» '<#'^ K^ ■ay ^V^ -^W'-«^'» ^ '^ » g^^ ■» ■ay ^%. - ^^b^ '^ V- x^ -C .0 <^. •.:i? o ^. ^ o " o . ^ ^> ^ % / ^^5 r ^V • .^' V \^ A ^ '^^ ^ . ^ ^^ - ^^ ^ : -^ ^- ^'^ '-mss ^ ^ -'^^£>4^ <*. ''•-' J-' '> V^^^ ,.„ \. *^'^° .f .''/%^''"°\<^ ,.„ "^^^ *'' 0" 0°""" 'O %. "^' ./ ... ^- o > .V ^.> .^"^ ^%^i?^° ^^^ '^''^^^i^^ ^^'^- .^ X-' :y s' -: "^^ "M^ %.^ *^^'^''^'- ^^/ "iM^ ^ lV^. f^m?^,^ .v^. ^"'<>. ^jmi:¥: «v'% ;....„._ .^^--t^. v^mKf/ .^ ^\ A. '?>' ^ <^. ^' ^ . ^^ ^ ^ ^^ vi*'. ^ ^ . •fey-' .o' 'b V -Jy' V- . . v. • ^^.. ,'^' 4 o ^^ ,^^^. ^-mm; ^^^'^'^^. ^w^'^^ >^ -^ c 0' "°o -=v-^-/ V--'-y "°.-'?^'^/ ^ ■i I THE REAL LINCOLN FROM THE TESTIMONY OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES BY CHARLES L. C. MINOR, M. A., LL. D. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged KIC'HMONd,' VA. ? - • Everett Waddey Co. 1904 LIBf?ftSVof.CONSR1:SS Two Oocics Received JUL 18 1904 5 Cooyrlarht Entry CLASS C^ XXe. No. COPY B i4ut down the rebellion with a strong hand, there would have been a counter-rebellion in the North. For not doing this he was bitterly blamed, but time has justified him. By his forbearance, Maryland, Kentucky, and Mis- .souri were undoubtedly ke])t in the Federal Union." . . . "Hitherto (p. 105) the press had railed at Lincoln for wanting a policy; and yet if he had made one step towards suppressing the rebels " a thousand Northern newspapers would have pounced upon him as one provok- ing war." .... "It is certahi (p. 168) that by this iiumane and wise policy" — not sending more soldiers through BaltimoR' — which many attributed to cowardice, President Lincoln not only prevented much bloodshed and devastation, but also preserved the State of Mary- land. In such a crisis harshly aggressive measures in Maryland would have irritated millions on the border, and perhaps have proni))tly lirought the war further North." CHAPTER VIII. Change of the Issue — Star of the West. LINCOLN, knowing the opposition to abolition and to coercion and the reachness to resist both that has been shown in the last two chapters to exist in the North and West, disclaimed, as he had so often done before, any purpose of emancipation, and disguised even in his Inaugural whatever purpose he had of forcing back the seceded States, and astutely used the firing on Fort Sumter to rouse the war spirit. The word ." astutely " is aptly applied, for the flag had been fired on in the same place two months earlier — an exceedingly important fact which has been very strangely ignored, but cannot be denied. The steamer Star of the West had been^ sent two months earlier, January 9, 1861, with food and two hundred re- cruits^ to relieve the United States garrison in Fort Svmiter, and while flying the great flag of a garrison was fired on, was struck twice, and driven away — " retired a little igno- miniously," Morse reports it {Lincoln, Vol. I., p. 141); and he adds that Senator Wigfall jeered insolently: "Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare." John A. Logan (Great Conspiracy, p. 143) adds further words of Senator Wigfall, "You have submitted to it for two months." George William Curtis (Orations and Addresses, Vol. I., iNicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p. 96, et sec;. ^It has been represented that the only purpose of the Star of the West was to feed the soldiers of the garrison, but, like Nicolay and Hay above, Channing in his History of the United States, p. 313, says she carried "supplies and soldiers, and Greeley says, in his American Conflict, Vol. I., p. 412, "with two hundred men and ample provisions." ( 72) The Real Lincoln. 73 p. 141) deplores it as follows: "We were unable or unwilling to avenge a mortal insult to our own flag in our own waters upon the Star of the West." Ropes and Channing^ give a like description of the occurrence. Every particular above given about the Star of the W^est is confirmed'' 1)}^ letters of J. Holt, Secretary of War; of L. Thomas, Assist- ant Adjutant-General, and of Lieutenant Charles R. Wood, who conducted the expedition. Thomas instructed Wood to expect to be fired on by " the batteries on .James' or Sullivan's Island," and Holt wrote Major Anderson, commandant of Fort Sumter, " Your forbearance to return the fire is fully appreciated by the President."'^ Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews says (History of the United States, Vol. II., p. 50) that Major Robert Anderson, com- manding Fort Sumter, "was expressly forbidden," l)y the Government in Washington, "to interfere with the erection and progress of the works that were being built . . for use against his fort." Russell wrote to the London Times from America (My Diary, North and Soidh, p. 72, et seq., and p. 131, et seq.): "It is absurd to assert .... that the sudden out- burst when Fort Sumter was fired upon was caused by the insult to the flag. Why, the flag had been fired on long before Simiter was attacked; .... it had been torn down from the United States arsenals and forts all over the South and fired upon when the Federal flag was flying from tlie Star of the West." He says, too, "Seces- 'Ropes' Story of the Civil War, Part I., p. 4.5; Channing's Short History of the United States, p. 313. *War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the I'liion and Confederate Armies, Series I., Vol. I., pp. 9. 10, 131-2, 137, 140. Tor Major Anderson's own opinion and feeling about using force to restrain secession, see page 38 of the same volume. 74 The Real Lincoln. sion was an accomplished fact months before Lincohi came into office, but we heard no talk of rebels and pirates till Sumter had fallen The North was per- fectly quiescent What would not the value of ' the glorious burst ' of patriotism have been, had it taken place before the Charleston batteries had opened on Sumter — when the Federal flag, for example, was fired on flying from the Star of the West, or when Beauregard cut off supplies, or Bragg threatened Pickens, or the first shovelful of earth was thrown up in hostile battery. But no. New York was then engaged in discussing States' Rights and in reading articles to prove that the new Gov- ernment would be traitors if they endeavored to reinforce the Federal forts." Gen. Wm. T. Sherman says (Memoir, Vol. II., p. 382) : " After the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1860, there was no concealment of the declaration and prepara- tion for war in the South. In Louisiana, as I have related, men were openly enlisted, officers were appointed, and war was actually begun, in January, 1861. The forts at the mouth of the Mississip})i were seized, and occupied by garrisons that hauled down the United States flag and hoisted that of the State. The United States arsenal at Baton Rouge was captured by New Orleans militia, its garrison ignominiously sent off, and the contents of the arsenal distributed. These were as much acts of war as was the subsequent firing on Fort Smnter, yet no public notice was taken thereof." .... This "firing on the fiag" on the Star of the West produced no sensation at all, but was accepted by the whole country as an accom- paniment of the secession of the States. Burgess says (The Civil War and the Constitution, Vol. I., p. 106) "the firing upon the Star of the West was really The Real Lincoln. 75 the beginning of the war of the rebelUon — . . . (p. 107) the Administration simply chose not so to regard it; . . . Congress was not prepared for it, and it is not certain that the people of the North woukl then have rallied to the President's support." If there is still any need of apology for the action of the Confederate Government in forcibly seizing Fort Smn- ter, as it had for many weeks been seizing other forts within its territory, we have the defense of it formulated by Greeley and recorded without objection or conmient by Burgess, who quotes (The Civil War and the Constitu- tion, p. 167) Greeley's words, that " the Confederacy had no alternative to an attack upon Fort Sumter except its own dissolution." We have learned afresh of late the meaning of the words used above, "to rouse the war spirit.'' A very respectable part of the wisdom and virtue of this country deplored and reprobated the war lately waged by the United States in the Philippines, and yet did make, and could make, no opposition, but supported the war just as those did who approved it most warmly. We know now that a war, once begun, sweeps into its support, not only the regular army, the navy, and the treasury, but volunteer organizations and the youth of the country, who think they must re- spond to any national call for arms. That this " war spirit" sent large armies to the field is well known. But Rhodes says {History of the United States, Vol. III., p. 404), "Had the North thoroughly understood the problem; had it known that the people of the Cotton States were practically unanimous; that the action of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee was backed by a large and gene- 76 The Real Lincoln. rous majority, it might have refused to undertake the seemingly unachievable task (P. 405). It is impossible to escape the conviction that the action of the North was largely based on a misconception of the strength of the disunion sentiment in the Confederate States. The Northern people accepted the gage of war and came to the support of the President of the United States on the theory that a majority of all the Southern States except South Carolina were at heart for the Union, and that if these loyal men were encouraged and protected the}'' would make themselves felt in a movement looking towartls allegiance to the National Government." Rhodes is an historian who speaks with very high au- thority. May not the concession that he makes above be called an apology for a great wrong done the South. And does it not suggest the question who it was that led the North into the "misconception" that he describes? CHAPTER IX. Resistance in Congress. THE attitude of Congress towards coercion and eman- cipation is our best guide as to the attitude of their constituents — the people of the States called "loyal." Horace Greeley comments as follows on the concession made in President Buchanan's last message that he had no authority to use force against secession (Avierican Conflict, Vol. I., p. 272): .... "This assertion of the radical impotence of the Government . . . on the part of the President was received in Congress with general and concerted taciturnity." . . Gree- ley (Vol. I., p. 370) conmiends ardently the long and distinguished career of John J. Crittenden, and outlines the Crittenden Compromise proposed by him as follows: "It allows slavery in the Territories south of 36° 30', and says that States from south of that line may come in as Slave States. It protects slavery and its owners in the District, so long as it exists in Virginia and Maryland, or either. The United States shall pay the owners of slaves, where they are obstructed by the people of a county in using the law for recovery of a fugitive slave. It gives assurance that no amendment in the future shall give Congress the power to interfere with slavery in the States. It pronounces the Personal Liberty Laws null and void." Greeley is hotly indignant that such should have been the feeling of Congress, but he goes on (Vol. I., p. 380) : "The Conservatives, so called, were still able to establish (77) 78 The Real Lincoln. this Crittenden Compromise by their own proper strength, had they JDeen cUsposed to do so. The President was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House they had a small majority, as was evinced by their defeat of John Sherman for Speaker." As conclusive proof that the North and West had no such purpose as emancipation, Schouler (History of the United States, Vol. V., p. 507) says of the action of Congress, after Lincoln's inauguration, as follows: "One proposed amendment, and only one, was sent out with the consti- tutional assent of the two Houses;^ not as a compromise, but as a pledge. It provided that no amendment should be made to the Constitution authorizing Congress to abolish or interfere within any State with the domestic institution of slavery Republicans, Demo- crats, and the great mass of the loyal citizens at the North were willing to be bound by such an assurance, hand and foot, if need be, in proof that they meant no aggression." Is it necessary to suppose they made an}'^ sacrifice in giving assurance that they would not interfere, in view of the vast amount of evidence that they did not think they ought to interfere and had no inclination to interfere? Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews confirms the above accounts of the Crittenden Compromise that was proposed and the amendment that was passed in Congress (History of the United States, Vol. II., p. 97), as follows: "Both Houses, each l.)y more than two-thirds majority, recommended a constitutional amendment depriving Congress forever of the power to touch slavery in any State without the con- sent of all the States." And he savs of the "Crittenden iln a note Schouler gives the vote on it in the House as 133 to 65, and in the Senate as 24 to 12. The Real Lincoln. 79 Compromise "' above described, "This measure, before Congress all winter, was finally lost for lack of Southern vC votes." How far Congress was from approving the Emancipa- tion Proclamation may be judged by the following words of llhodes (A'ol. IV., p. 215) about Lincoln's reconmienda- tion of emancipation in his Message of December, 1862: "Owing to distrust of him and his waning popularity, his reconnnendations in this message were not considered by Congress, nor had they, so far as I have been able to ascertain, any notable influence on public sentiment." Boutwell describes (Lincoln, Tributes from His Asso- ciales, p. 87) Lincoln's dealings with one of the amend- ments and the reluctance of Congress, as follows: "Slavery existed in States that had not engaged in the rebellion, and the legality of the Emancipation Proclamation might be drawn in question in the courts. One thing more was wanted — an amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery everywhere within the jurisdiction of the United States. The preliminary resolution was seciu'ed after a pro- tracted struggle in Congress, and the result was due, in a pre-eminent degree, to the personal and official influence of Mr. Lincoln. In one phrase it may be said that every power of his office was exerted to secure in the Thirty- eighth Congress the passage of the resolution by which the proposed amendment was submitted to the States."-' Nicolay and Hay say (Ahrahnm Lincoln, Vol. J\., p. '■}8) that even when his most subservient Congress subsequently ^n connection with Boutwell's account of the way the "preliminary resolu- tion" was pasf^ed in t'ongres's for this amendnieiil , it will be interesting to see, in the chapter headed F"ictitious States, how enough States were voted to pass the amendment. -71. 80 The Real Liricoln. "legalized" his usurpations, "there was about the action a certain hesitation which robbed it of the grace of spon- taneous generosity." How persistent the opposition con- tinued to be may be judged by the fact that Mr. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation failed, as late as June, 1864, to get in Congress the two-thirds vote necessary to fix it in the Constitution, and had to go over to the next session, when the war was practically ended. CHAPTEK X. Opposition in the Regular Army. C1()T;. A. K. McClure says {Lincoln and Men of the War ^ Time, p. 56), ''AVhen Lincoln turned to the mili- tary arm of the Government, he was appalled by the treachery of the men to whom the nation sliould look for its preservation." Scarcely any were so devoted to the flag, none knew so well the seriousness of the step, as the officers of the regular army, but, notwithstanding, Ida Tarbell says,* three hundred and thirteen, nearly one-third, resigned. General Keifer saj^s {Slavery and Four Years of War, p. 171) that about March, 1861, "disloyalty among prominent officers was for a while the rule." General Butler says that General Scott, commander of the army, recom- mended to the President {Butler's Book, p. 99 and p. 142) "that the wavward sisters be allowed to depart in peace," meanmg the seceded States, and Butler's story is confirmed by Channing {Short History of the United States, p. 380, et seq.). George Ticknor Curtis gives {Life of James Buchanan, Vol. II., p. 297) the particulars of General Scott's "views," submitted to President Buchanan, dated October 9th, 1860, which provided for a division of the Union into four separate confederacies. Ida Tarbell shows^ that General Scott reconunended to the President the with- drawal of the United States troops from Fort Sumter and from Fort Pickens in Pensacola harbor. Much pity ^McClure's Magazine for February, 1899. UlcClure's Magazine for April, 1899, p. 263. (81 ) 6 82 The Real Lincoln. has been spent on Major Anderson, cut off from supplies and bombarded in Fort Sumter, but one of Lincoln's eulo- gists has to rejoice now that he was spared the pain of reading the reproaches contained in a letter written him by Major Anderson, censuring him for pro])osing to use force. The letter miscarried. We have other letters of Major Anderson's showing that he, like Scott and Seward, and the rest, thought coercion out of the question. He wrote,' signing officially, to Thomas, United States Adjutant- General, earnestly deprecating the expedition proposed to bring him reinforcements in Fort Sumter, saying, ''I frankly say that my heart is not in the war that I see is to be commenced. That God will still avert it, and cause us to revert to pacific measures to maintain our rights, is my ardent prayer." Nicolay, too,^ tells of a reproach- ful letter that Anderson wrote Lincoln about using force at Fort Sumter. Major-General Abner Doubleday gives (Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. I, p. 40, et seq.) a very full account, as eye-witness of Anderson's whole course, in accord with the above. Rhodes {History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 72) quotes from a letter of Senator Sumner to John Bright, that Lincoln had answered Bright, who urged him to issue an edict of emancipation, "I would do it if I were not afraid that half the officers would fling down their arms and three more States would rise." Hamlin says (Life and Times of Hannibal Hamlin, p. 430), "Yet many a gallant Union officer .... declared disdainfully that he would not fight for the Alwlitionists." .... Schouler ^War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the Viiion and Confederate Arviies. Series I., Vol. I., p. 294. ^In the eariier book that he wrote, The Outbreak of the Rebellion, at page 55. The Real Lincoln. 83 says {History of the United States, Yo\. VI., p. 218), that in 1861 "Sherman and Buell in Kentucky, Dix in Mary- hmd, and Halleck in Missouri, slave regions less positively disloyal, took a more conservative attitude, and ordered slaves to be kept out of their lines," instead of encouraging them to leave their masters. Rhodes says (Vol. IV., p. 182) that Governor 0. P. Morton, of Indiana, charged, in his official communications to Washington, General Rosecrans with being a rebel sympathizer, which Rhodes records, though he does not believe it true, Rosecrans being the predecessor of Buell, Grant's predecessor in the chief command in the West. Rhodes says {History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 335), "The attitude of all but three of Grant's corps commanders on the 19th April, 1862, may be inferred from the following letter of Grant to Halleck of that date : " At best three of my army corps connnanders take hold of the new policy of arming the negroes and using them against the enemy with a will. They, at least, are so much of soldiers as to feel them- selves under obligation to carry out a policy which they would not inaugurate, in the same good faith and with the same zeal as if it was of their own choosing." Rhodes ((uotes {History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 73) from Greeley's "prayer of twenty million," else- where described in this book, the following: ... "A large portion of our regular officers, with many of the volunteers, evidence far more solicitude to uphold slavery than to put down the rebellion." CHAPTER XI. Opi)osition in the Volunteer Army. TT WOULD be supposed that however many, as above -L shown, of the people of the North and West op- posed or disapproved the war, it had the ardent support of all the soldiers at least who volunteered " to defend the flag" on Lincoln's first call for seventy-five thousand men. About this we get a strange enlighten- ment in the account given by Russell (My Diary, North and South, p. 155, et seq.) of his meeting the Fourth Pennsyl- vania Regiment going home from the Bull Run battle- field to the sound of the cannon that oi)ened the battle. A note on page 553 of Greeley's American Conflict describes the same from General McDowell's official report of the battle of Bull Run,^ how on the eve of battle the Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment of Volunteers and the battery of artillery of the Eighth New York Militia, whose term of service had expired, insisted on their discharge, though the General and the Secretary of War, both on the spot, tried hard to make them stay five more days; .... " and the next morning, when the army moved into battle, these troops moved to the rear to the sound of the enemy's guns, every moment becoming more distinct and more heavy." And Greeley goes on to say, "It should here be added that a member of the New York battery aforesaid, who was most earnest and active in opposing General 'See the account of it in General McDowell's report of the battle, in the War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I., Vol. II., p. 325. (84) The Real Lincoln. 85 McDowell's request and insisting on an immediate dis- charge, was at the next election, in full view of all the facts, chosen sheriff of the city of New York — probably the most lucrative office filled by popular election in the country."'^ In the Outlook of September 6th, 1902, the Rev. Edward Everett Hale cjuotes as of unchallenged historic value a letter written three weeks after the battle of Bull Run by a gentleman in an important ])olitical position in Wash- ington, which attributes like shameful desertion in the face of the enemy to "various batteries," and their wel- come home. He goes on, "How does the country be- have? . . . The poltroons, . . . have you hung any of them yet in Boston? .... And the people of New York let these people return to their business!" Russell gives as the reason why General Patterson did not bring his army from the upper Potomac to help General McDowell at Bull Run,^ that "out of twenty-three regiments composing his force, nineteen refused to stay an hour after their time." Can any explanation be sug- gested but that these soldiers and their friends at home reprobated the task to which they were ordered? We have General Patterson's report to General Scott* of his repeated unsuccessful appeals to his men not to leave the army with the enemy in their very presence. He furthermore complained (p. 175) that his own zeal and loyalty to the cause was publicly impeached, and General 'If it was possible to conceive of any of the soldiers on the Southern .side so deserting the field that day, where would they have found kinsman or friend to give them shelter, food, or water, from that day forward? ^My Diary, North and South, p. 179; see, too, Channing's Short History of the United States, p. 308, et seq. *War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the I'nion and Confederate Armies, Series I., Vol. II., pp. 166-170. 86 The Real Lincoln. Scott's contemptuous answer (p. 178) gives no sort of contradiction to the charges. Russell says {My Diary North and South, p. 179), "The outcry against Patterson has not yet subsided, though" . . . nineteen out of twenty-three of his regiments refused to stay in the field, as shown above. Gen. W. T. Sherman says (his Memoir, Vol. I., p. 1S8), four days after the first battle of Manassas, or Bull Run, .... "I had my brigade about as well governed as any in that army, although most of the ninety-day men, especiall}' the Sixty-ninth, had become exceedingly tired of the war and wanted to go home. Some of them were so mutinous, at one time, that I had Ayre's battery to unlimber, threatening if any dared leave camp without orders I would open fire on them." Pages 188 to 191 describe a mutiny with Lincoln present, and end with, "This spirit of nnitiny was common to the whole army, and was not subdued till several regiments, or parts of regiments, had been ordered to Fort Jefferson, Florida, as punishment." The above is hard to reconcile with the popular belief that the early campaigns were pushed with enthusiasm by the volunteers. Later, at the time when General Hooker took command of the Army of the Potomac, we have Hooker's testimony, quoted from the Report of the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War by Col. Henderson, of the English Army {Life of Stoneivall Jackson, Vol. IL, p. 505), "At the time the army was turned over to me, desertions were at the rate of about two hundred a day." Then, after describing, in his words elsewliere quoted, the efforts of great numbers of the people at home to induce the soldiers to desert, he goes The Real Lincoln. 87 on as follows: "At that time perhaps a majority of the officers, especially those high in rank, were hostile to the jwlicy of the Government in the conduct of the war. The Emancipation Proclamation had been published a short time before, and a large element of the army had taken sides antagonistic to it, declaring they would never have embarked in the war had they anticipated the action of the Government." Major-General John E. Wool wrote Secretary Stanton, September 3rd, 1862,'^ " We have now more treason in the army than we can well get along with." Ida Tarbell says," ''Nothing could have been devised which would have created a louder uproar in the North than the suggestion of a draft. All through the winter of 1862-63 Congress wrangled over the bill ordering it, nuich of the press denouncing it meantime as despotic and contrary to American institutions." General Grant says {Memoir, Vol. II., p. 23) that during August, 1864, "right in the midst of these embarrassments, Halleck informed me that there was an organized scheme on foot to resist the draft, and suggested that it might become necessary to withdraw troops from the field to put it down." Nicolay and Hay (Vol. VI., p. 3) tell of violent resistance to the draft in Pennsylvania. About the volunteer soldiers' attitude toward emanci- pation we find the following: Schouler says of General B. F. Butler {History of the United States, Vol. VI., p. 216), When he reached Mary- land, mider the first call to arms, "he offered the use of ^War of the Rebellion; Ojlictal Records of tlie I'nion and Confederate Armies, Series III., Vol. II., p. .509. '^McClure'a Magazine. Vol. XIII,, for June, 1899, p. 156. 88 The Real Lincoln. his regiment, as a Massachusetts Brigadier, to put down any slave uprising that might occur there." Nicolay and Hay say {Abraham Lincohi, VoL I., p. 185) that the Union army showed the strongest sympathy with its always immensely popular general, McClellan, in liis bold protests against emancipation, and that there was actual danger of revolt in the army against the Emancipation Proclamation when General Burnside turned over the command of his army of one hundred and twenty thousand men to General Hooker in Virginia. In Warden's Life of Chase (p. 485, et seq.) a letter of September, 1802, from Chase to John Sherman, says : " I hear from all sources that nearly all the officers in Buell's army, and that Buell himself, are pro-slavery in the last degree." From Hilton Head, South Carolina, General 0. M. Mitchell reported to Secre- tary Stanton,^ September 20, 1862, "I find a feeling pre- vailing among the officers and soldiers of prejudice against the blacks; .... am entirely certain that under existing organization there is little hope of allaying or destroying a feeling widely prevalent and fraught w4th the most injurious consequences." Page 431 shows the same General, writing to Halleck, General in Chief at Wash- ington, in March, 1863, "I was thus saddled with pro- slavery generals in whom I had not the least confidence." ''War of the Rebellion; O/ficial Records of Union and Confederate Ar7nies, Series II.. Vol. XIV., p. 438. CHAPTER XII. Opposition to the Emancipation Proclamation. CH.^NING says {Short History of the United States, p. 329) of freeing the slaves as a war measure, that though he Icnew he liacl a perfect right to do it, Lincoln knew that public opinion in the North would not approve tliis action. A. K. McClure, discussing the question whether to emancipate, speaks of "the shivering hesita- tion of even Republicans throughout the North." . . . The same says,* "The Emancipation Proclamation had been issued that caused a cold chill throughout the Re- l)ublican ranks, and there was little prospect of filling up the broken ranks of our army." And the same McClure refers (p. 228) to the "blatant disloyalty that was heard in ma)iy places throughout the North." Rhodes says {History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 162), "But Lincoln himself, with his delicate touch on the pulse of public opinion, detected that there was a lack of heartiness in the response of the Northern people. In his "strictly private" letter to Hamlin, the Vice-President, he manifested his keen disappointment. "While I hope something from the proclamation," he wrote, "my expec- tations are not as sanguine as those of some friends. The time for its effect southward has not come: but northward the effect should be instantaneous. It is six days old, and ^Recollections of Half a Centurij, copyriRht, 1902, p. 220. (S9) 90 The Real Lincoln. while commendation in the newspapers and by (Ustin- guished men is all that a vain man could wish, the stocks have declined and troops come forward more slowly than ever. This, looked soberly in the face, is not very satis- factory." Henderson (Life of Stonewall Jackson, Vol. II., p. 355, et seq.), though he conmiends with ardor Lincoln's issue of the Emancipation Proclamation, says that by it " the Constitution was deliberately violated," and that "the armies of the Union were called upon to fight for the free- dom of the negro"; .... that "the measure was daring. It was not approved by the Democrats — and many of the soldiers were Democrats — or by those — and they were not a few — who believed that compromise was the surest means of restoring peace; .... who thought the dissolution of the Union a smaller evil than the continuance of the war. The opposition was very strong." .... A. B. Hart says (Life of Salmon P. Chase, p. 309), . . . . "But one of the effects ... of the first Proclamation of Emancipation was an increase of the Democratic vote in Ohio and in Indiana, and the conse- quent election of many Democratic members of Congress." In the "Life and Times of Hannibal Hamlin,^' by Chas. Eugene Hamlin, Cambridge, 1899, pp. 436, 437, we find the following: "The generally accepted explanation of the Republican reverses in the election of 1862 is that they were primarily due to the Emancipation Proclamation, which was issued in September." c^- \-i.x3, iA^4J^' Dr. Holland says (Abraham Lincoln, 1S66, p. 408: "Either through the failure of McClellan's campaign, or The Real Lincoln. 91 the effect of the emancipation, or the influence of botli together, the Achninistration had received a rebulve through the autunni elections of 1862. Rhodes says (History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 163), " In October and Novem- ber elections took place in the principal States, with the results that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin, all of which except New Jersey had cast their electoral votes for Lincoln, declared against the party in power. A new House of Representa- tives was chosen, the Democrats making conspicuous gains in the States mentioned. The same ratio of gain ex- tended to the other States would have given them the control of the next House — a disaster from which the Administration was saved by New England, Michigan, Iowa, and the Border Slave States. The elections came near being what the steadfast Re})ublican journal, the New York Times, declared them to be, 'A vote of want of confidence in the President.' Since the elections followed so closel)^ upon the Proclamation of Emancipation, it is little wonder that the Democrats declared that the people protested against Lincoln's surrender^ to the radicals, which was their construction of the change of policy from a war for the Union to a war for the Negro. Many wi'iters have since agreed with them in this interpretation of the result. No one can doubt that it was a contributing force operating with these other influences: the corruption in the War Department before Stanton became Secretary, the suppression of free speech and freedom of the press, arbitrary arrests which had continued to be made by mili- tary orders of the Secretary of War." Nicolay and Hay record (Abraham Lincoln, \o\. II., K)bserve the significant word used by Rhodes. 92 The Real Lincoln. p. 261) great losses in the elections in consequence of the Emancipation Proclamation. General B. F. Butler says {Butlers Book, p. 530): "November came, and with it the elections in the various States. The returns were ominous and disheartening enough. Everywhere there was reaction of feeling adverse to the Administration. In the strong Republican States majorities were reduced. In all others the opposition was triumphant and the iVdministration party defeated Among the causes of the defeat was opposition to the Government's anti-slavery policy." And Butler quotes from a letter of Seward to his wife that "the returns were ominous"; that in all but strong Republican States " the opposition was triumphant and the Administration party defeated." Ida Tarbell, in McClure's Magazine for January, 1899 (p. 165), says: "Many and many a man deserted in the winter of 1862-1 . It was ratified by a popular majority of nearly ninety thousand. Morton had voted for it. Moreover he had always been opposed to Abolitionists." It/ Foi^lke quotes (p. 297) Harrison H. Dodd, Grand Com- mander of the Sons of Liberty in Indiana, addressing a Democratic meeting in Hendricks county and saying that "the real cause of the war was the breach of faith by the North in not adhering to the original compact of the States"; .... that "in twenty-three States we had governments assisting the tyrants and usurpers at Washington to carry on a military depotism." At page ♦^y^79 Fo-yl'lke says, "When the news came that Fort Sumter had been fired on and the North was one blaze of patriotism, there were several centres of disaffection in Indiana where sentiments favorable to the South were freely spoken." Page 381 shows that the order of the Golden Circle* had been introduced into the Federal camps at Indianapolis." At p. 98, et seq., of Vol. I., Fo^lke says, ''A meeting of citizens in Cannelton, in Perry county, on the Ohio, re- 'An organization of which see more hereafter. (147) 148 The Real Lincoln. solved that, .... if a line was to be drawn between the sections, it must be drawn north of Cannelton." ToVflke quotes (Vol. I., p. 262, et seq.) the following denun- ciation of Governor Morton, published in the Sentinel news- paper by John C. Walker, a prominent official just elected for special duties by the Legislature : " The disposition mani- fested by the party in power to fasten a despotism upon this county by the destruction of the ballot-box may yet compel a people naturally forbearing and tolerant to rise in their might and teach our modern Neros and Caligulas that they cannot be sustained." Foj^lke goes on (Vol. I., p. 175), "But Democratic County Conventions still criticised the Administration and opposed the war. The convention at Rushville, on December 28th, 1861, . . . declared that the Union could not be preserved by the exercise of coercive power." And Fowlke shows (Vol. I., p. 175, et seq.) that the action of the Democratic State Con- vention was dead against the Administration, the war, and emancipation, and quotes (Vol. I., p. 208) a letter of Governor Morton to Lincoln, of October 27th, 1862, as follows: "The Democratic politicians of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois assume that the rebellion will not be crushed." And the letter goes on to say that they urge (p. 209) that " their interests are antagonistic to New- England's and in harmony with those of the South, .... that reasonable terms of settlement offered by the South and refused had brought on the war." Governor Morton wrote Lincoln, October 7th, 1862 (Vol. I., p. 197), "An- other three months like the last six and we are lost — lost." Fowlke says (p. 199), "The draft was conducted without disturbance, except at Hartford City, in Blackford county, where the draft-box was destroyed The Real Lincoln. 149 and the draft was stopped, but on the third day after it was completed." Fo)vlke does not say by what force, but goes on (Vol. I., p. 205, et seq.): "The outcome of the election was the choice of Democratic State officers and of a Democratic Legislature. In a Democratic jubilee at Cambridge City, November loth, where Vallandigham, Hendricks, Jason B. Brown, H. H. Dodd, Geo. H. Pendle- ton, and others spoke, .... cheers for Jeff Davis and curses for Abolitionists were heard." And he says (p. 382), "After the election of 1862 the Democratic majorities in both Houses of the General Assembly were bitterly hostile to the Administration and to the further prosecution of the war." A note on p. 382 tells of sixteen meetings held within two months to advocate peace. The men who thus boldly led this opposition to Lincoln and all his aims, like Gover- nor Seymour, in New York, were not turned down or blamed for it by their constituency when the war was over, for ^iorton said in a speech in the Senate, 20th June, 1866 (Vol. I., p. 270), "The leaders who are now managing the Democratic party in the State are the men who, at the regular session of the Legislature in 1861, declared that if an army went from Indiana to assist in putting down the then approaching rebellion, it must first pass over their dead bodies." Fo)Vlke goes on (Vol. I., p. 213) to describe what he calls "The Peace Legislature" of In- diana, as follows: "The political outlook was gloomy. . . . . Peace at any price, recognition of Southern in- dependence, the formation of a Northwestern Confederacy, had their advocacy." And he describes (Vol. I., p. 220) a demonstration held January 14th, in Shelby county, at which " resolutions were adopted recommending a cessa- 150 The Real Lincoln. tion of hostilities, opposing the conscription act, and declaring that soldiers had been induced to enter the army by the false representation that the war was waged solely to maintain the Constitution and restore the Union." FoWlke quotes (Vol., I., p., 243, et seq.) from a speech of Governor Morton in January his statement that General Grant had disbanded the 109th Illinois regiment for dis- loyalty, its officers being sworn members of a disloyal society, one of the purposes of which was to encourage desertion and demoralize the army. Morton says that the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 5th regiments had been similarly demoralized, and an artillery company had been destroyed, by this agency. He records (p. 250) that Vallandigham, who had been required to leave the country on account of his disloyal utterances, had become the idol of the peace Democrats, and quotes (p. 302) from a speech of D. H. Corrick, to the Democratic Convention, received with applause, "Nine hundred and ninety-nine men out of every thousand whom I represent breathe no other prayer than to have an end of this hellish war. When news of our victories comes, there is no rejoicing. When news of our defeat comes, there is no sorrow." Fo^lke u.^ says plainly (Vol. I., p. 99) that the action of the State Convention of the Democratic party "looked like revolu- tion in the bosom of the North." Most significantly the meetings held for such purposes were called " Union meet- ings." To quote Fo-^f^lke's words (p. 99), "Union meet- ings, as they were called, were held everywhere throughout the State, the object being to propose some concessions which should bring the South back to the Union." And Morton telegraphed (p. 183) to the President, October 21st, "In the Northwest distrust and despair are seizing The Real Lincoln. 151 on the hearts of the people." At what Fotrlke calls, as --^y above explained, ''a Union meeting," of 18th June, Morton said that "the traitors .... would array the Northwest against New England There were many persons in Indiana who still cherished this wild and wicked dream." Rhodes quotes {History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 223) the following telegram from Governor Morton to the vSecretary of War, " I am advised that it is con- templated when the Legislature meets in this State to pass a joint resolution acknowledging the Southern Confederacy, and urging the States of the Northwest to dissolve all constitutional relations with the New England States. The same thing is on foot in Illinois." In Illinois resolutions praying for an armistice, and recommending a convention of all the States to agree upon some adjustment of the trouble between them, passed the House, but failed by a few votes to obtain considera- tion in the Senate. Then Rhodes gives a letter of Morton to Stanton, taken, he says, "from the War Department archives," as follows, dated January 4th, 1863: "It has been discovered within the past two weeks that the treason- able political secret organization having for its object the withdrawal of the Northwestern States from the Union, which exists in every part of this State, has ob- tained a foothold in the military camps in this city." The War of the Rebellion Official Records of Union and Confederate Armies, Serial No. 124, |). 19, gives the fol- lowing letter of Colonel Carrington of the ISth U. S. In- fantry to General Thomas, Adjutant-General United States army, Washington, from Headquarters Mustering and Disbursing Service, State of Indiana, Indianapolis, January 152 The Real Lincoln. 24th, 1863: "Nearly 2,600 deserters and stragglers have been arrested within a very few weeks; generally it requires an armed detail. Most of the deserters, true to the oath of the order (Knights of the Golden Circle), desert with their arms, luid in one case seventeen fortified themselves in a log cabin with outside paling and ditch for protection, and were maintained by their neighbors." On p. 75 the same writes to the same, March 19th, 1863: "Matters assume grave import. Two hundred mounted armed men in Rush county have to-day resisted arrest of deserters. Have sent one hundred infantry by special train to arrest deserters and ringleaders. Southern Indiana is ripe for revolution." The War of the Rebellion, Serial No. 125, p. 529, gives a letter from E. W. Thompson, Captain and Provost Marshal at Terre Haute, Indiana, July 20th, 1864, to Provost-Marshal-General Fry that reports fighting in Sulli- van county between "butternuts" and soldiers, with one killed and one wounded. "The result is that there are large numbers of men riding about over the country armed and some of them shouting for Vallandigham and Jeff Davis, and professing to be in search of soldiers. There have been more than two hundred together at one time . . . We have a terrible state of things; such as excites a reasonable apprehension of resistance to the draft." . . . Fowlke's claim for Morton is that (p. 254, et sea.) he kept Indiana from becoming "an ally of the Confederacy"; that he acted (p. 259) despite the decisions of the Supreme Court. He says that when Morton told Stanton that Lincoln said he could find no law for supporting him with money, Stanton answered, " By God, I will find a law." The Real Lincoln. 153 U Fowlke {Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 115) concedes that even in the ebullition on the call to arms only fear kept down the feeling for the South in Indiana, and that the Legislature of the 13th January (p. 99) .... "re- peated in its small way the follies and weaknesses of Congress." Their follies and weaknesses seem to mean the resistance of each to the Executive, for finally, FoWlke says (Vol. I., p. 98), "public opinion in Indiana was an epitome of public sentiment in the Nation at large" — a very comprehensive concession. Fo'^lke writes as late as 1899, and in eulogy, not cen- sure of Morton. He heads a chapter {Life of Governor Morto?i, Chapter XXII.): "I am the State," and begins, "Morton accomplished what had never before been at- tempted in American history. For two years he carried on the government of a great State solely by his own per- sonal energy, raising money without taxation on his own responsibility and distributing it through bureaus orga- nized by himself." French says {Life of Morton, p. 423) that at the commencement of the year 1863 .... the secret enemies of the Government .... had succeeded in the election of an Indiana Legislature which "was principally composed of men sworn to oppose to the bitter end the prosecution of the war, with the pur- pose of encouraging the enemies of American liberty in their work of rebellion and destruction." Nicolay and Ilay {Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p. 8, et seq.) confirm the above account of Indiana, and say that but for Gover- nor Morton the Indiana Legislature would have recog- nized the Confederacy and "dissolved the federal relation with the United States." 154 The Real Lincoln. In "Life and Services of 0. P. Morton,'' on p. 43 — pub- lished by the Indiana RepubUcan Committee — we find the following : '' During the winter of 1862 and the summer of 1863 the disloyal sentiment (in Indiana) was very active. County and local meetings w^ere held in many parts of the State, which declared the war cruel and un- necessary, denounced President Lincoln as a tyrant and usurper, Union soldiers as Lincoln's hirelings, etc." . . . In the fall of 1862 the Democrats carried the State, elect- ting a Democratic Legislature. It was thoroughly disloyal, the Democrats having a majority of six in the Senate and twenty-four in the House. The first thing they did was to decline to receive Governor Morton's message and to pass a joint resolution tendering thanks to Governor Seymour of New York for the exalted and patriotic senti- ments contained in his recent message They adopted resolutions denouncing arbitrary arrests, and declared that Indiana would not voluntarily contribute another man or another dollar to be used for such wicked, inhuman, and unholy purposes as the prosecution of the war. They instructed the Senators and requested the Representatives in Congress from Indiana to take meas- ures to suspend hostilities, etc. CHAPTER XXI. Attitude of Ohio and Illinois. YALLANDIGHAM'S career gives much light on the attitude of Ohio. Rhodes gives (History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 226, et seq.) extracts from his speech in Congress, 14th January, 1863, with bitter censure of it, as follows: " The war for the Union is on your hands, a most bloody and costly faihu-e. The President confessed it on the 22nd September War for the Union was abandonetl; war for the Negro openly began I trust I am not 'discouraging enlist- ments. ' If I am, then first arrest Lincoln and Stanton and Halleck But can you draft again? .... Ask Massachusetts Ask not Ohio, nor the Northwest. She thought you were in earnest and gave you all, all — more than you demanded But ought this war to continue? I answer, No — not a day, not an hour. "What then? Shall we separate? Again I an- swer. No, no, no ! What then? .... Stop fighting. Make an armistice. Accept at once friendly foreign media- tion and begin the work of reunion, we shall yet escape." After this daring defiance of Lincoln in his capita! city, A^allandigham returned to meet in his home the acclaim of his party. John A. Logan records (The Great Conspiracy, p. 557) a gathering at Springfield, Illinois (Lincoln's home), of nearly one hundred thousantl VaUandigham, Anti-War, Peace, Democrats, which utterly rei)udiated the war. See, also, page 559, ct seq. (155) 156 The Real Lincoln. General Burnside was in command of the three States, Ohio, Indiana, and Ilhnois, exchi(hng from circulation such papers as the New York Herald; suppressing the Chicago Times, and this in a region — as Rhodes describes it (Vol. IV., p. 252) — " where there was no war — where the courts were open — where the people were living under the American Constitution and English law." Rhodes says (p. 246, et seq.) that Burnside began "literally to breathe out threat enings, .... de- nouncing the penalty of death for certain offenses." The story is too long as Rhodes tells it (Vol. IV., p. 247:) Two of Burnside's captains, in citizen's clothes,* were sent to hear \\allandigham's speech at Mount Vernon, Ohio. The officers broke into his house at 2 A. M., and took him before a military commission for trial. The whole mode of procedure and the sentence to "close con- finement during the continuance of the war" provoked such wide and bitter criticism and resentment that Lin- coln comnmted the sentence to banishment — a penalty not before known to the country, and " not for deeds done, but for words spoken," to use the language in which it was denounced by John Sherman, and these were words that had been spoken in public debate and received with wild applause by thousands of his constituents.^ Dr. Holland tells, too, of the bitter reprobation this provoked in New York. Nicolay and Hay tell {Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., p. 328) verj'- nearly the same story about Vallandigham and the resentment in New York (p. 341) at Lincoln's treatment of Vallandigham. Rhodes ^Officers in the service of the United States very rarely laid aside their uniform as is so constantly done now. 2John Sherman's Recollections, Vol. I., o. 323, and Holland's Abraham Lin- coln, p. 471, ct seq. The Real Lincoln. 157 labors to defend the banishment and two long papers issued by Lincoln in defense of his course, but is reduced to the strait of reciting as one argument in justification of the conviction that "it was known no jury would convict." But at last he has to say (p. 248, et seq.), " From the begin- ning to the end of these proceechngs law and justice were set at naught"; .... that the "President should have rescinded the sentence and released Vallandigham" ; . . . . that "we may wish that the occasion had not arisen"; .... that (p. 251) "a large portion of the Republican press of the East condemned Vallan- digham's arrest and the tribunal before which he was arraigned." He quotes heavy censure of it by Justice David Davis, Lincoln's intimate friend, recorded in the Milligan case, ending his warning of the danger of such a precedent with the words, " The dangers to human liberty are frightful to contemplate."' Rhodes says (Vol. IV., p. 252) that "the nomination for Governor now came to Vallandigham spontaneously and with almost the unanimous voice of an earnest and enthusiastic convention"; .... that "the issue had come to be Vallandigham or Lincoln"; and Rhodes quotes John Sherman as follows : " The canvass in Ohio is substantially between the Government and the Rebellion." Rhodes says (p. 412), "Lincoln was termed a usurper and a despot"; .... and (p. 414) . . . . " the Vallandigham meetings were such impressive out- pourings of the people," .... while .... "the Republican meetings fell short probably in numbers 'N. B. — What a political opponent, Col. A. K. McClure, says of Vallandig- ham in his Recollections of Half a Century, copyright, 1902, p. 231; "There was not a single blemish on his public or private life until he became involved — in- sensibly involved — in violent hostility to the Government." 158 The Real Lincoln. of those who gathered out of warm sympathy with the cause of Vallanchgham." To many it is a new and strange idea that there was any strong leaning to the South in Ohio, but a book notice in the New York World of June 15th, 1901, refers, as to a familar theme, to "the story of Cincinnati in the time of those September days when the city was the centre of a Confederate plot, participated in by outsiders and in- siders; .... that by the dividing line of the causes brother is set against brother." The evidence of a loyal Governor seems conclusive. In The War of the Rebellion, Serial No. 125, p. 599, John Brough, Governor of Ohio, writes Secretary Stanton, August 9, 1864, " Recruiting progresses slowly. There will be a heavy draft, and strong organizations are making to resist its enforcement. There is no sensational alarm in this. Force, and a good deal of it, will be required to overawe the resistance party What is your view in regard to it? ... . There must be not less than 10,000 to 15,000 men under arms in Ohio in September if the draft is to be enforced." We have, besides, the testimony of General Grant (Personal Memoir, p. 24 and p. 35): "Georgetown, .... county- seat of Brown county, .... is, and has been from its earliest existence, a Democratic town. There was probably no time during the rebellion when, if the oppor- t\mity could have been afforded, it would not have voted for Jefferson Davis for President of the United States over Mr. Lincoln or any other representative of his party, un- less it was just after Morgan's raid There were (p. 36) churches in that part of Ohio where treason was regularly preached, and where, to secure membership. The Real Lincoln. 159 hostility to the Government, to the war, and to the libera- tion of slaves, was far more essential than a belief in the authenticity or credibility of the Bible." Part of what has been shown about the attitude of In- diana and Ohio was shown to be true about Illinois, too. Dr. Holland says {Abraham Lincoln, p. 67) that in 1830 the " prevailing sentiment " of Illinois was "in favor of slavery." Nicolay and Hay quote {Abraham Lincoln, Vol. I., pp. 140 and 141) pro-slavery action of the Legis- lature of Illinois, 3rd March, 1837, saying that Congress had no power to interfere with slavery except in the District, and not there unless at the request of the people of the District. Nicolay and Hay show at some length {\o\. I., p. 143, et seq.) a very nearly successful effort made by the Illinois Legislature in 1822-3 "to open the State to slavery," and say that "the apologists of slavery, beaten in the canvass, were more successful in the field of public opinion. In the reaction which succeeded the triumph of the anti-slavery party it seemed as if there had never been any anti-slavery sentiment." Fojwdke gives {Life of Oliver P. Morton, Vol. I., p. 229 and p. 230) numerous resolutions offered and some resolu- tions passed, in the Illinois General Assembly, in January, 1863, against emancipation .... and against the conscription. Ida Tarbell says^ that "among the things that told Lincoln the seriousness of the situation, before he took his seat, .... was the averted faces of his townsmen of Southern sympathies." It has been shown how Chicago resented and success- fully resisted the suppression of the Chicoj/o Times, a paper about which Rhodes quotes (Vol. IV., p. 253, note) from *McClure'8 Magazine for 1899, p. 107. 160 The Real Lincoln. a Provost Marshal's report, " It would not have needed to change its course an atom if its place of publication had been Richmond or Charleston instead of Chicago." Governor Yates, of Illinois, wrote Secretary Stanton,^ " I have the best reasons for believing that a draft if made will be resisted in this State," and asks arms for 10,000 infantry and five batteries of artillery to put it down. And again the same wrote the same (Serial No. 125, p. 55S), "I must have a district commander for this State. A large portion of my time is consumed by appeals to put dowm disloyal desperadoes, against whom the courts have no protection. Numbers of men are now here driven from their homes by an armed force of 150 men in Fayette county." Aiid a third time the same wires the same, March 2nd, 1864 (Serial No. 148), "Insurrection in Edgar county, Illinois. Union men on one side. Copperheads on the other. They have had two battles; several killed. Please order .... two companies .... to put down the disturbance." .... D. L. Phillips, United State Marshal, writes Secretary Seward, February 22nd, 1862 (Series II., Vol. II., p. 241) : . . . . "I think that the disloyal in our State feel that they are completely at my mercy unless"; .... and again, It is now well understood that nothing but the restraining fear of the marshal's office has kept from deeds of violence a great many men in the Ohio and Wabash River counties of Illinois. sPFor of the Rebellion, Serial No. 124, p. 627, August 5, 1863. CHAPTER XXII. Attitude of Pennsylvania and New York. JOHN A. LOGAN {The Great Conspiracy, p. 108, note) describes "in Philadelphia, December 13th, 1860, a great meeting held at the call of the Mayor in Independ- ence Square," .... which offered the most com- plete submission to the demands of the South. Greeley quotes (American Convict, Vol. I., p. 428) from the Phila- delphia Pennsylvanian, commenting on Lincoln's Inaugural, as follows: "Let the Border States submit ignominiously to the abolition rule of this Lincoln Administration if they like, but don't let the miserable submissionists pre- tend to be deceived. Make any cowardly excuse but this." Allen's Life, &c., of Phillips Brooks tells (Vol. I., p. 448) of Philadelphia's .... "avowed hostility towards the Government in its prosecution of the war. That such sentiments towards Lincoln and his Administra- tion did exist in Philadelphia is evident, but it should also be said that the same apathy or hostility might be found in the Northern cities, in New York and in Boston." On the same page Brooks writes, in a letter, deploring that he found in Jersey an opposition that "made the State dis- graceful." A deliberate refusal of a large mass of orga- nized soldiers to advance, in the midst of the war, is as conclusive proof of their "disloyalty" as can be conceived, yet four thousand Pennsylvanians took that desperate stand, as the following shows: A letter^ of September ^War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I., Vol. XIX., Part 11, p. 329,) of September 18, 1862. 11 ( 161 ) 162 The Real Lincoln. 18th, 1862, from Hagerstown to Major-Geiieral H. W. Halleck, General in Chief, signed by I. Vogdes, Major, says, "A kirge portion of the Pennsylvania Militia, now here, have declined to move forward as requested by General McClellan About 2,500 have gone, but the 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, and 15th, numbering about 800 each, decline to proceed. The 14th has not finally decided whether to go or not. Governor Curtin has just arrived, and may induce the troops to advance." In the same volume, p. 629, is shown the daring resist- ance of the Pennsylvanians to the draft. Major-General D. N. Couch writes Provost-Marshal-General J. B. Fry, August 5th, 1863, "I have two regiments and a battery at East Pottsville and Scranton and vicinity. My idea is that the enrollment can be completed with present force. I think it should be increased when the drafted men are taken." In the same volume, at pp. 321, 324, and 325, are reports of Provost Marshals to their Chief in Washington of forcible resistance to the draft, . . . and of all refusing to be enrollers, in the year 1863. In the same great Record (Series III., Vol. II., p. 735) the Adju- tant-General of Pennsylvania wrote Secretary Stanton: " Of the draft in this State about one-fourth has not been delivered, and the State is powerless to deliver them. . . . . Of those delivered .... very many are totally unfit for service." The Adjutant-General would seem final authority in the matter, and it must have been the will of the people of the State that made the State " pow- erless." But see further confirmation. Capt. Richard I. Dodge, Acting Assistant Provost Marshal General, writes (Serial No. 125) to General Fry, Provost Marshal General, August 10th, 1864: ''In several counties of the Western The Real Lincoln. 163 Division of Pennsylvania, particularly in Columbia and Cambria, I am credibly informed that there are large bands of deserters and delinquent drafted men banded together, armed and organized for resistance to the United States authorities. The organization in Columbia county alone numbers about 500 men; in Cambria it is said to be larger. These men are encouraged in their course and assisted by every means by the political opponents of the Administration The Union men are over- awed by the organized power of the malcontents, while many who have heretofore been supporters of the policy of the Government, preferring their comfort to their prin- ciples, are going over to its enemies. Several deputations and committees have called u})on me, representing these facts in the strongest light." General Whipple reports,^ August 9th, 1863, the need of more soldiers for the draft in Schuylkill county, Pennsylvania, and describes how a foi'ce of about 3,000 was intimidated from attacking the 47th Pennsylvania Militia at Minersville "by the opportune arrival of a re-enforcement of a battery of field artillery and four companies of infantry." These are no irresponsible sources of information. See next the evidence of the Governor of Pennsylvania. lie wrote'' to Stanton, Secretary of War, October 23rd, 1862, that " the organization to resist the draft in Schuylkill, Luzerne, and Carbon counties is very formidable. There are several thousand in arms and the people who will not join have been driven from the county. They will not permit the drafted men, who are willing, to leave, and ^War of the Rebellion, &c.. Serial number 124. For the later volumes the serial number suffices. ^Vnr of the Rebellion, Ac, Series I., Vol. XIX., Part II., p. 493. 164 The Real Lincoln. yesterday forced them to get out of the cars. I wish to crush the resistance so effectually that the like will not occur again. One thousand regulars would be most effi- cient." His need for "regulars" is explained on the next page by the answer of Gen. Jno. E. Wool to General Hal- leck's order to help Governor Curtin, that the lOSth New York Volunteej-s have killed an engineer and are threatening "other injuries to passing trains," so that he had removed it from the Relay House to Washington, "where it would do no harm." As to New York city, it has ever since been made a reproach to it by Republicans that Mayor Wood proposed, before the war began, that the city of New York should announce herself an independent republic, rather than side with the President. Even soldiers of New York State who had volunteered were "disloyal." Gen. B. F. But- ler's farewell to his command at Fort Monroe, Virginia, of August 18th, 1861, gives^ curiously qualified commenda- tion " to the men and a large portion of the officers of the 20th New York Volunteers, and to the officers and true men of the 1st New York Volunteers, who have withstood the misrepresentation of newspapers, the appeals of parti- sans and politicians, and the ill-judged advice of friends at home, .... and remained loyal to the flag of their country. Very great credit is due them." Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews tells us (History of the United States, Vol. II., p. 65, et seq.), "A Democratic Convention met at Albany in January, 1861, to protest against forci- ble measures. The sentiment that if force were to be used it should be 'inaugurated at home.' here evoked hearty ^War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I., Vol. V., p. 601. The Real Lincoln. 165 response. There were signs of even a deeper disaffec- tion." .... Governor Horatio Seymour had been among the fore- most to avow when the first States seceded that the South had suffered wrongs that justified her secession, and to protest that States should not be pinned to the Union with bayonets. He had enormous backing, as is shown above and will be further shown, in his opposition as Governor to the war and to emancipation, persisted in to the end so far as was at all possible. General Dix showed himself well informed about New York city, whence he wrote Secretary Stanton^ in words that proved minutely prophetic: "Neither the State nor the city authorities can be counted on for any aid in en- forcing the draft, and, while I impute no such designs to them, there are men in constant communication with them who, I am satisfied, desire nothing so much as a collision between the State and General Governments and an insurrection in the North in aid of the Southern rebel- lion." Again General Dix wrote, for himself. General Canby, and the Mayor (Serial No. 124, p. 671), "We are of opinion that the draft can be safely commenced in New York on Monday with a sufficient force, but there ought to be 10,000 troops in the city and harbor. There is little doubt that Governor Seymour will do all in his power to defeat the draft short of forcible resistance to it." Schouler makes the comprehensive concession (History of the United States, Vol. VI., p. 417, et seq.) that the State of New York was "obstructive to the President's wishes" — a mode of expression which is significant — and records ^War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Serial No. 125, p. 625. 166 The Real Lincoln. that Seymour said in his Inaugural as Governor that "the conscription act was beheved by one-haU" the people of the loyal States a violation of the supreme constitu- tional law." For Seymour's view of the purpose for which that act was procured, see Nicolay and Hay, who record (Abraham Lincoln, Yo\. VII., p. 22. and p. 25) that both Governor Seymour and Archbishop Hughes not only made friendly addresses to the mob that was forcibly stopping the draft in New York city, but manifested a measure of sympathy with its purpose; that Seymour in his address called the war (p. 16, et seq.) "the ungodly conflict that is distracting the land," and said that the purpose of the draft was "to stuff ballot-boxes with bogus soldier votes." Yet they concede that, in spite of all this, Sey- mour was (pp. 9 to 26) " then and to his death the most honored Democratic politician in the State." And this is shown bej-ond all question by the fact that after the war was over he was selected by the National Democratic party as its candidate for the presidency. They also attest unstintedly (Vol. VII., p. 13) Seymour's integrity and patriotism. It was just at the time when the great fight came on at Gettysburg that the people of the city of New York rose and defied the Federal Government — keeping control for four days. It was a mob, but they had evidence, as shown above, of sympathy from the Governor and the Catholic Archbishop, and they accomplished their pur- pose of stopping the draft, until a month later veterans were brought from the Army of the Potomac and New York was made " tranquil." Gorham, the latest biographer of Secretary Stanton, says that had Gettysburg resulted differently New York would have made no submission. The Real Lincoln. 167 Rhodes (History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 320 to p. 328) gives particulars of the struggle, ''with a loss in killed and wounded of one thousand, most of whom were of the mol)." He says (p. 327) that the Provost Marshal "in charge of the draft in New York," Robert Nugent, wrote "a notice over his own name," saying, "The draft has been suspended in New York city and Brooklyn," that this notice "appeared in nearly all the newspapers, and midoubtedly was tlie cause of the rioters returning to their homes and employments. The militia regiments which had been sent to Pennsylvania began to arrive, and used harsh measures to repress the mobs, who still with rash boldness confronted the lawful powers. Can- non and howitzers raked the streets More regiments .... reached the city and continued without abatement the stern work The draft was only temporarily suspended. Strenuous precautions were taken to insure order during its continuance. Ten thousand infantry and three batteries of artillery — 'picked troops, including the regulars' — were sent to New York city from the Army of the Potomac. ' ' Of course the ex- ample made of New York told elsewhere. Rhodes says (History of the United States, Vol. IV., p. 328, note), " Riots in resistance to the draft broke out in Boston and in Troy. Init were speedily suppressed." The temper of the people of the interior of the State and the methods used for repressing it are shown in the following: W. A. Dart,*^ after procui-ing from the Postmaster-General the exclusion from the mails of the Gazette of Franklin county. New York, got the two editors, the Franklin brothers, imprisoned in Fort Lafayette by Secretary Seward. One ^War of the Rebellion, etc., Series II., Vol. II., p. 941. 168 The Real Lincoln. of them had been a judge and member of the Constitu- tional Convention. They had found readers and hsteners in their work, " proving to the people of Franklin county, through the colunms of the Gazette by letter and in public speeches at meetings called for that purpose, th.at the Southern States had a right to secede and that the prose- cution of the war on the part of the North was aggressive and wrong, and that the South was really occupying the position now that the original States did in the war of the Revolution." Dart further writes Seward "that whole county has raised but one company of volunteers for the war, and in several of the towns nearly as many persons could be enlisted for the Southern Confederacy as could be for the United States." CHAPTER XXIII. Attitude of Iowa and of Other States. THE case of Wm. H. HilP gives evidence of the feeling of the people of Iowa between December, 1861, and April, 1862, as to the guilt of Southern sympa- thizers, and as to the government's mode of repressing such sympathy, as follows: I'nited States Marshal Hoxie and Governor Kirkwood report (p. 1322-1324) to Secre- tary Seward clear proof of Hill's guilt, but say that he will be cleared by the jury, who are "in sympathy with the rebels." Seward (p. 1325) has him arrested and con- fined in Fort Lafayette "as soon as he is discharged from civil custody." Hoxie complains to Seward (p. 1327) that the Davenport Democrat and Neivs is reporting to its Iowa readers "the movements of the scoundrel Hoxie and his kidnapped prisoner. Hill." The whole Iowa dele- gation, Senate (p. 1331) and House (1337), urge Hill's release, and he is released, but on condition (p. 1339) that he withdraw his prosecution of Hoxie, which would have to be tried before an Iowa jmy. General Halleck, com- manding in Iowa, writes Hoxie (p. 1334) : " I permit the newspapers to abuse me to their hearts' content, and I advise you to do the same." H. M. Hoxie, United States Marshal of the District of Iowa, writes Secretary Seward in December, 1861 (Series II., Vol. II., p. 1322), "The accused will not be found guilty, though of his guilt there can be no question. There ^War of the Rebellion; Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series II., Vol. II., p. 1321 to p. 1339. (169) 170 The Real Lincoln. is a large secession element in the jury selected to try him. . . . . It would be better for the government to enter a nolle and have him committed to military custody by order of the State Department." About the same man, Wm. M. Hill, the Governor of Iowa, Kirkwood, writes Secretary Seward (p. 1324) that "a conviction would be at least doubtful" and that he "would suggest that Hill be removed from the State by your order and imprisoned elsewhere under military authority." From Fairfield, Iowa, July 28, 1862, James F. Wilson, as inspector, reports to Secretary Stanton^ that "Men in this and surrounding counties are daily in the habit of denouncing the government, the war, and all engaged in it, and are doing all they can to prevent enlistments"; and gives as an instance an account of how a wounded officer was driven out of Rome, in Henry county, from his busi- ness of recruiting, by threats of hanging. A year later the Governor of Iowa, Kirkwood, forwards to the Secretary of War a complaint of J. B. Grinnell, who calls himself "a war candidate for Congress" that "secret societies are being organized to defy the tlraft and the collection of taxes. The traitors are armed. Our soldiers are defense- less. We want arms." And Governor Stone, of Iowa, says/ as late as May 11th, 1864, of several counties and townships that they are "Copperheads." The Governor of Wisconsin forwards and endorses a letter^ dated August, 1864, showing scandalous fleeing from the draft in Wisconsin and Minnesota, and military preparation to resist the draft in Wisconsin. At p. 1010 ^War of the Rebellion; Oificial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III., Vol. II., p. 265 and p. 403. ^War of Rebellion, &c.. Serial No. 125. ^Same volume last quoted, p. 683. The Real Lincoln. 171 of the same, he asks from Washington aid to stop the escape of his people from the (h-aft, and says to Secretary Stanton in January, 1865, that "The government must depend mainly upon recruiting for its soldiers. Out of 17,000 drafted in this State during the last year, I am in- formed that but about 3,000 are in the service." Major General Pope, assigned to the control of Wiscon- sin after his terrible failure as Commander of the Army of the Potomac, wrote August, 1863,^ to Washington in much detail, about the resistance to tlie draft in Wiscon- sin, and (p. 639 of same volume) Secretary Stanton gives him "six companies of the Seventh Cavalry, tempoi"arily to preserve the peace within your State." Even in Connecticut, D. D. Perkins, Acting Assisting Provost Marshal reports" from Hartford, May 18, 1863, that Governor Buckingham "hoped there would be no difficulty in comjjleting the draft, but that if there was to be any difficulty at all, it might as well be here as anywhere." And Fred H. Thompson, Deputy Collector, writes Secre- tary Seward^ from Bridgeport, Connecticut, in January, 1862, "This city is the focus and centre of the secession sympathizers in this portion of Connecticut," and that it has "a lodge of the Knights of the Golden Circle." The New York Churchman said^ August 5th, 1899: "At the breaking out of our late civil war there was in the Western part of Connecticut, and extending into the adjoining counties of New York, an ugly feeling of discontent against what seemed to be the policy of Mr. Lincoln towards the rebelling States." ^War of the Rebellion. &c.. Serial No. 124, p. 637 and p. 638. ^War of the Rebellion, &c.. Serial No. 124. ''War of the Rebellion, r, but the truth of the story requires this touch which . . . and . . . serves as a justifica- ■•His brother, Senator John Sherman, liad iiitrochiced him to the President. 204 The Real Lincoln. tion for these who could not in the winter of 1862-'3 see with the eyes of to-day." . . . The biographer of Ex-Vice-President Hamhn says,'^ " In- deed Mr. Hamlin was of the opinion that no man ever grew in the executive chair in his lifetime as Lincoln did. . . Lincoln's growth has long been a favorite theme with writers and speakers ; . . . his extreme eulogists made the mistake of constructing a Lincoln who was as great the day he left Springfield as when he made his earthly exit four years later. Lincoln's astonishing development was thus ignored, and . . . There is no intention of reviving an issue that once caused wide discussion. . . . Mr. Hamlin came to the ultimate opinion that Lincoln was the greatest figure of the age. . . . But he saw two Lincolns." . . . In these last extracts the biographer makes us aware of two things — that Lincoln's Vice-President was long in discovering his greatness and that efforts were made to check the apotheosis when it began. No one who knows the history of the time, as told by the most ardent Northern historians, such as Rhodes, or Ropes, or Schouler, will wonder that the contest ceased on the "issue that once caused wide discussion." Lalor's Cyclopaedia quotes the official records to show that thirty-eight thousand men and women had been dealt with by courts-martial. Many incurred imprisonment, often long and torturing, and not a few the death sentence and execution." No doubt some who had disapproved the conquest and the emancipation were tempted to join in the io triumphe, and to share the monstrous spoils. The vast number who had opposed ^Life and Times of Hanibal Hamlin, by C. E. Hamlin, p. 393. f'See page 138 of this book. The Real Lincoln. 205 the whole war could hardly do else than despair and ac- quiesce. Fresh from a system that placed provost mar- shals wherever neetled, and furnished veteran soldiers to repress resistance, only very bold men would venture to provoke the dominant powers by criticising him who had won the victory and the title of martyr. No protest could get a hearing over the tlin of triumph. From the South protest was hopeless. It was the Reconstruction Period, a time now regarded with complacency by none or very few. Hamlin's biographer, his son, further goes on to say (p. 489), "The truth should be emphasized that it is a great mistake to judge public men of this time by their attitude toward Lincoln," and he names among those who opposed and bitterly censured Lincoln (p. 50, p. 51 and p. 449), Chandler, Wade, Sumner, Collamer, Trumbull, Hale, Wilson, Stevens, H. Winter Davis (p. 454), Grimes, Julian, Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, David Dud- ley Field, John Jay, Wendell Phillips, Horace Greeley, Wm. Cullen Bryant, and Secretary Chase. Schouler says {History of the United States, Vol. VL, p. 21), "Yet Lincoln was long believed by contemporaries secondary in point of statesmanship. . . . Lincoln, as one of fame's im- mortals, does not appear in the Lincoln of 1861, whom men outside of the administration^ likened in ridicule to the original gorilla." Morse says (Lincoln, Vol. I., p. 75) of Lincoln's "elab- orate speech" in Congress on his resolutions nicknamed "the Spot Resolutions," which Congress did not notice by any action : " It may be not a very great or remarkable speech, but it was a good one," . . . and says the 'His Chief Cabinet Ministers, Stanton and Chase, were not outside of the administration. See what they called him, page 39 of this book. 206 The Real Lincoln. resolutions "were sufficiently noteworthy to save Lincoln from being left among the nobodies of the House." This is faint 'praise for Lincoln's career in Congress. John Russell Young is quoted^ as follows: "I have never read a description of him that recalls him as I knew him. Something always beyond and beyond. Nor has fame been kind to him in the sense that fame is never kind un- less it is just. There is little justice in much that is written of Lincoln. Then comes the dismal fear that he is to live in an apotheosis. His sad fate may invite this; assassi- nation is ever a consecration, for thus do the gods appoint their compensations. . . . The figure vanishes into mists; incense vapors a vision, not a man. For of such is human sympathy and human love." And the reviewer goes on, " If Lincoln could have chosen, Mr. Young thinks, and justly, that he would have desired to be remembered as he was, and not looked at through any distorting medium like the aureole and crowning flame of martyrdom. . . . Mr. Lincoln did not impress the capital as a welcome personal force. Living in an element of detraction, he was not a popular man. It would be hard to recall his friends." No longer ago than February, 1902, a journal as strongly Republican as Leslie's Weekly published a paper called Mr. Lincoln's Habits and Tendencies, which contained the following: "Mr. Lincoln's neighbors in Springfield cannot yet realize that he was a marvelously great man. . . . They think there has been a mistake made, somehow; as he presented himself to them, he was decidedly of the earth, earthy." ^Review in N. Y. Times for January 18, 1902, p. 34. The Real Lincoln. 207 In order to express his regret for the fact that" " the men whose acquaintance with Lincohi was intimate enough to form any just estimate of his character, . . . did not more fully appreciate his statesmanship and other great quaUties; . . . that tliey (Ud not recognize him as the greatest patriot, statesman and writer of his time," Rhodes makes the important concession {History of the United States, Vol IV., p. 211, et seq.), "We cannot wonder that his contemporaries failed to perceive his greatness." How very far this "failure to appreciate his greatness" prevailed among the many eminent literary men of the North is noteworthy, for the world has been much misled about it. Horace Scudder, long editor of the Atlantic Monthly, says of the sixth stanza of the famous Commemoration Ode (Bio- graphy of Lowell, Vol. XL, p. 70), "Into these three score lines Lowell has poured a conception of Lincoln which may justly be said to be to-day the accepted idea which Ameri- cans hold of their great President. It was the final ex- pression of the judgment which had been slowly forming in Lowell's own mind, and when he summed him up in his last line, 'New birth of our new soul, the first American,' he was honestly throwing away all the doubts which had from time to time beset him." The words "the judgment which had been slowly form- ing," and "doubts which had from time to time beset him, can be understood from the following extracts, and others that might be made from the Biography. Vol. XL, p. 29, records that Lowell wrote a friend in December, 1861, 'Rhodes, in his Hi/ftori/ of the United Stntes. \o\. III., p. ,368, note, records that R. Fuller, a prominent Baptist preacher, wrote Chase: "I marked the Presi- dent closely. . . . He is wholly inaccessible to Christian appeals, and his egotism will ever prevent his comprehending what patriotism means." 208 The Real Lincoln. " I confess that my opinion of the government does not improve. ... I guess an ounce of Fremont is worth a pound of Long Abraham." Three years later he wrote Mr. Norton {\o\. XL, p. 55), "I hear bad things about Mr. Lincohi, and try not to beUeve them." How very late Lowell did throw away the doubts about Lincoln which had beset him is curiously shown by Scudder's re- luctant concession of the fact (Vol. XL, p. 70) that Lin- coln was not referred to at all in the ode as delivered (July 21, 1865) by Lowell on Commemoration Day at Harvard, but was subsequently introduced into it. Scudder says (Vol. XL, p. 70), "The sixth stanza was not recited, but was written immediately afterward." Laboring to ex- plain this, he is obliged to call it "an after-thought," and to say, "one likes to fancy the whole force of the ode be- hind it," though he has shown that any such fancy would be entertained in defiance of the facts he records. If this "after-thought" did occur to Lowell "immediately" after, it did not occur to him, according to Scudder's own dates, sooner than ninety days after Lincoln's assassination ; and it is a curious additional example of his apotheosis, that this "conception of Lincoln" should have become, as Scudder says, "the accepted idea which Americans hold of their great President." The New York Nation, November 28, 1901, says, reviewing Scudder's Life of Lowell, "Lowell's growing appreciation of Lincoln is an important trait. A good many will be grieved to learn that the great Lincoln passage in the Commemoration Ode was not a part of it when it was first read by its author, but was written sub- sequently." The same Nation reveals that but for Lowell's wife, he would have gone "hopelessly wrong on the main question of his^time." The Real Lincoln. 209 However late Lowell's favorable judgment of Lincoln was formed, Scudder quotes (Vol. XL, p. 71) from a paper in the Century Magazine for April, LS87, headed Lincoln and Lowell, as follows: "Lowell was the first of the leading American writers to see clearly and fully and enthusiasti- cally the greatness of Abraham Lincoln." All of this testimony to the fact that people found in Lincoln before his death nothing remarkably good or great, but on the contrary found in him the reverse of goodness or greatness, comes from witnesses the most trustworthy possible, they being what lawyers call unwilling witnesses. So far, however, as they testify, either directly or by sug- gestion, that a marvelous change, intellectual, moral and spiritual came over Lincoln after his entrance on the duties of President, their evidence has no such weight as that recorded by them against him, and has a strong presump- tion against its truth. General Donn Piatt presents very effectively his view of how the change of the American world's feeling toward Lincoln, and of its estimate of him, came about. In Remin- iscences of Lincoln (p. 21) he says: "Lincoln was believed by contemporaries secondary in point of talent" and "Lin- coln as one of Fame's immortals does not appear in the Lincoln of 1861, whom men . . . likened to 'the original gorilla.'"'" "Fictitious heroes have been em- balmed in lies, and monuments are being reared to the memories of men whose real histories, when they come to be known, will make this bronze and marble the monuments of our ignorance and folly." And again he says {Remin- iscences of Lincoln, &c., p. 477): "With us, when a leader '"Schouler, in his History of the United States, Vol. VI., p. 21, use.s without quotation marks the exact words of Piatt above quoted. 14 210 The Real Lincoln. dies, all good men go to lying about him, and, from the monument that covers his remains to the last echo of the rural press, in speeches, sermons, eulogies and reminiscen- ces, we have naught but pious lies." . . . "Poor Gar- field . . . was almost driven to suicide by abuse while he lived. He fell by the hand of an assassin, and passed in a|| moment to the role of popular saints. . . . Popu- lar beliefs, in time, come to be superstitions and create gods and devils. Thus Washington is deified into an im- possible man and Aaron Burr has passed into a like impos- sible monster. Through this same process, Abraham Lin- coln, one of our truly great, has almost gone from human knowledge (the Reminiscences are dated 18.S6). I hear of him and read of him in eulogies and biographies, and fail to recognize the man I encountered for the first time in the canvass that called him from private life to be Presi- dent of the United States." Piatt then goes on to de- scribe" a conference that he and General Schenck had with Lincoln in his home in vSpringfield. "I soon discovered that this strange and strangely-gifted man, while not at all cynical, was a sceptic; his view of human nature was low; ... he unconsciously accepted for himself and his party the same low line that he awarded the South. Expressing no sympathy for the slave, he laughed at the Abolitionists^^ as a disturbing element easily controlled, ^^Reminiscences of Lincoln, &c., p. 480: "Lincoln had just been nominated for the first time." i^Mrs. Lincoln was present, and General Piatt adds, "One of Mrs. Lincoln's interjected remarks was, 'The country will find how we regard that Abolition sneak, Seward.' " Rhodes says, in his History of the United States. Vol. II., p. 32.'5: " Lincoln was not, however, in any sense of the word, an Abolitionist. Whit- ney, too, says, in his On Circuit with Lincoln, p. 6.34, "He had no intention to make voters of the negroes — in fact their welfare did not enter his policy at all." Rhodes quotes, in his History of the United States, Vol. IV.. p. 64, note, testimony of General Wadsworth, who was in daily communication, frequently for five or six hours, with the President and Stanton, as follows: "He never heard him speak of anti- slavery men otherwise than as 'radicals,' 'abohtionists;' and of the 'nigger ques- tion' he frequently spoke." The Real Lincoln. 211 without showing any cUshke to the slave-holders. . . . We were not (p. 481) at a loss to get at the fact and the reason for it, in the man before us. Descended from the poor-whites of a slave State, through many generations, he inherited the contempt, if not the hatred, held by that class for the negroes. A self-made man, . . . his strong nature w^as built on what he inherited, and he could no more feel a sympathy for that wretched race than he could for the horse he worked or the hog he killed.'^ In this he exhibited the marked trait that governed his public life. . . . He knew and saw clearly that the people of the free States not only had no sympathy with the aboli- tion of slavery, but held fanatics, as Abolitionists were called, in utter abhorrence. While it seemed a cheap philan- thropy, and therefore popular, to free another man's slave, the unrequited toil of the slave was more valuable to the North than to the South. With our keen business instincts, we of the free States utilized the brutal w^ork of the master. They made, without saving, all that we accumulated. . . Wendell Phillips, the silver-tongued advocate of human rights, was, while Mr. Lincoln was talking to us, being ostra- . cised at Boston and rotten-egged at Cincinnati. . . . The Abolitionist was (p. 482) himted and imprisoned under the shadow of Bunker Hill Monument as keenly as he was tracked by bloodhounds at the South." Then General Piatt candidly repudiates the false pre- tensions that are so often made to lofty, benevolent pur- pose in those who "conquered the rebellion," and ends as follows: "We are quick to forget the facts and slow to recognize the truths that knock from under us our preten- i3"Herndon's Lincoln, Vol. V., p. 74 et seq., tells a story of Lincoln's barbarous cruelty, etc." 212 The Real Lincoln. tious claims to high philanthropy. As I have said, aboli- tionism was not only unpopular when the war broke out, but it was detestetl. ... I remember when the Hutchinsons were driven from the camps of the Potomac Army by the soldiers, for singing their Abolition songs, and I remember well that for nearly two years of our service as soldiers we were engaged in returning slaves to their masters when the poor creatures sought shelter in our lines." CHAPTER XXVIIL What this Book Would Teach. T~N VIEW of what this book presents, those who have -L learned to rate Lincohi highest can hardly refuse to modify their estimate of him, and it was with the purpose to effect such a change in men's minds, in the interest of truth, that the task was undertaken. But the search in Northern records has taught the writer another truth, and a more important one, that he was far from seeking. To gain the ear of the people of Northern pre- judices by presenting no testimony but that of Northern witnesses was the plan adopted in seeking materials for this sketch. To win more patient hearing from people of Southern prejudices, it had been contemplated to put on the title page as motto Fas est ah hoste doceri. But the search showed that the North and the West were never enemies of the South: that those who disapproved, deplored, bit- terly censured secession, for the most part disapproved yet more coercion of sister States and emancipation of the negroes, while a vast part thought the South was asking what she had a right to ask. Should we forget these things as matters of reproach upon our country's past? Should we not rather recall them now and earnestly weigh them and take courage from the recollection that not in the border States only, but in ever}^ State, many men were found ready to make formid- able resistance with loss of fortune, liberty, and life to what its most ardent eulogists call a complete military despotism? (213) 214 The Real Lincoln. May their sons work with us to prevent or, if need be, to resist hke evils in the future! So it is to forgetfuhiess of the sad quarrel — to love, not to resentment or hate — that the lessons of this book would lead its readers. Those who taught that there was ''an irrepressible conflict" between the North and South were but a handful of fanatics — the same who denounced the Constitution of the United States as a " covenant with hell, and a league with death. "^ Is it not shown in this book that it would have been nearer the truth to say that the North and the South were essentially of one accord on the two questions, whether a State might, at least as a revolutionary right, withdraw from the Union, and whether the negroes should be emanci- pated? Is it not an immense gain to know that the facts were as set forth above, rather than go on believing the story that has spread so widely — that one side carried fire and sword into the homes of the other as a punishment they believed the sufferer well deserved? Can those who suffered the great wrong really forgive and forget while events are so recorded in history? ^Such, Gen. B. F. Butler says, was . . . "the proposition of the Free- Soil party, as enunciated by William Lloyd Garrison" as late as 1849. Appendix ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS (the father), was Minister to England during Lincohi's whole administration. He was of the family that had given two Presidents to the United States, and his father and his grandfather had been Ministers to England before him. ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS, son of the above, served in Union Army throughout the War between the States, and became brevet Brigadier-General of Volunteers — now President of Massachusetts Historical Society. His extreme partisan attitude is shown by the extract below from his address in Chicago, as late as June 17, 1902: "As to those who sympathized with the deliberate disunion policy, and in the councils of the government plotted for its over- throw, while sworn to its support, Mr. Adams held that it was unnecessary to speak. 'Such were traitors,' says he, and 'if they had had their deserts thej' would have been hanged.' That in cer- tain 'well-remembered instances this course was not pursued is to my mind even yet much to be deplored,' "he adds. ANDREWS, E. BENJAMIN, once President of Brown University, is still prominent in educational work. He shows in his History of the United States (Vol. II., pages 64, 77, 81 et seq.) that he is an ardent Abolitionist and an admirer of Lincoln; calls John Brown (p. 61, et seq.) "a misguided hero," and perverts history so wildly as to say (p. 89) that "Virginia and Tennessee were finally carried into secession by the aid of troops who swarmed in from the se- ceded States, and turned the elections into a farce. Unionists in the Virginia Convention were given the choice to vote secession, leave, or be hanged. Missouri, Kentucky, Delaware and Mary- land resisted all attempts to drag them into the Confederacy." . . . BURGESS, JOHN W., Ph. D., LL.D., is now Professor of Political Science in Columbia University. He says in his Civil War and Constitution that "absolute trutlifulness was the fundamental principle of his (Lincoln's) character," and that "he was on the inside a true gentleman, although tlie outward polish failed him almost completelv." ( 215 ) 216 Appendix. BUTLER, GENERAL B. F., was made by Lincoln Major-General and one of General Grant's corps commanders, and was Lincoln's first choice for Vice-President in his second election. BEECHER, REV. HENRY WARD, brother of Harriet Beecher Stowe, was a strong Republican and Abolitionist, and a very prominent supporter of the war. BOUTWELL, GEORGE S., was in Congress from Massachusetts, aided in organizing the Republican party in 1854, and in procuring Lincoln's election, and was made by Lincoln the first Commissioner of the Internal Revenue. (See name of Rice.) Boutwell's whole paper, and notably in the last pages, is full of the most ardent eulogies of Lincoln, strong and unqualified as any other. BROOKS, PHILLIPS, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Massachusetts, His Life and Letters by Alexander V. G. Allen (New York, E. P. Dutton, 1900) Vol. II., p. 9, says, "In Phila- delphia he had appeared almost as a reformer and agitator, with a work to do outside of the pulpit, which rivalled in importance and popular interest his work as a preacher. He had thrown him- self into the cause of the abolition of slavery with an intensity and rare eloquence which was not surpassed by any one. He had espoused the cause of the emancipated slaves, pleading in most impassioned manner for tlieir right to suffrage in order to their complete manhood. . . . From his activity in these moral causes he had become as widely known, as by his eloquence in the pulpit." For evidence (Life and Letters, by Allen, Vol. I., p. 531) of his partisanship, see a prayer he made in the streets of Phila- delphia on the downfall of the Confederacy. In the large page and a half there is not a reference to the miseries of the defeated nor an aspiration for the amendment of their condition, physical or spiritual. CHANDLER, ZACHARIAH, SENATOR, was one of the organizers of the Republican party in 1S54; United vStates Senator from 1857 to 1877; Secretary of the Interior. Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography calls him "a firm friend of President Lincoln." J^ CHANNING, EDWARD;, Professor of History in Harvard, and author of Short History of the United States, quotations from which show his partisanship. Appendix. 217 CHASE, SALMON P., was Lincoln's Secretary of tlie Treasury tiU made by him Chief Justice. CHESNEY, CAPT. C. C, Royal Engineers, Professor of Military His- tory, Sandhurst College, England, published in 1863 A Military View of Recent Campaigns in Virginia and Maryland. COFFEE, TITIAN J., says of Lincoln (Reminiscences of Lincoln, p. 246) ... "The better his character and conduct are understood, the brighter will he shine among those names that the world will not willingly let die." CURTIS, GEORGE WILLIAM, long editor of Harper's Weekly, was a widely known scholar and author. The quotations from his pen show how he stood towards the war and .Abolition. His pre- judice was bitter enougli to make him institute (Orations and Ad- dresses, Vol. III., p. 10) a parallel between Robert E. Lee and Benedict Arnold; and he must be accounted an unwilling witness, since he adds (Vol. III., p. 219), "Heaven knows I speak it with no willingness," after his testimony that is quoted of his own / people's resistance to emancipation and to coercion. ^ cAlTTENDEN, L. E., was Register of the Treasury. The words / quoted show his attitude toward Lincoln. DANA, CHARLES A., was long managing editor of the New York Tribune, took an important part in procuring Lincoln's election and was his Assistant Secretary of War. See his book. Recollec- tions of the Civil War, with the Leaders at Washington, &c., N. Y. Appleton & Co., 1898. DANA, RICHARD H., was a distinguished author and law-writer, was nominated by President Grant for Minister to England, and was a representative of the best culture of Massachusetts. It was he who proposed, in Faneuil Hall, to hold the Southern States "in the grasp of war for thirty years." DAVIS, HENRY WINTER, though a Marylander, was an ardent sup- porter in Congress of the war and of emancipation. DAVIS, DAVID, is named by McClure in liis Lincoln with Leonard Swett, Ward H. Lamon and William H. Herndon as one of the 218 Appendix. four men "closest to Lincoln before and after his election." He was made by Lincoln one of the Supreme Court. Justices, and finally executor of his estate. DAWES, HENRY L., represented Massachusetts in the House for nine sessions, beginning in 1857; succeeded Sumner in the Senate, and continued there till he declined re-election in 1893. DEPEW, CHAUNCEY, says in Reminiscences of Lincoln, &c., that Lin- coln was "among the few supremely great men this country has produced." DOLTGLAS, FREDERICK, was one of the most honored and respected colored men during his long life, with everything to prejudice him in favor of Lincoln. DUNNING, E. O., was chaplain in the Union army. His words quoted show his attitude. DUNNING, WILLIAM ARCHIBALD, Professor of History in Colum- bia Uni^'ersity, in his Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, pictures -with merciless exultation (pages 247 to 252) the years of hvuniliation and torture imposed on the South during the "recon- struction." EVERETT, EDWARD, had been Minister to England, and was such another man as Richard H. Dana, ranking even higher; was in the House or the Senate, or Secretary of State, or Governor, or President of Harvard for twenty-nine years, and then candidate for Vice-President. FISKE, JOHN, historian and lecturer. His Old Virginia arid Her Neighbors shows his Northern bias. FOULKE, WILLIAM DUDLEY, shows in his words quoted his par- tisan attitude. FREMONT, J. C, ran against Buclianan as " Free-Soil " candidate for the presidency. As Major-General he proclaimed freedom to the ne- groes in his command before Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Schouler attributes to him {History of the United States, Vol. VI., p. 98) "patriotism, integrity and humane sentiment." The title Appendix. 219 page of the pamphlet quoted is as follows: "Fund Publication, No. 27. President Lincoln and the Chicago Memorial on Emanci- pation; a paper read before the Maryland Historical Society of December 12, 1887, by Rev. W. W. Patton, D. D., LL. D., Presi- dent of Howard University, Baltimore, 1888." FRENCH, WILLIAM M., shows in his words quoted his partisan attitude. GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD. Tlie Dictionary of the United States History, 1492-1894, by J. Franklin Jamison, Ph. D., says, "Garrison's influence in the anti-slavery cause was greater than that of any other man;" started Liberator newspaper in 1831, and ran it till 1865. GAY, SIDNEY HOWARD, becamel in 1844 editor of the Anti-Slavery Standard. Senator Henry Wilson speaks of him as the man who deserved well of his country because he kept the Neiv York Tribune a war paper in spite of its owner, Horace Greeley. GILMORE, JAMES R. Appleton's Encyclopaedia .says that a mission to Jefferson Davis made by Gilmore had the effect of assuring the re-election of Lincoln. GODKIN, E. L., was long and until lately the able and useful editor of the Nation, but was utterly intolerant as to all that concerns secession and slavery. GORHAM, G. C, author of a late life of Stanton, wliicli shows in what is quoted his partisan attitude. GRANT, U. S., General and President, is obviously the most trust- worthy of all witnesses in the matters about which he is quoted. GREELEY, HORACE. A. K. McClure calls (Our Presidents and How We Make Them, p. 243) Greeley "one of tlie noblest, purest, and ablest of the great men of the land ; " calls Greeley's Tribune (p. 1 55) "then the mo.st influential journal ever published in this country," and says {Lincoln and Men of the War Time, p. 225 and p. 295) , "Greeley was in closer touch with the active, loyal sense of the people than even the President (Lincoln) himself," and that "Mr. lEdward Everett Hale in .fames Itiissell Lowell, His Friends, &c., pp. 174-5. 220 Appendix. Greeley's Tribune was the most widely read Republican journal in the country, and it was unquestionably the most potent in modelling Republican sentiment. It reached the intelligent masses of the people in every State in the Union." Again McClure says (p. 300), "Greeley Avas one of the founders of the Republican party, and did more to make it successful than any other one man of the nation." . . . Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews says2, "Gree- ley and his party were tlie chief founders of the Republican party, and the most effective moulders of its policy. The influence of the paper before and during the war was incalculable, far exceeding that of any other sheet in America. Hardly a Whig or Republi- can voter in all the North that did not take or read it. It gave tone to the minor organs of its party, and no politician upon either side acted upon slavery without considering what the Tribune would say." Gilmore {Recollections of Lincoln, p. 54) has a letter from Lincoln to Robert J. Walker, which says of Horace Greeley : "He is a great power; having liim firmly behind me will be as help- ful to me as an army of an hundred thousand men." Channing {Short History of the United States, p. 300) calls Greeley" one of the ablest men of the time." HALE, EDWARD EVERETT, of Boston, weU known author and editor; a strong partisan of the North. HAMLIN, HANNIBAL, was Lincoln's Vice-President. HAPGOOD, NORMAN. His Abraham Lincoln is the latest import- ant biography, published in 1899. It shows the author's attitude of admiration for Lincoln in the first page of the preface, declaring that he was "unequaUed since Washington in service to the nation," and quoting the verses — He was the North, the South, the East, the West; The thrall, the master, all of us in one. See under names of Herndon and of Lamon his endorsement of their "revelations." HAY, JOHN, Secretary of State under McKinley and Roosevelt, came from Springfield with Luicoln, and was his private secretary, as Nicolay was, to his death. Their joint work, Abraham Lincoln, in ten large volumes, makes the most favorable presentation of ^History of the Last Quarter Century in the United States, Vol. II., p. 58. Appendix. 221 lancohi of all that have been made. They are the editors, too, of the only collection of Lincoln's complete works. See the name of Nicolay in this Appendix. HERNDON, WILLIAM H. His Lincoln, dated 1888, sets forth on the title page tliat Lincoln was for twenty years his friend and law partner, and says in the preface (p. 10): "Mr. Ijincoln was my warm, demoted friend; I always loved him, and I revere his name today." He quotes with approval and reaffirms Lamon's views as to the duty to tell the faults along with the Adrtues, and says in the preface (p. 10): "At last the truth vnll come out, and no man need hope to evade it;" and he betrays his sense of the seri- ousness of the faults he has to record by calling them in the pre- face (p. 9) "ghastly exposures," and by saying in the preface (p. 8) that to conceal them would be as if the Bible had concealed the facts about Uriah in telling the story of King David; and the very latest biographer, Hapgood, writing with all the light yet given to the world, says in his preface (p. 8): "Herndon has told the President's early life with a refreshing honesty and with more information than any one else." Morse, the next latest biographer, also connnends Herndon's dealing in this matter. See, too, on page 203 of this book, Horace White's testimony, that "The world owes more to Mr. Wm. H. Herndon for this particular knowledge" — that is of his life before he was President — "than to all other persons." See, in this Appendix, under Swett's name how Hern- don's extraordinarily close relations with Mr. Lincoln are shown, and see under Lamon's name how Herndon's testimony and La- mon's have gone uncontradicted. Students need to be warned of a discovery made by the author since the first edition of The Real Lincoln was published. The geimine book of Herndon about Lincoln is stiU to be found in tlie Pratt Library and the Peabody Library of Baltimore, and in the Congressional Library in Wash- ington, in three volumes, and is entitled as follows: "Herndon's 'Lincoln; The True Story of a Great Life.' (Etiam in minimis major.) 'The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln,' by William H. Herndon, for Twenty Years His Friend and Partner, and Jesse William Weik, A. M., Chicago, New York and San Francisco. Bedford, Clarke & Co., Publishers, London. Henry J. Drane, Lovel's Court, Paternoster row." The quotations above given of Herndon's avowal of his purpose to conceal nothing, come from this book. In place of this genuine book another 222 Appendix. has been substituted, in two volumes, with the same title page, except that it is published by D. Appleton & Co. There is an introduction by Horace Wliite, but no intimation of the suppres- sion of any part of the work of Herndon, and his avowals of his purpose to tell all, good and bad, about his hero, are copied as above from the genuine book. Every word, however, of the "reve- lations" and "ghastly exposures" is suppressed. Without acknowledgment of any omission, five pages of the genuine book (beginning wdth the second line of fiftieth page of the first volume) are omitted. In these pages Herndon records a satire written by Lincoln, called "The First Chronicle of Reuben," and describes the exceedingly base and indecent device by which Lincoln brought about the events which gave opportunity for the satire and adds some verses written and circulated by Lincoln which he considers even more vile than the "Chronicle." Of these, verses Lamon says, "It is impossible to transcribe them." Leland (Abraham Lincoln, &c., pp. 12 and 13) quotes Lamon and Herndon, and calls (p. 42) Herndon "a most estimable man, to whose researches the world owes nearly all that is known of Lincoln's early life and family." Yet Leland gives a list of the authorities he uses and omits from it both Lamon and Herndon. In like manner some influence has caused the American Encycloptedia of Bio- graphy to omit Herndon and Lamon. HOLLAND, J. G., was a popular author, and was long editor of Scrib- ner's Magazine. For his ardent admiration of Lincoln, see the last page of his Abraham Lincoln. HUNTER, DAVID, was made Major-General by Lincoln, and was one of the most ardent Abolitionists. JULIAN, GEORGE W., says (Reminiscences of Lincoln, &c., p. 64), "Every lineament of his grand public career should have the set- ting of his rare personal worth. In all the qualities that go to make up character, he was a thoroughh^ genuine man. His sense of justice was perfect and ever present. His integrity was second onlj' to Washington's, and his ambition was as stainless." KASSON, JOHN ADAMS, was a conspicuous Republican in Congress, honored by Lincoln with important assigmnents at home and abroad in the Post-Office Department. Appendix. 223 KEIFER, JOSEPH WARREN, was Major-General of Volunteers; was member of Congress from Ohio and Speaker of the House; in 1900 WTote Slavery and Four Years of War, G. P. Putnam, pub- lisher, which book shows his partisan attitude. LAMON, WARD H. ; published his Life of Lincoln in 1872. He appears in the accounts of Mr. Lincoln's life in the West as constantly associated in the most friendly relations with him. He accom- panied the family in the journey to Washington, and was selected by Lincoln himself (see McClure's Lincoln, p. 46) as the one pro- tector to accompany and to guard him from the assassination that he apprehended so causelessly (see Lamon's Lincoln, p. 513) in his midnight passage through Baltimore to his first inauguration. He was made a United States Marshal of the District in order (McClure's Lincoln, p. 67) that Lincoln might have him always at hand. Schouler {History of the United States, p. 614) says that Lamon as Marshal "made himself body-guard to the man he loved." Though Lamon recognizes and sets forth wdth great clearness (p. 181) his duty to tell the whole truth, good and bad, and especially (p. 486, et seq.) to correct the statements of indis- creet admirers who have tried to make Lincoln out a religious man, and, though he indignantly remonstrates against such stories as making his hero a hypocrite, the book shows an exceedingly high estimate of the friend of his lifetime. Dorothy Lamon {Recol- lections of Abraham Lincoln, p. 168) quotes Lamon's own words as follows: "It was my good fortune to have known Mr. Lincoln long and well — so long and so intimately that, as the shadows lengthen and the years recede, I am more and more impressed by the rugged grandeur and nobility of his character, his strengtli of intellect and his singular purity of heart. Surely I am the last man on earth to say or do aught in derogation of his matchless worth, or to criticise the fair fame of him who was, during eighteen of the most eventful years of iny life, a constant, considerate, and never-failing friend." Both Morse and Hapgood commend Lamon and Herndon for their "revelations." The careful search in many records for the material for this book has not found a single attempt to deny tlie truth of Herndon's testimony, or of Lamon's. But the search did find a curious proof of the strait to wliich some one has been driven to conceal Lamon's testimony. In the Pratt Lil)rary in Baltimore, Maryland, is a book with a title as follows: "Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, 1847-1865, by 224 Appendix, Ward Hill Lamon, edited by Dorothy Lamon, Chicago, A. E. McChirg & Co., 1895." Nowhere in this book of several hundred pages is found an intimation of the fact that the same Ward Hill Lamon published in 1872 the Life of Lincoln quoted frequently in this book, or that he had published any book about Ijincoln, and although these "Recollections" do contain the avowal that appears in the Life of Lincoln, that Lamon thinks it his duty to conceal none of the faults of his hero, every word is omitted of the "revelations" and "ghastly exposures" about Lincoln's attitude towards morals and religion that are recorded in Lamon's genuine book. Bancroft, in his very lately published Life of Seward, quotes (Vol. II., p. 42) I^amon from this late book, making no reference to the genuine book, and a paper in the Baltimore Sun of February 25, 1901, does the same. See in this Appendix what is said under the names of Herndon and Swett. LELAND, CHARLES GODFREY, is author of a book once very popular, Hans Breitman's Ballads. In his Abraham Lincoln, and the Abolition of Slavery in the United States (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1881), he says (Author's Preface, p. 2), "Lincoln's career also proves that extremes meet, since in no despotism is there an example of any one who governed a country so thoroughly in detail as did this Republican of Republicans." For Leland's bitter partisan.ship, see pp. 109, 121, 122, 186, 200, 202 and 220 to 222. LOCKE, DAVID R. (Petroleum V. Nasby). Born in New York in 1833; an American political satyrist; author of Nasby's letters, after 1860, in Toledo Blade. LOGAN, JOHN A., Major-GeJieral. His book about the war, The Great Conspiracy, shows througliout, as in its title, his partisan attitude. He served under Grant at Vicksburg, and under Sher- man in Georgia; was unsuccessful Republican candidate for vice- presidency in 1864. LOWELL, JAS. RUSSELL, long professor in Harvard; editor of At- lantic Monthly 1857 to 1862, and of the North American Review 1863 to 1872; Minister to Spain and to England. MARKLAND, A. H., was a supporter of Mr. Lincoln for the presidency the first time; was in charge of the army mail service, and was The Real Lincoln. 225 Commission-Colonel on General Grant's staff in November, 1863. He was the only person besides President Lincoln and General Grant who ever had authority to pass at will through all the armies of the United States, thereby showing the confidential relations between him and the President and General Grant. McCarthy, CHARLES H., is author of Lincoln's Plan of Recon- struction. Page 497 in eulogy of Lincoln nowhere surpassed. McCLURE, A. K. In his Lincoln and Men of the War Time, and in his Our Presidents and How We Make Them, the author's intimate association with Lincoln is shown in many places (Lincoln, p. 112, et seq.), and his attitude towards his hero may be measured by the folloA\ing tribute (p. 5, et seq.): "He has written the most illus- trious records of American history, and his name and fame must be immortal while liberty shall have worshippers in our land." McCULL(Jlf, HUGH, author of Men and Measures of Half a Century, was Secretary of the Treasury under Lincoln, Johnson and Grant. He attributes to Lincoln (Reminiscences of His Associates, p. 424) "Unwavering adherence to the principles which he avowed — . . personal righteousness — . . . love of country — .... humanity — ..." MORSE, JOHN T., published in 1892 by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., his Lincoln, one of the American Statesmen Series. It shows throughout, but notably in the last four pages, as ardent an ad- miration for Lincoln as any other biography. It concedes (Vol. I., p. 192) the truth of the "revelations of Messrs. Hemdon and Lamon" and the duty and necessity that rested on them to record these truths. Morse is next to the latest of the biographers. The Harvard Graduates' Magazine said of the book: "As a life of Lincoln it has no competitors; as a political history of the Union side during the Civil War, it is the most comprehensive and, in proportion to its range, the most complete." NICOLAY, JOHN G. (like John Hay), came with Lincoln from Spring- field, and was his private secretary to the end. In the Author's Preface to the great work — "Abraham Lincoln" — written by him and John Hay (see his name in this Appendix), is found the fol- lowing (Vol. L, p. 9): "It is the almost unbroken testimony of his contemporaries that by virtue of certain high traits of char- 15 226 The Real Lincoln. acter, in certain momentous lines of purpose and achievement, he was incomparably the greatest man of his time. . . . The voice of hostile faction is silent or unheeded; even criticism is gentle and timid (p. 12). We knew Mr. Lincoln intimately before his election to the presidency. We came from Illinois to Washington with him, and remained at his side and in his service — separately or together — until the day of his death. . . . The President's correspondence, both official and private, passed through our hands; he gave us his full confidence, (p. 14) . . . each of us has written an equal portion of the work. . . . We each assume responsibility, not only for the whole, but for all the details." . . . PARIS, THE COUNT OF, was a volunteer in the Union army. See History of Civil War in America, translated by Tasij^stro, Phila- delphia, 1875, Vol. IV., pages 2 to 7, for his partisan attitude. PATTON, W. W., was President of Harvard University, for negroes, in Washington, D. C. -i rt^^"- ix-^ d. PIATT, DONN, GENERAL, in Reminiscences of Lincoln (p. 449), refers to Lincoln as "the greatest figure looming up in our history," and as one "who -wTought out for us our manhood and our self- respect," and says (pp. 499-500), ... we accept the sad, rugged, homely face and love it. . . . Clara Morris describes Piatt (in her Life on the Stage) , as a gentleman of delightful social and domestic traits. (See name of Rice.) PHILLIPS, WENDELL. Appleton's Encyclopedia says he "began as Abolitionist leader in 1837 . . . made a funeral oration over John Brown . . . had the Anti-Slavery Standard for his organ." POORE, BEN PERLEY, was a distinguished editor, but best known as Washington correspondent; was Major in the Eighth Massachu- setts Volunteers. His book, The Conspiracy Trial for the Murder of Abraham Lincoln, shows his partisan attitude. (See name of Rice.) RAYMOND, HENRY J., assistant editor of the New York Tribune, and founder of New York Times; Republican Member of Congress from New York 1865-1867; author of Life and State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. ThelReal Lincoln. 227 RHODES, JAMES FORD, is author of an exceedingly valuable six- volume History of the United States that (Vol. IV., p. 50) eulogizes Lincoln ardently- RICE, ALLEN THORNDIKE, was long editor of the North American Review, a leading Republican organ. He is editor, too, of Remin- iscences of Lincoln by Distinguished Men of His Time, frequently referred to in this book. Rice supplies the Introduction and is more or less responsible for all that is quoted from Piatt, Usher, Boutwell , Poo re and Depew. RIDPATH, JOHN CLARK, professor in Indiana Asbury University, published his History of the United States in 1883, of which see page 522 to learn his attitude. ROPES, JOHN CODMAN, author of the Story of the Civil War, wliich eulogizes Lincoln. No historian of his day ranks higher. RUSSELL, WILLIAM HOWARD. His My Diary, North and South, published in the London Times, shows a bitter aversion to slavery, and to almost everything he saw in the South, and he shows plainly his judgment that it was the right and duty of Lincoln to crush secession. George William Curtis says in his Orations (Vol. I., p. 139) about Russell, that "Europe sent her ablest correspondent to describe the signs of the times, and that Russell saw and gave a fair representation of the public sentiment." Adam's Life of Adams (p. 151, et seq.) speaks of Rus-sell's Diary as "the views and conclusions of an unprejudiced ob.server through the medium of the most influential journal in the world." SCHOULER, JAMES. His History of the United States (p. 631 , et seq.) shows that no biographer is more eulogistic of Lincoln. Volume VI. begins with, "The further we recede from the era of our great civil strife, the more colossal stands out the figure of Abraham Lincoln." . . . See also Vol. VI., page 624 to end. He calls the John Brown raid (Vol. VI., p. 437) "a sporadic and nonsensical movement;" says "the pitiful and deluded assailants" were not treated "with the decent magnanimity for which so good an oppor- tunity was offered, and that (p. 438) "the slave master showed on this occasion his innate tyranny and cruelty towards an adversary." He likens Browii to Charlotte Corday, saying the difference was that her action was "reasonable," Brown's "unreasonable." 228 The Real Lincoln. SHERMAN, JOHN, President McKinley's first Secretary of State, was a very prominent Republican leader during the war, and served in the Union army with sword, tongue, pen and purse, raising largely at his own expense a brigade known as Sherman's Brigade. SHERMAN, GENERAL W. T., the man who next after Grant was "Conquerer of the Rebellion." SEWARD, Wn.LIAM H., was Secretary of State during Lincoln's whole administration, and accounted one of his ablest supporters. SMITH, GOLDWIN, a distinguished historian and pubUcist; professor of History for two years in Oxford, and for three years in Cornell. In his United States, an Outline of Political History (p. 221, et seq.), it is claimed that Lincoln was a Christian. A dreadful picture is given (p. 222 to 225) of master and slave — of the slave "over- worked and tortured with the lash" — ... of "fetters and blood-hounds" — ■ ... of "constant dread of slave insurrec- tions"; that "it is not amongst whips, manacles and blood-hounds that the character of a true gentleman can be trained;" . . . that "with slavery always goes lust;" . . . of "a clergy degraded by cringing to slavery." STANTON, EDWIN M., was often called Lincoln's "Great War Secretary." Appleton's Encyclopedia says: "None ever ques- tioned his honesty, his patriotism or his capability." STANWOOD, EDWARD. His History of the Presidency is a recog- nized authority, with no Southern leanings. STEVENS, THADDEUS, entered Congress in 1858, and from that time until his death was one of the RepubUcan leaders, and the chief advocate for emancipating and arming the negroes. SUMNER, CHARLES, was long Senator from Massachusetts, and was a leader in support of the war and emancipation. SWETT, LEONARD. See his very close relations to Lincoln, shown under the name of David Davis in this Appendix. TARBELL, IDA, shows constantly in her histories the most ardent admiration for Lincoln. The Real Lincoln. 229 TRUMBULL, LYIVIAN, United States Senator, declined to oppose Lincoln for the nomination in 1860, and was one of the first to propose in the Senate the abolition of slavery. USHER, J. P., was in Lincoln's Cabinet as Secretary of the Interior. He says, in Reminiscences of Lincoln by His Associates, page 77, "Mr. Lincoln's greatness was founded upon his devotion to truth, his humanity and his innate sense of justice to all." WAR OF THE REBELLION. Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. We have a very extraordinary light upon the history of that period in a publication made by the Congress of the United States which, beginning in 1870, has now grown to more than 100 large volumes, "The War of the Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies." The history of the war that has been written since the war by Jefferson Davis or U. S. Grant, Alexander Stephens or Charles A. Dana, Joseph E. Johnston, John Codman Ropes, and all the rest who have under- taken it, may be distrusted as the work of partisans, or of men too near in time to see things correctly. But we are getting down to the real truth of history when we have the very words used by Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet members, by General McClellan and his subordinates in their proclamations, orders, reports and cor- respondence during the months when active "disloyalty" was being repressed in all the States of the Union that were within reach of Secretary Seward's "little bell," and especially in Mary- land, Kentucky, Missouri, Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and New York. It will be seen that none of the extracts are taken from the Confederate record, they are all from the Union records, and in all cases the volume and page are referred to. WADE, BEN, was one of the most prominent Republican leaders. Ohio Senator from 1851 to 1869. Anti-slavery leader. Favored confiscation in the war, and emancipation. WEBB, ALEXANDER S., LL. D., professor in College of City of New York, says, as follows, in his Campaigns of the Civil War, III; McClellan' s Campaign of 1862, preface, page 6, that "In speaking of the President of the United States and his advisers, he (the author) must not be considered as rescinding or changing at any time his constant and repeated expressions of admiration, affec- tion and regard for the President himself. He appeals 'to the 230 The Real Lincoln. closing chapter ... to prove that he is as loyal to that noble man's memory as ever he was to him in person, and is but doing the work of an honest historian in recording the sad tale of the want of unity, the want of confidence, tlie want of co-operation between the Administration and the General commanding the WELLING, JOS. C., editor of National Intelligencer at Washington during the Civil War; afterwards President of St. John's College, Annapolis; then President of Columbia University. WELLES, EDGAR THADDEUS, was Lincoln's Secretary of the Navy. WHITE, HORACE, had a distinguished career in journalism for forty years; was editor of Chicago Tribune and of the New York Evening Post. WHITNEY, HENRY CLAY, shows his exceedingly high estimate of Lincoln in the last page of his On Circxdt with. Lincoln. WILSON, WOODROW, was long a distinguished and popular pro- fessor in Princeton, and is now President. For his admiring atti- tude towards Lincoln, see pages 216 and 217 of his Disunion and Reunion, and Vol. IV., page 256 of his History of the American People. WINTHROP, ROBERT H., was eminent as a scholar and statesman; was ten years in the House, and then in the Senate from Massach- usetts. YOUNG, JOHN RUSSELL, had a distinguished career in journalism, especially in the Tribune group with Horace Greeley. H94 75 -4 •yws r^^ -.^p/ ,^^^ % ^^yws ^^ ^^ .V- O * V Lie "^^ ^V- o - Q Cs ^\^ . I . -^ t -* .r '-^--0^ :^^^/^ '"oV^^ c 0' .<^ ^^.. °^^ \ 'mm- /^-. 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