Kingdom.
Another advantage we received by entertaining the Chriftian Reli¬
gion, and carting oft'of Popery, was, That the greateft part of that
Money which went yearly to Rome for Pardons ana Indulgences was
faved to the Kingdom; which was no final!Summ.
The fourth rtep towards the enriching of the Kingdom accompanied
or immediately followed our breaking off from (that Mother of Abo¬
minations) the Church of Pome, and was fent us as a Blefling from
Heaven for that Separation, was the Serge, Say, and Stuff Trade, with
nil our new Draperies, which have vaftly contributed to the Wealth of
the Kingdom, and railing the Rents of our Lands.
Antwerp had for a longtime been, and now was the greateft Seat of
Trade in the whole World, and the Netherlands of Manufa&ure
Thence we were Supplied with all forts of new Draperies, and Fabrick
of Silks, &c.
Although Trade be the beft humoured Lady in the World, yet flie
is fo great a lover of quiet and repofe, and fo fenfible that flie carries
her welcome with her where-ever flie goes, that flie expe&s to be
Courted-and Accommodated with Peace, Liberty and Security; where
either of the two latter are denied, or taken from her, flie frequently
removes, and carries Plenty, Wealth and Honour along with her.
Ignorance is the proftffed Mother of the Devotion of the Church of Rome,
Slavery and Poverty her two Daughters: Covetoufnefs, Cruelty and Ambition
infep arable from that Hierarchy. .
The Lords Inquifitors, and Bifkops of Spain, obferved that Merchants and
AlanufaUurers were not only a Richer,but alfo a more fober3 thinking, knowing
fort of people than others, more curious about what they entertain in matters
of Religion, than the Debauched pin of the Gentry, and common people•, nor
p much Prieffridden, nor fo eafily cheated out of their Souls and Money.
They longed to be fingering their Wealth; But the dift.ance of the Netherlands
from Spain did not permit them fingly to ft rip this fort of People- Therefore
theft Hamans refolve the Deftruttion of all that diffentedfrom their Ceremo¬
nies. and Canons in thofe Provinces -7 And rather than fail of their extirpa¬
tiony
tion, the moderate men, though
( 45 )
of their oven perfwafion, ntufl- go to Pot.
Having gained the Sole Direction of Philip the Second of Spain, they had as
it were both Swords put into their Hands; and the World hath feen how the$
ufed them. They put thofe Provinces into fuch Convulftons as enfeebled the
Monarchy of Spain, which from that time may date its Dec lenfion. Thefe
Right Reverend Fathers appointed Duke N Alva Governour General
of the Netherlands, a Man of a fierce, cruel, bloody inflexible Tem¬
per, (afir Servant for fuch Matters .) yet they thought ic too great an
Honour for him being a Lay-man, folely to engrofs fo great a Stock of
Merit as was to be acquired by the Ruin and Murder of f uch Multitudes,
as were then to be Sacrificed to the Roman Cruelty, To Sanctifie the
Villany, the Clergy mutt (bare in it. " They therefore appointed fif-
ificsi " teen new Bifhops tobektuyin the Netherlands, who fhould be free
"from all Secular Power and Jurifdiction, even in cafe of Trea¬
ty*; «fon.
" That all Commerce, Negotiations, Liberties and Priviledges fhould
" be overthrown. That all ( in the Netherlands) fhould be reduced
" to extream Poverty, that thereby that Countrey fliould be affured
"to them, and to Spain.
" That no Man of all thofe Countreys ("except of their Faction) fliould
"beheldworthy to live: And finally all to be rooted out, and all
" Poffeflions, Arts and Trades, and all Orders to be taken away, until
" there fhould be a new Realm and Nation.
" That none Sufpected be Employed ( tho' of the Blood-Royal) but
" to be removed and difpatched.
" That no Contracts, Rights, Promifes, Oaths, Priviledges and fo-
" lemn Grants made to the Netherlands, lhall be of any Force for the
" Inhabitants as being guilty of High Treafon.
" Thefe things will caufe the Subjects to Revolt and move Sedi-
" Thieves and Spoilers of Churches and Images fhould be hired, and
" fent among them whofe Offences fhould be imputed to the Re-
" bels.
Thefe were part of the Inftructions given by the Holy Fathers to
Duke D' iAtvaand the new Biiliops, who acted their parts to purpofe
in this Tragedy, for oa & Aiva 3 return into he boafied that he
having done the belt he could to root out allHerefie, iocoo
perfons to be put to death in Six years by the ordinary of Jafiice,
befides numbers that had been cut off by die Souidiers.
It had been happy for thefe Kingdoms if thefe hiftruclions bad been
confined to thofe- Provinces, andhad.net in, art been copied, and fol¬
lowed here, as well as in the f^I will not intermeddle
\ ' with
(4*)
with the direful effedis ofthefe Ecclefiaftical Politiques further, than as
to the influence they had on the Netherlands, which were the greatefi
Seat of Trade and Manufacture in the whole World.
As foon as the peaceable Merchants and Manufacturers began to be tofi
and tzafed between the Ecclefiaftical and Civil Courts, when once the ingenuous
indnftrious Artisans and "traders could no longer quietly enjoy the fruits of
their Labours, nor ( as much as by connivance ) be permitted to ferve God
according to his own Command and Will, nor yet (though they continued Ido¬
laters ) be fafe? except they would be attive and inftrumental in plucking up
the Foundations of Liberty and Property, to fet up a Tyrannical and Exorbi¬
tant power in Church and State, they thought it high time to remove ; and
this Perfecution in the Netherlands happening about Anno 1566. and con¬
temporizing with the Efiabliftjment of the Protefiant Religion in England, and
the Liberty given in the beginning of Elizabeth'/ Reign ; very many Ma¬
nufactures were thereby allured over moEngland, and fettled in feveral parts
of the Kingdom, as London, Canterbury, Norwich, Colchefter, &c.
where both French, Walloons and Dutch had fever al Priviledges granted
them, were allowed Churches, with Liberty to ferve God in their own way, ac¬
cording to the Primitive Simplicity.
A great part of them removed into Holland, and the other United
Provinces, when once they undertook the defence of their juft Liber¬
ties and Priviledges, and allowed Men to ferve God without theimpo-
fing of Ceremonies, &c. Others that were of the Popifih Religion re¬
moved, fome into Italy, but moft into France, and laid the Foundation of
the Wealth and Greatnefs of that Monarchy: For from that time that King¬
dom has mightily tncreafed in ManufaUuries, but England much more,
becaufe we had ftore of good Wool and Matter for them to work up,
of which France was in a manner deftitute.
From this time forward all the Cities and Towns in England, where
thefe new Manufacturers feated themfelves-began to be enlarged, and
regulated in their Buildings, and Rents of Houfes and Lands advanced.
The Profperity of this fort of People, and the Libemyand Immunities
that were granted them, allured many more of them over to us, and
as their Servants and Apprentices grow up to be Matters,the new Manu¬
factures fpread into feveral parts of the Kingdom, and where-ever they
feated themfelves, they furniflred multitudes of the poorer fort with
Work, and comfortable Subfiftence 5 they grew rich themfelves, and
enriched their Neighbours, greatly lettened the Importations, and aug¬
mented the Exportation of the Kingdom, and added to its Wealth
abundantly.
Thus Perfecuti n greatly impWerifhed the Spanifh Netherlands, and gave
the ftrft Blow to the gfedtrtefs of the Spanifh Monarchy , and'Liberty enriched
feveral
( 47
Hi feveral parts of Europe, but England efpecially: The Gofpel fpread, die
et®k Church flourifhed, and the Trade and Wealth of the Kingdom con¬
tinued on the Encreafe, until there fprung up a generation of Men in the
Nation very zealous for the obfervance of Forms and Ceremonies, not
fb much regarding the neceflary Duties of Religion, as Love and Cha*
rity, who too much favoured the Spirit of Perfection. In all Ages,
and amongfl all Parties, thofe men that have violently, and rigidly been for
Impofing particular External Modes and Forms in Religion, have leafi ad¬
vanced the Power of it, and run moft counter to the Civil Intereft of the King*
dom.
In Edward the 6th time, the Worthy Pious Bifhops that firft de¬
parted from Rome, differed about the degrees of diftance they were to
go off from the Mother of Abominations 5 fome of them (upon Politi¬
cal confiderations) that the change might be iefs fenfible, and in hopes
of alluring the common people, were for retaining the lefs Grofs part
of the Ceremonies, and the moft plaulible paflages of their Liturgy,
Pf Canons, and the way of ordering Priefts and Deacons: 0 Others of the
*«j, Bifhops were for cafting off Rome, and aft her Ceremonies at once, and
for returning to the Primitive Simplicity of Worihip inftituted and
!r 1 pradtifed by Chrift and his Apoftles, as feveral Forreign Churches had
done with good fuccefs. But reafon of State (with a good meaning and
honeft defignj prevailed; yet thofe that' were for retaining thofe Cere¬
monies, feemed to intend them but for a time, and only until ( as they
fay in the Preface to the Commination againft Sinners, <3v.) That the
Godly Difcipline ufed in the Primitive Church, could bereftored. But
what thefe firft Reformers retained, or admitted meerly by way of Ex¬
pedience, (judging the things indifferent in their own nature,) their Suc-
ceffors fome time after Irnpofed with more^ rigour and ftridtnefs than
the obfervance and pradtice of neceffary Duties; as if they thought the
Canon of the Scripture incompleat, and that Chrift and his Apoftles had
not fufficienrly diredted or inftructed the Church how to worihip God,
and that the Chriftian Religion was deficient without this fupplement of
new Inftitutions.
Arch-Bifhop Whit gift was the firft that began to Impofe thefe about
158 By doing whereof, he difgufted and difquieted the generality of
the Pious Divines and Communicants of the Church of England at that
time, who difrelifhed them as unwarrantable, and uncharitable, gave
a check to the Trade, and a ftop to the Manufacturers who were flock¬
ing into the Kingdom from all parts.
To come to the matter in hand ; thefe Impositions, and the Severities af¬
terwards ufed by A, B. Laud, put the Church into terrible Convulfions, and
the State into a Bloody Civil War, expelled multitudes of our fober wealthy
people.
( 4» )
people, fome to New-England, fome to Germany, fome to Holland, many
chofe. rather to live in defolate howling tyildefntfjes 5 others in ftrange Lands,
among people whofe Languages they underftood not, with Liberty toferve God,
than to live in England their Native Country, and be expofed to hardjhips at
home, and to be fleeced and flayed by a Jet of——Tormentors. Nor was this
all9 but be fides, many of our fnduftrious Mahufatturers were driven into Ger¬
many, Holland, and other of the Vnited Provinces, infomuch that (as was
evidenced to the Parliament in 1643.) The Clothiers, who (for Liberty of
Confcience, removed hence, and) fetled in Holland, made there in one year
26000 pieces .of Broad-cloth, to the unfpeakable lofs of this Kingdom 5 for
hereupon Trade greatly decayed, and the Rents of Houfes and Lands abated
fenfibly. ^ ^
And that I may help you a little to eftimate the Advantage the King¬
dom reaps by thele Manufacturers, and the great Damage fuftained by
their Expulfion; I will give one Inftance of the vaft numbers of people
they employ, which are moftlyof the poorer (ore, and another of* what
the Kingdom loft by having thofe 36000 pieces of Broad-Cloth made
beyond Sea.
t As to the numbers of people employed in our Manufactures 5 take
the Inftance from Elizabeth's Reign, who being informed, (that in a
time of Dearth and Scarcity,! feveral Clothiers in Gloucefterfhire were
fallen to decay, whereby the Poor wanted Work* ilie required their
condition to be reported to her; and I find part of the return to the
effeCt following j viz. That in the fix Hundreds of Berkly, Cumbalafh,
Thombury, Longtree, Whitftone and Biflely, there inhabited 40 Clothiers,
who employed 3 38 Looms s to each of which Looms did pertain eight
persons3 viz. Weavers, Winders, Dyers, Drefters, Warpers, \&c.
which was. ( to the whole ) 2704, befides 4500 Spinners 5 to that by
the decay of thefe 40 Clothiers, 7204 perfons in that fmMl Circuit
were left without Work and Suftenance.
As to the Inftance which refpeCfs our Profit, you muft know, that
particularly in White Clothes, all that we make of them above the
coft of the Wool! and Oyl, is railed upon the Labour of our People,
and is clear Profit to the Kingdom. As fuppofe the Wool! and Oyl
for one piece of Cloth coft 3/. and that*the Cloth yields 13 /. then
101, is raifed by the Labour and Workmanfhip of the Manufacturers,
&c. The Wooll of fome Cloths coft much more (but then the Cloth
will yield a better price, cre.) But I pitch upon that price as a mean
Rate: According to which value, this Kingdom loft 36o thoufand
pounds ftcrling, which it had gained if thole Cloths had been made in
it, and lold hence. And about 13000 ofour People were thereby de¬
prived of the Work and Wages that the making thofe Cloths would
have furnilhed them with. jn
( 4 9)
In this fingle Inftance you fee the Kingdom loft 360000 /. per annum
in the old Drapery, and the lofs could not be lefs than double fo much
in the new Drapery, &c. and all this for thofe Trumperies; a mighty
lofs indeed to the Kingdom 1 Yet, had the Church gained thereby,there
had been fome pretence for retaining and impofing them; but inftead
of promoting the Edification, Peace, or Unity thereof, they have fer-
ved only to rend and divide it.
The fifth ftep towards the advance of the Rents of Lands, was the Li-
berty of Confcience granted by the Long,, or Rump Parliament, and Oliver
from 1642. to 1660. or 62. during which time all Profecutions for non-
obfervance of uninftituted Ceremonies, &c. were fufpended.
Ipdeed, never was there a more pregnant Inftance of the Benefits which
Liberty of Confcience, and Encouragements to Manufacturers brings to a
Kingdom, than what that fhort [pace of time furnifhed. For notwithstanding
Civil-Wars in the bowels of thefe three Kingdoms for a great part of that
time, whereby multitudes of the Inhabitants were cut off; yet Trade, and the
Rent of Lands encreafed, and advanced even miraculoufly.
I deny not but the removal, and taking off of all Monopolies, the bringing
down Intereft of Money to 6 L per Cent, and the ACi of Navigation, (which
were alfo A lis of that Parliament) were concurrent caufes of the encrewfe of
the Wealth of the Kingdom. The fir ft took^off thofe Reftraints that were on
Trade. The fecond enabled the greater Emprovements of our Land, and making
our Manufactures cheaper than before. And the laft encouraged and encrea-
fed our Shipping and Sea-men, and faved great Sums of Money to the King¬
dom, which the Hollanders were accuftomed annually to carry from England
for their Ships let us to freight. Tet the chief caufe hereof was the Liberty
given to People to ferve God according to his own Word. For this Liberty
invited multitudes to return with their Families and Stocks from New-Eng¬
land, Germany, Holland, &c. but efpecially many of our Manufacturers,
(who had been driven away by Arc h-BiJhop Laud's Perfection, &C.) tho too
many of them (by Purchafes and Marriages that they had made in thofe
places.) were detained to the unfpeakable damage of the Kingdom.
However, the return of the reft greatly encreafed the Home-conftimp-
tion of Proviftons, our Manufactures and Trade, and employed our
Poor, which together advanced Lands in Purchafe and Rent to that
great height they were at about i66o> and 1662. ^ ^:
Thus I have faithfully fet down the means and fteps by which England ar¬
rived at that high pitch of Wealth and Strength, which rendred her the Ter-
rour and Envy of all Europe. And having done that, it will be eafie to
anfwer the Query, to afftgn the true Caufes of its Declenfion, and the abate¬
ments of Rents, &c. fwce\662. The moft material I conceive to be thefe
that follow; viz-
( J° )
The principal Caufe thereof, ivas that violent Storm of Perfection, raifed
again ft the Non-compilers with Ceremonies, Liturgies,&:c: prefmg the AH of
Uniformity, whereby ten thoufand perfons fwce 1662. perijhed in Gaols, and by
hard and cruel ufage, and very many thou find Families, {moftly fober, ufeful,
induftrims People) have been ruined and expo fed to beggary, or compelled to
fccbjhat Liberty in Forreign C.ount?'ies, which was denied them in their own.
How the Diifenters have been ufed, the World hath feen, but if the
doubtful, curious, or inquifitive defire to be acquainted with fome of
the particular methods by which fo great a number were ruined 5 they
may find a Specimen of them given by a good Samaritan, in the fourth
part of the Conformifts Plea for the Nonconformift, beginning at
page 29.
It hath been one of the great infelicities of theKingdom during the three laft
Reigns, that a fort of M en (few of whom have had Title to one foot of Land
of Inheritance) have a/fumed to themfelves a power to difpofe Liberty and Pro¬
perty , our Lives and Fortunes at pie a fur e. They have indeed been very libe¬
ral of them to thofe Kings, in whom they Vfted the whole, in hopes they would
bountifully reward fo good Benefactors, either with high »——- Preferments,
or large Portions out of that great Stock. But as ill-gotten Goods feldom
continue long with the Pofleflors, neither did thefe with thofe to
whom they were given 5 for as the great Lord Falkland obferved to
Charles I. That never did Prince lofemore by this Pulpit-Law than he. Yet
all this exorbitant Power which that fort of Men cloth Princes withal,
is only that it may be employed for their ufe 3 and that they themfelves
may have fuch (hares as may enable them to domineer, to fleece and
flay, all that dififent from them,
I have, as I prefume, clearly demonftrated, That it was our Manu¬
facturers chiefly that raifed the Kingdom to its late opulence and great-
nefs, and that our Manufacturers were at firfl: attracted hither by Li¬
berties, Immunities and Priviledges. Things being beft increased, nou-
rijhed, and preferved by the means by which they are gotten, obtained, or
gained *, we ought to have continued all thofe unto that fort of People.
But that part of the Impofing Men I have been fpeaking of, have been
no lefs pernicious to the Kingdom, than to thofe Kings whom they
feemed to Idolize by their flattery : For they have by falling on our Ma¬
nufacturers damnified theKingdom to a greater degree than I am capa¬
ble of eftimating- After-Ages may poilibly be better able to doit:
Yet to give you a little light into this matter, confider, that one pound of
V/oo/l fold for fourteen pence, end one pound of Iron Jold at fir ft hand for two
pence: If they be thus Exported, the Kingdom gains little by them: But if
the former be wrought up {as it may be) into thee pair offine Umens Hofe
-north 18 fMings*,and the latter into fineSvjfars,Locks&c<they may yield three
or
( 5*r J
or four JhiHings (according to 'he Workmanjhip and that they he Exported
the Kingdom, gains fifteen times the fir ft value in the firft, and twenty four
times the value in the latter, h fide he much greater Duty to the King, Em¬
ployment of our •'eopfe, our Ships an d Sea-men, &C.
By what hath been (aid, y a may fee the ufefulnefs of this fort of
People to the Kingdom : Now if by a modeft computation we reckon
that only 40000 of the fore-meo ioned number that were driven out
of this Kingdom, were Manufacturers, it requires greater skill in Ma¬
nufactures, and kno wledge in Arithmetick tha i I am Matter of, ac¬
curately to affign the vaft damage the Kingdom hath annually fuftained
thereby. However, the Effects are viflble in the Abatements of
Trade and Rents *, The lofing of our Trade to other Countries, who
have thereby gained upon us in thofe Manufactures whereon we moftly
value our felves, and which were in a manner (until thefe Persecutions
began J peculiar unto us. And all this only to Support and pleafe a Par¬
ty, and keep up the ufe of two or three unneceflary Ceremonies.
The letter concurrent Caufes of the Abatement of Rents fince 1662,
were the two Dutch Wars (which were fomented by the Papifis, Abetted
and carried on by the Tantivy Party: ) and the Deflruttion made by the
Burning of London, which Ruined many Merchants, Tradefmen, and
Manufacturers: Yet had not the fame Party by Stifling the Difcovery
thereof difcouraged, and by Perfecution, driven great numbers of them
out of the Kingdom, we had eafily (by our Manufactures and Trade,) v
retrieved thofe difadvantages. For the Woollen Manufactures being then
in a manner peculiar to Us 5 Forreign Countries mutt have been Sup-
ply'd from hence, had not our Merchants, Tradefmen and Manufacturers
been deny'd the Liberty and incouragements at home, which they were
Courted to, and did receive abroad. Hereby we laid the Foundation of
the decay of Trade, and Abatement of Rents, by making other Countries
jharers with us in our mofi profitable Trades. Thus I have fet down as the
means whereby Rents were advanced to what they were about 1662.
So likewife the unhappy Caufes of their Abatement fince; which con¬
cludes my Anfwer to the third Query.
H 2 The
( s*T~
The Fourth Query is, Whether the State of Trade through Europe
conjidered as it flood before the prefent it be the true lnterefl of
England, that Rents (bould generally advance above they were
about 1662. and by what Methods may they be advanced ?
HAD we duly improved the advantages we had of Trade and Ma¬
nufacture about 1662. and carefully kept our Manufacturers, Skill,
and People to our felves, it is difficult to fay what advancement
might have been made of Rents by this time. But now that by our
own Folly, the Netherlands, fome parts of Germany, and even France
it felf are become fliarers with us in our moft profitable Manufactures,
not only for their own Supply, (which they were wont to derive from
us •,) but alfo to that degree, that they Vie with us in many Forreign
Markets •, it is high time ferioufly to confider, what is the true intereft
of the Nation, both in refpeCt of Trade, Rents, and Manufactures.
In Order hereunto,let it be confidered, that the Strength and Security
of England next under God, confifts in its Navy : Its Welfare and Pro-
fperity depends on its Trade, Natural Products and Manufactures. The
Strength of its Navy depends on Forreign Trade; and the profitable
part of Trade to the Kingdom refults folely from our Exportations.
It is therefore the true Intereft of the Kingdom by all due Methods, care-
«> fully to preferve, incourage and augment all thefe.
Thofe who get their Livelihood by Trade and are many
more than thofe who live by Cattle, Vafl and Fruits. Our Na¬
tural Products, which we Export, are not computed to be above one Fifteenth
part of our Exportations; and tho' they that live by thefe muft not be
but encouraged ; yet our main care ought to be laid out for our Manufacturers,
as thofe that have raifed the Kingdom to its prefent Wealth and
which fupports it, and makes up the Bulk, of our Expectations.
Now the Trade of England being moftly carried on by its Manufa¬
ctures, fliould the Rents of Land here advance; fuppofe one fourth
part above what they were in 1662. and Lands in Germany and
&c. do not rifeproportionably, I fuppofe it would be very prejudicial to
the Kingdom in general: For I am not here fpeaking of what would for
a time gratifie the humour of our Nobility, Gentry, or Landed Men,
but what would be their, and the Kingdoms true Intereft.
If Rent of Land fliould advance one fourth part, or more, above
what they were in 1662. The Fruits and Products of the Land ought
to rife in their price proportionably, one fourth above what they then
were, or the Farmers would not be able to pay their Rents. And were
the Natural Products thus advanced for a continuance, Provifions being
fo
( 53 )
fo much Dearer; it would be but reafonable, that the Labour of the
Working People fhould advance alfo. And were this fo, our Manu¬
factures would be Dearer, which in the prefent State of things (as hath
been obferved) would be pernicious to the Kingdom : For by fuch ad¬
vance of Rents, and the Price of our Natural Products, and Manufa¬
ctures, we fhould,
Firft, Lofe all our Forreign Markets, for that part of the Natural Pro¬
ducts of our Lands which we Annually Export to other Countries,
which could in that Cafe under-fell us.
Secondly, We fhould for the fame Reafon lofe all Forreign Markets
for our Manufacture; and thereby the means of imployment for our
People at home, and of our Ships and Seamen abroad, which would
yet be more mifchievous to us. The Kingdom affords no Commodi¬
ty that I call to mind peculiar to us but Tin, nor are we fole Matters
of that neither, tho' we have more and better of that Commodity
than any Country in Europe.Therefore all things confidered, it is the
Intereft of the Kingdom that we raife both our Natural Product and
Artificial Commodities and Manufactures fo Cheap, as that we may be
able to furnifh all Forreign Markets with them (their quality confide¬
red )fome fmall matter Cheaper than any other Country can : For
thereby only can we fecure Forreign Markets for our Surplufage of both,
and imployment for our People-
The Dutch and Venetians,&c. do in fome fort Vie with us at For¬
reign Markets as to Fine Cloth, and fome coftly Fabricks of Manufa¬
ctures, but they are not able fo to do in Courle Cloths, and Courfe
Manufactures, becaufe of the much higher Prices of Food and La¬
bour among them than us, which with the different Price of Wool there
and here, enables us to make great quantities of thefe Courfer Manu¬
factures much Cheaper than it is pollible for them to do. But if now
that we have caft out fo confiderable a part of our Manufacturers into
other Countries, and that by raifing our Rents, Provifions, Wool, La¬
bour and Manufactures fhould be advanced much in their Price ; we
fhould be in danger of lofing a much greater part of our Trade to other
Countries than what we have already loft. So great and xicklilh is the
difficulty of Regaining any part of Trade, or bringing it into it's former-
Channel when once loft or turned out of it.
If againft what hath been faid, ic be objected, that experience tells
us that our Manufactures are raifed Cheapeft in Years of Dearth and
Scarcity; I anfwer that extraordina ry accidents do not conftitute a
ftanding Rule : That 'tis true in fuch years, the Poor are conftrained
to Work Harder and Cheaper thanatothey times: Yet in thofcyears
they are conftrained to run in Debt^acd often Sell even the very Clothes
which
( 54 )
which they Earned in times of Plenty, &c\ and did Provi "ons ad-
vance for a continuance, Labour muft do fo too, or many of t; Poor
would perifh, and the reft be reduced to live on Herbs, wear V' -. . .'en
Clogs, or Shooes, and like the Peafants of France* look like wo king
Ghofts, which I hope will never happen in England.
It is the undoubted Inters A of the Kingdom to recal, and allure as many of
cur ManufaBurers home as pojfibly we can, to fet up and encourage new Mann-
failures for the imphying of our People, for the augmenting of our Export ati-
ons* and the encreafe of the Revenue, to improve the opportunity put into
our hands, by cherifhing the French that are already amongft us* and
inviting in as many more as we can get 5 They live more hardily, and
therefore can work much cheaper than ordinarily our People can- Their
labour may be applyed and directed to fome new Manufactures* or new Fabricks
which we have not yet, which we were wont to bring from France 5 and which
may not interfere with thofe we have, or with the prefent labour of our own
People. A prudent management of thefe things would conduce more
than a little to the regaining and enlarging of our Trade to the enrich¬
ing of the Kingdom, and advancing Rents, by encreafing the home
Confumption, the leflening our Importations, and augmenting our Ex¬
portation.
There are fever al things that may by accident, and for a fpurt advance the
Rents of Lands: But it is only the leffening our Importations* and the augment-
ing our Exportations that can keep them up.
In order to thefe great Ends, we fhould remove all thofe Bars and
Difcouragements which lye in the way. It's true, the King and Parlia¬
ment have in their Wifdom by an Ad of Indulgence fufpended the
Execution of thofe fevere and unkind Laws wftth which Diffenters have
been fo long plagued, and which have been fo prejudicial to the King¬
dom ; Yet they are not repealed, but feem to be kept like Rods in
pickle ^ and the Inftruments of our paft Miferies, and which procured
them, are many of them ftill in being; longing, endeavouring, and dai¬
ly threatning the Repeal of that Act of Indulgence and Sufpenfion. In
luch a State of things, no man of fence, that is tolerably fetled abroad,
will be induced by a Liberty that's fo precarious to return home; efpe-
cially when he obferves, that if he do return, and that he hath not
ftretched his Confcience larger than it was at his going abroad, he muft
be content to be a. Slave in one of the freeft Kingdoms in the World,
incapacitated to ferve God or his Country in any Office CfvH or Milita¬
ry * and like IJfachars Afs be ufed only to bear a greater fhare of the pub-
Jtck burthen and charge, and do a greater part of the publick drudgery
tnan his Neighbours * but muft: not be employed in any place either of
Honour or Profit, but be like the Silk-worm, permitted to fpin out his
Bowels to* others. Tt
x—~ ..- ^7 - ■ —
( 55 )
It is a fcandal to our Nation and Religion, and a thing abhorred by
very many fober Chriftians, That the receiving the Sacrament, the molt
folemn^ Ordinance— of our Religion ( in a mode never in hi tu ted
by Chrift, nor practifed by his Apoftles) fiiould be made a qualificati¬
on to the bearing of Office or Arms, felling Ale, or keeping a Victual:
ing-houfe.
The great end of his Majeflies glorious undertaking being to reftore
Liberty to every of the opprefled Proteftants in thele Kingdoms, he
feems in Intereft, as well as Inclination, concerned to take off all thefe
Incapacities from the Diflenters, and legally to put them into as good,
or a better Condition than they were in under King James, who arbitra¬
rily compelled them to take Offices, &c. upon them, feeing the molt
criminal^and culpable part of the Kingdom have been pardoned, in-
dempnined, and at leaft rendred capable of bearing Office, &c. There
can no good reaion be given why fo great a part of the Nation that
contribute fo much to its Profperity and Welfare, and bear fo great a
part of thepublick charge fiiould itand exempted from the Privilege at
Subjects 3 unlefs their greater Enmity to France, their m m adherence to
his Majeflies Intereft, to that of the Kingdom and Proteftaat Religion
be made one; and that our Divifions (in favour of Francs) ought to be
perpetuated, be made another. Until thofe Clouds which intercept the
benign Rays of Government from finning indifferently upon all Prote-
ftant Subjects are removed 3 the King feems to be only King of a
Part, and not of the whole of his Subjects,
As it is the Intereft of all the Princes of Europe to joyn againft France*,
fo it is no lefs the Intereft of all the Proteftants ( of every Perfwafion)
in this Kingdom, to unite for their common defence againft that Ene¬
my of Mankind, the French King. For if he hath for fo long a time
withftood or kept the united force of almoft a! [Europe at a Bay, what
are we to apprehend, if any occurrent fiiould diffolve the Confederacy,
and that he fiiould have opportunity to attack us fingly in the divided,
diftracted Condition in which we are? efpecially confidering how great
a Party he hath already amongft us.
But his Majeflies Interefl and Honour fallingin fo aptly with that of Eu¬
rope, the Safety and Frofperity of the Kingdom, and the Advantage of out
Landed men, it will undoubtedly put him and them upon removing thefe Stones
of fumbling, and Rocks of Ofence in a Parliamentary way, and that the ra¬
ther becaafe had not this f rt of People in the tvcolafi Reigns ( to the Jrrita-
iiorMi tion of the Court agawfi them, and the Ruin of many of them ) joyned with
idkf the fober part of * the Church of " land in elcfting fuch Members for
4<Wf( Parliament as boldly aferted ou> , Li \< ties, and Properties, we had
.eeitto1 \n all probability long before this kenmatk Slaves to Popery and Arbitrary
fninoilt " Govern-
/
(5^;
Government. And had they not fallen in to do the likejn this laft Revolution
in Electing Members for the late Convention or Parliament, the Crown and
Kingdom had in all likelihood been unfettled until this day.
Thus you fee the fure way to advance the Rents of our Lands, de¬
pends on the taking off all Reftraints. and giving due liberty to Manu¬
facturers, and alluring them Home * in incouraging and improving
thofe advantages which are in a manner peculiar to us; in difcourage-
ing and clogging thofe Trades which draw away our Treafure : In
keeping a good Correfpondence with thofe Kingdoms and Countreys
whence we derive Materials for our Manufactures, and thofe which
take off our Natural Products, Manufactures and Artificial Commodi¬
ties. All which are things worthy the confideration of the Great and
Sage Council of the Kingdom, the Parliament.
The Fifth Query. Hon? may the prefent Rebellion in Ireland, and
the Redu&ion thereof be improved to the future Security, and En-
creafe of the Advantages which we receive by Ireland, and of
\their Majefiies Revenue •, future Charge thereby to England be
avoided, and that Kingdom rendred ufeful towards bringing down
the 'Power of France ?
IT hath already been demonftrated, That befides the Supplies of Men
and Money which Ireland Antiently yielded us towards the Con-
queft of France, Scotland and Wales: That we did Annually (before the
prefent Rebellion ) utter confiderable quantities of our Natural Pro¬
ducts ^and Manufactures (for which we had no other Markets) into
that Kingdom. That we were furnifhed thence with feveral necelfary
Materials for our Manufactures, and Commodities for Forreign Trade,
which we could not have elfewhere. That fome of their Ports are of
great confideration to us; (the wrant of which, our Merchants to their
great lofs have in this Way experienced.) That befides the profit
which wre make by Ireland in the ordinary courfe of Trade, we do re¬
ceive thence yearly above 200000 /. ^ All which Advantages had been
much more, had we not ( by prohibiting their Cattel, and debarring
their Irade to the Plantations interrupted the courfe of Commerce
between the two Kingdoms) compelled them to more Forreign Trade
than they were other ways difpofed to feek. However you fee, that
what remains is well worth thefecuring and improving ^ and if wre be
not under Infatuation, and ftill fond of our Errors, the prefent Con¬
juncture
\
( 57 )
jundtureof Affairs furnifheth us as with the opportunity to redifie them 5
fo alfo to fecure and improve them ; in order to which it will be necef-
fary,
Firft, That the Lives, Liberties and Eftates of the Proteftants in that
Kingdom be well fecund,. Whilft thefe remain at uncertainties, both pub-
lick and private Affairs will drive on but heavily. It hath been the
hard fate of the Proteftants of Ireland (as hath been faid) that the Pa-
pifts have had fuch favour in, and influence on our Council in England
on the conclufion of every Rebellion, that they have been left in a con¬
dition if not wholly to extirpate, yet atpleafure to annoy and ruin the
Eftates of the Proteftants. I wifh Their Majefties Councils may be more
happy. It is indeed high time to grow wife s dear bought Experience
inftrudteth the weak, much more the Wife. Two very chargeable Re¬
bellions having hapned within the memory of many yet livings will, if any thing,,
inftrutt m what meafures ought to be taken for preventing Rebellions for the
future \ for it is not reafonable that every thirty or forty years England fljould
be at the Charge of Reducing Ireland 5 nor that the Proteftants there
fhouldbe expofedto the Mercy or Barbarity of thole who think they
Merit Heaven by cutting their Throats. I am as much againft Cruelty
and Severity as any Man 5 but to what end doth God give us Vidtory
over his and our Enemies, if we have not common wifdom to improve
it for fecurity from future danger by them ?
As the fafety of the People is thehigheft Law, fo is it a great En¬
couragement to Induftry. For who will lay out his care and pains for
obtaining that which he hath no profpedt of enjoying ? Until the Lives
and Eftates of the Proteftants of Ireland be put into fbme good way of
future fecurity we can rationally exped neither advantage by them, nor
afliftance from them.
The People of Ireland have been accurately computed to be about
twelve hundred thoufand Souls, of which the Papifts are one Million,
and the Proteftants but two hundred thoufand ( Women and Children
included 3 \ fothat there being five Papifts to one Proteftant in that King¬
dom, the Proteftants muft therefore have many advantages put into their
hands, and the Papifts be laid under feveral incapacities, or elfe the Prote¬
ftants can never be fecured,• as 130 years fad experience, hath verified. And
it muft be confidered, that now the Iri(h are fallen in with- the French
Intereft, and lye under the influence of fo Potent and Reftlefs a Mo¬
narch, they will for this Age be more dangerous and apt to Rebel than
ever. Therefore we ought to have, as the more jealous Eye, fo alfo
the ftrider hand over them.
For which end their Landed Men having by their prefent Rebellion
forfeited their Eftates; The whole forfeiture ought to be taken, as well
I fo
( 58 )
for reimburfing part of the Charges of their Reduction, as the better to
incapacitate them for new Rebellions. This though it leflen not their
number in general, yet it will in great meafure the Intereft and Influ¬
ence of this Party on the People.
They are feized of above 2800000 Acres of profitable Land, where¬
of, if 100000 Acres belong to Minors and Innocents there will remain,
3 coooo Acres, which may be left to His Majefty to gratine fuch Offi¬
cers as have Merited in that Service.
200000 Acres may be applyed to the Reprifal of the poor Proteftant
Farmers who have been plundered, and ruined by both fides. And
2100000 Acres to be fold to Adventurers at an encouraging price, at
fix or feven years purchafe •, near two Millions may be raifed to reim¬
burse the charge of the Reduction of that Kingdom, to the eafe of Eng¬
land, and expediting of Their Majellies Affairs.
Some pretended Well-wiihers to Their Majefties Interefls, but real
Engines for K. J. and the French K- are at this time endeavouring to
hinder the Attainder of the Rebels, and the Selling of their Eftates,
under pretence thac the value of them is inconfiderable, the Right of
Innocents, Minors, Proteftant Mortgagees, and Creditors being pre*
ferved, whereas in truth it is otherways. For,
1. As to Innocents, that is, fuch as have all the time of this Rebellion been
in England, they are very few 5 upon inquiry I do not hear of three, and
thofe of no confiderable Eftates neither 5 as for thofe who have conti¬
nued in France, ( that being an Enemies Countrey,) it feems but
reafonable that they fhould be accounted Rebels and Agents for the
reft.
2. As to Minors, they are few alfo; I mean thofe under Age whofe
Parents were dead before the commencement of the prefent Rebellion.
■ds for the Children of thofe in Rebellion, their Parents have ruined many
thoufands of Proteftant Minors, and Children, in their Fortunes, and if any
Confideration ought to be had of them, it feems Equitable that rather the
Children of Rebels than of Loyal Subjefts, fhould be made the Sufferers.
3. As to Mortgages and Incumbrances on the Papifts Eftates; where
they are between Papift and Papift it feems but Juft that the Forfeiture
fhould be taken, for the Rebellion is general: As for thofe between
the Papifts and Proteftants they are not the fixtieth part of what is pre¬
tended, though poflibly many Mortgages, and Incumbrances are now
in forging, &c. but a courfe may eafily be taken for their detection if
it be not already thought on; but allowing all that can reafonably be
taken off upon the foregoing pretences, there may demonftrably
15000001, be raifed by thofe Forfeitures, if they be rightly managed
and their Majefties Revenue be augmented by the Quit-rent that may
be referved on thofe Forfeitures. jj]e
( J
The Irijh Lawyers, ( for whom the People have great veneration )
have in all times by mifchievous Conftructions of the Laws, difpofed
the Irijh to Rebellions; whilft they remain amongrt them they will
hinder the Settlement of that Kingdom; therefore they ought alfo to
be expelled.
It is likewife neceflary that the Souldiers that have taken Arms for
King James Ihould alfo be tranfported to the Plantations, or to ,
or be Banilhed : For they have lived fo long by Rapine and Plunder,
that they can never be reduced to live regularly $ if they be permitted
to continue in that Kingdom, they will always difturb the tranquillity
thereof.
If His Majefty would keep that Kingdom from Rebellion, it is necef-
fary that their Priefts, Fryars and Clergy of every fort be banilhed from
amongft them •• They have been the chief Incendiaries to Rebellion in
j, all Ages. The Author of the Politicks of France fuggefts to that King
the facility of diflradting England at pleafure, by letting the Popilh
i:! Clergy upon fomenting Rebellions in Ireland. And we muft rernem-
ber, that that Prince leldom neglefts any means fo obvioufly fervice-
able to him. And whatfoever may be to His Majefty concerning
" the Innocency of the Secular Clergy; yet it muft be allowed, that they are only
jft lefs mifchievous than the Regular, lecaufe of left skill to do evil: For
>C in& t0 their ability they have always d that Kingdom: They have the
Conduct of the Confciences of that poor blind bigotted and are under
Oath blindly to obey not only the Pope, but their Diocefans : Had they no
difpojition to move Rebellions of them/elves, yet if they be commanded thereto
(as undoubtedly they will be) they muft- and will readily obey : For the Irijh,
as all other ignorant People, are Prieft-ridden; and their Priefts make
them believe that they fhall be damned if they do not lay hold on eve¬
ry occafion to deftroy the Hereticks, and that they fliall certainly merit
Heaven if they do. In Queen Elizabeth's time, thofe that had not the
opportunity to Rebel, did purchafe Pardons, at dear Rates, from
for their not having actually Rebelled. And we have had a pregnant
Inftance of the Empire thefe Priefts have over the People in the pre-
fent Rebellion;for notwithftanding Their Majefties have by three graci¬
ous Declarations invited that People to fubmit; yet I bear not of one
Gentleman that hath hitherto fubmitted; and the People generally
have chofen rather to quit their Habitations, and wander thorow the
Kingdom, than to fit down quietly under Their Majefties gentle Go¬
vernment, with the enjoyment of all their Pofleffions.
The Toleration of the Popilh Clergy, and their pernicious Reli¬
gion, as it would befinful iaTheir Majefties, fo it would be deftruCtive
to that Kingdom, whatever the favourers of the French, or King
I 2 James S
( 60)
Jameis Intereft may fuggeft to the contrary." For the Toleration or
conniving at Idolatry, is a Land-defiroying fin. Ireland hath found it
to be fo. Our Church in her Articles and Homilies hath declared the
Mafs to be the groffeft Idolatry : And God, who in Scripture appears
fo tender of the life of man, that he appointed even cafual Homicide to
be punifhed with confinement or banilhment until the death of the
High Prieft, hath neverthelefs pofitively commanded that Idolaters,
and even the fecret Enticers to it, Ihould be put to death without mer¬
cy, and the places defiled thereby to be deftroyed. And where Prin-
ces^o not duly execute his Laws in this cafe, heufually executes Ven-
gefnce on them, and their Pofterity. Moft of the Kings of and
their Pofterity, were rooted out for this fin, and the Ten Tribes for
it have remained in Captivity and Obfcurity for 2400 years. And this
fin was one of the chief caufes of the Captivity of and the con¬
nivance at, or toleration of it hath twice in this Age proved de-
ftru&ive to poor Ireland, and pernicious to thofe Kings that granted it.
When King James the firlt granted a Toleration of Popery in Ireland,
famous Bilhop VJher, did publickly before the State foretel, that for
that fin God would within forty years raife up thofe Papifts to cut the
Throats of the Proteftants there; and God fulfilled that Prediction
in 1641. and that King never profpered in any defign or undertaking
after that Toleration. And when his Son Charles I. would not be warn¬
ed, but in 1629 renewed that Toleration, ten or twelve of the Bi-
ihops and Arch-Bifhopsof that time had the honefty and courage pub¬
lickly in the Pulpit to proteft againft the finfulnels of it, and alfo un¬
der their hands to declare,
" That the Religion of the Papifts is Superftitious and Idolatrous;
" their Faith and DoCtrine erroneous, and heretical; their Church (in
' relpeCi: of both )Apoftatical. To give them therefore a Toleration
of Religion, and to profels their Faith and Doctrine, is a grievous
s fin, and is to make our felves acceffary, not only to their Superfti-
" tious Idolatries, Herefies; and in a word, all the Abominations of
Popery ; but alfo (which is a confequent of the former) to the per-
dition of the leduced People which perilh in the Deluge of the Ca-
tholick Apoftacy, &c. And as it is a great fin, fo it is a matter of
' great confequence, &c.
How fatal it proved to him, and alfo to II. and the late King
James,the World hath feen. Nor will it be lefs fo to any of their
Succeilors, who iliall connive at, or tolerate the fame. For the
lame fins and degrees of it, brings like Judgments in every Age.
A otonlythe Law of God, hut thofe of the Land alfo are again/I indulging
this Religion', and latere/? of State, thefafety of the Proteftants in Ireland, and
the
( 6i
the quiet of England requires, That all the Roman Clergy, their Landed
men concerned in this Rebellion? and that of 1641. together with their
Lawyers, Jhould be banifhed, and not to return on pain of Death. We may
wifh for Advantage by that Kingdom, but we cannot rationally expect
it, w hil ft thefe three Parties, or any of them are permitted to remain
there, for they will be fit Tools in the hands of the French King to
foment Rebellions, to which their jcynt and feveral Interefts, (the hope
of regaining their Eftates, the Church-Livings, and their Practice,)
will prompt and difpole them ; and nothing lefs than their Banifhment,
or Extirpation will deveft France of the means of diftradting us at plea-
fure,now that they are joyned with that Enemy of Mankind.
As for the reft of the Papifts who (hall be permitted to abide in thac
Kingdom ; it is but reafonable that they be excluded from living in the
Cities, Walled Towns, and Corporations,which are the ftrengths of the
Kingdom. I am well aware that this latter, tho' as confiderable as any
other means for the fecurity of that Kingdom, will meet wich much
oppofition from many of the Proteftants of Ireland themfelves,who(like
too many in England) prefer their particular (the Advancement of their
Rents in thole Towns and Cities) to the Publick Safety, to which their
Private Intereft ought ever to give way. The Papifts 2re already ex¬
cluded from Purchafing any of the Houfes in any Corporation which
were forfeited by the Rebellion in 1641. But this without the other is
not fufficient, ana indeed there is no other way to deal with them.
If His Majefty imagines that the Pofleflion of their Eftates, Liberty,1
for their Religion, a fhare in the Civil-Juftice will oblige and reftrain
them from Violence and Rebellion, he will (I fear ) in the iflue find it
otherways; for in 1641. they had their titular Arch-Biihopsand Bifhops,
their Fryaries and Nunneries; their Secular and Regular Clergy; they
were Juftices of the Peace,Sheriffs of Counties, Members of Parliament,
Mayors and BaylifFs of Corporations, &c. They were feized of three
fourths of all the Lands there: All the Laws againft them were fu Im¬
pended as to their Execution ; they had all their Grievances redreffed,
even to the releafe of the forfeiture of whole Counties. In a few
months after which, they broke out into that horrid and barbarous Re¬
bellion, wherein they Maflacred 150000 Proteftants in cold Blood with¬
out any provocation, befides as many more that periihed by Famine
and Sword in the profecution of that Rebellion; which Isdemonftra-
tion to all the World, that thefe People are not to be retain'd in obe¬
dience by Immunities, Priviledges and Kindnefles, nor reftrai^d from
Rebellion and Maflacres, whilft their Clergy, <^c, are permitted <o
abide amongft them.
' ' ' If
( *2 )
if again ft what hath been propofed, the favourers of the French and
Popifti Irtcereft do objedt, That fuch Severity toward the Irijh, willdif-
oblige the Catholick Princes of the Confederacy. _
I anfwer •, That the chief end of the Confederacy is to retrench the
Power of the French King and his Adherents, as Enemies to all the reft
of Europe. That the Papifts in thefe Kingdoms having above all others
contributed to that Kings prefent Greatnefs (all the and many of
the Enolijh, and Scotch Papifts being actually in Rebellion, and in Con-
jemdiion with his Forces) Their dependence being on him, and expedta-
tions from him ; it is as much the Intereft of the Confederates, that
they be rooted out or baniihed, as was the taking of or Bonne,
That thofe Princes are very fenfible that thefe are they which have di¬
verted His Majefties Arms from their Aftiftance the two laft Cam¬
paigns, and that they will do fo for the future, if their Power be not
broken. That there cannot therefore be the leaft danger of difobliging
them, by the Banifliment or Extirpation of the afore-mentioned Par¬
ties ; efpecially being it is of fervice to them, upon Reafons of State,
and is done for the quiet and fecurity of His Majefties Proteftant Sub¬
jects, &c. and becaufe they are Rebels, Incendiaries, and of Party
with France, and not becaufe they are Papifts.—In a word, Lenity to the
Irifh i vhohave been in Arms, is down-right Cruelty to the Protefiants of
Ireland and their Pofierity.
2. As Reflraints on the Papifts are neceffary to the quiet of Ireland, and
the other ends propofed; fo is Freedom and Immunities in Corporations to all
Protefiants that fhall go to inhabit there, with Liberty of Confcience to Pro¬
tefiants of all Terfwaftons that are there, or that (hall go thither to abide.
There being five Papifts for every Proteftant in that Kingdom,it is the
Intereft of the latter in point of Security, to add to their number as
much as may be. If to the Cheapnefs of Land there be added Civil
and Religious Liberties, they will together probably allure Forreign
Proteftants to tranfplant thither.
The Proteftants until about 1670. kept the Papifts out of Corpora¬
tions, by tendering them the Oath of Supremacy, when they claimed
admittance, but there being a Claufe in the A£t of Settlement or Ex¬
planation, which impowered the Chief Governour and Council in Ire¬
land to make Laws or Rules for Regulation of Corporations, and that
the Rules fo made fhould be of the fame force as if they had been en¬
acted by Parliament, &c. under colour thereof fome well-wiffiers to
Popery and Arbitrary Government, framed certain Rules and Orders
which Charles II. caufed the Lord Lieutenant and Council to pafs into
an Aft of Council, .and to enjoyn them on all the Corporations of that
Kingdom, &c. one of which Rules requires all Officers of Corporations
to
(63 )
to take the fhort Corporation Oath lately ufed in England,which feemed
to have been calculated for fetting up Arbitrary Government, (Tor Im-
pofing of which in Ireland, there was not until then any colour of Law;)
thereby all Proteftants who were not willing to for-fwear that Self-de-
fence which the Law of Nature, and thofe of the Land allows them,
were turned out of Office j nor was that all, but by another Claufe in
thofe Rules the Chief Governour is impowered from time to time to
difpenfe with fuch as were not willing to take the Oath of Supremacy.
—Hereupon whole fhouls of Papifts were admitted into the Corpora¬
tions and Fraternities of that Kingdom, and qualified for Offices, and
Chufing Members of Parliament.—It will therefore be needful that the
Corporations of that Kingdom be reffored to the condition they were
in in 1668. and that thofe Rules be vacuaced, or declared to be void,
as thofe who think that the Legiflative Power cannot be transferred,
conceive them to be.
I am told, that to hinder many Proteftants from returning, for dis¬
couraging Forreigners and others from going to inhabit, the better to
divide thofe already in Ireland, and to prevent the Improvement of it;
there are fome of K. J* his Creatures (who might be named, and who
pretend to be of another figure, and to be well known in the Affairs
of that Kingdom)that are now ufing their utmoft endeavours to have the
Sacramental Teft impofedonthe People of that Kingdom 3 under pre¬
tence that it will keep the Papifts out of Office, &c> though that
be no part of their defign, but to incumber His Majefties Affairs, hin¬
der the Sale of the Rebels Eftates, or render them of little value: To
alienate (ifpoffibleJ the Hearts of that people from Their Majefties,
by caufingHisMajefty (contrary to the import of his Declaration; to
put them into a worfe condition, than they were in under a Popifti
King. Thefe Men well know that the Security and Improvement cf that
Kingdom, and of Their Majefties Revenue there, depends on its being peopled
with Pr oteft ants, and that full Liberty and Incouragements to Proteftants of
all Perfwafions, is the mo ft effectual means to thofe Ends: And that the
planting thereof being hindred •, the Papifts will be kept in a capacity ( at plea-
fare ) to favour K. J. and the pretended P. of Wales'J Title, to countenance
a French Invafion, &c- They know, if it be not planted with Prote¬
ftants, the Revenue will never defray the neceffary charge of that King¬
dom, but that it will be a continual and infupportable charge and drain
to Englandj and require greater Forces to be kept up there, and thereby
obftruft ( at lead ) in great meafure the profecucion of the War a-
gainft France, which is their chief aim-
The promoters of thefe defigns are well aware that the impofition of
that Teft, would fend many Proteftants out of that Kingdom j and that
where
( 6<s, )
-where it would bar one Papift from Office, it would hinder a hundred
Proteftants from going thither. They know the in joining of the Oath
of Supremacy, or an exprefs Order or Law for their Exclufion, would
more effectually bar Papifts than the Sacramental Teft, for that many
Papifts have been difpenfed with by their Priefts for Receiving the Sa¬
crament in the manner required; and therefore it would never anfwer
the end for which they pretend it, though it would the others for which
they intend it. But that impofition which had. proved fo inconvenient
to England,will, if laid on Ireland be pernicious to the Proteftants
there, be a Bone ofDivifionamongft them 5 andfeembut an ill requi¬
tal for their Sufferings, and firm adherence to the true Intereft of Eng¬
land.
There was about 1664. one or two French Minifters, who having
fome Benefices conferred on them, and Stipends allowed by the Govern¬
ment, tranflated the Common-prayer Book into French, and procured
a Chappel for the ufe of fuch French as would join with them in that
Service. About fixteen or eighteen years after, many of the perfec¬
ted French Proteftants, with fome of their Minifters fled to Dublin, and
let up the beginnings of feveral ufeful Manufactures •, and being averfe
to join in that Service, a certain Charitable Peer lent them his Houfe to
Worfhip in, where they ferved God according to the manner of the
French Churches. Whereupon their Minifter was Seized and Iinpri-
foned, &c.until for obtaining his Liberty, he confented to quit or
abjure that Kingdom. Surely the ufage was as Unchriftian as Impoli-
tick towards thofe poor diftrefled Refugees, who had fled thither in ex¬
pectation of that liberty (which was publickly allowed the Papifts and)
which was deny'd them in their own Countrey. And it was Impoli-
ticks for thereupon they abandoned the place, and that Kingdom loft
thofe profitable Trades which thofe Men would have fet up there. Not
that this Severity proceeded from the temper of the Proteftants of Ire¬
land ( who are certainly the kindeft People on Earth to Strangers, that
either Travel, or abide amongft them) but from the Bigoctry of a few,
who too much favoured or advanced the Popiflh Intereft. And how¬
ever I doubt not but that the ufage thofe Favourers of Popery received
fromK. James,hath opened their Eyes, and poffibly rectified the Judg¬
ments of fuch of them as are living •, yet I believe this Sin, this Seve¬
rity to the diftrefled French, did help forward the difperfion and cala¬
mities which havefince happen'd to the Proteftants of Ireland, for fins
of this kind being committed by Authority, the Guilt becomes Na¬
tional.
There are not thofe Laws in that Kingdom that are in
England, nor any that J have heard of for impoftng the Sacramental Teft 5
and
a See Nafh and
Murphef5 Informa¬
tions concerning the
Popifh Plot.
( *5 )
and if it be the Tnterefl of England to have thofe Laws, and that Tefi taken off,
'tis certainly no lefs the Interefl of Ireland to incoarage all forts of Protectants.
( Like Liberty with what s here propofed,was one means which hath fo abundant¬
ly peopled and enriched Holland .) And as there are not thofe Laws againfi
Diffenters there, as here, neither are there thofe Animofities among Protefiants
of different Perfwafons as there are in England ; nor thoje Prejudices againfi
their Majefties Government. So that a perfect Vnion among Protectants
there is much more feafible than here. And if all parties of Protefiants be in¬
differently admitted to places of Honour, Profit, and Trttfi, they will then
joyntly and chearfully promote the welfare of the Publicto the great increafe
of their Majesties Revenue, of the Church -Livings, and of the Advantages
which England receives by that Kingdom.
Thirdly, The Militia of that Kingdom ought to be fetled in the hands of
men of Courage,Con dull,and Integrity 5 fuch as will not connive at, under¬
hand countenance or abetc the Enemy, give Intelli¬
gence, or fecretly (hare in Robberies and Planderings
with them, a &c. So that the Arms of the Kingdom
may neither be diverted from their Defence, nor
turned againfi: them. It is indeed the folly of Englifi
men that they are too little diftruftful, too unapprehenfive of dangers,
and too remifs in providing againfi them. Care fhould be taken that all
that are able fhould buy Arms, and that thofe that are not able may be
provided with good Arms, and be duely exercifed. That Kingdom is
well furnifhed with brisk active men, whofe native Courage and Know¬
ledge of the Country qualifies them for Service, of which they have
given good proof at Derry, Inniskillen, Limerick, &c. as alfo of their
forwardness and zeal for their Majeflies Service, even beyond what
England did, ( if I may be permitted to fay fo.) The Protefiants in
England were more than 200 to one of the Papifts, yet when his prefent
Majefty had landed with a powerful Army to refcue us from Popery and
Slavery, the Nobility and Gentry, &c. fiood at gaze, and it was fome
time before any of them appeared to own his Caufe, until the Lord
Delamere fir ft, and then the Earl of Devon, flighting all dangers, ap¬
peared for the defence of the Religion and Liberties of their Country.
Whereas in Ireland, although the Papifts were five to one of the Prote¬
fiants, and had all the Garrifons, Magazins, Army and Revenue of the
Kingdom in their hands, yet the Protefiants there, firft in the North,
then in Connaught, and afterwards in Munfitr, did expoie themfelves to
the utmoft Perils 5 took up Arms and declared for their Majefties, when
no Succours appeared for them, nor were indeed provided. And had
they then been timeoufly owned and fupported ,or afterward employed
according to their Merits, for the Reduction of that Kingdom, they had
K fhortned
C 66 )
fliortned that work, and faved England two or three Milions of what
hath and will be expended therein; which was too well known to
fome Perfons. But thole who wilh well to King s Intereft, and
they whole ufelefnefs would appear, were the Kingdoms once fetled,
were, and are for doing every thing at the utmoft charge, that by great
and continued Tax-esthey might if poflible alienate the Hearts of the Peo¬
ple from their Majefties, and perplex their Affairs, And to that end,
no doubt, mil'reprelented both the Affairs and People of Ireland j who,
notwithstanding all the Contempts and Reproaches call on them, and
the Temptations, not to fay Provocations to the Contrary, have almoft
to a man, firmly adhered to their Majefties Intereft. For among 200000
of them ( upon a ftridt enquiry J I do not hear of fixty Proteftants that
have taken up Arms for King James, or abetted his Intereft, notwith-
ftanding his Prefence among them, Power over them, and their great
Neceflities •, which poffibly (if truth were known ) might be the true
caufe of their being flighted by fome fort of men, &c.
If the prefent Wars in Europe continue, and that Ireland be once
wholly fubdued, the putting of the Militia of that Kingdom into a good
pofture will fave much Money to En, by giving his Majefty the
better opportunity to employ a greater proportion of his Army againft
France, which otherwife muft be kept in Ireland to keep the in
Subjection.
Fourthly, Notwithftanding the Militia Ihould be fetled as hath been
propofed 5 yet confidering the odds the Papifts have of the Proteftants,
their prefent Inclinations to France, the Ferment that is on their Spi¬
rits, &c.it will he abfolutely neceJJ'ary for the retaining them in obedience, to
keep up a competent fianding Army in that Kingdom. Yet when the Mili¬
tia (ball be well fetled and Armed, the Popiih Clergy, Lawyers, and
forfeiting Perfons banilhed, and the reft excluded from inhabiting in
any of the Cities, walled Towns, or Garrifons, the lefs force will be
requifite: For in that cafe the Forces which were kept up about 1680.
(in times cf Peace) will be fufficient to fecure the quiet of that King¬
dom, which confifted only of 1Horfe, Officers included •, viz.. 24
Troops, each confifting of a Captain, at 19 /.—12 .r. each Calendar
Month. A Lieutenant 1 z /.—1 is. A Cornet 9 1<5 /. A Quarter
Mafter 71. Three Corporals and one Trumpet 3 10 each, and
45 private Horfemen at 2 A—2 s. each, making in all per for
each 7 roop 157/. ios. per Annum iSpo /. which amounts for the
whole ^ay of the faid 24 Troops? unto 3780/. per Menfem, which is
per Annum 45360/.—
Allow-
C 67)
Allowed to the Lord Lieutenant's own Troop five
Horfe-men and three Trumpets more than to other ("2 j 2/.
Troops, making per Annum
An additional pay of 3 d.Pcr diem to each private ?
Horfe-man of the four Troops, doing Duty at Dublin j7
A Company of Foot-Guards Armed and Clad as the
Yeomen of the Guards, confiding of a Captain at 15: /.,
each Calendar Month-, A Lieutenant 9/. An Enfign
7/. and 60 Yeomen at 11. — each, making per'
Menfem 94 I. and per Annum
1128/.
'it A Regiment of Guards containing 12 Companies,!
each confiding of a Captain at 11 /.—4 s. each Calen-f
'it® dar Month. A Lieutenant 5 /.--12 s. An Enfign 4/.--4X. j
Three Serjeants 21.—2 s. each. Three Corporals, two i
'ifc Drums 1 I.—8 s. and 90 private Foot-men at 18 ' I7°35 '• 4-
W each which for each Company comes per Menfem to
it if 119/.—6 s. per Annum 1419 /.— 12/. and for the
whole per Annum
lili .
ittti For the Field Officers, Chaplain, Adjutant, Quar-
theiri ter Mader, Chirurgion, and Mate, Drum-Major y jj4I/_i4.i;
ik with a Serjeant and ten private Foot-men to four
tk I Companies, per Menfem III/.—15 s-—4 per Annum
W- -1
ibiij, Seventy four Companies of Foot, each confiding of
: i a Captain at 111—4 /• each Calendar Month. A Lieu-
ill tenant 5/. — 12/. Enfign 4/.—4/- Two Serjeants 0
uli 2 /.—2/. each. Three Corporals and a Drummer >640461-- o.
t 11—8 s. each, and fixty private Foot-men at 14 /• each, j
3® making in all for each Company per Menfem 72 l.-i6s. I
QO per Annum 873 /•—2 /. per Annum for the whole j
,U They were in the whole 1363 Horfe and 6210 Foot (the Officers,
fit &c. included) befides the Company of Yeomen of the Guards. The
ill Annual charge of the Horfe was 463681. and of the Foot 83023 /.
ii- 6 s. which charge was with eafe defrayed out of the Revenue of that
Kingdom. Although thefe will be fufficient to prevent or reprefs all
ft Infurredtions of the Papifts in Irela, yet they will not be fufficient to
v K 2 fecure
I
/r>
OO
fecure the Kingdom againft: Invafion, which is that we are to apprehend
from France; unlets with the help of the Confederates, we conftrain
rhe French King to employ his whole Force for Defence at home.
And here it may be confidered, that although the War again!} France
(hould be ended, yet whilft our Neighbours round about are Armed,
and keep confiderable Forces on Foot, it would be Prudence to keep
up fuch an Army as may fecure us and our Neighbours From being fur-
prized, &C. Now the Body of fuch an Army may better be kept up
in Ireland than in England :For the People of England have at all times
been juftly jealous of a Banding Army in times of Peace at home, and
never will be eafie whilft they are among them.
Such Army may therefore more conveniently, and with lefs charge
be kept in Ireland, where, by reafon of the plenty of that Kingdom they
can fubfift with lefs Pay: For as you may obferve, the private Horfe-
men receive there but 2 I, 2 s.each Calendar Montli, whereas they
receive in England 2s.6d. per Diem, which is upwards of 3 /. 10 per
Month, and all the Foot (except the Regiment of Guards) receive
but 3 s 6 d. per Week, which is one fourth, or 14 d. per Week lefs than
is paid the common Souldier in England,fo that 20000 Men may be kept
there as cheap as 15000 in England,which is great odds.
Fifthly, As the Sword is to Defend a People from violence and injury
in times of War; fo ought the Laws in time of Peace. Therefore it
will be requifte tn fettle the Civil Juflice of that Kingdom in fuch Hands as
may duly and truly Adminifter it, &c. To place fuch Judges and Juftices
of the Peace as have not been concerned in the corrupt Adminiftrations
of that Kingdom; fuch as may not pack Grand Juries, or Menace, He-
ftor and compel them contrary to their Confciences to find Bills,or raife
Money againft their Judgments, or where the Law doth not require it;
or to Tax the Country with more than is neceflary for the occafion, to
fubferve the Intereft of particular perfons, or for fupply of the Greedy
or Indigent, &c. But above all, fuch as may duly punifli Murderers;
for Life'being the moil valuable thing which we poftefs, and the fecu-
rity of it being the Principal end of the Law, it ought primarily to be
regarded by the Judges, &c.
i The remifs Execution of the Laws againft Murder in hath
been as a great hindrance to the Peopling and improvement of it, fo
alfo a great Reproach to it: And therefore remedy ought to be provid¬
ed in this particular on this Settlement. I have heard fome judicious
perfons in Holland fay in derifion of that the Cattle, and the
Mares of that Kingdom are better fecured by the Laws, or ufual Ad¬
miniftrations thereof, than the Lives of the People. Jc is indeed the
Honour of the United Provinces, and a Blefling to the People, that fel-
\
hwct-J-
( 69 )
dom,if ever, anyperfon of what quality foever, that wilfully Kills the
meaneft perfon, efcape Death : Whereas they fay of Ireland, that only
the Money-lefs and Friendlefs are Executed for Murder, whilft Sheep-
Stealers or Mare-Stealers Rarely Efcape. Murder is by Law in Ireland
made Treafon 5 and becaufe the punifhment is fo great, during the two
latt Reigns, few of any Intereft have been Executed for it- Which
if true, is indeed fad ; for where Judges or Juries negled: to do Juftice
in this refped, or that Princes grant Pardons to Murderers, the guilt
becomes National. ^ Wonderful is the care which God in his Law ex-
preffeth of the Life 'of Man > and many and Critical are the inquifiti-
ons which he appointed to be made for the Difcovery of Private Mur¬
der before the place where it was committed could be deemed acquit,
0re. And his command is pofitive, that whofoever taketh away the
Life of another, fhould be put to Death, and none may hinder, lett, or
ftay him, &c. And the reafon is given, becaufe that Blood is a Land-
defiling Sin: And that the Land cannot in any wife be cleanfed from
the guilt of it, but by the Blood of the Murderer. Therefore great
care ought to be taken to prevent future abufes of this kind, and to fup-
ply and rectifie the defects and abufes of the Laws in this particular.
It is dangerous to the Community to fufter Criminals to Efcape with
impunity 3 but the worft andmoft intolerable Robberies and Murders,
are thofe which are committed by the Abufe of the forms of Laws,
when thro' the corruption of Judges, the Laws made for fecority of Life,
Liberty and Property are perverted to the Deftruction of any of them.
Sixthly, What hath hitherto been propofed, hath been for prevent-
ing future charge by Ireland, and for the fecuring the advantages which
comes thence to England. I am now toftiew that it is the Intereft of
their Majefties, and of England, to put that Kingdom into a thriving con¬
dition, and how that may be done.
That it is the Intereft of England and their .Majefties, is evident by
what hath been already obferved. ^ The Revenues of Ireland before the
breaking out of the prefent Rebellion, did furmount the charge of the
Kingdom: And the Surplufage was transmitted yearly into England
Now if by Trade, or otherwife, the Revenues of that Kingdom had
been augmented or doubled to what it was in 1685. Then the Annual
advantage to England, or to the late King, would have been fo much
more : As fuppofe for the Year 1685. The Revenue had Surmounted
the charge by 40000/. more or lefs ■; and that in 1686. it had amount¬
ed to 150000 /. more than it did the preceding Year : In that Cafe
there had been 190000/. tranfmitted thence to England for that Year,
&c. In this refpect you fee it is the Intereft both of the King, and this
Kingdom, to put Ireland into a condition of continual improvement.
( 70~)
Our Trade with France being the greateft out-let of our Money, and J,the'
France being the only Kingdom of the World capable of Annoying us; J,Sni
We ought long fince to have ftopt that yearly Drain But it hath been jitfc
our infelicity, that during the two laft Reigns, our Councils being In-
fluenced by France, we ran Counter to our Intereft in Trade, as well ;je f
as Politicks: For inflead of regulating our Forreign Trade, in preferv- (iter
ing, and gaining more Markets for our Natural Products, and Manu-
factures the hindring and abating the Importation of unneceflary Com- fiik
modifies, and encouraging cur Manufacturers (which are the induftri- ,^jf
ous Bees of the Nation-, ) we have been put upon driving the latter pi
from us, and reftraining the Intercourfe and Commerce between us and
Ireland, and the Plantations and Ireland-, to the advantage of a few, ,,(#
but great detriment to the Publick, not to fay oppreflion of our own
People abroad, while we have given France the opportunity of drawing ,Wg
away our Money, and to run avyay with a confiderable part of our Trades .ftjl
and have thereby paid his Penfioners amongft us at our own coft. But ,mi
his Prefent Majefty being come to deliver us from fuch Coun-
cellors, i,t is to be hoped he will not by imploying the Inftruments of '|j;
our paft Calamities, furnifh them with frefh opportunities to Betray the fa
Kingdom, or Ruin himfelf.
It is the endeavour of almoft all the Princes of Europe, to Retrench the 7§(
Power of the French King and 'tis no lefs the concern of England. And 7'
ifl miffake not, the prefent conjuncture of Affairs doth furnifh us with il
fome fpecial advantages above the reft to that end. 7;
It is certain that in times of open Trade France did yearly Gain one or two ,.,A
Millions Sterling by Trade with England, which was fo much clear lofs to this , j
( 71 )
land, the Tiffues, Velvets, Sattins, Armozines, Tabbies, Ribons, wrought
Silks, Stuffs, Laces, Serges, Hatts, Fans, Cabinets, Fins, Combs, &c.
which we bring yearly from France, are valued to amount to 1140000/.
Sterling. All which may be Supplied by the Labour of our own People,
and the French Proteftants that are and would come amongft us, were
due Liberty and Encouragement given and care taken to put things into
the right way, &c.
For the doing things of this Nature, I am perfwaded it would be of fingu-
lar ufe, if Hts Majefiy would by Order of the Council, &C. con fit ate a fund¬
ing Council of Trade con fifing of a great number of the mofl knowing experi¬
enced Merchants of London j who,( or a Quorum of them ) might meet week:
ly in fome one of their Halls, ( having a Secretary, Door-keeper, and Meffenger
allowed them) where they might confult how to remove all obfruitions of Trade,
how to regulate it; what Manufactures may be fet up to the befl advantage of
the Kingdom, and how others may be improved, &C- Which, as they fall have
maturedy may be reprefented to His Majefiy and Council, or to both Houfes
of Parliament as occafion fhall require.
Now as the Idle hands of the Kingdom, together with the French
Refugees may profitably,and agreeably be imployed in the foremention-
ed Fabricks of Silk, and other Manufactures which we were wont to
bring from France; fo may the People of Irelandy ( even the very Na¬
tives ) be aptly employed in the Linnen Manufacture for which that
Kingdom is in feveral refpeCts much more proper than England.
1. For that Land is Cheaper in Irelandy and where good Seed is had,
the Country yields excellent Flax.
2. The Female Natives who are averfe to any Robuft Labour, are
much inclined to the Spinning of Flax, which they can do with their
Rocks^or Diftaves as they fit at their Doors, or under a Hedge tending
their Cattle.
3. They are a People that live on a courfer and cheaper Dyet, near¬
er the manner of France, than the Englijh do or can ; and therefore can
afford their Work cheaper, which is a particular of great weight in an
Affair of this Nature. For except the Commodity be made at lead as
cheap as we have it from France, it will be brought thence in ipignt of
all Prohibitions. , r
4. This is a Labour to which they have been greatly accuftomedsfor
before the Commencement of the Prefent Rebellion, there was a con-
flderable quantity of Courfe Linnen, Diapers and Damasks made in
Irelandy much ftronger than thofe which we uiually have had from
France•
5. There is an ACt of the laft Irifli Parliament ftill in Force, for the
raifingof Money to fet up a Bleaching Yard in each Province of the
Kingdom for the Encouragement of the Linnen Manufacture. If
✓ " - V ' V
f 72)
If we confider the concurrence of thefe things, viz. the cheapnefs of
Land and Labour, the aptnefs of the Soil, Inclination of the People,^.
There feems no place fo proper for this Manufacture as Ireland,
Many thinkjng men of good Sence have been jealous that Ireland by reafon
of the plenty and cheapnefs of Woof would in time fall into the improvement of
it into Adanufafiures^ to the prejudice of England. And though their fears
( at leaf, as to this prefent Age ) are groundlefs, yet 'tisWifdom to provide
againfi even remote pojfibilities of detriment . &C- This may be done ejfefinally
in this Cafe, by fetting up and encouraging the Linnen Manufafiitre, and fuch
others in Ireland, as may fully, and p oft ably imploy that People, and yet not
interfere with the Manufafiures of England.
Now if this can be done in a way which will leflen the French Kings
Revenue, and keep a conflderable part of our Money from being carried
into France, it ought to be the more acceptable to us.
In the forementioned Ballance of our Trade with France drawn up
by the French, they do compute, That Linnens, Canvas, Diapers, &c.
which we yearly import from France, do amount to 400000/. But by
the Ballance drawn out of our Cuftom-houfe-books in 1675:. we find the
imported Linnen from France in one year, did amount to 5 28248 L—16s.
whereof-the Particulars are as followeth, viz.
I. s.—"d,
60000 pieces of Lockrams and Dowlas at 61 per piece 360000—00—0
17000 hundred Ells of Vitry & Noyals Canvas at 61. per c. 102000—00—0
8000 hundred Ells of Normandy Canvas at 7/. perCent. 5*6000—00—0
2500 pieces of Quintin at 10 /. per piece . 1250—00—0
1500 pieces of dyed Linnen at 20 s. per piece 1500—co—0
7600 yards of Diaper Tabling at 2 s. per yard 764—00—0
fards of Diaper Napkeningat 12 d.per yard 1694—16—0
pieces of Buckrams at 50 s. per piece 3440—00—0
pair of old Sheets at 5 /. per pair
3olts ofBoldavis at 15
33896
1376
2800
1200
700—00—0
900—00—0
528248—16—0
Now were thefe Linnens raifed in as they eafily may be, al¬
though the whoie value of them Should be tranfmitted thither in Cafh,
instead of tending it to France,it would yet be of greater advantage to
his Maiefty, and to England. 5
Firft to his Majerty, By augmenting his Revenue, not only by the Du-
tv on Exportation of them out of Ireland, which in that cafe might be
the fame which the French king lately received out of them in France,
^ cncreafe Ci the Inland Excife in Ireland, by enabling a
greater
( 73 )
m greater Confumption of Liquors, Tobacco, the being a People
% that fpend freely when they have wherewithal.
'»■ Secondly, To England,\n begetting a greater intercourfe of Trade be-
tween the two Kingdoms. The Irijh are naturally prodigal, and love
fr«t! Gaities, and were they enabled, they would foon be induced to take off
"''»! more of our Manufadures and natural Products; fo that there would
»»»? be no need of parting with our Money in Specie to Ireland, as now we
do to France. And whatever advance it would occafion of the Revenue
wi« above the charge of that Kingdom, it would be cranfmitted hither to
(, 4 leffen the Taxes in England, and yearly add to the Capital Stock of the
Kingdom.
M Thirdly, It would be advantagious both to the King and Kingdom, in
Nj leffening the Revenue of the French King, and impoverilhing hfs Sub-
jedls.
"'k As the Manufa&ures of England have enriched it, and yielded a great
K Revenue to the Crown to enable the keeping a powerful Navy at Sea 5
i fo the vaft quantities of Manufactures which is yearly exported out of
France into many parts of the World, and efpecially to England*, do
tySi-! as well by the Duty paid out of them, enable that King to keep up fe~
veral formidable Armies, &c. as imploy and inrich his Subjects, and
I- enable them to pay other Taxes. Now fo far at we divefi France of its
DOOO-OC- Manufactures, and leffien the Exportations, fo far do we abate its Power, and
lOOM# difable the keeping Hp of fitch powerful Armies, &C. The Events and difficulties
fooo-d of War are great and uncertain; but this is a fure way to weaken any Prince,
2jQ-f and to bring any Country irito a languijhing Condition.
jo<h! If to what hath been here propofed any (hall fay, That it will be more
the advantage of England to have this Linnen Manufacture fee up here
^4 than in Ireland. I anfwer,
That the other Manufactures before mentioned, with which we are
fupplyed from France, will much more profitably and agreeably imploy
our People than the fpinning of Linnen, which in this cafe mud be done
at a very cheap race, or it will not prevent the bringing of them from
248-if Trance. And Ireland in the forementioned refpects feems much more
'v proper for that purpofe than England. And if we would prevent their
jjjjyki growing into the. Wqll$n Manufacture, it is bucMtiheyJhould.be en-
]e[,y couraged in fome other which may imploy and maintain them: for they
can no more than our People, live only on Air, though they are con-
44(H-:.
700-co-
pOO-OO"
" tent to work cheaper, and fare harder,
- ty To avoid Prolixity, I forbear to fee down the proper way in which
-/ jijl the Linnen Manufacture may be fet up, and the Improvements which
may be made of the didinct Branches of their Majefties prefent Revenue
in Ireland, .
L Thus,
( 74 )
Thus, Sir, I have in anfwer to your Queries, fet down, as the An¬
cient Charge of Ireland, and Forces fent from England thither, from
our firft footing there, until the compleat Conqueft thereof • So like-
wife the confiderable returns of both that have been made thence:
Some of the Advantages we receive by , and the ufefulnefs of
that Kingdom to England. The State of its Trade and Revenue; and
(hewed that the Improvement of Ireland for thirty five years part hath
been none of the Caufes of the abatement of Rents in but the
contrary ; with the true Caufes of the advancement and abatement of
Rent and Trade in England, with the beft Expedients for their Im¬
provements : The Methods by which our Advantages by Ireland may be
fecured and augmented, to the greater benefit of England, Encreafe of
his Majefties Revenue in Ireland, and to the retrenching of the Power
of France. In doing whereof I have with my accuftomed bluntnefs,
freely imparted my thoughts, yet without defigned Prejudice, again (I
any Perfon or Party.
I doubt not but you will excufe the harlhnels of the Stile, and the
other Defe&s of thefe Papers, feeing, that although they were haftily
written, your impatience for them did not admit them to be reviewed;
and that I have elected rather to expofe my own weaknefs, than to
deny you this Teftimony of my being unrefervedly,
S I R,
Your very Humble
Servant-
■^7.! ; l . ' ' M; iJt flSflJ
tndTi®
cbi(f
I 'fix
FINIS.
ERRATA
PAge 22; line 14. after 38000 and 1000, inftead of /. Hundred.'
Page 2 9.line 27. after live add in.
There have feveral other Errours happened in the Prefs, which
the Reader is requeued to excufe.
. ■ i
^ jV,