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THE 
 
 OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS, 
 
 SIXTEENTH SERIES. 
 189S. 
 
 BOSTOX; 
 01 r. ^r. -TH MEETING-^' 
 
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By tmnsfer 
 
 JAN 15 19M> 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Old South Leaflets were prepared primarily for circulation 
 among the attendants upon the Old South Lectures for Young People. 
 The subjects of the Leaflets are immediately related to the subjects of the 
 lectures, and they are intended to supplement the lectures and stimulate 
 historical interest and inquiry among the young people. They are made 
 up, for the most part, from original papers of the periods treated in the 
 lectures, in the hope to make the men and the public life of the periods 
 more clear and real. 
 
 The Old South Lectures for Young People were instituted in the sum- 
 mer of 18S3, as a means of promoting a. more serious and intelligent atten- 
 tion to historical studies, especially studied in American history among the 
 young people of Boston. The success of the lectures has been so great as 
 to warrant the hope that such courses may be "'sustained in many other 
 cities of the country. 
 
 The Old South Lectures for 1SS3, intended to be strictly upon subjects 
 in early Massachusetts History, but by certain necessities somewhat modi- 
 fied, were as follows : " Governor 15radford and Governor Winthrop," 
 by Edwin D. Mead. " Plymouth," by Mrs. A. M. Diaz. " Concord," 
 by Frank B. Sanborn. " The Town-meeting," by Prof. James K. 
 HosMER. " Franklin, the Boston Boy," by George M. Towle. "How 
 to study America- Histoi "' by Prof. G. STA^^^EY Hall. "The Year 
 1777," by John i ^ke. ^-tory in the Bos+ >n Streets," by Edward 
 
 Everett Hale. The L eis prepared in connection with these lectures 
 consisted of (i) Cotton M cher's account of Governor Bradford, from the 
 " Magnalia"; (2) the acco- at of the arrival of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod 
 from Bradford's Journal; (3) an extract from Emerson's Concord Address 
 in 1835; '4) extracts from Emerson, Samuel Adams, De Tocqueville, and 
 others, upon the Town-meeting; (5) a portion of Franklin's Autobiogra- 
 phy; (6) Carlyle on the Study of History; (7) an extract from Charles 
 Sumner's oration upon Lafayette, etc.; (8) Emerson's poem, "Boston." 
 
 The lecaires for 1884 were devoted to men representative of certain 
 epochs or ideas in the history of Boston, as follows: " Sir Harry Vane, in 
 New England and in Old England," by Edward Everett Hale, Jr. 
 "John Harvard, and the Founding of Harvard College," by Edward 
 Channing, Ph.D. "The Mather Family, and the Old Boston Ministers," 
 by Rev. Samuel J. Barrows. " Simon Bradstreet, and the Struggle for 
 the Charter," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " Samuel Adams and the 
 Beginning of the Revolution," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " Josiah 
 Quincy, the Great Mayor," by Charles W. Slack. "Daniel Webster, 
 the Defender of the Constitution," by Charles C. Coffin. " John A: 
 Andrew, the great War Governor," by Col. T. W. Higginson. The 
 Leaflets prepared in connection with the second course were as follows : 
 (i) Selections from F'orster's essay on Vane, etc.; (2) an extract from 
 Cotton Mather's "Sal Gentium"; (3) Increase Mather's "Narrative of 
 the Miseries of New England"; (4) an original account of " The Revolu- 
 tion in New England" in 1689; (5) a letter from Samuel Adams to John 
 
Adams, on Republican Government; (6) extracts from Josiah Quincy's 
 Boston Address of 1S30; (7) Words of Webster; (8) a portion of Gover- 
 nor Andrew's Address to the Massachusetts Legislature in January, 1861. 
 
 The lectures for 1885 were upon " The War for the Union," as follows : 
 "Slavery," by William Lloyd Garrison, Jr. "The Fall of Sumter," 
 by Col. T. W. Higginson. "The Monitor and the Merrimac," by 
 Charles C. Coffin. "The Battle of Gettysburg," by Col. Theodore 
 A. Dodge. "Sherman's March to the Sea," by Gen. William Cogswell. 
 "The Sanitary Commission," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Abraham 
 Lincoln," by Hon. John D. Long. "General Grant," by Charles C. 
 Coffin. The Leaflets accompanying these lectures were as follows : (i) 
 Lowell's " Present Crisis," and Ciarrison's Salutatory in the Liberator of 
 January i, 1831 ; (2) extract from Henry Ward Beecher's oration at P'ort 
 Sumter in 1865; (3) contemporary newspaper accounts of the engagement 
 between the Monitor and the Merrimac; (4) extract from Edward Everett's 
 address at the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, with 
 President Lincoln's address; (5) extiact from General Sherman's account 
 of the March to the Sea, in his Memoirs ; (6) Lowell's " Commemoration 
 Ode"; (7) extract from Lincoln's First Liaugural Address, the ?>manci- 
 pation Proclamation, and the Second Inaugural Address; (8) account of 
 the service in memory of General Grant, in Westminster Abbey, with Arch- 
 deacon Farrar's address. 
 
 The lectures for 1886 were upon "The War for Independence," as 
 follows: "Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry," by Edwin D. Mead. 
 " Bunker Hill, and the News in England," by John P'iske. " The Declara- 
 tion of Independence," by James MacAllister. "The Times that tried 
 Men's Souls," by Albert B. Hart, Ph.D. " Lafayette, and Help from 
 France," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Women of the Revolu- 
 tion," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Washington and his Generals," 
 by George M. Towle. "The Lessons of the Revolution for these 
 Times," by Rev. Brooke Herford. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) 
 Words of Patrick Henry; (2) Lord Chatham's. Speech, urging the removal 
 of the British troops from Boston ; (3) extract from Webster's oration on 
 Adams and Jefferson ; (4) Thomas Paine's " Crisis," No. i ; (5) extract 
 from T dward Everett's eulogy on Lafayette ; (6) selections from the Letters 
 of Aliigail Adams ; (7) Lowell's " Under the Old Elm"; (8) extract from 
 Whipple's essay on " Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 
 
 The course for the summer of 1S87 was upon " The Birth of the 
 Nation," as follows : " How the men of the English Commonwealth planned 
 Constitutions," by Prof. James K. Hosmer, "How the American Colo- 
 nies grew together," by John Fiske. " The Confusion after the Revolu- 
 tion," by Davis R. Dewey, Ph.D. " The Convention and the Constitu- 
 tion," by Hon. John D. Long. " James Madison and his Journal," by 
 Prof. P>. B. Andrews. " How Patrick Henry opposed the Constitution," 
 by Henry L. Southwick. "Alexander Hamilton and the Federalist."" 
 " Washington's Part and the Nation's First Years," by Edward Everett 
 Hale. The Leaflets prepared for these lectures were as follows: (i) 
 Extract from Edward Everett Hale's lecture on " Puritan Politics in 
 England and New England"; (2) "The English Colonies in America," 
 extract from De Tocqueville's " Democracy in America " ; (3) Wash- 
 ington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States on Disbanding 
 the Army; (4) the Constitution of the United States; (5) "The Last Day 
 of the Constitutional Convention," from Madison's Journal; (6) Patrick 
 
Henry's First Speech against the Constitution, in the Virginia Convention; 
 (7) the Federalist, No. IX.; (8) Washington's First Inaugural Address. 
 
 The course for the summer of i8S8 had the general title of *' The Story 
 of the Centuries," the several lectures being as follows : " The Great Schools 
 after the Dark Ages," by Ephraim Emerton, Professor of History in 
 Harvard University. " Richard the Lion-hearted and the Crusades," by 
 Miss Nina Moore, author of " Pilgrims and Puritans." " The World 
 which Dante knew," by Shattuck O. Hartwell, Old South first prize 
 essayist, 1SS3. "The Morning Star of the Reformation," by Rev. Philip 
 S. MoxoM. " Copernicus and Columbus, or the New Heaven and the 
 New Earth," by Prof. Edward S. Morse. ''The People for whom 
 Shakespeare wrote," by Charles Dudley Warner. " The Puritans and 
 the English Revolution," by Charles H. Levermore, Professor of His- 
 tory in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. " Lafayette and the 
 Two Revolutions which he saw," by George Makepeace Towle. 
 
 The Old South Lectures are devoted primarily to American history. 
 But it is a constant aim to impress upon the young people the relations of 
 our own history to English and general European history. It was hoped 
 that the glance at some siriking chapters in the history of the last eight 
 centuries afforded by these lectures would be a good preparation for the 
 great anniversaries of 1889, and give the young people a truer feeling of 
 the continuity of history. In connection with the lectures the young 
 people were requested to fix in mind the following dates, observing that in 
 most instances the date comes about a decade before the close of the cen- 
 tury. An effort was made in the Leaflets for the year to make dates, 
 which are so often dull and useless to young people, interesting, significant, 
 and useful. — nth Century: Lanfranc, the great mediaeval scholar, who 
 studied law at Pologna, was prior of the monastery of Bee, the most famous 
 school in France in the iith century, and archbishop of Canterbury under 
 William the Conqueror, died io8g. 12th Cent.: Richard I. crowned 
 1189. 13th Cent. : Dante, at the battle of Campaldino, the final overthrow 
 of the Ghibellines in Italy, 1289. 14th Cent.: Wyclif dief., 1384. 15th 
 Cent.: America discovered, 1492. i6th Cent.: Spanish Armada, 1588. 
 17th Cent. : William of Orange lands in England, 1688. i8th Cent. : 
 Washington inaugurated, and the Bastile fell, 1789. The Old South- 
 Leaflets for 1888, corresponding with the several lectures, were as follows : 
 (i) " The Early History of Oxford," from Green's " History of the English 
 People,"; (2) "Richard Coeur de Lion and the Third Crusade," from the 
 Chronicle of Geoffrey de Vinsauf; (3) "The Universal Empire," passages 
 from Dante's De Motiarchia ; (4) "The Sermon on the Mount," Wyclif's 
 translation ; (5) " Copernicus and the Ancient Astronomers," from Hum- 
 boldt's " Cosmos " ; (6) " The Defeat of the Spanish Armada," from Cam- 
 den's "Annals"; (7) "The Bill of Rights," 1689 ; (8) " The Eve of the 
 French Revolution," from Carlyle. The selections are accompanied by 
 very full historical and bibliographical notes, and it is hoped that the 
 series will prove of much service to students and teachers engaged in 
 the general survey of modern history. 
 
 The year 1889 being the centennial both of the beginning of our own 
 Federal government and of the French Revolution, the lectures for the 
 year, under the general title of " America and France," were devoted en- 
 tirely to subjects in which the history of America is related to that of 
 France as follows: " Champlain, the Founder of Quebec," by Charles 
 Cr Coffin. " La Salle and the French in the Great West," by Rev. 
 
W. E. Grikfis. "The Jesuit Missionaries in America," by Prok. James 
 K. HosMKR. " Wolfe and Montcalm : The Struggle of England and 
 France for the Continent," by John Fiske. " Franklin in France," 
 by George M. Towle. " The Friendship of Washington and Lafayette," 
 by Mrs. Abha Goold Woolson. "Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana 
 Purchase," by Robert Morss Lovett, Old South prize essayist, 1888. 
 "The Year 1789," by Rev. Edward Everett FL\le. The Leaflets for 
 the year were as follows : (i) Verrazzano's account of his Voyage to Amer- 
 ica ; (2) Marquette's account of his Discovery of the Mississippi; (3) Mr. 
 Parkman's Histories; (4) the Capture of Quebec, from Parkman's " Con- 
 spiracy of Pontiac"; (5) selections from Franklin's Letters from F' ranee ; 
 (6) Letters of Washington and Lafayette; (7) the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence ; (8) the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1789. 
 
 The lectures for the summer of 1890 were on "The American Indians," 
 as follows : " The Mound Builders," by Prof. George H. Perkins. " The 
 Indians whom our Fathers Found," by Gen. H. B. Carrington. " John 
 Eliot and his Indian Bible," by Rev. Edward G. Porter. " King Philip's 
 War," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, Old South prize essayist, 1889. 
 "The Conspiracy of Pontiac," by Charles A.. Eastman, M.D., of the 
 Sioux nation. " A Century of Dishonor," by Herbert Welsh. "Among 
 the Zuriis," by J. Walter Fewkes, Ph.D. " The Indian at School," by 
 Gen. S. C. Armstrong. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) extract from 
 address by William Henry Harrison on the Mound Builders of the Ohio 
 Valley ; (2) extract from Morton's " New English Canaan " on the Manners 
 and Customs of the Indians ; (3) John Eliot's " Brief Narrative of the Prog- 
 r ■ of the Gospel among the Indians of New England," 1670; (4) extract 
 fi .1 ')bard's " Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians "( 1677) on 
 
 the .ining of King Philip's War; (5) the Speech of Pontiac at the 
 
 Council at the River Ecorces, from Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac " ; 
 (6) extract from Black Hawk's autobiography, on the cause of the Black 
 Hawk War; (7) Coronado's Letter to Mendoza (1540) on his Explorations 
 in New Mexico; (8) Eleazar Wheelock's Narrative (1762) of the Rise and 
 Progress of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn. 
 
 The lectures for 1S91, under the general title of " The New Birth of the 
 World," were devoted to the important movements in the age preceding 
 the discovery of America, the several lectures being as follows: "The 
 Results of the Crusades," by F. E. E. Hamilton, Old South prize essay- 
 ist, 1883. " The Revival of Learning," by Prof. Albert B. Hart. " The 
 Builders of the Cathedrals," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Changes 
 which (Gunpowder made," by Frank A. Hill. "The Decline of the 
 Barons," by William Everett. "The Invention of Printing," by Rev. 
 Edward G. Porter. " When Michel Angelo was a Boy," by Hamlin 
 Garland. " The Discovery of America," by Rev. E. E. Hale. The 
 Leaflets were as follows: (i) "The Capture of Jerusalem by the Cru- 
 saders," from the Chronicle of WiUiam of Malmesbury ; (2) extract from 
 More's "Utopia"; (3) " The Founding of Westminster Abbey," from 
 Dean Stanley's " Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey " ; (4) " The 
 Siege of Constantinople," from Gibbon's " Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire"; (5) "Simon de Montfort," selections from Chronicles of the 
 time ; (6) " Caxton at Westminster," extract from Blade's Life of William 
 Caxton; (7) "The Youth of Michel Angelo," from Vasari's "Lives of the 
 Italian Painters"; (8) " The Discovery of America," from Ferdinand Colum- 
 bus's life of his father. 
 
The lectures for 1S92 were upon "The Discovery of America," as fol- 
 lows : "What Men knew of the World before Columbus," by Prof. 
 Edward S. Morse. " Leif Erikson and the Northmen," by Rev. Edward 
 A. Horton. "Marco Polo and his Book," by Mr. O. W. Dimmick, 
 "The Story of Columbus," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Americus 
 Vespucius and the Early Books about America," by Rev. E. G. Porter. 
 "Cortes and Pizarro," by Prof. Chas. H. Levermore. " De Soto and 
 Ponce de Leon," by Miss Ruth Ballou Whittemore, Old South prize 
 essayist, 1891. " Spain, France, and England in America," by Mr. John 
 FiSKE. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Strabo's Introduction to Geog- 
 raphy; (2) The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red; (3) 
 Marco Polo's account of Japan and Java; (4) Columbus's Letter to 
 Gabriel Sanchez, describing his First Voyage; (5) Amerigo Vespucci's 
 account of his First Voyage; (6) Cortes's account of the City of Mexico; 
 (7) the Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of 
 Elvas " ; (8) Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 
 
 The lectures for 1S93 "^vere upon " The Opening of the Great W^est," as 
 follows: "Spain and France in the Great West," by Rev. W^illiam 
 Elliot Griffis. "The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 1787," 
 by John M. Merriam. " Washington's Work in Opening the West," by 
 Edwin D. Mead. " Marietta and the Western Reserve," by Miss Lucy 
 W. Warren, Old South prize essayist, 1892. " How the Great West was 
 settled," by Charles C. Coffin. "Lewis and Clarke and the Explorers 
 of the Rocky Mountains," by Rev. Thomas Van Ness. " California and 
 Oregon," by Prof. Josiah Royce. " The Story of Chicago," by Mrs. 
 Mary A. Livermore. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) De Vaca's 
 account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535; (2) Manasseh Cutler's De- 
 scription of Ohio, 1787 ; (3) Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 
 1770; (4) Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and the Western 
 Reserve; (5) George Rogers Clark's account of the Capture of Vincennes, 
 17795 (6) Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis; (7) Fremont's 
 account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak ; (8) Father Marquette at Chi- 
 cago, 1673. 
 
 The lectures for 1S94 were upon " The Founders of New England," as 
 follows : " William Brewster, the Elder of Plymouth," by Rev. Edward 
 Everett Hale. " William Bradford, tl^ie Governor of Plymouth," by 
 Rev. William Elliot Griffis. " John Winthrop, the Governor of 
 Massachusetts," by Hon. Frederic T. Greenhalge. " John Harvard, 
 and the Founding of Harvard College," by Mr. William R. Thayer. 
 " John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians," by Rev. James De Normandie. 
 " John Cotton, the Minister of Boston," by Rev. John Cotton Brooks. 
 " Roger Williams, the Founder of Rhode Island," by President E. 
 Benjamin Andrews. "Thomas Hooker, the Founder of Connecticut," 
 by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Bradr 
 ford's Memoir of Elder Brewster; (2) Bradford's First Dialogue; (3) 
 Winthrop's Conclusions for the Plantation in New England ; (4) New 
 England's First Fruits, 1643; (5) John Eliot's Indian Grammar Begun; 
 (6) John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation"; (7) Letters of 
 Roger W^illiams to Winthrop; (8) Thomas Hooker's "Way of the 
 Churches of New England." 
 
 The lectures for 1895 were upon " The Puritans in Old England," as 
 follows : " John Hooper, the First Puritan," by Edwin D. Mead ; " Cam- 
 bridge, the Puritan University," by William Everett; "Sir John Eliot 
 
8 
 
 and the House of Commons," by Prof. Albert B. Hart; "John Hamp- 
 den and the Ship Money," by Rev. F. W. Gunsaulus; "John Pym and 
 the Grand Remonstrance," by Rev. John Cuckson ; " Oliver Cromwell 
 and the Commonwealth," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale ; "John 
 Milton, the Puritan Poet," by John Fiske ; " Henry Vane in Old England 
 and New England," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. The Leaflets were as 
 follows: (i) The English Pible, selections from the various versions; (2) 
 Hooper's Letters to Pullinger; (3) Sir John Eliot's "Apology for Soc- 
 rates"; (4) Ship-money Papers ; (5) Pym's Speech against Strafford; (6) 
 Cromwell's Second Speech ; (7) Milton's " Free Commonwealth " ; (8) Sir 
 Henry Vane's Defence. 
 
 The lectures for 1896 were upon " The American Historians," as follows : 
 " IJradford and Winthrop and their Journals," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead; 
 "Cotton Mather and his ' Magnalia,' " by Prof. P>arrett Wendell; 
 " Governor Hutchinson and his History of Massachusetts," by Prof. 
 Charles H. Levermore ; "Washington Irving and his Services for 
 American Plistory," by Mr. Richard Burton; "Bancroft and his His- 
 tory of the United States," by Pres. Austin Scoit; " Prescott and his 
 Spanish Histories," by Hon. Roger Wolcott; " Motley and his History 
 of the Dutch Republic," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; " Parkman 
 and his Works on France in America," by Mr. John Fiske. The Leaflets 
 were as follows: (i) Winthrop's " Little Speech " on Liberty; (2) Cotton 
 Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the "Magnalia"; (3) Governor 
 Hutchinson's account of the Boston Tea Party ; (4) Adrian Van der 
 Donck's Description of the New Netherlands in 1655; (5) The Debate in 
 the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress ; (6) 
 Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage ; 
 (7) The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581; (8) Captain John 
 Knox's account of the Battle of Quebec. The last five of these eight 
 Leaflets illustrate the original material in which Irving, Bancroft, Prescott, 
 Motley, and Parkman worked in the preparation of their histories. 
 
 The lectures for 1897 were upon "The Anti-slavery Struggle," as 
 follows : " William Lloyd Garrison, or Anti-slavery in the Newspaper," by 
 William Lloyd Garrison, Jr.; "Wendell Phillips, or Anti-slavery on 
 the Platform," by Wendell Phillips Stafford; "Theodore Parker, 
 or Anti-slavery in the Pulpit," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale ; " John 
 G. W^hittier, or Anti-slavery in the Poem," by Mrs. Alice Freeman 
 Palmer ; " Harriet Beecher Stowe, or Anti-slavery in the Story," by Miss 
 Maria L. Baldwin; "Charles Sumner, or Anti-slavery in the Senate," 
 by MooRFiELD Storey; "John Brown, or Anti-slavery on the Scaffold," 
 by Frank B. Sanborn; "Abraham Lincoln, or Anti-slavery Trium- 
 phant," by Hon. John D. Long. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) The 
 First Number of The Liberator; (2) Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of 
 Garrison ; (3) Theodore Parker's Address on the Dangers from Slavery ; 
 {4) Whittier's account of the Anli-slavery Convention of 1833; (5) ^''^• 
 Stowe's Story of "Uncle Tom's Cabin"; (6) Sumner's Speech on the 
 Crime against Kansas; (7) Words of John Brown; (8) The First Lincoln 
 and Douglas Debate. 
 
 The lectures for 1898 were upon " The Old World in the New," as 
 follows: "What Spain has done for America," by Rev. Edward G. 
 Porter ; " What Italy has dore for America," by Rev. William Elliot 
 Griffis ; " What Franco has done for America," by Prof. Jean Charle- 
 
iMAGNE Bracq; "What England has done for America," by Miss Kath- 
 arine CoMAN ; "What Ireland has done for America," by Prof. F. 
 Spencer Baldwin; "What Holland has done for America," by Mr. 
 Edwin D. Mead; "What Germany has done for America," by Miss 
 Anna B. Thompson ; " What Scandinavia has done for America," by 
 Mr. Joseph P. W^arren. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Account of 
 the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales; 
 (2) Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his Third Voyage ; (3) Champlain's Ac- 
 count of the Founding of Quebec ; (4) ]:)arlowe's Account of the First 
 Voyage to Roanoke; (5) Parker's Account of the Settlement of London- 
 derry, N.H. ; (6) Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River; 
 (7) Pastorius's Description of Pennsylvania, 1700: (8) Acrelius's Account 
 of the Founding of New Sweden. 
 
 The Old South Leaflets, which have been published during the last 
 sixteen years, in connection with these annual courses of historical lect- 
 ures at the Old South Meeting-house, have attracted so much attention 
 and proved of so much service that the Directors have entered upon the 
 publication of the Leaflets for general circulation, with the needs of schools, 
 colleges, private clubs, and classes especially in mind. The Leaflets are 
 prepared by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. They are largely reproductions of im- 
 portant original papers, accompanied by useful historical and bibliogiaphi- 
 cal notes. They consist, on an average, of sixteen pages, and are sold at 
 the low price of five cents a copy, or four dollars per hundred. The aim 
 is to bring them within easy reach of everybody. The Old South Work, 
 founded by Mrs. Mary Hemenway, and still sustained by provision of her 
 will, is a work for the education of the people, and especially the education 
 of our young people, in American history and politics; and its promoters 
 believe that few things can contribute better to this end than the wide cir- 
 culation of such leaflets as those now undertaken. It is hoped that pro- 
 fessors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will welcome them for use 
 in. their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the societies of young 
 men and women now happily being organized in so many places for histori- 
 cal and political studies. Some idea of the character of these Old South 
 Leaflets may be gained from the following list of the subjects of the first 
 ninety-six numbers, which are now ready. It will be noticed that most of 
 the later numbers are the same as certain numbers in the annual series. 
 Since 1890 they are essentially the same, and persons ordering the Leaflets 
 need simply observe the following numbers. 
 
 No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
 Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's 
 Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 
 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Con- 
 necticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's 
 Inaugurals. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 
 12. The Federalist, Nos. I and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The 
 Constitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Gover- 
 nors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 
 1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage, 1524. 18. The Constitution of Swit- 
 zerland. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Men- 
 doza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel 
 among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Rise of the 
 Indian School at Lebanon, Conn., 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 162S. 
 
10 
 
 24. The Grand Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 
 26. The Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 
 28. Cromwell's First vSpeech to his Parliament. 29. The Discovery of 
 America, from the Pife of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 
 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, 
 fron^ the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and 
 Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First 
 Voyage and discovery. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
 Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death 
 of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early 
 Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. Henry Lee's Funeral Oration 
 on Washington. 39. De Vaca's Account of his Journey to New Mexico, 
 1535. 40. Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washing- 
 ton's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. 42. Garfield's Address on 
 the North-west Territory and the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers 
 Clark's Account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779. 44. Jefferson's Life 
 of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of 
 Fremont's Peak. 46. Father Marquette at Chicago. 1673. 47. Washing- 
 ton's Account of the Army at Cambridge, 1775. 48. Bradford's Memoir 
 of P-lder Brewster. 49. Bradford's First Dialogue. 50. Winthrop's " Con- 
 clusions for the Plantation in New England." 51. " New England's First 
 Fruits," 1643. 52. John Eliot's " Indian Grammar Begun." 53. John 
 Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation." 54. Letters of Roger Will- 
 iams to Winthrop. 55. Thomas Hooker's "Way of the Churches of New 
 England." 56. The Monroe Doctrine: President Monroe's Message of 
 1823. 57. The English Bible, selections from the various versions. 58. 
 Hooper's Letters to Bullinger. 59. Sir John Eliot's " Apology for Soc- 
 rates." 60. Ship-money Papers. 61. Pym's Speech against Strafford. 
 62. Cromwell's Second Speech. 63. Milton's " A Free Commonwealth." 
 64. Sir Henry Vane's Defence. 65. Washington's Addresser to the 
 Churches. 66. Winthrop's "Little Speech" on Liberty. 67. Cotton 
 Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the " Magnalia." 68. Governor 
 Hutchinson's Account of the Boston Tea Party. 69. Adrian Van der 
 Donck's Description of New Netherlands in 1655. 70. The Debate in the 
 Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress. 71. 
 Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, ^n his Second Voyage. 
 72. The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581. 73. Captain John 
 Knox's Account of the Battle of Quebec. 74. Hamilton's Report on the 
 Coinage. 75. William Penn's Elan for the Peace of Europe. 76. Wash- 
 ington's Words on a National University. 77. Cotton Mather's Lives 
 of Bradford and Winthrop. 78. The First Number of T/iC Libei ator. 
 79. Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of Garrison. 80. Theodore Parker's Ad- 
 dress on the Dangers from Slavery. 81. Whittier's Account of the Anti- 
 slavery Convention of 1S33. 82. Mrs. Stowe's Story of " Uncle Tom's 
 Cabin." 83. Sumner's Speech on the Crime against Kansas. 84. The 
 Words of John Brown. 85. The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate. 86. 
 Washington's Account of his Capture of Boston. 87. The Manners 
 and Customs of the Indians, from Morton's "New English Canaan." 
 88. The Beginning of King Philip's War, from Hubbard's History of 
 Philip's War, 1677. 89. Account of the Founding of St. Augustine, by 
 Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales. 90. Amerigo Vespucci's Ac- 
 count of his Third Voyage. 91. Champlain's Account of the P^ounding 
 of Quebec. 92. Barlowe's Account of the First Voyage to Roanoke. 
 
93. Parker's Account of the Settlement of Londonderry, N.H. 94. 
 Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River. 95. Pastorius's 
 Description of Pennsylvania, 1700. 96. Acrelius's Account of the 
 Founding of New vSweden. 
 
 The leaflets, which are sold at five cents a copy or four dollars per 
 hundred, are also furnished in bound volumes, each volume containing 
 twenty-five leaflets : Vol. i., Nos. 1-25 ; Vol. ii., 26-50 ; Vol. iii., 51-75. 
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 furnished to all purchasers of the leaflets who wish to bind them for 
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 cents a volume. Address DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston. 
 
 It is hoped that this list of Old South Lectures and Leaflets will meet 
 the needs of many clubs and classes engaged in the study of history, as 
 well as the needs of individual students, serving as a table of topics. The 
 subjects of the lectures in the various courses will be found to have a 
 logical sequence ; and the leaflets accompanying the several lectures can 
 be used profitably in connection, containing as they do full historical notes 
 and references to the best literature on the subjects of the lectures. 
 
5- 1904 
 
#ID .^outl) Iteaflet^ 
 
 No. 8q. 
 
 The Foundin 
 
 of 
 St. Augustine 
 
 Memoir of the Happy Result and Prosperous Voyage of the 
 Fleet commanded by the Illustrious Captain-general Pedro 
 Menendez de Aviles, which sailed from Cadiz on the Morn- 
 ing OF Thursday, June 28th, for the Coast of Florida, and 
 arrived there on the 28th of August, 1565. 
 
 13Y FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES, 
 
 Chaplain of the Expedition. 
 
 The Lord having granted us favorable weather from the first, 
 five days' saihng brought us in sight of the Lanzarote Islands 
 and Fuerte Ventura.^ The following Wednesday, July 5, 1565, 
 we reached the Canary Islands, which are two hundred and 
 fifty leagues from Cadiz, where we stopped three days to lay in 
 a supply of wood and water. 
 
 The following Sunday, July 8, our fleet, composed of eight 
 ships, under the direction of our general, left the Canary 
 Islands, and proceeded to the Island of Dominica, which 
 was to be conquered from the Caribhee Indians. Unfortu- 
 nately, the very evening we set sail, our first galley and a 
 patache became separated from us. For two days we coasted 
 up and down, hoping to rejoin them, but without any success ; 
 and our admiral, seeing that we should not be able to accom- 
 plish it, gave the order for us to sail directly to Dominica, 
 
 * Menendez set sail from Cadiz on the 29th June, 1565, with eleven ships, leaving the 
 smaller vessels of his fleet to follow. His whole force amounted to two thousand six hundred 
 and forty-six persons (in thirty-four vessels, one of which was the flag-ship San Pelayo, of 
 nine hundred and ninety-six tons), among which were twelve Franciscans, eight Jesuits, and 
 other ecclesiastics, and many Knights of Galicia, Biscay, and the Asturias. 
 
where we were to await them in case they had not arrived 
 before us. During this voyage a shallop, or boat, commanded 
 by Capt. Francesco Sanchez sprung aleak, and, as it got be- 
 yond the control of the crew, he asked assistance from us, but 
 it was impossible to give him any. The pilot wishing to con- 
 tinue to sail with the other vessels until they should aiMrive at 
 their destination, and have the leak repaired there, the captain 
 and a soldier had recourse ta their swords to oblige the pilot 
 to return to port, being fearful lest they should all be drowned. 
 The pilot declared himself unable to do this on account of the 
 rough weather, so they decided to make for the cape on the 
 south-west in order to reach the land as soon as possible. 
 Thus it happened that we were obliged to leave them, which 
 we did with deep regret and great anxiety as to what would 
 become of them. The five vessels which remained of our fleet 
 had a prosperous voyage the rest of the way, thanks to our 
 Lord and His blessed mother. Up to Friday, the 26th, we 
 had very fine w^eather, but at ten o'clock that day a violent 
 wind arose, which by tw^o in the afternoon had become the 
 most frightful hurricane one could imagine. The sea, which 
 rose to the very clouds, seemed about to swallow us up alive, 
 and such was the fear and apprehension of the pilot and other 
 sailors that I exerted myself to exhort my brethren and com- 
 panions to repentance. I represented to them the passion of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, His justice and His mercy, and with 
 so much success that I passed the night in confessing them. 
 
 Very often the sea washed completely over the deck where 
 we were gathered, one hundred and twenty men having no 
 other place to go, as there was only one between-decks, and 
 that was full of biscuit, wine, and other provisions. We were 
 in such great danger that it was found necessary to lighten the 
 vessel, and we threw a great many barrels of water into the 
 sea, as well as our cooking apparatus and seven millstones 
 which we were taking with us. Most of the reserve rigging 
 and the great ship's cable were cast overboard, and still the 
 waves continued to break over us. The admiral then resolved 
 to throw all the chests of the men into the sea, but the distress 
 of the soldiers was so great that I felt constrained to throw 
 myself at his feet and beg him not to do it. I reminded him 
 that we ought to trust to the ^reat mercy of our Lord, 
 and, like a true Christian, he showed confidence in God, and 
 spared the luggage. When Jesus Christ permitted the return 
 
of day, we looked at each other as at men raised from the 
 dead, and, though om- suspense during Saturday was no less 
 than that of the preceding night, light itself was a consolation 
 to us ; but when night, however, found us again still in the 
 same dangerous situation, we thought we must surely perish, 
 and during this whole night I preached to the crew, and ex- 
 horted them to put their trust in God. Sunday morning came, 
 and your Lordship can fancy how we rejoiced to see daylight 
 once more, although the storm continued unabated all day, 
 and until noon of the following Monday, when our Lord 
 deigned to have compassion and mercy on us, and calmed the 
 fury of the winds and waves. 
 
 When the tempest arose, our five vessels were sailing in com- 
 pany, but during the night the hurricane w^as so violent that 
 they were driven in different directions, and we lost sight of 
 one another for three days. Finally, one morning, we saw a 
 ship approaching which we recognized as one of our fleet, 
 although we had at first feared it was French, 
 
 We were all so tired, and our minds so confused by what we 
 had suffered, that the pilots lost all calculations of reckoning 
 as to what. was our proper course; but, inspired by the Holy 
 Ghost, they directed the men to steer W. S. W., and we came 
 in sight of the Island of Desirade. 
 
 On Sunday, August 5, the day of Notre Dame des Neiges, 
 just as we were approaching the island, we were assailed by a 
 heavy swell and a westerly gale which drove us back to the 
 Island of Dominica, inhabited by Caribbce Indians, where we 
 entered the harbor about nine o'clock in the evening. As 
 soon as we had cast anchor, the captain gave orders to lower 
 and arm the ship's boat, which the sailors manned, and, being 
 provided with jars, went ashore in search of water, of which 
 we were in the greatest need. An Italian domestic whom 
 I had went with them, and in the early morning, while search- 
 ing for water by a bright moonlight, he discovered at the foot 
 of a tree the largest and most frightful tortoise one could 
 imagine. At the first movement it made, they thought it was 
 a serpent or some other deadly animal, and cried to each other 
 to fly to the shore where their boat was ; but afterwards, as 
 there were six of them, they felt ashamed of their fears, and, 
 each taking an oar or a stick, they returned to where they had 
 first heard the sound, and, as I have said, discovered a tortoise. 
 Armed with their oars, they approached it and tried to turn it 
 
on its back. The animal fled towards the sea, but they were 
 at last successful in attacking it by one leg, and were able to 
 bring it on to the ship. It required six men next day to cut 
 it up. The creature was a female and contained more than 
 five hundred eggs, each about the size of a hen's egg, and 
 having a yolk and white, but quite round in shape. The meat, 
 especially when roasted, looks and tastes like veal. These tor- 
 toises live principally in the sea, although they go on shore to 
 sleep. When they are filled with eggs, as this one was, they 
 deposit them on the ground and cover them with earth, where 
 after a certain time the young hatch out, and then go into the 
 sea to live. On Tuesday morning the admiral fitted out the 
 boat, in which the sailors were to go in search of wood and 
 water, and told me that, if I wished, I might accompany them, 
 although he advised me to be very careful. Anxious to go 
 ashore, I did not stop to consider all the danger to which I 
 might be exposed. I called my Italian servant and directed 
 him to take a half dozen soiled shirts and some other linen, 
 and gave him a piece of soap with which to wash them when 
 we got on land, which he did very well. I had fifty jars filled 
 with excellent water, in the forest, and then sent off the 
 boat. While my servant and four other men were busy wash- 
 ing the clothing, I climbed upon some rocks on the seashore 
 and amused myself collecting shells, of which there were a 
 great number, when, on raising my eyes, I perceived three 
 entirely naked men descending a hill. As we were in an 
 enemy's country, I thought they must of course be Caribbces, 
 and ran as fast as I could to join my companions. Each 
 armed with a half dozen stones, we then went to meet the 
 men. Wlien we came within reach of their voices, we per- 
 ceived that they were some of our own people, which, consid- 
 ering the condition we thought ourselves in, gave me the 
 greatest pleasure. The explanation of this adventure is this : 
 only a certain number of us were permitted by the admiral to 
 go ashore, but the poor wretches who remained behind, having 
 also the greatest desire to land, five soldiers agreed to swim 
 after and join us. The. distance was greater than it appeared, 
 however, and, the current being very rapid, two out of the five 
 were drowned. The other three crossed the mountain to where 
 I was, and, as they w^ore no clothing, I thought it must be an 
 ambuscade of Caribbees. I had about a hundred Peru jars 
 filled with fresh water, and a large quantity of wood gathered. 
 
5 
 
 and at about four o'clock we returned to the ship. Just then 
 so fresh a breeze sprung up that at dayhght on Wednesday 
 we found ourselves at the Island of Monserrat, thirty-five 
 leagues from there. It is said that from the Canary Islands 
 to Dominica there are about eight hundred leagues sailing. 
 Farther on are a great many other islands which bear the 
 names of different saints, Guadaloupe and the Virgin Islands. 
 This group appears to be about two hundred leagues in circum- 
 ference, but the ground is very stony and uninhabitable. 
 
 II. 
 
 On Thursday, /Vugust 9, about noon, we came in sight of 
 Porto Rico, but at nightfall, the pilot being fearful lest we 
 should run aground on the sand-banks which surround the 
 island and its harbor, ordered all the sails to be brailed up. 
 Next morning, however, the breeze having stiffened a little, 
 we again set sail, and entered the port on Friday, St. Law- 
 rence's Day, at about three in the afternoon. On entering the 
 harbor, we discovered our first galley anchored there, with the 
 San Pelayo, which had become separated from us in a storm. 
 Loud cries of joy resounded on all sides, and we thanked the 
 Lord that He had permitted us to find each other again, but it 
 would be impossible for me to tell how it all happened. The 
 captains and ensigns came immediately to see us, and I regaled 
 them with some confectionery and other things which I had 
 brought with me. That same day I went ashore with the 
 admiral, and we visited the general, who received us hand- 
 somely and with great demonstrations of affection. In the 
 evening, seeing that I did not present myself at supper be- 
 cause he had not invited me, he sent for me. On the day 
 following he gave me quarters in a beautiful house, and cor- 
 dially invited me to dine with him, for which, of course, I 
 returned my thanks. We remained four days in port, during 
 most of which time it rained. On Wednesday, the 15th, about 
 ten o'clock, more than thirty men deserted and concealed them- 
 selves around the harbor, among Jhem three of the seven 
 priests who accompanied the expedition. It was impossible 
 to find them, dead or alive, which distressed the general very 
 much, and me, too, as it added greatly to my labors. At this 
 seaport I was offered a chaplaincy where I should have re- 
 ceived a peso for every mass said, and I should have had 
 
plenty to do all the year round, but I feared to accept, lest I 
 should be talked about as the others were, and then it is not 
 a city where one is likely to receive promotion ; and, besides, I 
 wanted to see if, by refusing a personal benefit for the love of 
 Jesus, He would not grant me a greater, since it is my desire 
 to serve our Lord and His blessed mother. The rich persons 
 in that country have made their money in cattle, some of the 
 wealthy land-owners having twenty to thirty thousand cows, 
 and others as many mares, each worth only about forty pesos 
 of base coin, or about one hundred and twenty Spanish reals. 
 The mares are not worth more, because they do not know 
 how to make use of them, unless occasionally to draw loads 
 or produce colts. As to the cattle, only their hides are profit- 
 able, each hide being worth eleven or twelve reals of that 
 country. I mention these things, because they wished to per- 
 suade me to remain in that city. Senor Valverde and I paid 
 eight reals for an azumbre of wine, and even at that price it 
 was not very good. We replenished our little stock of pro- 
 visions for the voyage across, with such things as excellent 
 salt meat, oranges, lemons, sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, and a 
 dozen beef's tongues, and salt ribs. We took these precau- 
 tions, because on our outward trip we had learned by experi- 
 ence what one is likely to suffer at sea. 
 
 It appears that the storm above described had injured also 
 our first galley, which, being near the shore when the hurri- 
 cane began, suffered so considerably that all the ship's com- 
 pany made their last confessions, and expected every minute 
 to be their last. K severe gust of wind snapped off their fore- 
 mast, and blew it overboard with the sail and rigging ; and, as 
 many of the ropes were fastened to the sheets, it caused the 
 ship to lean so that twice they saw their topmast dip under 
 the waves. At the same time parts of the top-sides were 
 broken, as well as the mainmast. The ship's company being 
 unable any longer to control the sails, and finding themselves 
 likely to perish, gave themselves up to the will of the waves, 
 until God, in His good mercy, permitted them to reach this 
 haven, where they repaired their disasters as best they could. 
 
 In the port of St. JoJm's of Porto Rico the general pur- 
 chased twenty-four horses and a ship to transport fifty men, 
 whom the King had commanded to be taken from this island. 
 The very day we set sail, this ship sprung aleak, and the 
 danger of foundering was so imminent that, in order to save 
 
the men, it became necessary to lighten her by throwing over- 
 board a large quantity of merchandise. Seeing that this pro- 
 duced but little effect, it became necessary also to throw over 
 the horses. Twenty-three were either lost in this way or died 
 during the voyage, so that but one arrived in Florida. The 
 same day the general sent a large ship to St. Domingo, with 
 orders to take on board the four hundred men who, by his 
 Majesty's orders, had been assembled there, and have them 
 join us with all haste. 
 
 Before our fleet left Spain, three caravels had been sent 
 out by his Majesty's directions, as despatch-boats, each at a 
 different time, to transmit to St. Domingo and to Hava?ia 
 his Majesty's orders in regard to what should be done on 
 our arrival. The second of these caravels took with her a 
 great many sealed despatches concerning arrangements to be 
 made, and a great many valuable objects. When she arrived 
 off Mona Island, which forms already a part of St. Domingo, 
 she was attacked, and compelled to surrender to a French 
 vessel, — one of those who were in our neighborhood. The 
 enemy boarded her, possessed themselves of all her papers, 
 read the plans for the conquest of Florida, took off all the 
 other things they saw fit to take, and then told the ship's com- 
 pany to go as fast as they could to St. Domingo to notify their 
 countrymen, but that they hoped to be there as soon as the 
 caravel ; and with this they left them. 
 
 On Friday, August 17, about four in the afternoon, we ar- 
 rived in sight of St. Domingo. Our general, trusting to good 
 luck and the mercy of God, instantly ordered the admiral's 
 ship to proceed northward, and pass through a very dangerous 
 channel, which no navigator had as yet explored. Although 
 the admiral, as well as all of us, was very much distressed by 
 this order, he could not do otherwise than obey the command- 
 ing general. At the time we entered the strait, the waves were 
 so high and the swell so strong we thought we were about to 
 perish, the danger being caused by the surge which w^e had to 
 brave, and yet resist. The admiral told me to encourage the 
 soldiers with some good prayers and exhortations, and they 
 did become calm, although during the whole night we were 
 exposed to this danger. 
 
 Saturday, the i8th, daylight having reappeared, we took 
 courage ; but, as we were sailing along, well out at sea, we all 
 at once saw breakers ahead. All the pilots hastened to throw 
 
8 
 
 their sounding-lines, and find out if it would do to proceed 
 in the course our manoeuvre demanded. In some places they 
 found four fathoms of water, and in others less. Two hours 
 before nightfall we discovered a low desert island, named 
 Aguana. Providence permitted us to come near these banks 
 and this island by daylight, so that we could see and avoid 
 their dangers ; for, had we approached them by night, we must 
 surely have perished. In consideration of the great danger 
 of our surroundings, and supposing that none of our pilots 
 were familiar with those parts, we resolved to reef our sails, 
 and not venture to proceed by night, lest we should be wrecked. 
 Sunday morning, the 19th, at daybreak, the first ship which set 
 sail was the flag-ship, on which I was, since the pilot on this 
 ship knew his duty perfectly. The first galley joined us, and 
 the general was spoken to, and told that we were pursuing a 
 bad course ; but he only reiterated the orders to the captains 
 and pilots to continue in the route which was laid out for 
 them. All obeyed, although very unhappy about the frightful 
 danger to which the constantly appearing breakers exposed 
 them. That day we perceived another low island, called 
 Capuana, uninhabited, like the other, and surrounded by dan- 
 gerous shoals and rocks. God permitted us to pass it by day, 
 and thus avoid its perils. At nightfall the. flag-ship and the 
 first galley approached each other, and the general had a long 
 interview with the admiral and his pilot, who explained to him 
 the uncertainty of their being able to continue their voyage 
 by this ro"te. Persistently obstinate, however, the general 
 directed the captain and pilot to navigate ahead of the first 
 galley,- to avoid the dangers of shallow waters. 
 
 During the following night all the ships, of which all the 
 officers and crews were dissatisfied to be navigating in un- 
 known waters, profited by the darkness to brail up their sails 
 and fall behind the first galley, in order that they might shield 
 themselves from danger, by keeping in her wake. 
 
 Monday, the 20th, found us all at anchor at break of day, 
 for the galley, like the rest, fearful of the shallow waters, had 
 cast anchor at midnight, and when it became quite light we 
 beheld another low, flat island right ahead of us. After pass- 
 ing this place, navigation became easier, so far as shoals were 
 concerned, for we met them less frequently, which was some- 
 what encouraging. Sunday morning a boat from the galley 
 came alongside of us with men to visit some of my friends. 
 
We learned from them that the (governor) general had made 
 eight new captains, with their ensigns, sergeants, etc., besides 
 tlie four who had accompanied us from Spain. Each company- 
 was to be composed of fifty men and a certain number of horse- 
 men to scout the country. Every one was well pleased to learn 
 this piece of news. 
 
 On the same day, about nine o'clock in the morning, the 
 admiral approached the galley to salute, according to custom, 
 when the general directed the captain to distribute arms to 
 all the soldiers and hold them in readiness for action. Reflect- 
 ing on the determination which he had shown in regard to 
 the navigation, I felt sure that the general knew perfectly 
 well what he was about, but did not wish to be communica- 
 tive. Your Lordship will remember that, when the fleet was 
 in preparation in Spain, I went to see the captain-general at 
 the harbor of SL Mary, and, as I told you, he showed me a 
 letter from his Royal Highness Philip II., signed with his name. 
 In this letter his Majesty told him that on May 20 some 
 ships had left France carrying seven hundred men and two 
 hundred women.* As I have stated, we learned at Sf. John's 
 of Porto Rico that our despatch-boat had been captured. This 
 fact, joined to the reflection that our fleet was much injured by 
 the storm, and that of the ten vessels which left Cadiz only 
 four remained, besides the one bought at the last port to trans- 
 port the horses and troops — all this made it evident to our 
 captain-general, a man of arms, that the French would likely 
 be waiting for him near the harbors, a little farther^on ; that is, 
 off Monte Christi, Havana, and the Cape of Las Canas, which 
 lie on the same side, and precisely on our route to Florida. 
 This was all the more to be expected sincj the French had 
 come in possession of our plan to unite our forces at Havana. 
 Not wishing, how^ever, to encounter the French, having now 
 lost our ships, and having but feeble means of defence, the 
 general decided to take a northerly course, and pursue a new 
 route, through the Bahama Channel, leaving the enemy to the 
 windward. When I suggested this route to the admiral and the 
 pilot, they said it was important and necessary to abandon the 
 usual route, by way of Havana. Following this dangerous 
 navigation, the Lord permitted the admiral to arrive safely in 
 
 *This is a mistake. There were but few families who accompanied this expedition 
 of RiBAULT to Florida, of which Menendez seemed to be well informed by the King of 
 Spain before he sailed with orders from the King to hang and behead all Lutherans (Hugue- 
 nots) whom he should find in Florida. 
 
lO 
 
 port on Sunday, the 20th of August. We saw two islands, 
 called the Bahama Islands. The shoals which lie between 
 them are so extensive that the billows are felt far out at sea. 
 The general gave orders to take soundings. The ship pur- 
 chased at Porto Rico got aground that day in two and a half 
 fathoms of water. At first, we feared she might stay there ; 
 but she soon got off and came to us. Our galley, one of the 
 best ships afloat, found herself all day in the same position, 
 when suddenly her keel struck three times violently against 
 the bottom. The sailors gave themselves up for lost, and the 
 water commenced to pour into her hold. But, as we had a 
 mission to fulfil for Jesus Christ and His blessed mother, two 
 heavy waves, which struck her abaft, set her afloat again, and 
 soon after we found her in deep water, and at midnight we 
 entered the Bahama C/ia?ineL 
 
 III. 
 
 On Saturday, the 25th, the captain-general (Menendez) 
 came to visit our vessel and get the ordnance for disembark- 
 ment at Florida. This ordnance consisted of two rampart 
 pieces, of two sorts of culverins, of very small calibre, powder 
 and balls ; and he also took two soldiers to take care of the 
 pieces. Having armed his vessel, he stopped and made us an 
 address, in which he instructed us what we had to do on arrival 
 at the place where the French were anchored. I will not 
 dwell on this subject, on which there was a good deal said for 
 and against, although the opinion of the general finally pre- 
 vailed. There were two thousand (hundred) Frenchmen in the 
 seaport into which we were to force an entrance. I made 
 some opposition to the plans, and begged the general to con- 
 sider that he had the care of a thousand souls, for which he 
 must give a good account. Then followed a fine address, which 
 I shall not repeat here, as it would make my report too long. 
 Please the Lord and the Blessed Virgin, I will, how^ever, re- 
 port it on my return. 
 
 On Monday, August 27, while we were near the entrance 
 to the Bahama Channel, God showed to us a miracle from 
 heaven. About nine o'clock in the evening a comet appeared, 
 which showed itself directly above. us, a little eastward, giving 
 so much light that it might have been taken for the sun. It 
 went towards the west, — that is, towards Florida, — and its 
 
II 
 
 brightness lasted long enough to repeat two O'edos. Accord- 
 ing to the sailors, this was a good omen. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 28th, we had a calm more dead than any- 
 thing we had yet experienced while at sea. Our vessel was 
 about one and a half leagues from the first galley and the 
 other vessels. We were all tired, and especially I, from pray- 
 ing to God to give us weather which should put an end to all 
 trials and disappointments. About two o'clock He had pity 
 on us, and sent so good a wind that we came under full sail 
 to rejoin the galley. One thing happened which I regard as 
 miraculous. While we were becalmed, and after we had joined 
 the other vessels, none of the pilots knew^ where we were, 
 some pretending we were as much as a hundred leagues from 
 Florida. However, thanks to God and the prayers of the 
 Blessed Virgin, we soon had the pleasure of seeing land. 
 We steered in that direction, anchored near a point of land, 
 and found ourselves actually in Florida,* and not very far dis- 
 tant from the enemy, which was for us an occasion of great 
 joy. That very evening our general assembled the pilots on 
 the galley to discuss what was to be done. Next day, the 
 29th, at daylight, the galley and all the other ships weighed 
 anchor, and coasted along in search of the enemy or a harbor 
 favorable for disembarking. 
 
 On Monday, the 30th of August, we were assailed by bad 
 weather, which obliged us to anchor. For four days contrary 
 winds continued to blow, or else it was so calm we could not 
 move, during all of which time we remained at anchor, about 
 a league and a half from the shore. The captain-general, 
 seeing that neither the pilots nor the two Frenchmen whom he 
 had taken prisoners, and who belonged to the French colony, 
 could give us any information in regard to the port ; and the 
 coast being so flat that we could only recognize a few objects, 
 the general, under these circumstances, decided to send 
 ashore fifty arquebusiers, with some captains. They built 
 fires in order to excite the curiosity of the Indians, and attract 
 them ; but they were so stupid that they paid no attention to 
 us, and none came to see us. Our people then decided to 
 penetrate the interior ; and after having gone four leagues, 
 they arrived at a village of Indians, who kindly received them, 
 
 *The Spanish fleet came in sight of land upon the same day, August 28 (called, in the 
 calendar of the Roman Catholic Church, St. Augustine), that the French fleet, under 
 RiBAULT, cast anchor at the mouth of the May, now called St. John'' s river, being within fifty 
 miles of each other. 
 
12 
 
 gave them food in abundance, embraced them, and then asked 
 them for some of their things, and the soldiers were generous 
 enough to make them a number of presents. In return the 
 natives gave them two pieces of gold, of low standard, but it 
 showed that they had some, and were in the habit of giving 
 it in exchange. The Frenchmen whom we had with us told us 
 they had been in communication with them for a long time. 
 The Indians wanted the soldiers to pass the night with them, 
 in order that they might feast them ; but the latter declined 
 their offers, being anxious to report the good news to our 
 captain-general. As soon as he had learned the news, he 
 resolved to disembark on Saturday morning, September ist, 
 and go among these Indians. He took with him a quantity 
 of linen, knives, mirrors, and other little things of that sort, to 
 gain their good will, and get some information as to where the 
 French were. One of the Frenchmen of whom I have spoken 
 understood their language. They told us we had left the 
 French about five leagues behind us, precisely at the same 
 spot to which God had conducted us when we arrived in sight 
 of land ; but we could not then find them, because we had not 
 sent any one ashore. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 4th, the fleet left the place of which I have 
 been speaking, and we took a northerly course, keeping all the 
 time close to the coast. On Wednesday, the 5th, two hours be- 
 fore sunset, we saw four French ships at the mouth of a river.* 
 When we were two leagues from them, the first galley joined 
 the rest of the fleet, which was composed of four other vessels. 
 The general concerted a plan with the captains and pilots, and 
 ordered the flag-ship, the Sa7i Pelayo, and a chaloupe to attack 
 the French flag-ship, the Trmity, while the' first galley and 
 another chaloupe would attack the French galley, both of which 
 vessels were very large and powerful. All the ships of our 
 fleet put themselves in good position ; the troops were in the 
 best of spirits, and full of confidence in the great talents of the 
 captain-general. They followed the galley ; but, as our general 
 is a very clever and artful officer, he did not fire, nor seek to 
 make any attack on the enemy. He went straight to the 
 French galley, and cast anchor about eight paces from her. 
 The other vessels went to the windward, and very near the 
 
 *The French expedition commanded by Ribaui.t, consisting of seven sail and five hun- 
 dred men and some families of artisans, arrived on the coast of Florida and entered the river 
 May{St.Joh7is)orvX\\Qi()\\\ August, 1565, four of which vessels were lying outside of the 
 bar, disembarking the emigrants, when Menendez arrived. 
 
13 
 
 enemy. During the manoeuvres, which lasted until about two 
 hours after sunset, not a word was said on either side. Never 
 in my Ufe have I known such stillness. Our general inquired of 
 the French galley, which was the vessel nearest his, '' Whence 
 does this fleet come ? " They answered, " From France." 
 " What are you doing here ? " said the Adelantado. " This is 
 the territory of King Philip II. I order you to leave directly ; 
 for I neither know who you are nor what you want here." 
 The French commander then replied, " I am bringing soldiers 
 and supplies to the fort of the King of France." He then 
 asked the name of the general" of our fleet, and was told, 
 '' Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Captain-general of the King 
 of Spain, who have come to hang all Lutherans I find here." 
 Our general then asked him the name of his commander, and 
 he replied, " Lord Gasto." While this parleying was going on, 
 a long-boat was sent from the galley to the flag- ship. The 
 person charged with this errand managed to do it so secretly 
 that we could not hear what was said ; but we understood the 
 reply of the French to be, " I am the admiral," which made 
 us think he wished to surrender, as they were in so small a 
 force. Scarcely had the French made this reply, when they 
 slipped their cables, spread their sails, and passed through 
 our midst. Our admiral, seeing this, followed the French com- 
 mander,"* and called upon him to lower his sails, in the name 
 of King Philip, to which he received an impertinent answer. 
 Immediately our admiral gave an order to discharge a small 
 culverin, the ball from which struck the vessel amidships, and 
 I thought she was going to founder. We gave chase, and 
 some time after he again called on them to lower their sails. 
 " I would sooner die first than surrender ! " replied the French 
 commander. The order was given to fire a second shot, which 
 carried off five or six men ; but, as these miserable devils are 
 very good sailors, they manoeuvred so well that we could not 
 take one of them ; and, notwithstanding all the guns we fired at 
 them, we did not sink one of their ships- We only got posses- 
 sion of one of their large boats, which was of great service to 
 us afterwards. During the whole night our flag-ship (the San 
 Pelayo) and the galley chased the French flag-ship {Trinity!) 
 and galley. 
 
 Wednesday morning, September 5th, at sunrise, so great a 
 
 * RiBAULT had at this time gone to pay a visit to Laudonniere, at Fort Carolin, on the 
 river May {St. Johfi's). 
 
14 
 
 storm arose that we feared we should be shipwrecked ; and, as 
 our vessels were so small, we did not dare to remain on the 
 open sea, and regained the shore ; that is, three of our vessels 
 anchored at about a league and a half from it. We had 
 double moorings, but the wind was so strong that one of them 
 broke loose. We prayed the Lord to spare the others, for we 
 could not have prevented them from being driven on to the 
 coast and lost. As our galley was a large vessel, and busy 
 following up the enemy, she could not come to our assistance. 
 So we felt ourselves in danger of being attacked. The same 
 evening, about sunset, we perceived a sail afar off, which we 
 supposed was one of our galleys, and which was a great sub- 
 ject of rejoicing ; but, as the ship approached, we discovered it 
 was the French flag-ship (Trinity),* which we had fired at the 
 night before. At first we thought she was going to attack us ; 
 but she did not dare to do it, and anchored between us and 
 the shore, about a league from us. That night the pilots of 
 our other ships came on board, to consult with the Admiral as 
 to what was to be done. The next morning, being fully per- 
 suaded that the storm had made a wreck of our galley, or that, 
 at least, she had been driven a hundred leagues out to sea, we 
 decided that so soon as daylight came we would weigh anchor, 
 and withdraw in good order, to a river {Se/oy'\) which was 
 below the French colony, and there disembark, and construct 
 a fort, which we would defend until assistance came to us. 
 
 IV. 
 
 On Thursday, just as day appeared, we sailed towards 
 the vessel at anchor, passed very close to her, and would cer- 
 tainly have captured her, when we saw another vessel appear 
 on the open sea, which we thought was one of ours. At the 
 
 * Distrusting the intentions of the Spaniards, one of the French fleet put to sea, and 
 sailed to the southward, and came to anchor opposite the river Seloy, called by the French 
 " Dolpkvi,''^ where they saw the Spaniards land their troops and pro\'isions. 
 
 t This was the first landing made by Laudonniere, in 1564, which he named the river 
 " Dolphin." The two arms of the river running to the north and south are the North River 
 and the Matanzas. The old town of St. A ugnstine was built here ; also the first Roman 
 Catholic church and monaster^' on the Atlantic coast of North America; and Philip II. was 
 proclaimed monarch of all North America. St. Augustine is the oldest town in the United 
 States. " Its origin," says Bancroft, " should be carefully remembered, for it is a fixed point 
 from which to measure the liberal influence of time, the progress of modern civilization, the 
 victories of the American mind in its contests for the interests of humanity." The French 
 government heard with apathy of the massacre of the French colony, which, if it had been 
 protected, would have given to France a flourishing empire in the South before England had 
 planted a single spot on the new continent. 
 
same moment, however, we thought we recognized the French 
 admiral's ship. We perceived the ship on the open sea : it 
 was the French galley of which w^e had been in pursuit. Find- 
 ing ourselves between these two vessels, we decided to direct 
 our course towards the galley, for the sake of deceiving them 
 and preventing them from attacking us, so as not to give them 
 any time to wait. This bold manoeuvre having succeeded, we 
 sought the river Seloy and port, of which I have spoken, where 
 we had the good fortune to find our galley, and another vessel 
 which had planned the same thing we had. Two companies of 
 infantry now disembarked : that of Captain Andres Soyez Fa- 
 ting, and that of Captain Juan de San Vincente, who is a 
 very distinguished gentleman. They were well received by the 
 Indians, w^ho gave them a large house belonging to a chief, 
 and situated near the shore of a river. Immediately Captain 
 Patino and Captain San Vincente, both men of talent and 
 energy, ordered an intrenchment to be built around this house, 
 with a slope of earth and fascines, these being the only means 
 of defence possible in that country, where stones are nowhere 
 to be found. Up to to-day we have disembarked twenty- 
 four pieces of bronze guns of different calibres, of which the 
 least weighed fifteen hundred weight. Our fort is at a distance 
 of about fifteen leagues from that of the enemy {Fort Carotin). 
 The energy a?id ta/ents of those two brave captai^is, joined to the 
 efforts of their brave soldiers, who had no tools with which to 
 work the earth, accomplished the co7istruction of this fortress of 
 defetice ; and, when the general disembarked, he zvas quite sur- 
 prised with what had been done. 
 
 On Saturday, the 8th, the general landed with many ban- 
 ners spread, to the sound of trumpets and salutes of artil- 
 lery. As I had gone ashore the evening before, I took a 
 cross and went to meet him, singing the hymn Te Deum 
 laudamus. The general marched up to the cross, followed 
 by all who accompanied him, and there they all kneeled and 
 embraced the cross. A large number of Indians watched 
 these proceedings and imitated all they saw done. The same 
 day the general took formal possession of the coimtry in the name 
 of his Majesty, and all the captains took the oath of allegiance 
 to hi?n, as their general atid governor of the country. When 
 this ceremony was ended, he offered to do everything in 
 his power for them, especially for Captain Patino, who 
 during the whole voyage had ardently served the cause of 
 
i6 
 
 God and of the King, and, I think, will be rewarded for 
 his assiduity and talents in constructing a fort in which to 
 defend ourselves until the arrival of help from S^. Domingo 
 and Havana. The French number about as many as we do, 
 and perhaps more. My advice to the general was not to attack 
 the enemy, but to let the troops rest all winter and wait for the 
 assistance daily expected ; and then we may hope to make a 
 successful attack. 
 
 God and the holy Virgin have performed another great 
 miracle in our favor. The day after our general came into 
 the fort, he told us he was very much annoyed that his galley 
 and another vessel were anchored about a league out at sea, 
 and were not able to enter the harbor on account of the 
 sandbanks. He felt uneasy, and feared the French would 
 capture or ill-treat them. As soon as this idea took posses- 
 sion of him, he left with about fifty men, to go on board an- 
 other galley. He gave the order for three of the ship's boats, 
 which were anchored in the river, to go and get the food and 
 troops from on board the galley. The next day our ship went 
 to sea loaded with provisions, and one hundred men besides, 
 and, when about half a league from the bar, it became so be- 
 calmed that it could not advance at all. So they cast anchor, 
 and passed the' night in that place. The next morning, as the 
 tide rose, they weighed anchor, and, as daylight advanced, they 
 found themselves astern of two French vessels that had been 
 watching them. The enemy prepared immediately to attack^ 
 us ; but, when our people recognized the French, they addressed 
 a prayer to Our Lady of Utrera, begging for her to send a 
 little wind, for the French were already quite close upon us. 
 One would have said that the spirit of Our Lady immediately 
 descended upon our ship, for the wind freshened, blowing 
 directly towards the channel, so that our galley could take 
 refuge. The French soon followed us ; but, as the water is 
 very shallow on the bar, their large ships could not pass over, 
 and our people and provisions got safely into port. L'nder 
 these circumstances, God granted us two great favors. The first 
 was that on the same evening, after we had landed our troops 
 and provisions, the two vessels sailed away at midnight with- 
 out being seen by the enemy. One went to Spain, and the 
 other to Havana, so that neither was captured. The second 
 favor, and that by which God rendered us a still greater ser- 
 vice, happened the next day. A great hurricane came up, 
 
17 
 
 and was so severe that, I think, almost all of the French ves- 
 sels must have been lost ; for they were assailed on the most 
 dangerous part of the coast. Our general was very bold in 
 all military matters, and a great enemy of the French. He 
 immediately assembled his captains and planned an expe- 
 dition to attack the French settlement and fort on the 
 river with five hundred men ; and, in spite of the opinion of 
 a majority of them, and of my judgment and of another priest, 
 he ordered his plan to be carried out. Accordingly, on Mon- 
 day, September 17, he set out with five hundred men, well 
 provided with fire-arms and pikes, each soldier carrying with 
 him a sack of bread and supply of wine for the journey. They 
 also took with them two Indian chiefs, who were the implacable 
 enemies of the French, to serve as guides. 
 
 In a letter received from the captain-general to-day, the 
 19th, he wrote me " that the very shallowest of the streams 
 which they forded reached up to the knees ; that he has passed 
 through very dense forests, and to-morrow, the 20th (Thurs- 
 day), he hoped to attack the enemy's fort at daybreak.'' His 
 courage and great zeal make me hope that he will succeed ; 
 but he ought to have been a little less eager to carry out his 
 projects, which would really have more advanced the service 
 of his Majesty. Since the departure of the troops, we have 
 suffered the worst weather and the most horrible tempests that 
 I ever saw. May his Divine Majesty be with and protect us, 
 ^for Heaven knows we have need of it. Yesterday evening, 
 Wednesday, the 19th, we sent from the fort twenty men laden 
 with provisions, — bread, wine, and cheese, — but the rain has 
 fallen in such abundance that I am not sure they have been 
 able to join the general and his army. I hope God, however, 
 will do all he can for us, which will enable us to propagate 
 his religion, and destroy the heretics. 
 
 V. 
 
 This morning, Saturday, the 2 2d, just after I had finished 
 the mass of Our Lady, the admiral, at our request, sent some 
 soldiers to fish, that we priests might have something to eat, 
 it being a fast-day. Just as they had arrived at the place for 
 fishing, and were going- to throw out their nets, they perceived 
 a man advancing towards them. He unfurled a white flag, 
 which is a sign of peace, when our men surrounded and capt- 
 
urecl him. He proved to be a Frenchman, one of our ene- 
 mies, so they made him a prisoner, and brought him to our 
 admiral. The man, thinking we were going to hang him, shed 
 tears, and appeared to be in great distress. I asked him if he 
 were a Catholic, and he told me he was, and recited some 
 prayers. So I consoled him, and told him not to fear anything, 
 but to answer all questions put to him with frankness, which 
 he promised me to do. He said there were about seven hun- 
 dred inen in the fort {CaroHn, on the river May), of which 
 one-third were Lutherans, and two priests, who preached the 
 Lutheran doctrines, and in camp eight or ten Spaniards, 
 three of whom were found among the Indians, quite naked, 
 and painted like the natives, who had been wrecked on the 
 coast ; and, as no vessel had come into the country for a long 
 time, they had remained with the Indians, some of whom had 
 joined the French, whose fleet had arrived twenty days before. 
 
 On Monday, September 24th, about nine o'clock in the 
 morning, the admiral came into port with his frigate, and, as 
 soon as I recognized him, I had the bells rung and great 
 rejoicings made in the camp. 
 
 An hour after he arrived, we saw a man approaching with 
 loud cries. I was the first to run to him and get the news. 
 He embraced me with transport, crying, "Victory! victory I 
 the French fort (Caroliii) is ours ! " I promised him the gift 
 due to the bearer of good news, and have given him the best I 
 was able to give. I have related how our brave general was 
 determined, in spite of the opinions of many of his officers, to 
 attack the French by land with five hundred men ; but, as the 
 enterprise we are engaged in is for the cause of Jesus Christ 
 and His Blessed Mother, the Holy Spirit has enlightened the 
 understanding of our chief, so that everything has turned to 
 our advantage, and resulted in a great victory. He has shown 
 an ability and an energy unequalled by any prince in the world. 
 He has been willing to sacrifice himself, and has been sus- 
 tained by his captains and his soldiers, whom he has encour- 
 aged by his valor and his words more than by any distribution 
 of rewards or other inducements, so that every soldier has 
 fought like a Roman. 
 
 I have previously stated that our brave captain-general set 
 out on the 17th of September with five hundred arquebusiers 
 and pikemen, under the guidance of two Indian chiefs, who 
 showed them the route to the enemy's fort. They marched 
 
19 
 
 the whole distance until Tuesday evening, the iSth of Sep- 
 tember, 1565, when they arrived within a quarter of a league 
 of the enemy's fort {CaroU?i)^ where they remained all night 
 up to their waists in water. When daylight came, Captains 
 Lopez, Patino, and Martin Ochoa had already been to ex- 
 amine the fort, but, when they went to attack the fort, a greater 
 part of the soldiers were so confused they scarcely knew what 
 they were about. 
 
 On Thursday morning our good captain-general, accom- 
 panied by his son-in-law, Don Pedro de Valdes and Captain 
 Patino, went to inspect the fort. He showed so much vivac- 
 ity that he did not seem to have suffered by any of the hard- 
 ships to which he had been exposed, and, seeing him march off 
 so brisk, the others took courage, and without exception followed 
 his example. It appears the enemy did not perceive their ap- 
 proach until the very moment of the attack, as it was very early 
 in the morning and had rained in torrents. The greater part 
 of the soldiers of" the fort were still in bed. Some arose in 
 their shirts, and others, quite naked, begged for quarter ; but, 
 in spite of that, more than one hundred and forty were killed. 
 A great Lutheran cosmographer and magician was found 
 among the dead. The rest, numbering about three hundred, 
 scaled the walls, and either took refuge in the forest or on 
 their ships floating in the river, laden with treasures, so that 
 in an hour's time the fort was in our possession, without our 
 having lost a single man, or even had one wounded. There 
 were six vessels on the river at the time. They took one brig, 
 and an unfinished galley and another vessel, which had been 
 just discharged of a load of rich merchandise, and sunk. 
 These vessels were placed at the entrance to the bar to block- 
 ade the harbor, as they expected we would come by sea. An- 
 other, laden with wine and merchandise, was near the port. 
 She refused to surrender, and spread her sails, when they fired 
 on her from the fort, and sunk her in a spot where neither the 
 vessel nor cargo will be lost. The taking of this fort gained 
 us many valuable objects, namely, two hundred pikes, a hun- 
 dred and twenty helmets, a quantity of arquebuses and shields, 
 a quantity of clothing, linen, fine cloths, two hundred tons of 
 flour, a good many barrels of biscuit, two hundred bushels of 
 wheat, three horses, four asses, and two she-asses, hogs, tallow, 
 books, furnace, flour-mill, and many other things of Uttle value. 
 But the greatest advantage of this victory is certainly the tri- 
 
20 
 
 umph which our Lord has granted us, and which will be the 
 means of the holy Gospel being introduced into this country, a 
 thing necessary to prevent the loss of many souls. 
 
 On Monday, the 24th September, 1565, at the vesper hour, 
 our captain-general arrived with fifty foot-soldiers. He w^as 
 very tired, as well as those who accompanied him. As soon as 
 I learned that he was coming, I ran to my room, put on a new cas- 
 sock, the best I possessed, and a surplice ; and, taking a crucifix 
 in my hand, I went a certain distance to receive him before he 
 arrived in port ; and he, like a gentleman and a Christian, knelt, 
 as well as all those who came with him, and returned a thousand 
 thanks for the great favors he had received from God. My 
 companions and I walked ahead in a procession, singing the 
 Te Deiwi laudamus, so that our meeting was one of the greatest 
 joy. Our general's zeal for Christianity is so great that all his 
 troubles are but repose for his mind. 1 am sure that no merely 
 human strength could have supported all that he has suffered ; 
 but the ardent desire which he has to serve our Lord in de- 
 stroying the Lutheran heretics, the enemies of our holy Catholic 
 religion, causes him to be less sensible of the ills he endured. 
 
 On Friday, the 28th September, and while the captain- 
 general was asleep, resting after all the fatigues he had passed 
 through, some Indians came to the camp, and made us un- 
 derstand, by signs, that on the coast towards the south there 
 was a French vessel which had been wrecked. Immediately 
 our general directed the admiral to arm a boat, take fifty men, 
 and go down the river to the sea, to find out what was the 
 matter. About two o'clock the captain-general sent for me, 
 and as he is very earnest, especially about this expedition, he 
 said, " Mendoza, it seems to me I have not done right in 
 separating myself from those troops." I answered, " Your 
 Lordship has done perfectly right ; and, if you wanted to un- 
 dertake a new course, I and your other servants would oppose 
 it, and shield you from the personal dangers to which you 
 would be exposed." And, notwithstanding I sought to gain 
 him over by such speeches, he would not abandon his project, 
 but told me, in a decided tone, that he wished to set out, and 
 that he commanded me and the captains who remained at the 
 port to accompany him. He said there should be in all twelve 
 men to go in the boat, and two of them Indians, who w^ould 
 serve as guides. We set off immediately to descend the river 
 to the sea, in search of the enemy ; and, to get there, we had to 
 
21 
 
 march more than two leagues through plains covered with brush, 
 often up to our knees in water, our brave general always leading 
 the march. When we had reached the sea, we went about three 
 leagues along the coast in search of our comrades. It was about 
 ten o'clock at night when we met them, and there was a mutual 
 rejoicing at having found each other. Not far off we saw the 
 camp fires of our enemies, and our general ordered two of our 
 soldiers to go and reconnoitre them, concealing themselves in 
 the bushes, and to observe well the ground where they were 
 encamped, so as to know what could be done. About two 
 o'clock the men returned, saying that the enemy was on the 
 other side of the river, and that we could not get at them. Im- 
 mediately the general ordered two soldiers and four sailors to 
 return to where we had left the boats, and bring them down 
 the river, so that we might pass over to where the enemy was. 
 Then he marched his troops forward to the river, and we ar- 
 rived before daylight. We concealed ourselves in a hollow 
 between the sand-hills, with the Indians who were with us ; 
 and, when it became light, we saw a great many of the enemy 
 go down to the river to get shell-fish for food. Soon after we 
 saw a flag hoisted, as a war-signal. Our general, who was 
 observing all that, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, said to us, 
 " I intend to change these clothes for those of a sailor, and 
 take a Frenchman with me (one of those whom we had brought 
 with us from Spain), and we will go and talk with these French- 
 men. Perhaps they are without supplies, and would be glad to 
 surrender without fighting." He had scarcely finished speak- 
 ing before he put his plan into execution. As soon as he had 
 called to them, one of them swam towards and spoke to him ; 
 told him of their having been shipwrecked, and the distress 
 they were in ; that they had not eaten bread for eight or ten 
 days ; and, what is more, stated that all, or at least the greater 
 part of them, were Lutherans. Immediately the general sent 
 him back to his countrymen, to say they must surrender, and 
 give up their arms, or he would put them all to death. A 
 French gentleman, who was a sergeant, brought back the 
 reply that they would surrender on condition their lives 
 should be spared. After having parleyed a long time, our 
 brave captain-general answered " that he 7vould make no 
 pro7?iises, that they 7nust siwrender unconditmially^ and lay 
 down their arms, because^ if he spared their lives, he wanted 
 them to be grateful for it, and, if they 7uere put to death, that 
 
22 
 
 there sJiouId be no eause for complaint y Seeing that there was 
 nothing else left for them to do, the sergeant returned to the 
 camp ; and soon after he brought all their arms and flags, and 
 gave them up to the general, and surrendered unconditionally. 
 Finding they were all Lutherans, the captain-general ordered 
 them all to be put to death ; but, as I was a priest, and had 
 bowels of mercy, I begged him to grant me the favor of sparing 
 those whom we might find to be Christians. He granted it ; 
 and I made investigations, and found ten or twelve of the men 
 Roman Catholics, whom we brought back. All the others 
 were executed, because they were Lutherans and enemies of 
 our Holy Catholic faith. All this took place on Saturday (St. 
 Michael's Day), September 29, 1565. 
 
 I, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, Chaplain of 
 His Lordship, certify that the foregoing is a statement of what 
 actually happened. 
 
 FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES. 
 
 Translation of a Letter from Pope Pius V. to 
 Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles. 
 
 To our beloved son and nobleman, Pedro Menendez de 
 Aviles, Viceroy in the Province of Florida, in the Indies : — 
 Beloved son and nobleman, grace and benediction of our Lord 
 be with you. Amen. 
 
 We greatly rejoice that our much-beloved, dear son in 
 Christ, Philip II., the Most Catholic King, had appointed and 
 honored you by the government of Florida, making you Ade- 
 lantado of the country ; for we had received such accounts of 
 your person, and the excellencies of your virtues, your worth, 
 and dignity were so satisfactorily spoken of, that we believed, 
 without doubt, that you would not only fulfil faithfully, and 
 wath care and diligence, the orders and instructions which had 
 been delivered to you by so Catholic a King, but we also fully 
 trusted that you would, with discretion, do all that was 
 requisite, and see carried forward the extension of our Holy 
 Catholic faith, and the gaining of souls for God. I would that 
 you should well understand that the Indians shall be governed 
 
23 
 
 in good faith and prudently, that those who may be weak in 
 the faith, being newly converted, be strengthened and con- 
 firmed, and the idolaters may be converted and receive the 
 faith of Christ ; that the first may praise God, knowing the 
 benefits of His divine mercy, and the others, who are yet 
 infidels, by the example and imitation of those who are already 
 freed from blindness, may be led to the knowledge of the 
 faith. 
 
 But there is one thing more important for the conversion 
 of the Indian idolaters, which is to endeavor, by every means, 
 that they shall not be scandalized by the vices and bad habits 
 of those who pass from our western shores to those parts. 
 This is the key of this holy enterprise, in which are included 
 all things requisite. Well understand, most noble man, that I 
 declare to you that a great opportunity is offered to you in 
 the carrying-out and management of these matters, which shall 
 redound, on the one hand, to the service of God, and, on the 
 other, to the increase of the dignity of your King, esteemed of 
 men as well as loved and rewarded by God. 
 
 Wherefore, we give you our paternal and Apostolical bene- 
 diction. We seek and charge you to give entire faith to our 
 brother, the Archbishop of Rossini, who, in our name, will 
 signify our wishes in more ample words. 
 
 Given in Rofne, at St. Peter's, with the ring of the Fisher- 
 man, the first of August, 1569, the third year of our Pontifi- 
 cate. 
 
 The second volume of the " Narrative and Critical History of America," edited by Justin 
 Winsor, is entirely devoted to Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the 
 Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century. And this is the greatest magazine of information upon 
 the subject which exists. Columbus and his Discoveries, Amerigo Vespucci, The Com- 
 panions of Columbus, Ancient Florida, Las Casas and the Relations of the Spaniards to the 
 Indians, Cortes and his Companions, Early Explorations of New Mexico, Pizarro and the 
 Conquest and Settlement of Peru and Chili, and Magellan's Discovery, — all these chapters 
 in the history of Spain in America are most thoroughly covered; and every chapter is supple- 
 mented by the exhaustive bibliographical notes, in the preparation of which Mr. Winsor was 
 such a master. There is nothing of importance relating to Spanish exploration and settle- 
 ment in the New World of which the student cannot here leani. 
 
 Many of the Old South Leaflets already published illustrate various epochs of Spanish- 
 American history. Three leaflets have to do with Columbus : No. 29. The Discovery of 
 America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus; 33. Columbus's 
 Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First Voyage and Discovery; and 71. Columbus's 
 IMemorial to Ferdinand and Isabella. No. 34 is Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
 Voyage; 35, Cortes's Account of the City of ]\Iexico; 39, Cabeza de Vaca's Account of his 
 Journey from the (iulf of Mexico to New Mexico in 1535; 20, Coronado's Letter to Men- 
 doza, 1540; and, 36, The Death of De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 
 
24 
 
 Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Cirajales, whose account of the expedition under Menendez 
 wliich founded St. Augustine in 1565 is given in the present leaflet, was the chaplain of the 
 expedition, and, therefore, himself a sharer in the settlement of that oldest town in tlie United 
 States. It is the only one of the original Spanish accounts of which there is an Knglish ver- 
 sion; and this is reprocUiced here from French's " Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
 Florida," ii. Menendez himself wrote despatches to the king, Philip IL, and these are 
 preserved in the archives at Seville; and there are other Spanish accounts, of which the 
 student can learn in Mr. Winsor's notes. He can also there and in the introduction to Park- 
 man's " Huguenots in Florida," learn of the various French accounts of the conflicts be- 
 tween the Spanish and French in Florida to which this account of Mendoza's refers and of 
 C.ourgues's terrible vengeance upon the Spaniards at St. Augustine in 1568. Ribault's 
 account of his voyage to Florida in 1562 was printed at London, in English, in 1565, and re- 
 printed by Hakruyt in 1582 in his " Divers Voyages." This also is included in French's 
 " Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," ii. 
 
 The chapter upon Ancient Florida, by John Gilmary Shea, in the " Narrative and Criti- 
 ical History of America," gives a full account of the various Spanish expeditions to Florida 
 and the region about the Gulf of Mexico in the sixteenth century, under Ponce de Leon, 
 Narvaez, De Soto, and others, culminating in the expedition under Menendez in 1565, to 
 which the present leaflet relates. When Menendez arrived in Florida, it was to find a colony 
 of French Huguenots there before him, already three years in occupancy; and the conflicts 
 between the two parties during the next three years constitute one of the bloodiest chapters 
 in American liistory. Where Menendez hanged his Protestant prisoners, "not as Frenchmen, 
 but as heretics," Gourgues presently hanged the Spaniards, "not as Spaniards, but as 
 traitors, robbers, and murderers." " Spaniards and Frenchmen alike," says Parkman, " laid 
 their reeking swords on God's altar." Parkman's own account of this terrible St. Augustine 
 episode, " Huguenots in Florida," forms the first part of his " Pioneers of France in the New 
 World''; audit is the best account which exists. Spain still maintained herself at St. Au- 
 gustine ; but presently, two years before the Armada, the town was utterly destroyed by 
 Sir Francis Drake, — a prophecy of the power which was ultimately to be supreme in Florida 
 and America. The subsequent fortunes of St. Augustine may be followed hi Fairbanks's ad- 
 mirable history of the ancient town. 
 
<©lti M>outi\ %canct0 
 
 No. 
 
 Amerigo Ves- 
 pucci's Account 
 of his Third 
 Voyage. 
 
 From his Letter to Pier Soderini, Gonfolonier of the Rbpub- 
 Lic OF Florence. 
 
 Being afterwards in Seville, resting from so many labors 
 that I had endured during these two voyages, and intend- 
 ing to return to the land of pearls. Fortune showed that she 
 was not content with these my labors, I know not how 
 there came into the thoughts of the Most Serene King Don 
 Manuel of Portugal the wish to have my services. But 
 being at Seville, without any thought of going to Portugal, a 
 messenger came to me with a letter from the Royal Crown, in 
 which I was asked to come to Lisbon, to confer with his 
 Highness, who promised to show me favor. I was not in- 
 clined to go, and I despatched the messenger with a reply that 
 I was not well, but that, when I had recovered, if his Highness 
 still wished for my services, I would come as soon as he might 
 send for me. Seeing that he could not have me, he arranged 
 to send Giuliano di Bartholomeo di Giocondo for me, he being 
 in Lisbon, with instructions that, come what might, he should 
 bring me. The said Giuliano came to Seville, and prayed so 
 hard that I was forced to go. My departure was taken ill by 
 many who knew me, for I left Castile where honor was done 
 me, and where the King held me in good esteem. It was 
 worse that I went without bidding farewell to my host. 
 
 When I was presented to that King, he showed his satisfac- 
 tion that I had come, and asked me to go in company with 
 three of his ships that were ready to depart for the discovery of 
 new lands. As the request of a king is a command, I had to 
 
consent to whatever he asked; and we sailed from this port of 
 Lisbon with three ships on the loth of March, 1501, shaping 
 our course direct for the island of Grand Canary. We passed 
 without sighting it, and continued along the west coast of 
 Africa. On this coast we made our fishery of a sort of fish 
 called /^7/r///. We remained three days, and then came to a 
 port on the coast of Ethiopia called Besec/iiece* which is within 
 the Torrid Zone, the North Pole rising above it 14° 30', situ- 
 ated in the first climate. Here we remained two days, taking 
 in wood and water ; for my intention was to shape a course 
 towards the south in the Atlantic Gulf. We departed from 
 this port of Ethiopia, and steered to the south-west, taking a 
 quarter point to the south t until, after sixty-seven days, we 
 camfe in sight of land, which was 700 leagues from the said 
 port to the south-west. $ In those sixty-seven days we had the 
 worst time that man ever endured who navigated the seas, 
 owing to the rains, perturbations, and storms that we encoun- 
 tered. The season was very contrary to us, by reason of the 
 course of our navigation being continually in contact with the 
 equinoctial line, where, in the month of June, it is winter. We 
 found that the day and the night were equal, and that the 
 shadow was always towards the south. 
 
 It pleased God to show us a new land on the 17th of Au- 
 gust, and we anchored at a distance of half a league, and got 
 our boats out. We then went to see the land, whether it was in- 
 habited, and what it was like. We found that it was inhabited 
 by people who were worse than animals. But your Magnifi- 
 cence must understand that we did not see them at first, though 
 we were convinced that the country was inhabited, by many 
 signs observed by us. We took possession for that Most Serene 
 King, and found the land to be very pleasant and fertile, and 
 of good appearance. It was 5° to the south of the equinoctial 
 line. We went back to the ships ; and, as we were in great 
 want of wood and water, we determined, next day, to return to 
 the shore, with the object of obtaining what we wanted. Being 
 on shore, we saw some people at the top of a hill, who were 
 looking at us, but without showing any intention of coming 
 down. They were naked, and of the same color and form as 
 the others w^e had seen. \\q tried to induce them to come 
 and speak with us, but did not succeed, as they would not 
 
 ^ Beze quiche, now Goree. Bises^Jiier in the Medici letter. Besilieca in the Latin ed. 
 tS.W. IS. iC. S. Roque. 
 
trust us. Seeing their obstinacy, and it being late, we re- 
 turned on board, leaving many bells and mirrors on shore, and 
 other things in their sight. As soon as we were at some dis- 
 tance on the sea, they came down from the hill, and showed 
 themselves to be much astonished at the things. On that day 
 we were only able to obtain water. 
 
 Next morning we saw from the ship that the people on shore 
 had made a .great smoke ; and, thinking it was a signal to us, 
 we went on shore, where we found that many people had come, 
 but they still kept at a distance from us. They made signs to 
 us that we should come inland with them. Two of our Chris- 
 tians were, therefore, sent to ask their captain for leave to go 
 with them a short distance inland, to see what kind of people 
 they were, and if they had any riches, spices, or drugs. The 
 captain was contented, so they got together many things for 
 barter, and parted from us, with instructions that they should 
 not be more than five days absent as we would wait that time 
 for them. So they set out on their road inland, and we re- 
 turned to the ships to wait for them. Nearly every day people 
 came to the beach, but they would not speak with us. On the 
 seventh day we went on shore, and found that they had ar- 
 ranged with their women; for, as we jumped on shore, the 
 men of the land sent many of their women to speak with us. 
 Seeing that they were not reassured, we arranged to send to 
 them one of our people, who was a very agile and valiant 
 youth. To give them more confidence, the rest of us went 
 back into the boats. He went among the women, and they all 
 began to touch and feel him, wondering at him exceedingly. 
 Things being so, we saw a woman come from the hill, carrying 
 a great stick in her hand.* When she came to where our 
 Christian stood, she raised it, and gave him such a blow that 
 he was felled to the ground. The other women immediately 
 took him by the feet, and dragged him towards the hill. The 
 men rushed down to the beach, and shot at us with their bows 
 and arrows. Our people, in great fear, hauled the boats 
 towards their anchors, t which were on shore ; but, owing to 
 the quantities of arrows that came into the boats, no one 
 thought of taking up their arms. At last four rounds from 
 the bombard were fired at them ; and they no sooner heard the 
 report than they all ran away towards the hill, where the 
 
 * " Traeua un gran palo," which is Spanish. In Italian, "portava un legno." 
 t Fateixa {/atesce), a boat's anchor in Portuguese. 
 
women were still tearing the Christian to pieces. At a great 
 fire they had made they roasted him before our eyes, showing 
 us many pieces, and then eating them. The men made 
 signs how they had killed the other two Christians and eaten 
 them. What shocked us much was seeing with our eyes the 
 cruelty with which they treated the dead, which was an intol- 
 erable insult to all of us. 
 
 Having arranged that more than forty of us shcfuld land and 
 avenge such cruel murder and so bestial and inhuman an act, 
 the principal captain would not give his consent. We departed 
 from them unwillingly, and with much shame caused by the 
 decision of our captain. 
 
 We left this place, and commenced our navigation by shap- 
 ing a course between east and south. Thus we sailed along 
 the land, making many landings, seeing natives, but having no 
 intercourse with them. We sailed on until we found that the 
 coast made a turn to the west when we had doubled a cape, to 
 which we gave the name of the Cape of St. Augustine.^ We 
 then began to shape a course to the south-west. The cape is 
 distant from the place where the Christians were murdered 
 150 leagues towards the east, and this cape is 8° from the equi- 
 noctial line to the south. In navigating, we saw one day a 
 great multitude of people on the beach, gazing at the wonderful 
 sight of our ships. As we sailed, we turned the ship towards 
 them, anchored in a good place, and went on shore with the 
 boats. We found the people to be better conditioned than 
 those we had met with before ; and, responding to our over- 
 tures, they soon made friends, and treated with us. We were 
 five days in this place, and found canna fistola very thick and 
 green, and dry on the tops of the trees. We determined to 
 take a pair of men from this place, that they might teach us 
 their language, and three of them came voluntarily to go to 
 Portugal. 
 
 Lest your Magnificence should be tired of so much writing, 
 you must know that, on leaving this port, we sailed along on a 
 westerly course, always in sight of land, continually making 
 many landings, and speaking with an infinite number of people. 
 We were so far south that we were outside the Tropic of Capri- 
 corn, where the South Pole rises above the horizon 32°. We 
 had lost sight altogether of Ursa Minor and Ursa Major., 
 which were far below^ and scarcely seen on the horizon. f We 
 
 *St. Augustine's Day, 2Sth August. t Lat. 26^ not 32''. 
 
5 
 
 guided ourselves by the stars of the South Pole, which are 
 numerous and much larger and brighter than those of our 
 Pole. I traced the figure of the greater part of those of the 
 first magnitude, with a declaration of their orbits round the 
 South Pole, and of their diameters and semi-diameters, as may 
 be seen in my Four Voyages. We sailed along that coast for 
 750 leagues, 150 from the cape called S/. Augustuie to the 
 west, and 600 to the south. 
 
 Desiring to recount the things I saw on that coast, and what 
 happened to us, as many more leaves would not suffice me. 
 On the coast we saw an infinite number of trees, brazil wood* 
 diWdi cassia^ and those trees which yield myrrh, as well as other 
 marvels of nature which I am unable to recount. Having now 
 been ten months on the voyage, and having seen that there 
 was no mining wealth whatever in that land, we decided upon 
 taking leave of it, and upon sailing across the sea for some 
 other part. Having held a consultation, it was decided that 
 the course should be taken which seemed good to me ; and the 
 command of the fleet was intrusted to me. I gave orders that 
 the fleet should be supplied with wood and water for six 
 months, such being the decision of the officers of the ships. 
 Having made our departure from this land, we began our navi- 
 gation with a southerly course on the 15th of February, when 
 already the sun moved towards the equinoctial, and turned 
 towards our Hemisphere of the North. We sailed so far on 
 this course that we found ourselves where the South Pole had 
 a height above our horizon of 52°, and we could no longer see 
 the stars of Ursa Mino?' or of Ursa Major. We were then 500 
 leagues to the south of the port whence we had departed, and 
 this was on the 3rd of April. On this day such a tempest 
 arose on the sea that all our sails were blown away, and we ran 
 under bare poles, with a heavy southerly gale and a tremendous 
 sea, the air being very tempestuous. The gale was such that all 
 the people in the fleet were much alarmed. The nights were 
 very long, for the night we had on the 7th of April lasted fif- 
 teen hours, the sun being at the end of Aries, and in that 
 region it was winter, as your Magnificence will be well aware. 
 Sailing in this storm, on the 7th of April we came in sight of 
 new land,t along which we ran for nearly 20 leagues, and 
 
 * Verzino. 
 
 t Varnhagen thinks this was South Georgia, so named by Cook in Jan., 1775, in 54° S. 
 Navarrete suggests Tristan d'Acunha. Vespucci says that 50° was the furthest limit he 
 reached to the south, along the coast, in the Aledici letter, but that he then sailed to within 
 17° 30^ of the S. Pole, or 73° 30' S-\—Markham. 
 
found it all a rocky coast, without any port or inhabitants. I 
 believe this was because the cold was so great that no one in 
 the fleet could endure it. Finding ourselves in such peril, and 
 in such a storm that we could scarcely see one ship from an- 
 other, owing to the greatness of the waves and the blinding 
 mist, it was agreed with the principal captain that a signal 
 should be made to the ships that they should make for land, 
 and then shape a course for Portugal. This was very good 
 counsel, for it is certain that, if we had delayed another night, 
 all would have been lost ; for, as we wore round on the next 
 day, we were met by such a storm that we expected to be 
 swamped. We had to undertake pilgrimages and perform 
 other ceremonies, as is the custom of sailors at such times. 
 We ran for five days, always coming towards the equinoctial 
 line, where the air and sea became more temperate. It 
 pleased God to deliver us from such peril. ' Our course was 
 now between the north and north-east, for our intention was to 
 reach the coast of Ethiopia, our distance from it being 300 
 leagues, in the Gulf of the Atlantic Sea. By the grace of God, 
 on the loth day of May, we came in sight of land, where we 
 were able to refresh ourselves, the land being called La Serj-a 
 Liona. We were there fifteen days, and thence shaped a 
 course to the islands of the Azores^ which are distant nearly 
 750 leagues from that Sen-a. We reached the islands in the 
 end of July, where we remained fifteen days, taking some recre- 
 ation. Thence we departed for Lisbon, distant 300 leagues 
 to the west, and arrived at that port of Lisbon on the 7th of 
 September, 1502, may God be thanked for our salvation, with 
 only two ships. We burnt the other at Serra Lioua, because 
 she was no longer seaworthy. We were employed on this voy- 
 age nearly fifteen months ; and for eleven days we navigated 
 without seeing the North Star, nor the Great or Little Bears, 
 which they call el corno, and we were guided by the stars of the 
 other Pole. This is what I saw on this voyage. 
 
Letter on his Third Voyage from Amerigo Vespucci to Lo- 
 renzo PiETRO Francesco di Medici. 
 
 March {or April), 1503. 
 
 Alberico Vesputio to Lorenzo Pietro di Medici, salutation. 
 In past days I wrote very fully to you of my return from the 
 new countries, which have been found and explored with the 
 ships, at the cost, and by the command, of this ]vIost Serene 
 King of Portugal ; and it is lawful to call it a new world, be- 
 cause none of these countries were known to our ancestors, 
 and to all who hear about them they will be entirely new. 
 For the opinion of the ancients was that the greater part of 
 the world beyond the equinoctial line to the south was not 
 land, but only sea, which they have called the Atlantic ; and, if 
 they have affirmed that any continent is there, they have given 
 many reasons for denying that it is inhabited. But this their 
 opinion is false, and entirely opposed to the truth. INIy last 
 voyage has proved it, for I have found a continent in that 
 southern part, more populous and more full of animals than 
 our Europe or Asia or Africa, and even more temperate and 
 pleasant than any other region known to us, as will be ex- 
 plained further on. I shall write succinctly of the principal 
 things only, and the things most worthy of notice and of being 
 remembered, which I either saw or heard of in this new world, 
 as presently will become manifest. 
 
 We set out, on a prosperous voyage, on the 14th of ^lay,* 
 1 501, sailing from Lisbon, by order of the aforesaid King, 
 with three ships, to discover new countries towards the west; 
 and we sailed towards the south continuously for twenty 
 months. t Of this navigation the order is as follow^s : Our 
 course was for the Fortunate Islands, so called formerly, but 
 now we called them the Grand Canary Islands, which are in 
 the third climate, and on the confines of the inhabited west. 
 Thence we sailed rapidly over the ocean along the coast of 
 Africa and part of Ethiopia to the Ethiopic Promontory, so 
 called by Ptolemy, which is now called Cape Verde, and by 
 the Ethiopians Biseghier, and that country Mandraga, 13° 
 within the Torrid Zone, on the north side of the equinoctial 
 
 * loth of March in the other letter. 
 
 t This should be ten months, according to the other letter. 
 
line. The country is inhabited by a black race. Having 
 taken on board what we required, we weighed our anchors and 
 made sail, taking our way across the vast ocean towards the 
 Antarctic Pole, with some westing. From the day when we 
 left the before-mentioned promontory, we sailed for the space 
 of two months and three days.* Hitherto no land had ap- 
 peared to us in that vast sea. In truth, how much we had 
 suffered, what dangers of shipwreck, I leave to the judgment 
 of those to whom the experience of such things is very well 
 known, ^^'hat a thing it is to seek unknown lands, and how 
 difficult, being ignorant, to narrate briefly what happened ! It 
 should be known that, of the sixty-seven days of our voyage, 
 we were navigating continuously forty-four. We had copious 
 thunderstorms and perturbatiosis, and it was so dark that we 
 never could see either the sun in the day or the moon at night. 
 This caused us great fear, so that we lost all hope of life. In 
 these most terrible dangers of the sea it pleased the Most 
 High to show us the continent and the new countries, being 
 another unknown world. These things being in sight, we 
 were as much rejoiced as any one may imagine who, after 
 calamity and ill-fortune, has obtained safety. 
 
 It was on the 7th of August,! 1501, that we reached those 
 countries, thanking our Lord God with solemn prayers, and 
 celebrating a choral Mass. We knew that land to be a conti- 
 nent, and not an island, from its long beaches extending with- 
 out trending round, the infinite number of inhabitants, the 
 numerous tribes and peoples, the numerous kinds of wild ani- 
 mals unknown in our country, and many others never seen be- 
 fore by us, touching which it would take long to make refer- 
 ence. The clemency of God was shown forth to us by being 
 brought to these regions ; for the ships were in a leaking 
 state, and in a few days our lives might have been lost in the 
 sea. To Him be the honor and glory, and the grace of the 
 action. 
 
 We took counsel, and resolved to navigate along the coast 
 of this continent towards the east, and never to lose sight of 
 the land. We sailed along until we came to a point where the 
 coast turned to the south. The distance from the landfall to 
 this point was nearly 300 leagues. $ In this stretch of coast 
 
 * Se\en days, according to the other letter. t 17th of August in tlie other letter. 
 
 t 150 leagues, according to the other letter. 
 
we often landed, and had friendly relations with the natives,^ 
 as I shall presently relate. I had forgotten to tell you that 
 from Cape Verde to the first land of this continent the dis- 
 tance is nearly 700 leagues; although I estimate that we 
 went over more than 1,800, partly owing to ignorance of the 
 route, and partly owing to the tempests and foul winds which 
 drove us off our course, and sent us in various directions. If 
 my companions had not trusted in me, to whom cosmography 
 was known, no one, not the leader of our navigation, would 
 have known where we were after running 500 leagues. We 
 were wandering and full of errors, and only the instruments for 
 taking the altitudes of heavenly bodies showed us our position. 
 These were the quadrant and astrolabe, as known to all. 
 These have been much used by me with much honor ; for I 
 showed them that a knowledge of the marine chart, and the 
 rules taught by it, are more worth than all the pilots in the 
 world. For these pilots have no knowledge beyond those places 
 to which they have often sailed. Where the said point of land 
 showed us the trend of the coast to the south, we agreed to 
 continue our voyage, and to ascertain what there might be in 
 those regions. We sailed along the coast for nearly 500 
 leagues, often going on shore and having intercourse with the 
 natives, who received us in a brotherly manner. We some- 
 times stayed with them for fifteen or twenty days continuously, 
 as friends and guests, as I shall relate presently. Part of this 
 continent is in the Torrid Zone, beyond the equinoctial line 
 towards the South Pole. But it begins at 8° beyond the equi- 
 noctial. We sailed along the coast so far that we crossed the 
 Tropic of Capricorn, and found ourselves where the Antarctic 
 Pole was 50° above our horizon. We went towards the An- 
 tarctic Circle until we were 17'^ 30' from it,t all of which I 
 have seen, and I have known the nature of those people, their 
 customs, the resources and fertility of the land, the salubrity of 
 the air, the positions of the celestial bodies in the heavens, 
 and, above all, the fixed stars, over an eighth of the sphere, 
 never seen by our ancestors, as I shall explain below. 
 
 As regards the people : we have found such a multitude in 
 those countries that no one couH enumerate them, as we read 
 in the Apocalypse. They are people gentle and tractable, and 
 all of both sexes go naked, not covering any part of their 
 
 * In the other letter he tells a very different story. 
 
 t In 17° 30^ S. I There is no such statement in the other letter. 
 
lO 
 
 bodies, . . . and so they go until their deaths. They have 
 large, square-built bodies, and well proportioned. Their color 
 reddish, which, I think, is caused by their going naked and ex- 
 posed to the sun. Their hair is plentiful and black. They are 
 agile in walking, and of quick sight. They are of a free and 
 good-looking expression of countenance, which they themselves 
 destroy by boring the nostrils and lips, the nose and ears; nor 
 must you believe that the borings are small, nor that they only 
 have one, for I have seen those who had no less than seven 
 borings in the face, each one the size of a plum. They stop up 
 these perforations with blue stones, bits of marble, of crystal, 
 or very fine alabaster, also with very white bones and other 
 things artificially prepared according to their customs, which, if 
 you could see, it would appear a strange and monstrous thing. 
 One had in the nostrils and lips alone seven stones, of which 
 some were half a palm in length. It will astonish you to hear 
 that I considered that the weight of seven such stones was 
 as much as sixteen ounces. In each ear they had three per- 
 forations bored, whence they had other stones and rings sus- 
 pended. This custom is only for the men, as the women do 
 not perforate their faces, but only their ears. . . . 
 
 They have no cloth, either of wool, flax, or cotton, because 
 they have no need of it ; nor have they any private property, 
 everything being in common. They live amongst themselves 
 without a king or ruler, each man being his own master, and 
 having as many wives as they please. . . . They have no tem- 
 ples and no laws, nor are they idolaters. What more can I 
 say ! They live according to nature, and are more inclined to 
 be Epicurean than Stoic. They have no commerce among 
 each other, and they wage war without art or order. The old 
 men make the youths do what they please, and incite them to 
 fights, in which they mutually kill with great cruelty. They 
 slaughter those who are captured, and the victors eat the van- 
 quished ; for human flesh is an ordinary article of food among 
 them. You may be die more certain of this, because I have 
 seen a man eat his children and wife ; and I knew a man who 
 was popularly credited to have eaten 300 human bodies. I 
 was once in a certain city for twenty-seven days, where human 
 flesh was hung up near the houses, in the same way as we 
 expose butcher's meat. I say further that they were surprised 
 that we did not eat our enemies, and use their flesh as food ; 
 for they say it is excellent. Their arms are bows and arrows ; 
 
II 
 
 and, when they go to war, they cover no part of their bodies, 
 being in this Hke beasts. We did all we could to persuade 
 them to desist from their evil habits, and they promised us to 
 leave off. . . . 
 
 They live for 150 years, and are rarely sick. If they are 
 attacked by a disease, they cure themselves with the roots of 
 some herbs. These are the most noteworthy things I know 
 about them. 
 
 The air in this country is temperate and good, as we were 
 able to learn from their accounts that there are never any pes- 
 tilences or epidemics caused by bad air. Unless they meet 
 with violent deaths, their lives are long. I believe this is be- 
 cause a southerly wind is always blowing, a south wind to them 
 being what a north wind is to us. They are expert fishermen, 
 and the sea is full of all kinds of fish. They are not hunters. 
 I think because here there are many kinds of wild animals, 
 principally lions and bears, innumerable serpents, and other 
 horrible creatures and deformed beasts, also because there are 
 vast forests and trees of immense size. They have not the 
 courage to face such dangers naked and without any defence. 
 
 The land is very fertile, abounding in many hills and valleys 
 and in large rivers, and is irrigated by very refreshing springs. 
 It is covered with extensive and dense forests, which are al- 
 most impenetrable, and full of every kind of wild beast. Great 
 trees grow without cultivation, of which many yield fruits pleas- 
 ant to the taste and nourishing to the human body ; and a 
 great many have an opposite effect. The fruits are unlike 
 those in our country ; and there are innumerable different 
 kinds of fruits and herbs, of which they make bread and excel- 
 lent food. They also have many seeds unlike ours. No kind 
 of metal has been found except gold, in which the country 
 abounds, though we have brought none back in this our first 
 navigation. The natives, however, assured us that there Was 
 an immense quantity of gold underground, and nothing was to 
 be had from them for a price. Pearls abound, as I wrote to 
 you. 
 
 If I was to attempt to write of all the species of animals, it 
 would be a long and tedious task. I believe certainly that our 
 Pliny did not touch upon a thousandth part of the animals and 
 birds that exist in this region ; nor could an artist such as 
 Policletus * succeed in painting them. All the trees are odor- 
 
 * Policletus was not a painter. — Markham. 
 
12 
 
 iferous, and some of them emit gums, oils, or other Uquors. If 
 they were our property, I do not doubt but that they would be 
 useful to man. If the terrestrial paradise is in some part of 
 this land, it cannot be very far from the coast we visited. It 
 is, as I have told you, in a climate where the air is temperate 
 at noon, being neither cold in winter nor hot in summer. 
 
 The sky and air are serene during a great part of the year. 
 Thick vapors, with fine rain falling, last for three or four 
 hours, and then disappear like smoke. The sky is adorned 
 with most beautiful signs and figures, in which I have noted as 
 many as twenty stars as bright as we sometimes see Venus 
 and Jupiter. I have considered the orbits and motions of 
 these stars ; and I have measured the circumference and diam- 
 eters of the stars by a geometrical method,* ascertaining which 
 were the largest. I saw in the heaven three Canopi, two cer- 
 tainly bright and the other obscure. The Antarctic Pole is not 
 figured with a Great Bear and a Little Bear, like our Arctic 
 Pole, nor is any bright star seen near it, and of those which go 
 round in the shortest circuit there are three M'hich have the fig- 
 ure of the orthogonous triangle, of which the smallest has 
 a diameter of 9 half-degrees. To the east of these is seen a 
 Cajiopus of great size, and white, which, when in mid-heaven, 
 has this figure : — 
 
 * s s 
 
 s s s s 
 s s s s s s 
 s s s s 
 
 canopus 
 
 After these come two others, of which the half-circumfer- 
 ence, the diameter, has 12 half-degrees; and with them is seen 
 another Canopus. To these succeed six other most beautiful 
 and very bright stars, beyond all the others of the eighth 
 sphere, which, in the superficies of the heaven, have half the 
 circumference, the diameter 32°, and with them is one black 
 Canopus of immense size, seen in the Milky Way, and they 
 have this shape when they are on the meridian : — 
 
 * He may mean tlieir orbits, not the stars themseh'es ; but in either case lie is talking 
 nonsense. — Markham. 
 
13 
 
 s s 
 
 s s s s 
 
 s s s s s s 
 
 s s s 
 
 I have known many other very beautiful stars, which I have 
 diligently noted down, and have described very well in a cer- 
 tain little book describing this my navigation, which at present 
 is in the possession of that Most Serene King ; and I hope he 
 will restore it to me. In that hemisphere I have seen things 
 not compatible with the opinions of philosophers. Twice I 
 have seen a white rainbow towards the middle of the night, 
 which was not only observed by me, but also by all the sailors. 
 Likewise we often saw the new moon on the day on which it is 
 in conjunction with the sun. Every night, in that part of the 
 heavens of which we speak, there were innumerable vapors 
 and burning meteors. I have told you, a little way back, that, 
 in the hemisphere of which we are speaking, it is not a com- 
 plete hemisphere in respect to ours, because it does not take 
 that form so that it may be properly called so. 
 
 Therefore, as I have said, from Lisbon, whence we started, 
 the distance from the equinoctial line is 39°; and we navigated 
 beyond the equinoctial line to 50°, which together make 90°, 
 which is one quarter of a great circle, according to the true 
 measurement handed down to us by the ancients, so that it is 
 manifest that we must have navigated over a fourth part of the 
 earth. By this reasoning, we who inhabit Lisbon, at a dis- 
 tance of 39° from the equinoctial line in north latitude, are to 
 those who live under 50° beyond the same line, in meridional 
 length, angularly 5° on a transverse line. I will explain this 
 more clearly: a perpendicular line, while we stand upright, 
 if suspended from a point of the heavens exactly vertical, 
 hangs over our heads; but it hangs over them sideways. 
 Thus, while we are on a right line, they are on a transverse 
 line. An orthogonal triangle is thus formed, of which we have 
 the right line ; but the base and hypothenuse to them seems 
 the vertical line, as in this figure it will appear. This will 
 suffice as regards cosmography. 
 
Vertex*^ of our heads. 
 
 Them. 
 
 These are the most notable things that I have seen in this 
 my last navigation, or, as I call it, the third voyage. For the 
 other two voyages were made by order of the Most Serene 
 King of Spain to the west, in which I noted many wonderful 
 works of God, our Creator ; and, if I should have time, I in- 
 tend to collect all these singular and wonderful things into a 
 geographical or cosmographical book, that my record may live 
 with future generations ; and the immense work of the omnip- 
 otent God will be known, in parts still unknown, but known to 
 us. I also pray that the most merciful God will prolong my 
 life that, with His good grace, I may be able to make the best 
 disposition of this my wish. I keep the other two journeys in 
 my sanctuary ; and, the Most Serene King restoring to me the 
 third journey, I intend to return to peace and my country. 
 There, in consultation with learned persons, and comforted and 
 aided by friends, I shall be able to complete my work. 
 
 I ask your pardon for not having sooner been able to send 
 you this my last navigation, as I had promised in my former 
 letters. I believe that you will understand the cause, which 
 was that I could not get the books from this Most Serene 
 King. I think of undertaking a fourth voyage in the same 
 direction, and promise is already made of two ships with their 
 armaments, in which I may seek new regions of the East on a 
 coast called Africus. In which journey I hope much to do 
 God honor, to be of service to this kingdom, to secure repute 
 for my old age ; and I expect no other result with the permis- 
 sion of this Most Serene King. May God permit what is for 
 the best, and you shall be informed of what happens. 
 
 This letter was translated from the Italian into the Latin 
 language by Jocundus, interpreter, as every one understands 
 Latin who desires to learn about these voyages, and to search 
 
 * Ze7iit in the ItaUan version. 
 
15 
 
 into the things of heaven, and to know all that is proper to be 
 known ; for, from the time the world began, so much has not 
 been discovered touching the greatness of the earth and what 
 is contained in it. 
 
 Italy, vvh'ch was the great centre of intellectual life in Europe' in the fifteenth and six- 
 teenth centuries, did nothing herself in the great work of opening the New World, and never 
 had a settlement in America. Vet it is a noteworthy fact that all of the first great discoverers 
 were Italians. Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci, who crossed the Atlantic in the service of 
 Spain, were both Italians, the one a native of Genoa, the other of Florence. John Cabot, 
 who first crossed in the service of England, and touched the coast of North America in 1497, 
 was, like Columbus, a native of Genoa ; but his home had been in Venice for many years, 
 before he came, about 1490, to England, and settled at Bristol. Verrazzano, who commanded 
 the first French expedition sent out under royal auspices (1523-24), was, like Vespucci, born 
 in Florence. It is also to be remembered tha't Marco Polo, whose book upon the East so 
 greatly influenced Columbus, was a Venetian, and that the famous astronomer, Toscanelli, 
 whose advice Columbus asked, and who prepared for him the map of the world which he car- 
 ried on his voyage, was an Italian, born in Florence in 1397, just a century after Marco 
 Polo wrote liis book, upon whose accounts of the eastern coast of Asia and the adjacent 
 islands Toscanelli based his map. 
 
 Six of the Old South Leaflets already published relate to the discoveries of these great 
 Italians : 29, The Discover}' of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand 
 Columbus; 33, Columbus's Letter to (labnel Sanchez, describing the First Voyage and Dis- 
 covery; 71, Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella; 32, Marco Polo's Account of 
 Japan and Java; 17, Verrazzano's Voyage; 37, Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots- 
 34, Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First Voyage. 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci, whose account of his First Voyage has already appeared in the Old 
 South Series, and whose account of his Third Voyage is given in the present leaflet, was, of 
 all these Italians, the one whose relations with Italy seem to have been the closest. He was 
 the son of a notary at Florence, and was born March 9, 145 1, being thus four years younger 
 than Columbus. He studied under his uncle, a Dominican monk of St. Marco, at Florence, 
 who taught him Latin. His elder brother was sent to the university of Pa^ia, and became a 
 scholar and an author, his eldest son rising to be professor of astrology at Pisa, and his 
 second son eventually joining his uncle Amerigo in Spain, and becoming a pilot. Amerigo 
 Vespucci embraced a mercantile life in Florence, and was eventually taken into the great 
 commercial house of the Medici, the head of which was Lorenzo Piero Francesco di Medici, 
 who succeeded his father, Lorenzo the Magnificent, in 1492. The house had transactions in 
 Spain, and required experienced agents there. Amerigo, who was then over forty years of 
 age, and Donato Niccolini were selected for this duty, and took up their residence at Cadiz 
 and Seville in 1492. Amerigo became an important provision contractor, and contracted for 
 one, if not for two, of the expeditions of Columbus. In 1505 Columbus wrote of him, " He 
 always showed a desire to please me, and he is a very respectable man." He became a stu- 
 dent of cosmograpjiy and navigation, and in 1497 entered himself the field of discovery and 
 exploration, making, according to his famous letters, four voyages to the New World, two 
 under the auspices of the government of Spam and two under that of Portugal. In 150S he 
 received the appointment of chief pilot of Spain, being ordered to prepare an authoritative 
 chart, on which all discoveries are to be shown and from which the charts for all ships are to 
 be copied ; and he is also to examine all pilots, and to give instruction in h:s house at Seville. 
 In Seville he died, Feb. 22, 1512. 
 
 The account of Amerigo's Third Voyage is given in the present leaflet, in the two forms 
 in which it has come down to us : the first from the famous letter containing an account of 
 his Four Voyages, the original Italian version of which was sent to a "Magnificent Lord," 
 who is supposed to have been Piero Soderini, gonfalonier of Florence, who had been his 
 fellow-student; the second, a letter to the head of the mercantile house in Florence to which 
 fie belonged, Piero Francesco di Medici. The letter to Medici, translated from Italian into 
 Latin, was printed \ery soon after it was written, under the title " Mundus Novus,"' Vespucci 
 having said in the letter, concenimg the country which he described, " it is lawful to call it a 
 7teiu world, because none of these countries were known to our ancestors; and to all who hear 
 about them they will»be entirely new.'' A Latin translation of the French copy of the more 
 important letter, containing the account of the Four Voyages, was published at St. Die, in Lor- 
 raine, in 1507, in the " Cosmographis Introductio," a little book by Martin Waldseemiiller, 
 the professor of cosmography in the university there; and it was Waldseemiiller who first 
 suggested the name A }ne*-ica for the new world so graphically described by Amerigo in the 
 letters. 
 
i6 
 
 The controversy concerning Amerigo and his letters has been very fierce. His great de- 
 fender has been Varnhagen, whose work John Fiske pronounces " the only intelligent modern 
 treatise."" Mr. Fiske's own account of Vespucci, in his " Discovery of America," vol. ii., is 
 the best popular account. Clements R. Markham, the president of the Hakluyt Society, 
 from whose translation of " The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci and Other Documents illustra- 
 tive of his Career" this leaflet is made up, and whose foot-notes are used with it, stoutly 
 opposes Varnhagen, and is Vespucci's sliarpest modern critic. The best bibliography is that 
 by Winsor, appended to Sidney Howard Gay's chapter on Vespucci in the " Narrative and 
 Critical History of America," vol. ii. See also notes to Old South Leaflet No. 34, re- 
 ferred to above. 
 
©ID J^outt) %tantt$ 
 
 Xo. 91 
 
 The Founding 
 of Quebec, 
 
 1608. 
 
 From the "Voyages" of Samuel de Champlai: 
 
 Having returned to France after a stay of three years in 
 New France,* I proceeded to Sieiir de Monts, and related to 
 him the principal events of which I had been a witness since 
 his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most re- 
 markable coasts and harbors there. 
 
 Some time afterward Sieur de Monts determined to con- 
 tinue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the 
 interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been 
 by order of the late King Henry the Great t in the year 1603, 
 for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing 
 in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gaspe, at the entrance of the 
 river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45° and some 
 minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could 
 not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful 
 examination of it as we have since done.J 
 
 Now, after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several 
 times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he 
 resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, 
 notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He 
 honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage ; and, in order 
 to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one com- 
 
 *Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of May, 1604, and left on the 
 3d of September, 1607. He had consequently been on our coast three years, three months, 
 and twenty-five days. T/ie notes are reprinted from Slafter. 
 
 t The late King Henry the Great. Henry IV. died in 1610; and this mtroductory pas- 
 sage was obviously written after that event, probably near the time of the publication of his 
 voyages in 16 13. 
 
 X In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended the St. Law,rence as far as the 
 falls of St. Louis, above Montreal. 
 
manded by Pont Grave, who was commissioned to trade with 
 the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I 
 was to winter in the country. 
 
 Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of 
 the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, 
 by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the 
 savages, on penalties stated in the following commission : — 
 
 Henry by the grace of God King of France and 
 Navarre, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers 
 of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, 
 marshals, provosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one 
 of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of 
 their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting : 
 
 Acting upon the information which has been given us by 
 those who have returned from New France, respecting the 
 good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and 
 the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, 
 VVe have resolved to continue the settlement previously un- 
 dertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to 
 trade without hindrance. And in view of the proposition 
 to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our 
 chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make 
 a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and sup- 
 plies for sustaining the expense of it,* it has pleased us to 
 promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself 
 shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, 
 for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, 
 rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdic- 
 tion : this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and 
 other considerations impelling us thereto, We command and 
 decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your 
 powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and 
 carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all 
 merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and 
 others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit 
 out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in 
 order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things 
 with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communi- 
 cate with them during the space of one year, within the juris- 
 
 *The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the monopoly of the 
 fur-trade granted by him in this commission. 
 
diction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and 
 the entire confiscation of their vessels, supplies, arms, and 
 merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts ; and, in order 
 that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, 
 you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur 
 de Monts or his Heutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest 
 all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their 
 vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to 
 take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that 
 action may be taken not only against the persons, but also 
 the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This 
 is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and pub- 
 lished in all localities and public places within your authority 
 and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one 
 of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition 
 by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly at- 
 tested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful coun- 
 cillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is our will that 
 credence should be given as to the present original, in order 
 that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, 
 but that all may obey and act in accordance with our will 
 in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, 
 mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others 
 on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the 
 aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, 
 and others possessing power and authority from him, to search 
 the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade 
 after the present prohibition shall have been made known to 
 them. It is our will that, upon the requisition of the afore- 
 said Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having au- 
 thority, you should proceed against the disobedient and of- 
 fenders, as the case may require : to this end, We give you 
 power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwith- 
 standing the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last,* 
 any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or 
 appeals of whatsoever kind ; on account of which and for fear 
 of disregarding which, it is our will that there should be no 
 delay, and, if any of these occur, We have withheld and re- 
 served cognizance of the same to ourselves and our Council, 
 apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited 
 the same to all our courts and judges : for this is our pleasure. 
 
 * This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts granted in 1603. 
 
Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of 
 grace sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of our 
 reign. Signed, HENRY. 
 
 And lower down. By the King, Delomenie. And sealed 
 with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax. 
 
 Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and 
 Secretary of the King. 
 
 I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the 
 vessel of Pont Grave' in readiness. He left port on the 5th of 
 April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on 
 the 15th of May, in latitude 45° 15'. On the 26th we sighted 
 Cape St. Mary,* in latitude 46° 45', on the Island of New- 
 foundland. On the 27th of the month we sighted Cape St. 
 Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. Paul, 
 distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.t On the 
 30th we sighted Isle Percee and Gaspe,t in latitude 48° 40,' 
 distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five 
 leagues. 
 
 On the 3d of June we arrived before Tadoussac, distant 
 from Gaspe from eighty to ninety leagues ; and we anchored 
 in the roadstead of Tadoussac, § a league distant from the 
 harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the 
 river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on ac- 
 count of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent 
 winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the 
 harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to 
 
 *This cape still retains its ancient name, and is situated between St. Marj'*s Bay and 
 Placentia Bay. 
 
 t Cape St. Lawrence is the northernmost extremity of the Island of Cape Breton, and the 
 Island of St. Paul is twenty miles north-east of it. 
 
 t The Isle Percee, or pierced island, is a short distance north of the Island of Bonaven- 
 ture, at the entrance of Mai Bay, near the village of Percee, where there is a government 
 light. Caspe Bay is some miles farther north. "Below the bay," saj's Charlevoix, "we 
 perceive a kind of island, which is only a steep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten high, and 
 four in breadth : it looks like part of an old wall, and they say it joined formerly to Mo7<nt 
 loli, which is over against it on the continent. This rock has in the midst of it an opening 
 like an arch, under which a boat of Biscay may pass with its sail up; and this has given it 
 the name of the //>rc^</ island." — Letters to the Duchess of .Lesdig'iiieres, by Francis Xavier 
 de Charlevoix, London, 1763, p. 12. 
 
 §The position in the roadstead was south-east of the harbor, so that the harbor was seen 
 on the north-west. Charlevoix calls it Moulin Baude. The reader will find the position in- 
 dicated by the letter M on Champlain's map of the port of Tadoussac. Baude Moulin (Baude 
 Mill), directly north of it, was probably a mill privilege. Charlevoix, in 1720, anchored 
 there, and asked them to show him the mill ; and they showed him some rocks, from which 
 issued a stream of clear water. He adds, they might build a water-mill here, but probably 
 it will never be done. 
 
5 
 
 the first fall on this river, which comes from the north-north- 
 west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about 
 twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter of 
 the river Saguenay and a little rocky island, which is almost 
 cut by the river. Elsewhere there are very high mountains, 
 with little soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered with 
 such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near the 
 harbor, shut in by mountains covered with wood. There 
 are two points at the mouth : one on the south-west side, ex- 
 tending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. 
 Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes ; and another on 
 the north-west side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and 
 called Point of all Devils,* from the dangerous nature of the 
 place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the har- 
 bor, which are not to be feared ; but those, however, from the 
 Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at 
 low tide. Our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the 
 wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat 
 lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether 
 Pont Grave' had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop 
 with the pilot of Pont Grave' and a Basque, who came to 
 inform me of what had happened to them because they at- 
 tempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according 
 to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his 
 Majesty, that no vessels should trade without permission of 
 Sieur de Monts, as was expressed in it ; and that, notwith- 
 standing the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf 
 of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on 
 their traffic ; and that they have used their arms and main- 
 tained themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all 
 their cannon upon that of Pont Grave, and letting off many 
 musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of 
 his men, one of whom died, Pont Grave' meanwhile making no 
 resistance, for at the first shower of musketry he was struck 
 down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took 
 away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, 
 notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when 
 they were ready to set out for France they w^ould restore to 
 him his cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping 
 them in order to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all 
 
 * Pomte de tous les D tables . Now known as Pointe aux Vaches, cows. The point on 
 the other side of the river is still called Pointe aux Alouettes, or Lark Point. 
 
these particulars, I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, 
 which we might have easily avoided. 
 
 Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things, I asked 
 him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He 
 told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, 
 and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would 
 do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor. 
 
 I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont 
 Grave'. The Basque said that, if I had need of anything in 
 their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them 
 to use this language was simply their recognition of having 
 done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would 
 not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talk- 
 ing at length, I went ashore to see Pont Grave', in order to 
 deliberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. 
 He related to me in detail all that had happened. We con- 
 cluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that 
 the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we 
 considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a 
 just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances 
 on my part so. long as I should remain there, and that Pont 
 Grave should undertake nothing against them, but that justice 
 should be done in France, and their differences should be 
 settled there. 
 
 Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, 
 where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long confer- 
 ence, I secured an agreement between Pont Grave' and him, 
 and required him to promise that he would undertake noth- 
 ing against Pont Grave', or what would be prejudicial to the 
 King and Sieur de Monts ; that, if he did the contrary, I 
 should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed 
 to, and signed by each. 
 
 In this place were a number of savages who had come for 
 traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their 
 canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a 
 pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing nar- 
 rower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn 
 over, in case one does not understand managing them, and 
 are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little 
 ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged. They are so light 
 that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight 
 equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a 
 
river where they have business, they carry them with them. 
 From Choiiacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of 
 Tadoussac, they are all alike. 
 
 After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work to 
 fit up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all 
 that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could not 
 be got ready before the last of June. 
 
 Meanwhile I managed to visit some parts of the river 
 Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth of some 
 one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms.^ About fifty 
 leagues from the mouth of the harbor there is, as is said, a 
 great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with 
 great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very 
 barren, being only rocks covered with small firs and heathers. 
 It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league 
 at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at three- 
 quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out. All 
 the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and 
 rocky promontories, for the most part covered with fir and 
 birch, a very unattractive country on both sides of the river. 
 In a word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by, either animals 
 or birds ; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to 
 me the most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such 
 as swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At 
 other times there are none whatever, in consequence of the 
 excessive cold. This river flows from the north-west. 
 
 The savages told me that, after passing the first fall, they 
 meet with eight others, when they go a day's journey with- 
 out finding any. Then they pass ten others, and enter a 
 lake,t which they are three days in crossing, and they are 
 easily able to make ten leagues a day up stream. At the end 
 of the lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three 
 
 *The deepest sounding as laid down on Laurie's Chart is one hundred and forty-six 
 fathoms. The same autiiority says the banks of tlie river throughout its course are very 
 rocky, and vary in height from one hundred and seventy to three hundred and forty yards 
 above the stream. Its current is broad, deep, and uncommonly vehement. In some 
 places, where precipices intervene, are falls from fifty to sixty feet in height, down which the 
 whole volume of water rushes with tremendous fury and noise. The general breadth of the 
 river is about two and a half miles, but at its mouth its width is contracted to three-quarters 
 of a mile. The tide runs upward about sixty-five miles from its mouth. 
 
 t If the Indians were three days in crossing Lake St. John here referred to, whose length 
 is variously stated to be from twenty-five to forty miles, it could hardly have been the 
 shortest time in which it were possible to pass it. It may have been the usual time, some of 
 which tiiey gave to fishing or hunting. " In 1647, Father Jean Duquen, missionary at Ta- 
 doussac, ascending the Saguenay, discovered the Lake St. John, and noted its Indian name, 
 Picouagami, or Flat Lake. He was the first European who beheld that magnificent expanse 
 of inland water." — P^ide Transactiotis Lit. and His. Soc. of Quebec, 1867-6S, p. 5. 
 
rivers which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, 
 very near the sea, where they consider it much colder than in 
 their own country ; and the other two from other directions 
 in the interior,* where are migratory savages, living only 
 from hunting, and where our savages carry the merchandise 
 we give them for their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and 
 otter, which are found there in large numbers, and which 
 they then carry to our vessels. These people of the north 
 report to our savages that they see the salt sea ; and, if that 
 is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing but a 
 gulf entering the interior on the north.t The savages say 
 that the distance from the north sea to the port of Tadoussac 
 is perhaps forty-five or fifty days' journey, in consequence of 
 the difficulties presented by the roads, rivers, and country, 
 which is very mountainous, and where there is snow for the 
 most part of the year. This is what I have definitely ascer- 
 tained in regard to this river. I have often wished to explore 
 it, but could not do so without the savages, who were unwill- 
 ing that I or any of our party should accompany them. 
 Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do so. This 
 exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the doubts 
 of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on the 
 north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in 
 these latter years to find a way to China. $ 
 
 I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go 
 to Quebec. § We passed near an island called Hare Island, || 
 
 *The first of these three rivers, which the traveller will meet as he passes up the northern 
 shore of the lake, is the Peribonca flowing from the north-east. The second is the Mis- 
 tassina, represented by the Indians as coming from the salt sea. The third is the Chomou- 
 chonan, flowing from the north-west. 
 
 t There was doubtless an Indian trail from the head-waters of the Mistassina to Mistassin 
 Lake, and from thence to Rupert River, which flows into the lower part of Hudson's Bay. 
 
 ? The salt sea referred to by the Indians was undoubtedly Hudson's Bay. The dis- 
 coverer of this bay, Henry Hudson, in the years 1607, 160S, and 1609, was in the northern 
 ocean searching for a passage to Cathay. In 1610 he discovered the strait and bay which 
 now bear his name. He passed the winter in the southern part of the bay; and the next 
 year, 161 1, his sailors in a mutiny forced him and his officers into a shallop, and abandoned 
 them to perish. Nothing was heard of them afterward. The fame of Hudson's discovery 
 had reached Champlam before the publication of this volume in 1613. This will be apparent 
 by comparing Champlain's small map with the Tabula Nautica of Hudson, published in 
 1612. It will be seen that the whole of the Carte Geographique de la Nouvelle France of 
 Champlain, on the west of Lumley's Inlet, including Hudson's Strait and Bay, is a copy from 
 the Tabula Nautica. Even the names are in P^nglish, a few characteristic ones being omitted, 
 such as Prince Henry, the King's Forlant, and Cape Charles. — Vide Henry Hudson the 
 Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL. D., Hakluyt Society, i860, p. xliv. 
 
 §This was June 30, 1608. 
 
 \\Isle aux Lievres, or hares. This name was given by Jacques Cartier, and it is still 
 called Hare Island. It is about ten geographical miles long, and generally about half or 
 three-quarters of a mile wide. 
 
9 
 
 distant six leagues from the above-named port : it is two 
 leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the 
 southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a little 
 river, dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight 
 hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon 
 River,"*^ since we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting 
 along the north shore, w^e came to a point extending into the 
 river, which we called Cap Dauphin,! distant three leagues 
 from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which 
 we named Eagle Cape,1: distant eight leagues from Cap 
 Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay,§ at the ex- 
 tremity of which is a little river dry at low tide. From Eagle 
 Cape we proceeded to Isle aux Coudres, || a good league dis- 
 tant, wOiich is about a league and a half long. It is nearly 
 level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the 
 western side there are meadows, and rocky points extending 
 some distance out into the river. On the south-west side it 
 is very reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods 
 surrounding it. It is distant about half a league from the 
 northern shore, where is a little river extending some distance 
 into the interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre,1[ since 
 abreast of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity; and, 
 although it has a calm appearance, it is ahvays much agi- 
 tated, the depth there being great : but the river itself is 
 shallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. 
 Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape 
 which we named Cap de Tourmente,** five leagues distant ; 
 
 * Riviere aux Sanbnons. "From all appearances," says Laverdiere, "this Salmon 
 River is that which empties into the ' Port a Tfiquilles,' eel harbor, also called ' Port aux 
 Qiiilles,' Skittles Port. Its mouth is two leagues from Cape Salmon, with which it must not 
 be confounded."' It is now known as Black River. 
 
 t Cap Dauphin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three leagues from Black 
 River. 
 
 X Cap a I'A igle, now known as Cap aux Oies, or Goose Cape. The Eagle Cape of 
 to-day is little more than two leagues from Cape Salmon, while Goose Cape is about eight 
 leagues, as stated in the text. 
 
 § The bay stretching between Cape Salmon and Goose Cape is called Mai Bay, within 
 which are Cape Eagle, Murray Bay, Point au Pies, White Cape, Red Cape, Blacky Cape, 
 Point Pere, Point Comeille, and Little Mai Bay. In the rear of Goose Cape are les Eboule- 
 mens Mountains, 2,547 feet in height. On the opposite side of the river is Point Quelle, and 
 the river of the same name. 
 
 II Isle aux Coudres, Hazel Island, so named by Jacques Cartier, still retains its ancient 
 appellation. Its distance from Goose Cape is about two leagues. The description of it in 
 the text is very accurate. 
 
 ^\ Riviere du Gouffre, This river still retains this name, signifying whirlpool, and is the 
 same that empties into St. Paul's Bay, opposite Isle aux Coudres. 
 
 ** Cap de Tourmente, cape of the tempest, is eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres, but 
 about two from the Isle of Orleans, as stated in the text, which sufficiently identifies it. 
 
lO 
 
 and we gave it this name because, however little wind there 
 may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this 
 point the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to 
 the Island of Orleans,* a distance of two leagues, on the 
 south side of which are. numerous islands, low, covered with 
 trees and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty 
 of game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in 
 length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are 
 many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues 
 distant from the main land on the south. All this shore, both 
 north and south, from Tadoussac to the Island of Orleans, is 
 mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, 
 and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places 
 one could not make his way. 
 
 Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans, which 
 is a league and a half distant from the main land and half a 
 league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one 
 in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the 
 north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent 
 of woods and meadows there; but it is very dangerous sailing, 
 in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between 
 the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks 
 and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods 
 vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place 
 is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the 
 great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues 
 from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of 
 water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues 
 in the interior : t it comes down from a height of nearly twenty- 
 
 *Isle d'Orieatts. Cartier discovered this island in is35, and named it the Island of 
 Bacchus, because he saw vines growing there, which he had not before seen in that region. 
 He says, " Et pareillement y trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n'auyons \eu par cy deuant 
 a toute la terre, & par ce la nommasmes I'ysle de Bacchus."'— Brief Recit de la Navigation 
 Faite en mdxxxv., par Jacques Cartier,'D'Avezac ed., Paris, iS'63, pp. 14, 15. The grape 
 found here was probably the Frost Grape, I'itis cordifolia. The " Island of Orleans" soon 
 became the fixed name of this island, which it still retains. Its Indian name is said to have 
 been l\Ii7iigo. — Vide Laverdiere's interesting note, (Envres de Champlain, tome ii. p. 24. 
 Champlain's estimate of the size of the island is nearly accurate. It is, according to the 
 Admiralty charts, seventeen marine miles in length, and four in its greatest width. 
 
 t This was the river Montmorency, which rises in Snow Lake, some fifty miles in the in- 
 terior. — J'ide Champlain's reference on his map of Quebec and its environs. He gave this 
 name to the river, which it still retains, in honor of the Admiral Montmorency, to whom he 
 dedicated his notes on the voyage of 1603. Vide Laverdicrc, in loco: also Chatnplaiu, ed. 
 1632; Charlevoix's Letters, London, 1763, p. iq. The following is Jean Alfonse's descrir- 
 tion of the fall of Montmorency: " When thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shalt see 
 a great River, which fallelh fifteen or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a 
 terrible noise." — Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 293. The perpendicular descent of the Montmorency 
 at the falls is 240 feet. 
 
1 1 
 
 five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleasant, al- 
 though farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be 
 from fifteen to twenty leagues distant. 
 
 From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a 
 league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched for 
 a place suitable for our settlement ; but I could find none more 
 convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, so 
 called by the savages,* which was covered with nut-trees. I at 
 once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting them 
 down, that we might construct our habitation there : one I set 
 to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging 
 ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get 
 supplies. The first thing we made was the storehouse for 
 keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accom- 
 plished through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work. 
 
 Some days after my arrival at Quebec a locksmith con- 
 spired against the service of the king. His plan was to put 
 me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to put it into 
 the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, 
 beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge 
 of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way. 
 
 In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped 
 to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, 
 as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and pre- 
 senting to them prospects of acquiring riches. 
 
 These four men, having been won over, all promised to act 
 in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side, so 
 that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could 
 put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making 
 their plan succeed ; for four or five of my companions, in 
 whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of 
 the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and 
 supplies necessary for our settlement. 
 
 In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their 
 
 *Cliamplain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow place in the 
 river Quebec. For this meaning of the word, viz. narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin 
 language, the authority is abundant. Laverdiere quotes, as agreeing with him in this view, 
 Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. "The narrowing of the river," says Charlevoix, "gave 
 it the name of Qiiebeio, or Quebec, which in the Algotiqrtin language signifies contraction. 
 The Abenaquis, whose language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which signifies 
 something shut up." — Charlevoix's Letters, pp. i8, ig. Alfred Hawkins, in his " Historical 
 Recollections of Quebec,"' regards the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of 
 the Duke of Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious; but it requires some other 
 characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief. When Cartier visited Quebec, it was 
 called by the natives Stadacone. — Vide Cartier s Brief Rec it, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 
 1863, p. 14. 
 
12 
 
 intrigues with those who remained that they were on the 
 point of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, prom- 
 ising them many things which they could not have fulfilled. 
 
 Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to 
 how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of 
 it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, 
 blindfolding them all and taking away their reason and every 
 possible difficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, 
 and strangle me, or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot 
 me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they 
 woulB accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They 
 made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty 
 that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. 
 They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival 
 of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry 
 out their scheme. 
 
 On this very day one of our barques arrived, with our pilot, 
 Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was un- 
 loaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came to him 
 a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, the 
 head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had promised 
 the rest to do just as they did, but that he did not in fact 
 desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a dis- 
 closure in regard to it from fear of being poniarded. 
 
 Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make 
 no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his 
 companions should discover it, they would put him to death. 
 The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked 
 him to state the character of the plot which they wished to 
 carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to 
 him : " My friend, you have done well to disclose such a ma- 
 licious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and 
 under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things 
 cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge 
 of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against 
 them ; and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to 
 pardon you and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, 
 " go to him without exciting any suspicion ; and do you go 
 about your business, listening to all they may say, and not 
 troubling yourself about the rest." 
 
 The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was 
 having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a 
 
13 
 
 private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, 
 and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole 
 affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to 
 pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented 
 to do, although he ought to have addressed himself to me. 
 He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and 
 harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself 
 better than that in such a matter, and desired him to have 
 the man come to me, that I might hear his statement. He 
 went, and brought him all trembling with fear lest I should 
 do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not to be 
 afraid, that he was in a place of safety, and that I should 
 pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, 
 provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the 
 whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. 
 "Nothing," he said, "had impelled them, except that they 
 had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of 
 the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and 
 that they did not want to go back to France." He also 
 related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their 
 conspiracy. 
 
 After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to 
 go about his work. Meanwhile I ordered the pilot to bring 
 up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of 
 wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four 
 worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present 
 of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and 
 that he wished to share it with them. This they did not 
 decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he 
 was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going 
 there shortly after, and caused them to be seized and held 
 until the next day. 
 
 Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had 
 all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and 
 pardoned them all on condition that they would disclose to me 
 the truth in regard to all that had occurred, which they did, 
 when I had them retire. 
 
 The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the 
 other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, 
 which I had put down in writing ; and they were well pleased, 
 as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each other, 
 especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But 
 
now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the 
 treatment which they had received. 
 
 The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the 
 authors of the conspiracy : one for our surgeon, named Bon- 
 nerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four con- 
 spirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and conse- 
 quently they were given their liberty. 
 
 This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac, begging 
 Pont Grave to do me the favor of guarding them, since 1 had 
 as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were 
 occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another object 
 was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what 
 should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he 
 had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec 
 with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with 
 their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice 
 to be done according to the offence which they had committed. 
 
 I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the com- 
 pletion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, 
 which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared 
 nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when 
 these failed ; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the 
 storehouse should be completed and shut up. 
 
 Pont Grave arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, 
 w^hich caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since 
 they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would 
 avenge themselves upon them for revealing their wicked 
 design. 
 
 We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed 
 before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the 
 prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted 
 in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy 
 might be exercised towards them ; accusing, above all, Jean 
 du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a con- 
 spiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du 
 Val knew not what to sa}^, except that he deserved death, 
 that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged 
 for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their 
 adherence to his pernicious purposes. 
 
 After Pont Grave' and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, 
 mate, second mate, and other sailors had heard their deposi- 
 tions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would 
 
15 
 
 be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of the 
 conspiracy ; and that he might serve as an example to those 
 who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly 
 in future, in the discharge of their duty; and that the Span- 
 iards and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the 
 country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that 
 the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they 
 should be taken to France and put ijito the hands of Sieur 
 de Monts, that such ample justice might be done them as he 
 should recommend ; that they should be sent with all the evi- 
 dence and their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who 
 was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on 
 the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place 
 on our fort. 
 
 After all these occurrences, Pont Grave set out from Quebec, 
 on the 1 8th of September, to return to France with the three 
 prisoners. After he had gone, all who remained conducted 
 themselves correctly in the discharge of their duty. 
 
 I had the work on our quarters continued, which was 
 composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one was 
 three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The store- 
 house was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar 
 six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, 
 on the outside, at the second story, which proved very con- 
 venient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six 
 deep. On the outer side of the ditches I constructed several 
 spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points 
 where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is 
 a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out 
 upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very 
 good gardens, and a place on the north side some hundred or 
 hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or sixty wide. More- 
 over, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming from a lake 
 in the interior,* distant six or seven leagues from our settle- 
 
 *The river St. Charles flows from a lake in the interior of the same name. It was 
 called by the Montagnais, according to Sagard as cited by Laverdiere, t7i loco, "Cabirecou- 
 bat, because it turns and forms several points." Cartier named it the Holy Cross, or St. 
 Croix, because, he says, he arrived there " that day'" ; that is, the day on which the exaltation 
 of the Cross is celebrated, the 14th of September, 1535. — \'ide Cartier, Hakiuyt, vol. iii. 
 p. 266. The Recollects gave it the name of St. Charles, after the grand vicar of Pontoise, 
 Charles des Boues. — Laverdiere, itt loco. Jacques Cartier wintered on the north shore of 
 the St. Charles, which he called the St. Croix, or the Holy Cross, about a league from 
 Quebec. " Hard by, there is, in that riuer, one place very narrow, deep, and swift running, 
 but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against the which there is a goodly high 
 piece of land, with a towne therein ; and the country about it is very well tilled and wrought, 
 and as good as possibly can be scene. This is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of 
 
i6 
 
 ment. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter 
 north-west from our settlement, is the place where Jacques 
 Cartier wintered,* since there are still, a league up the river, 
 remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the founda- 
 tion of which has been found, and indications of there hav- 
 ing been ditches surrounding their dwelling, which was 
 small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten 
 timber, and some three or four cannon-balls. All these 
 things show clearly that there was a settlement there founded 
 by Christians ; and what leads me to say and believe that it 
 was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no evi- 
 dence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in 
 these places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discov- 
 eries. This place, as I think, must have been called St. 
 Croix, as he named it ; which name has since been trans- 
 ferred to another place fifteen leagues west of our settlement. 
 But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place 
 now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this 
 direction there is no river or other place large enough for 
 vessels except the main river or that of which I spoke above ; 
 here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks, 
 and a bank at the mouth ; for vessels, if kept in the main river, 
 where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the win- 
 ter, drifting along, would run the risk of being lost ; especially 
 as there is a sandy point extending out into the river, and 
 filled with rocks, between which we have found, within the 
 last three years, ^ passage not before discovered ; but one 
 must go through cautiously, in consequence of the dangerous 
 points there. This place is exposed to the north-west wdnds ; 
 and the river runs as if it were a fall, the tide ebbing two and 
 a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here, nor 
 any indications that a man of judgment would settle in this 
 place, there being many other better ones, in case one were 
 obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous of 
 speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the 
 abode of Jacques Cartier w^as here, which I do not believe, 
 for the reasons here given ; for Cartier would have left to 
 
 our two men we took in our first voyage, it is called Stabacona, . . . vnder which towne to- 
 ward the North the riuer and port of the holy crosse is. where we staied from the 15 of Sep- 
 tember vntil the 16 of May, 1536, and there our ships remained dry as we said before."— 
 Vide Jacques Cartier, Second Voyage, Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 277. 
 
 *The spot where Jacques Cartier wintered was at the junction of the river Lairet and the 
 St. Charles. 
 
17 
 
 posterity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of 
 all he saw and discovered ; and I maintain that my opinion 
 is the true one, as can be shown by the history which 
 he has left in writing. 
 
 As still further proof that this place now called St. Croix is 
 not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons 
 think, this is what he says about it in his discoveries, taken 
 from his history ; namely, that he arrived at the Isle aux 
 Coudres on the 5th of December,* 1535, which he called by 
 this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a strong- 
 tidal current in this place ; and he says that it is three leagues 
 long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. 
 On the 7 th of the month, Notre Dame Day,t he set out 
 from this island to go up the river, in which he saw fourteen 
 islands, distant seven or eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres 
 on the south. He errs somewhat in this estimation, for it 
 is not more than three leagues. $ He also says that the 
 place where the islands are is the commencement of the land 
 or province of Canada, and that he reached an island ten 
 leagues long and five wide, where extensive fisheries are car- 
 ried on, fish being here, in fact, very abundant, especially the 
 sturgeon. But its length is not more than six leagues, and its 
 breadth two, — a fact well recognized now. He says also that 
 he anchored between this island and the main land on the 
 north, the smallest passage, and a dangerous one, where he 
 landed two savages whom he had taken to France, and that, 
 after stopping in this place some time with the people of the 
 country, he sent for his barques and went farther up the river 
 with the tide, seeking a harbor and place of security for his 
 ships. He says, farther, that they went on up the river, 
 coasting along this island, the length of which he estimates at 
 ten leagues ; and after it was passed they found a very fine 
 and pleasant bay, containing a little river and bar harbor, 
 which they found very favorable for sheltering their vessels. 
 
 * Cartier discovered the Isle of Coudres, that is, the isle of filberts or hazel-nuts, on the 
 6th of September, 1535. — I'ide Cartier, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 12. This island 
 is five nautical miles long, which agrees with the statement of Champlain, and its greatest 
 width is two miles and a quarter. 
 
 t Notre Dame Day, iour de nostre dame, should read " Notre Dame Eve."' Cartier 
 says, " Le septiesme iour dtidict mays ioicr nostre-dame,^'' etc. — Idem, p. 12. Hakluyt 
 renders it, "The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladees euen." — Vol. iii. p. 265. 
 
 X As Champlain suggests, these islands are only three leagues higher up the river ; but, 
 as they are on the opposite side, they could not be compassed in much less than seven or 
 eight leagues, as Cartier estimates. 
 
i8 
 
 This they named St. Croix, since he arrived there on this day ; 
 and at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called 
 Stadaca,* but we now call it Quebec. He says, also, that after 
 he had examined this place he returned to get his vessels for 
 passing the winter there. 
 
 Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is 
 only five leagues from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of 
 Orleans,t at the western extremity of which the river is very 
 broad ; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other 
 river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league 
 distant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there 
 is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for 
 vessels at its mouth, there being a large number of spurs ; 
 that is, rocks scattered here and there. It is accordingly 
 necessary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I 
 have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and 
 four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides 
 at full flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our 
 habitation, which is higher up the river ; and, as I have 
 stated, there is no other river up to the place now called St. 
 Croix where vessels can He, there being only little brooks. 
 The shores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not 
 mention until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now 
 called Quebec, where he left his vessels, and built his place of 
 abode, as is seen from what follows. 
 
 On the 19th of September he set out from St. Croix, 
 where his vessels were, setting sail with the tide up the river, 
 which they found very pleasant, as well on account of the 
 woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as 
 for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five leagues 
 from the entrance to the land of Canada ; t that is, at the 
 
 * This was an error m transcribing, Cartier has Stadacome. J'ide Brief Recit, 1545, 
 D'Avezac ed., p. 14. 
 
 tThe distance, according to Laurie's Chart, is at least twenty-six nautical miles. 
 
 X Canada at this time was regarded by the Indians as a limited territory, situated at or 
 about Quebec. This statement is confirmed by the testimony of Cartier, thus translated by 
 Hakluyt : " Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada, 
 which he promised to doe: for the next day being the 13 of the moneth, he with all his 
 Gentlemen and the fiftie Mariners very well appointed, went to visite Donnacona and his 
 people, about a league from our ships." 
 
 Their ships were at this time at St. Croix, a short distance up the St. Charles, which flows 
 into the St. Lawrence at Quebec; and the little Indian village, or camp, which Donnacona 
 called Canada, was at Quebec. Other passages from Cartier, as well as frorn Jean Alfonse, 
 harmonize with this which we have cited. Canada was therefore in Cartier's time only the 
 name of a verj' small territory covered by an Indian village. When it became the centre of 
 French interests, it assumed a wider meaning. The St. Lawrence was often called tlie River 
 of Canada, then the territory on its shores, and finally Canada has_ come to comprehend the 
 vast British possessions in America known as the " Dominion of Canada.'' 
 
19 
 
 western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. 
 ^^'hat is now called St. Croix was then called Achelacy, at a 
 narrow pass where the river is very swift and dangerous on 
 account of the rocks and other things, and which can only 
 be passed at flood-tide. Its distance from Quebec and the 
 river where Gartier wintered is fifteen leagues. 
 
 Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from 
 Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the 
 place now called St. Croix, the name of which has been 
 transferred from one place to another one, which is very dan- 
 gerous, as my description shows. And it is very apparent, 
 from his narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, 
 as is claimed, but that the latter was near Quebec, and that 
 no one had entered into a special investigation of this matter 
 before my doing so in my voyages. For the first time I w^as 
 told that he dwelt in this place, I was greatly astonished, find- 
 ing no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there was. 
 This led me to make a careful examination, in order to 
 remove the suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard 
 to the matter.* 
 
 The first explorer of the American coast in the service of France was the Florentine Ver- 
 razzano, m 1524. His account of his voyage is given in Old South Leaflet No. 17. This 
 account is the subject of much controversy; but, if it is to be relied on, Verrazzauo explored 
 the coast from a point a little south of Cape Hatteras, northward as far as Newfoundland, at 
 \anous points penetrating several leagues into the country. Ten years later, in 1534, came 
 Jacques Cartier. He steered for Newfoundland, and, believing that he was on the way to 
 Cathay, advanced up the St. Lawrence till he saw the shores of Anticosti, when, the 
 autum^nal storms gathering, he returned to France. The next year he came again, with three 
 \-essels. He gave the name of St. Lawrence to a small bay opposite the island of Anticosti, 
 a name afterw-ards extended to the entire gulf and to the great river above. Cartier calls the 
 iver the "River of Hochelaga," or "the great river of Canada."' He confines the name of 
 Canada to a district extending from the Isle aux Coudres in the St. Lawrence to a point some 
 distance above the site of Quebec. The country below, he says, was called by the Indians 
 Saguenay, and that above Hochelaga. He visited the site of Quebec, and ascended the 
 river to a place which he called Mont Royal, Montreal. He wintered at Stadacoue (Quebec), 
 ..d the next summer returned to France. He came again in 1541 ; and Roberval came, and 
 La Roche, and others. It was in 1603 that Champlain first appeared upon the scene. 
 
 Samuel de Champlain was bom in 1567 at the small seaport of Brouage, on the Bay of 
 Biscay. His father was a captain in the royal navy, where he himself seems also to have 
 served; and he had fought for Henry IV. in Brittany. He also went to the West Indies in 
 the service of the king: and his manuscript account, with over sixty crude colored pictures, 
 still exists. He came to Canada in 1603 with Pontgrave, penetrating as far as Montreal. In 
 1604 he came with De Monts, exploring the Nova Scotia coast, and establishing a settlement 
 on an islet which they named St. Croix, at the mouth of the ri\er now bearing that name. 
 The next spring De Monts and Champlain, leaving St. Croix in a little bark with twenty men, 
 
 * The locality of Cartier's winter-quarters is established by Champlain with the certainty 
 of an historical demonstration, and yet there are to be found those whose judgment is so 
 warped by preconceived opinion that they resist the overwhelming testimony which he brings 
 to bear upon the subject. Charlevoix makes the St. Croix of Cartier the Riviere de Jacques 
 Cartier. — I'ide Sheas Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 116. 
 
20 
 
 sailed from the New England coast as far as Nausett Harbor, ou Cape Cod. passing Mount 
 Desert and the mouths of tlie Penobscot and the Kennebec, crossing Casco Kay, and descr^'- 
 ing the distant peaks of the White Mountains, passing the Isles of Shoals and Cape Ann, and 
 entering Massachusetts Bay, giving the name of Ri\-iere du Guast to a ri\er flowing into it, 
 probably the Charles. Champlain describes the islands of Boston Harbor as covered with 
 trees, and says they were met by great numbers of canoes filled- with astonished Indians. 
 They passed Point Allerton and Xantasket Beach, and took shelter in Port .'^t. Louis, as 
 they called the harbor of Plymouth, where the Pilgrims landed tifteen years later. The next 
 summer Champlain came down the coast again, this time as far as the neighborhood of Hyan- 
 nis : and always and everywhere he made maps and charts and pictures, many of which have 
 come down to us, and have the highest historical \'alue. 
 
 In i6oS Champlain came from France the third time, now with the distinct purpose of 
 establishing a settlement on the St. Lawrence as a centre of operations for the French in 
 Canada. The founding of Quebec followed, as detailed in the present leaflet. The story can 
 be followed further in his account of his "Voyages," from which this extract is taken, with 
 the story of his explorations and adventures in Canada for the next quarter of a century, his 
 discovery of Lake Champlain, his Indian wars, his discovery of Lake Huron, his surrender 
 of Quebec to the English in 1629, his visit to London and the restoration of Canada to the 
 French crown, and his death in 1635 in Quebec w-hich he had founded, the student of history 
 is familiar. No man did more to plant and spread the power of France in America. 
 
 Champlain's books, says Parkman, mark the man, — all for his theme and his purpose, 
 nothing for himself. Crude in style, full of the superlicial errors of carelessness and haste, 
 rarely diffuse, often brief to a fault, they bear on every page the palpable impress of truth. 
 We are most fortunate in havmg a fine translation of Champlain's accounts of his various 
 "Voyages,"" by Charles Pomeroy Otis, Ph.D., with historical illustrations, and a memoir by 
 Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, who is the great American authority upon Champlain and his 
 work. The three volumes, which are published by the Prince Society, are enriched by copies 
 of all the local and general maps and drawings in the early French editions, most curious and 
 interesting; and the work is of priceless value to the English student of Champlain. It is 
 from the account of the voyage of 1608, in the second volume, that the story of the founding 
 of Quebec, given in the present leaflet, is taken 
 
 Mr. Slafter is also the author of the fine chapter upon Champlain, in the " Narrative and 
 Critical History of America,"' vol. ii. ; and the special student is referred to his critical essay 
 on the sources of information, appended to that chapter. This entire second volume of the 
 " Narrative and Critical History"' is devoted to the subject of French Explorations in North 
 America. To the general subject of "France and England in North America'" our great 
 historian, Francis Parkman, devoted the work of his whole life ; and his volume on 
 " Pioneers of France in the New World" contains the most graphic and interesting account 
 W'hich exists of Champlain's life and work. The Old South lectures for 1SS9, under the title 
 of "America and France," were entirely devoted to subjects in which the history of America 
 is related to that of France, the first lecture being upon "Champlain, the Founder of 
 Quebec '" ; and the student is referred to the full list of those lectures and the accompanying 
 leaflets. One of the subjects for the Old South essays for 189S is "The Struggle of France 
 and England for North America from the Founding of Quebec by Champlain till the Capture 
 of Quebec by Wolfe." 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
0lh ^outl) %tantt0 
 
 No. Q2. 
 
 The 
 
 First Voyage to 
 
 Roanoke. 
 
 1584. 
 
 The First Voyage made to the Coasts of America, with two 
 Barks, wherein were Captains M. Philip Amadas, and M. 
 Arthur Barlowe, who discovered Part of the Countrey 
 NOW called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by One of the 
 said Captaines, and sent to Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, at 
 whose Charge and Direction, the said Voyage was set 
 forth.* 
 
 The 27 day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584 
 we departed the West of England, with two barkes well fur- 
 nished with men and victuals, having received our last and 
 perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former 
 instructions, and commandements delivered by your selfe at 
 our leaving the river of Thames. And I thinke it a matter 
 both unnecessary, for the manifest discoverie of the Countrey, 
 as also for tediousnesse sake, to remember unto you the 
 diurnall of our course, sayling thither and returning ; onely I 
 have presumed to present unto you this briefe discourse, by 
 which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to 
 succeede, as well to your selfe, by whose direction and charge, 
 and by whose servantes this our discoverie hath beene per- 
 formed, as also to her Highnesse, and the Commonwealth, in 
 which we hope your wisdome wilbe satisfied, considering that 
 as much by us hath bene brought to light, as by those smal 
 meanes, and number of men we had, could any way have bene 
 expected, or hoped for. 
 
 The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the 
 tenth of June in this present yeere, we were fallen with the 
 Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more Southeasterly 
 course then was needefuU, because wee doubted that the cur- 
 
 * The narrative was written by Barlowe, as appears from a sentence in the same. 
 
rent of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the Cape of 
 Florida and Havana, had bene of greater force then after- 
 wards we found it to bee. At which Islands we found the 
 ayre very unwholsome, and our men grew for the most part 
 ill disposed : so that having refreshed our selves with sweet 
 water, & fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day of our 
 arrivall there. These islands, with the rest adjoining, are so 
 well knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not 
 trouble you with the rememberance of them. 
 
 The second of July we found shole water, wher we smelt 
 so sweet, and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst 
 of some deUcate garden abounding with all kinde of odor- 
 iferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could 
 not be farre distant : and keeping good watch, and bearing 
 but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arrived 
 upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and 
 firme lande, and we sayled along the same a hundred and 
 twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance, or 
 river issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared unto us, 
 we entred, though not without some difficultie, & cast anker 
 about three harquebuz-shot within the havens mouth on 
 the left hand of the same : and after thanks given to God 
 for our safe arrivall thither, we manned our boats, and 
 went to view the land next adjoyning, and to take possession 
 of the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent 
 Majestic, and rightfull Queene, and Princesse of the same, 
 and after delivered the same over to your use, according to 
 her Majesties grant, and letters patents, under her Highnesse 
 great scale. Which being performed, according to the cere- 
 monies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, 
 being, whereas we first landed, very sandie and low towards 
 the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and 
 surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such 
 plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand 
 and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well 
 on every little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the tops of 
 high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world the like abun- 
 dance is not to be found : and my selfe having scene those 
 parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were 
 incredible to be written. 
 
 We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those 
 hilles next adjoyning, being but of meane higth, and from 
 
thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, and to 
 the South, finding no ende any of both wayes. This lande 
 laye stretching it selfe to the West, which after wee found to 
 bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not above sixe 
 miles broade. Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode, 
 we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, 
 and having discharged our harquebuz-shot, such a fiocke of 
 Cranes (the most part white), arose under us, with such a cry 
 redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted 
 all together. 
 
 This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, 
 Hares, and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in in- 
 credible abundance. The woodes are not such as you iinde 
 m Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitles, but 
 the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering 
 the Ceders of the Azores, of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, 
 Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth 
 the Masticke, the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sina- 
 mon, of which Master Winter brought from the streights of 
 Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. 
 We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes 
 before we saw any people of the Countrey : the third day we 
 espied one small boate rowing towardes us having in it three 
 persons : this boat came to the Island side, foure harquebuz- 
 shot from our shippes, and there two of the people remain- 
 ing, the third came along the shoreside towards us, and wee 
 being then all within boord, he walked up and downe upon 
 the point of the land next unto us : then the Master and the 
 Pilot of the Admirall, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine 
 Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others rowed to the land, 
 whose comming this fellow attended, never making any shewe 
 of feare or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things 
 not understood by us, we brought him with his owne good 
 liking, aboord the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat & some 
 other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, 
 which he liked very wel : and after having viewed both barks, 
 he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which hee had 
 left in a little Cove or Creeke adjoyning : assoone as hee was 
 two bow shoot into the water, hee fell to fishing, and in lesse 
 then halfe an houre, he had laden his boate as deepe as it 
 could swimme, wath which hee came againe to the point of the 
 lande, and there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing 
 
one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse : which, 
 after he had, as much as he might, requited the former bene- 
 fites received, departed out of our sight. 
 
 The next day there came unto us divers boates, and in 
 one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or 
 fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their 
 behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of Europe. His 
 name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, 
 the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Majestie Vir- 
 ginia. The manner of his comming was in this sort: hee 
 left his boates altogether as the first man did a little from the 
 shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against 
 the shipes, followed with fortie men. When he came to the 
 place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on 
 which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure 
 others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood 
 round about him, somewhat a farre off : when we came to the 
 shore to him with our weapons, hee never mooved from his 
 place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any 
 harme to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to 
 come and sit by him, which we performed : and being set hee 
 made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and 
 his breast and afterwardes on ours to shew wee were all one, 
 smiling and making shewe the best he could of al love, and 
 familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech unto us, wee 
 presented him with divers things, which hee received very joy- 
 fully, and thankefully. None of the company durst speake one 
 worde all the time : only the foure which were at the other 
 ende, spake one in the others eare very softly. 
 
 The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children 
 reverenced : the King himself in person was at our being 
 there, sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King 
 of the next countrey, called Wingina, and was shot in two 
 places through the body, and once cleane through the thigh, 
 but yet he recovered : by reason whereof and for that hee 
 lay at the chief towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes 
 journey off, we saw him not at all. 
 
 After we had presented this his brother with such things 
 as we thought he liked, wee likewise gave somewhat to the 
 other that sat with him on the matte : but presently he arose 
 and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket, 
 making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee de- 
 
5 
 
 livered unto him, and the rest were but his servants, and 
 followers. A day or two after this, we fell to trading with 
 them, exchanging some things that w^e had, for Chamoys, Buffe, 
 and Deere skinnes : when we shewed him all our packet of 
 merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish 
 most pleased him, which hee presently tooke up and clapt it 
 before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof 
 and hung it about his necke, making signes that it would de- 
 fende him against his enemies arrowes : for those people main- 
 taine a deadly and terrible warre, with the people and King 
 adjoyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes, 
 woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles : and a copper 
 kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes. They offered us 
 good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for knives, and 
 would have given any thing for swordes : but wee would not 
 depart with any. After two or three dayes the Kings brother 
 came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine, and eat of our 
 meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof : and 
 after a few dayes overpassed, he brought his w-ife with him to 
 the ships, his daughter and two or three children : his wife was 
 very well favoured, of meane stature, and very bashfull : 
 shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre 
 side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same : 
 about her forehead shee had a bande of white Corall, and so 
 had her husband many times : in her eares shee had bracelets 
 of pearles hanging downe to her middle, whereof wee delivered 
 your worship a little bracelet, and those were of the bignes of 
 good pease. The rest of her women of the better sort had 
 pendants of copper hanging in either eare, and some of the 
 children of the Kings brother and other noble men, have five 
 or sixe in either eare : he himselfe had upon his head a broad 
 plate of golde, or copper, for being unpolished we knew not 
 what mettal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer 
 us to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very 
 easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the women weare 
 their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. They 
 are of colour yellowish, and their haire black for the most part, 
 and yet ^ve saw children that had very fine aburne and chesnut 
 coloured haire. 
 
 After that these women had bene there, there came downe 
 from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, 
 corall, divers kindes of dies, very excellent, and exchanged 
 
with us : but when Granganimeo the kings brother was present, 
 none durst trade but himselfe : except such as vveare red pieces 
 of copper on their heads Hke himselfe : for that is the differ- 
 ence betweene the noble men, and the gouvernours of coun- 
 treys, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and 
 you have understood since by these men, w^hich we brought 
 home, that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their 
 King, Nobilitie, and Governours, then these doe. The Kings 
 brothers wife, when she came to us, as she did many times, 
 was followed with forty or fifty wpmen alwayes : and when she 
 came into the shippe, she left them all on land, saving her two 
 daughters, her nurse and one or two more. The kings brother 
 alwayes kept this order, as many boates as he would come with- 
 all to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on the shore 
 a farre off, to the end we might understand with what strength 
 and company he approched. Their boates are made of one 
 tree, either of Pine or of Pitch trees : a wood not commonly 
 knowen to our people, nor found growing in England. They 
 have no edge-tooles to make them withall : if they have any 
 they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie yeres 
 since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wrake 
 which happened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being 
 beaten that way by some storme and outragious weather, 
 whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or 
 some part of her being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides 
 they drew the nayles and the spikes, and with those they made 
 their best instruments. The manner of making their boates 
 is thus : they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are 
 winde fallen, and putting gumme and rosen upon one side 
 thereof, they set fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow^ 
 they cut out the coale with their shels, and ever where they 
 would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, w^hich 
 burne away the timber, and by this m.eanes they fashion very 
 fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men. Their 
 oares are like scoopes, and many times they set with long 
 poles, as the depth serveth. 
 
 The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, 
 and divers other things which we had : and offered to lay a 
 great boxe of pearle in gage for them : but we refused it for 
 this time, because we would not make them knowe, that we 
 esteemed thereof, untill we had understoode in what places of 
 the countrey the pearle grew : which now your W'orshippe 
 doeth very well understand. 
 
He was very just of his promise : for many times we de- 
 livered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came 
 within the day and performed his promise. He sent us every 
 day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish and best 
 of the world. He sent us divers kindes of fruites. Melons, 
 Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and divers rootes, and 
 fruites very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which 
 is very white, faire and well tasted, and groweth three times in 
 five moneths : in May they sow, in July they reape, in June 
 they sow, in August they reape : in July they sow, in Sep- 
 tember they reape : onely they cast the corne into the ground, 
 breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or 
 pickaxe ; our selves prooved the soile, and put some of our 
 Pease in the ground, and in tenne dayes they were of four- 
 teene ynches high : they have also Beanes very faire of divers 
 colours and wonderfull plentie : some growing naturally, and 
 some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oates. 
 
 The soile is the most plentiful!, sweete, fruitful! and whole- 
 some of all the worlde : there are above fourteene several! 
 sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their under- 
 woods are Bayes and such like : they have those Okes that we 
 have, but farre greater and better. After they had bene divers 
 times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seven more went 
 twentie mile into the River, that runneth towarde the Citie of 
 Skicoak, which River they call Occam : and the evening follow- 
 ing wee came to an Island which they call Roanoak, distant 
 from the harbour by which we entred, seven leagues : and at 
 the North end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of 
 Cedar, and fortified round about wdth sharpe trees, to keepe 
 out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne- 
 pike very artificially ; when wee came towardes it, standing 
 neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo the Kings 
 brother came running out to meete us very cheerfully and 
 friendly, her husband was not then in the village ; some of her 
 people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the 
 beating of the billoe : others she appointed to cary us on their 
 backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our cares into 
 the house for feare of stealing. When we were come into the 
 utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us 
 to sit downe by a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and 
 washed them, and dryed them againe : some of the women 
 plucked off our stockings and washed them, some w^ashed our 
 
feete in warme water, and she herselfe tooke great paines to 
 see all things ordered in the best maner shee could, making 
 great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. 
 
 After we had thus dryed ourselves, she brought us into 
 the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along 
 the house, some wheate like furmentie, sodden Venison, and 
 roasted, fish sodden, boyled and roasted, Melons rawe, and 
 sodden, rootes of divers kindes and divers fruites : their 
 drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they 
 drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere 
 after they drink w^ater, but it is sodden with Ginger in it and 
 blacke Sinamon, and sometimes Sassaphras, and divers other 
 wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were en- 
 tertained with all love and kindnesse, and with much bountie, 
 after their maner, as they could possibly devise. We found 
 the people most gentle, loving and faithfuU, voide of all guile 
 and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden 
 age. The people onely care how^e to defend themselves from 
 the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such 
 meat as the soile affoordeth : there meat is very well sodden 
 and they make broth very sweet and savorie : their vessels are 
 earthen pots, very large, w^hite and sweete, their dishes are 
 wooden platters of sw^eet timber : within the place where they 
 feede was their lodging, and within that their Idoll, which they 
 worship, of whome they speake incredible things. While we 
 were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men 
 with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee 
 espied, we beganne to looke one tow^ardes another, and 
 offered to reach our weapons : but assoone as shee espied our 
 mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her 
 men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and 
 breake them, and wdthall beate the poore fellowes out of the 
 gate againe. When we departed in the evening and would not 
 tary all night she w^as very sorry, and gave us into our boate 
 our supper halfe dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our 
 boate side, in which wee lay all night, remooving the same a 
 prettie distance from the shoare : shee perceiving our jealousie, 
 was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women, to 
 sit all night on the banke side by us, and sent us into our 
 boates five mattes to cover us from the raine, using very many 
 wordes, to entreate us to rest in their houses : but because wee 
 were fewe men, and if wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene 
 
9 
 
 in very great danger, wee durst not adventure any thing, al- 
 though there was no cause of doubt : for a more kinde and 
 loving people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as 
 we have hitherto had triall. 
 
 Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and over 
 against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great 
 river called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a 
 towne called Pomeiock, & sixe days journey from the same is 
 situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, which this people 
 affirme to be very great : but the Savages w^ere never at it, only 
 they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, 
 whom they have heard affirme it to bee above one houres 
 journey about. 
 
 Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in 
 which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are 
 pearles : likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another 
 river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a 
 great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that towne and 
 countrey is called Pooneno : this Pooneno is not subject to the 
 King of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord : beyond this country 
 is there another king, whom they cal Menatonon, and these 
 three kings are in league with each other. Towards the South- 
 west, foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, 
 which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto 
 which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, 
 whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white 
 people whom the countrey people perserved. 
 
 And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island unhabited, 
 called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers 
 of Sequotan fastened two boates of the countrey together cS: 
 made mastes unto them and sailes of their shirtes, and having 
 taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they 
 departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes : 
 but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates 
 were found upon the coast cast a land in another Island 
 adjoyning : other then these, there was never any people 
 apparelled, or white of colour, either scene or heard of 
 amongst these people, and these aforesaid were scene onely 
 of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, 
 for they wondred marvelously when we were amongst them 
 at the whitenes of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, 
 and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvel- 
 
10 
 
 ous admiration, & all things els were so strange unto them, as 
 it appeared that none of them had ever scene the like. When 
 we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would 
 tremble thereat for very feare and for the strangenesse of the 
 same : for the weapons which themselves use are bowes and 
 arrowes : the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a 
 sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked 
 man. Their swordes be of wood hardened : likewise they use 
 wooden breastplates for their defence. They have beside a 
 kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe horns 
 of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they cary 
 about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the 
 Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs 
 as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and 
 trumpets : their warres are very cruell and bloody, by reason 
 whereof, and of their civill dissentions which have happened of 
 late yeeres amongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, 
 and in some places the countrey left desolate. 
 
 Adjoyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan begin- 
 neth a countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king 
 whom they call Piamacum, and this king is in league with 
 the next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and 
 the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus : 
 these kings have mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingan- 
 dacoa : but about two yeeres past there was a peace made be- 
 tweene the King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these 
 men which we have brought with us to England, have given us 
 to understand : but there remaineth a mortall malice in the 
 Secotanes, for many injuries & slaughters done upon them by 
 this Piemacum. They invited divers men, and thirtie women 
 of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast : and when 
 they were altogether merry, & praying before their Idoll, which 
 is nothing els but a meer illusion of the devill, the captaine or 
 Lord of the town came suddenly upon the, and slewe them 
 every one, reserving the women and children : and these two 
 have oftentimes since perswaded us to surprise Piemacum his 
 towne, having promised and assured us, that there will be 
 found in it great store of commodities. But whether their 
 perswasion be to the ende they may be revenged of their 
 enemies, or for the love they beare to us, we leave that to the 
 tryall hereafter. 
 
 Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very 
 
II 
 
 plentiful! of fruits and other naturall increases, together with 
 many townes, and villages, along the side of the continent, 
 some bounding upon the Islands, and some stretching up 
 further into the land. 
 
 When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought the 
 first land we saw to bee the continent : but after we entred into 
 the Haven, we saw before us another mighty long Sea : for 
 there lyeth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundretb 
 miles in length, adjoyning to the Ocean sea, and betweene the 
 Islands, two or three entrances : when you are entred betweene 
 them, these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in 
 most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fev/ 
 more, then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in 
 bredth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty 
 miles over, before you come unto the continent : and in this 
 inclosed Sea there are above an hundreth Islands of divers 
 bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which we 
 were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground ; replenished 
 with goodly Cedars, and divers other sweete woods, full of 
 Corrants, of flaxe, and many other notable commodities, which 
 we at that time had no leasure to view. Besides this Island 
 there are many, as I have sayd, some of two, or three, of foure, 
 of five miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull and pleas- 
 ant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares and 
 divers beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the 
 world, and in greatest abundance. 
 
 Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of 
 our discovery made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the 
 shortnesse of the time we there continued would affoord us 
 to take viewe of : and so contenting our selves with this ser- 
 vice at this time, which wee hope here after to inlarge, as 
 occasion and assistance shalbe given, we resolved to leave the 
 countrey, and to apply ourselves to returne for England, which 
 we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the West of England 
 about the middest of September. 
 
 And whereas wee have above certified you of the countrey 
 taken in possession by us to her Majesties use, and so to yours 
 by her Majesties grant, wee thought good for the better assur- 
 ance thereof to record some of the particular Gentlemen & men 
 of accompt, who then were present, as witnesses of the same, 
 that thereby all occasion of cavill to the title of the countrey, 
 in her Majesties behalfe may be prevented, which otherwise, 
 
12 
 
 such as like not the action may use and pretend, whose 
 names are : 
 
 Master Philip Amadas, | 
 Master Arthur Barlow, i 
 
 Captaijies. 
 
 William Greenvile, John Wood, James Browewich, Henry 
 Greene, Benjamin Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, 
 John Hewes, of the companie. 
 
 We brought home also two of the Savages being lustie men, 
 whose names were Wanchese and Manteo. 
 
 Charter in Favor of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, for the Dis- 
 covery AND Planting of New Lands in America, 25 March 
 1584. 
 
 Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ire- 
 land Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to 
 whom these presents shal come, greeting. Know ye that 
 of our especial grace, certaine science, & meere motion, we have 
 given and graunted, and by these presents for us, our heires 
 and successors doe give and graunt to our trusty and welbeloved 
 servant Walter Ralegh Esquire, and to his heires and assignes 
 for ever, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all 
 times for ever hereafter, to discover, search, finde out, and view 
 such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countreis, and ter- 
 ritories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor in- 
 habited by Christian people, as to him, his heires and assignes, 
 and to every or any of them shall seeme good, and the same to 
 have, holde, occupy (S: enjoy to him, his heires and assignes 
 for ever, with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictios, royal- 
 ties, privileges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or there- 
 abouts both by sea and land, whatsoever we by our letters 
 patents may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors 
 have heretofore granted to any person or persons, bodies poli- 
 tique or corporate : and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires 
 and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of 
 us, our heires and successors, shal goe or travaile thither to 
 inhabite or remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discre- 
 tion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires & assignes, the stat- 
 utes or act of Parliament made against fugitives, or against 
 such as shall depart, remaine or continue out of our Realme of 
 
13 
 
 England without licence, or any statute, act, law, or any ordi- 
 nance whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 
 
 And we do likewise by these presents, of our especial grace, 
 meere motion, and certaine knowledge, for us, our heires and 
 successors, give and graunt full authoritie, libertie and power 
 to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every 
 of them, that he and they, and every or any of them shall and 
 may at all and every time and times hereafter, have, take, and 
 leade in the sayde voyage, and travaile thitherward, or to in- 
 habite there with him or them, and every or any of them, 
 such and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompany 
 him or them, and every or any of them : and to whom also we 
 doe by these presents, give full libertie and authoritie in that 
 behalfe, and also to have, take and employ, and use sufficient 
 shipping and furniture for the transportations, and Navigations 
 in that behalfe, so that none of the same persons or any of 
 them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by us, our heires 
 or successors. 
 
 And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and 
 assignes, and every of them, shall have, holde, occupie and 
 enjoy to him, his heires and assignes, and every of them for 
 ever, all the soyle of all such landes, territories, and Coun- 
 treis, so to be discovered and possessed as aforesayd, and of 
 all such Cities, Castles, Townes, Villages, and places in the 
 same, with the right royalties, franchises, and jurisdictions, as 
 well marine as other within the sayd landes, or Countreis, or 
 the seas thereunto adjoyning, to be had, or used, with full 
 power to dispose thereof, and of every part in fee simple or 
 otherwise, according to the order of the lawes of England, as 
 neere as the same conveniently may be, at his, and their wil 
 and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that shall remaine 
 within the allegiance of us, our heires and successors : reserv- 
 ing alwayes to us, our heires and successors, for all services, 
 dueties, and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of golde 
 and silver, that from time to time, and at all times after such 
 discoverie, subduing and possessing, shall be there gotten and 
 obteined : All which lands, Countreis, and territories shall 
 for ever be holden of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and 
 assignes, of us, our heires and successors, by homage, and by 
 the sayd payment of the said fift part, reserved onely for all 
 services. 
 
 And moreover, we do by these presents, for us, our heires 
 
14 
 
 and successors, give and grant licence to the said Walter 
 Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every of them, that he 
 and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time 
 to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, for his and their 
 defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist aswell by 
 sea as by lande, and by all other wayes whatsoever, all and 
 every such person and persons whatsoever, as without es- 
 peciall liking and licence of the sayd Walter Ralegh, and of 
 his heires and assignes, shall attempt to inhabite within the 
 sayde Countreys, or any of them, or within the space of two 
 hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such 
 Countreys as aforesayd (if they shall not bee before planted or 
 inhabited within the limits as aforesayd with the subjects of 
 any Christian Prince being in amitie with us) where the sayd 
 Walter Ralegh, his heires, or assignes, or any of them, or his, 
 or their, or any of their associats or company, shall within 
 sixe yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, 
 or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter un- 
 lawfully to annoy, eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter 
 Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, 
 or any of his or their companies : giving and graunting by 
 these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd 
 Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every of them 
 from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to take 
 and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoever, all and every 
 those person or persons, with their Shippes, Vessels, and other 
 goods and furniture, which without the licence of the sayde 
 Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or assignes, as aforesayd, shalbe 
 found traffiquing into any Harbour, or Harbours, Creeke, or 
 Creekes, within the limits aforesayd, (the subjects of our 
 Realmes and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie 
 with us, trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as hereto- 
 fore they have commonly used, or being driven by force of 
 a tempest, or shipwracke onely excepted :) and those persons, 
 and every of them, with their shippes, vessels, goods, and 
 furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize, 
 according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh, 
 his heires, and assignes, and every, or any of them. And for 
 uniting -in more perfect league and amitie, of such Coun- 
 tryes, landes, and territories so to be possessed and inhabited 
 as aforesayd with our Realmes of England and Ireland, and 
 the better incouragement of men to these enterprises : we 
 
' 15 
 
 doe by these presents, graunt and declare that all such Coun- 
 tries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is afore- 
 savd, from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of us, our 
 heires and successours. And wee doe graunt to the sayd 
 Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and to all, and every 
 of them, and to all, and every other person and persons, being 
 of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entred in 
 some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of Eng- 
 land, that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his 
 heires or assignes, shall in his journeis for discoverie, or in 
 the journeis for conquest hereafter travaile to such lands, 
 countreis and territories, as aforesayd, and to their, and to 
 every of their heires, that they, and every or any of them, 
 being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of England or 
 Irelande, or in any other place within our allegiance, and 
 which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, 
 Countryes, and Territories, with such licence (as aforesayd) 
 shall and may have all the priviledges of free Denizens, and 
 persons native of England, and within our allegiance in such 
 like ample maner and forme, as if they were borne and per- 
 sonally resident within our said Realme of England, any law. 
 custome, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 And forasmuch as upon- the finding out, discovering, or 
 inhabiting of such remote lands, countries, and territories as 
 aforesaid, it shalbe necessary for the safety of all men, that 
 shall adventure themselves in those journeys or voyages, to 
 determine to live together in Christian peace, and civill quiet- 
 nesse eche with other, whereby every one may with more 
 pleasure and profit enjoy that w^hereunto they shall atteine 
 with great paine and perill, wee for us, our heires and succes- 
 sors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents 
 doe give & grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and 
 assignes for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, 
 shall and may from time to time for ever hereafter, within the 
 said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the 
 seas thither, and from thence, have full and meere power and 
 authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, governe, and rule by their 
 and every or any of their good discretions and policies, as well 
 in causes capitall, or criminall, as civill, both marine and other 
 all such our subjects, as shal from time to time adventure 
 themselves in the said journeis or voyages, or that shall at any 
 time hereafter inhabite anv such lands, countreis, or territories 
 
i6 
 
 as aforesayd, or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of 
 the sayde place or places, where the sayde Walter Ralegh, his 
 heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their asso- 
 ciats or companies, shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing 
 the date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordi- 
 nances as shall be by him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires 
 and assignes, and every or any of them devised, or established, 
 for the better government of the said people as aforesaid. So 
 alwayes as the said statutes, lawes, and ordinances may be, as 
 nere as conveniently may bee, agreeable to the forme of the 
 lawes, statutes, government, or pollicie of England, and also so 
 as they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed 
 in the Church of England, nor in any wdse to withdrawe 
 any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the 
 alleagance of us, our heires and successours, as their imme- 
 diate Soveraigne under God. 
 
 And further, we doe by these presents for us, our heires and 
 successors, give and grant ful power and authoritie to our 
 trustie and w^elbeloved Counsailour Sir William Cecill knight, 
 Lorde Burghley, or high Treasourer of England, and to the 
 Lorde Treasourer of England for us, our heires and successors, 
 for the time being, and to the privie Counsaile of us, our heires 
 and successors, or any foure or 'more of them, for the time 
 being, that he, they, or any foure or more of them, shall and may 
 from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their 
 handes or Scales by vertue of these presents, authorize and 
 licence the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and 
 every or any of them by him, & by themselves, or by their, or 
 any of their sufficient Atturnies, Deputies, Officers, Ministers, 
 Factors, and servants, to imbarke & transport out of our 
 Realme of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all 
 or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his 
 and their associats and companies, and every or any of them, 
 with such other necessaries and commodities of any our 
 Realmes, as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer, or foure or more of 
 the privie Counsaile, of us our heires and successors for the 
 time being (as aforesaid) shalbe from time to time by his or 
 their wisedomes, or discretions thought meete and convenient, 
 for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter 
 Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every or any of them, 
 and of his or their or any of their associats and companies, 
 any act, statute, law, or any thing to the contrary in any wise 
 notwithstanding. 
 
17 
 
 Provided ahvayes, and our wil and pleasure is, and we do 
 hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that 
 if the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of 
 them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at 
 any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by sea or by 
 land, or doe any acte of unjust or unlawfull hostilitie, to any 
 of the subjects of us, our heires or successors, or to any of 
 the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Governours, or 
 estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with us, our 
 heires and successours, and that upon such injurie, or upon 
 just complaint of any such Prince, Ruler, Governour or 
 estate, or their subjects, wee, our heires and successors, shall 
 make open Proclamation within any the portes of our 
 Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires 
 and assignes, and adherents, or any to whom these our Let- 
 ters patents may extende, shall within the termes to bee lim- 
 ited, by such Proclamation, make full restitution, and satis- 
 faction of all such injuries done : so as both we and the said 
 Princes, or other so complaining, may hold us and themselves 
 fully contented : And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his 
 heires and assignes, shall not make or cause to be made satis- 
 faction accordingly within such time so to be limited, that 
 then it shal be lawful to us, our heires and successors, to put 
 the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and adher- 
 ents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be dis- 
 covered (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegeance 
 and protection, and that from and after such time of putting 
 out of protection of the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, 
 assignes and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the 
 said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall 
 be out of our allegeance and protection, and free for all 
 Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie, as being not our 
 subjects, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintained, or 
 defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protec- 
 tion, or dominion, or allegeance any way belonging : for that 
 expresse mention of the cleere yeerely value of the certaintie 
 of the premisses, or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or 
 grant by us, or any our progenitors, or predecessors to the 
 said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents 
 bee not expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, 
 proclamation, or restraint to the contrary thereof, before this 
 time, given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, 
 
r8 
 
 or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In wit- 
 nesse whereof, wee have caused these our letters to be made 
 Patents. Witnesse our selves, at Westminster the five and 
 twentie day of March, in tiie sixe and twentith yeere of our 
 Raigns. 
 
 An Extract of Master Ralph Lane's Letter to M. Richard 
 
 HaKIATYT Esr)UIRE, AND ANOTHER GENTLEMAN OF THE MIDDLE 
 
 Temple, from Virginia. 
 
 In the meane while you shall understand, that since Sir Richard 
 Greenvils departure from us, as also before, we have discovered the 
 maine to be the goodliest soyle under the cope of heaven, so abound- 
 ing with sweete trees, that bring such sundry rich and pleasant 
 gummes, grapes of such greatnesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor 
 Itahe have no greater, so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs, such sev- 
 erall kindes of flaxe, & one kind hke silke, the same gathered of a 
 grasse, as common there, as grasse is here. And now within these 
 few dayes we have found here Maiz or Guinie wheate, whose eare 
 yeeldeth corne for bread 400. upon one eare, and the Cane maketh 
 very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra 
 sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Terri- 
 torie of the world : for the continent is of an huge and unknowen 
 greatnesse, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely, and 
 the chmate so wholesome, that wee had not one sicke since we 
 touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had but horses 
 and kine in some reasonable proportion, I dare assure my selfe being 
 inhabited with English, no realme in Christendome were comparable 
 to it. For this already we finde, that what commodities soever 
 Spaine, France, Italy, or the East partes doe yeeld unto us, in wines 
 of all sortes, in oyles, in fiaxe, in rosens, pitch, frankensence, cor- 
 rans, sugers, and such like, these parts doe abound with the growth 
 of them all, but being Savages that possesse the land, they know no 
 use of the same. And sundry other rich commodities, that no parts 
 of the world, be they the West or East Indies, have, here wee finde 
 great abundance of. The people naturally are most courteous and 
 very desirous to have clothes, but especially of course cloth rather 
 then silke, course canvas they also like well of, but copper caryeth 
 the price of all, so it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt and 
 M. H. I have joyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two 
 that I love dearely well, and commending me ^most heartily to you 
 both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie. From the new 
 Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585. 
 
 Your most assured friend Ralph Lane. 
 
19 
 
 " Histon,' has recorded the lives of few men more renowned than Walter Ralegh, — the 
 soldier, the sailor, the statesman, the courtier, the poet, the historian, and the philosopher. 
 The age in which he lived, the versatility of his genius, his conspicuous services, and ' the deep 
 damnation of his taking off,' — all conspired to exalt his memory among men and to render it 
 immortal. Success often crowned his efforts in the ser\'ice of his country, and the impress 
 of his genius is clearly traced upon her history ; but his greatest service to England and to 
 the world was his pioneer effort to colonize America, in which he experienced the most mor- 
 tifying defeat. BafHed in his endeavor to plant the English race upon this continent, he yet 
 called into existence a spirit of enterprise which first gave Virginia and then North America 
 to that race, and which led Great Britain from this beginning to dot the map of the world with 
 her colonies, and through them to become the greatest power of the earth." 
 
 These are the opening words of Mr. William Wirt Henr^^'s valuable chapter upon Ralegh 
 in the third volume of the "Narrative and Critical History of America," which volume is 
 entirely devoted to English explorations and settlements in North America. Mr. Henry's 
 chapter is followed by a critical essay on the .sources of information about Ralegh's life and 
 efforts for American colonization; and this is commended to the student as the completest 
 bibliography. The article on Ralegh in the "Dictionary of National Biography" should 
 also be consulted. 
 
 This great pioneer in the work of English colonization in America is in many ways the 
 most brilliant name in the whole history of our period of colonization. As early as 1578, 
 when he was but twenty-six years old, Ralegh sailed for America, commanding one of the 
 seven ships in the fleet of .Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his half-brother. He had already dis- 
 covered that the power of Spain was largely due to the wealth she derived from America, and 
 he desired to secure for England the same source of power. His attention had been attracted 
 to the coast of Florida by Coligny, whose Huguenot colony there had been destroyed by 
 Menendez in 1565. Gilbert's fleet met with disaster, and was forced to return. The object 
 of Ralegh's passionate desire remained, however, the English colonization of America. He 
 furnished one of the five ships with which Sir Humphrey sailed, in 1583, upon his last and 
 most disastrous voyage to America, and was only prevented from going with him by the 
 order of the queen, who was unwilling that her favorite should incur the risk of any "danger- 
 ous sea fights." In 1584 Ralegh obtained a new charter, given in the present leaflet, drawn 
 more carefully with a view to foster colonization, giving the colonists "all the privileges of 
 free denizens and persons native of England." To this provision, which was the ground 
 upon which the struggle with the mother country leading to the Revolution and to American 
 independence was maintained, we are doubtless indebted to Ralegh. In April, 1584, Ralegh 
 sent Captains Amadas and Barlowe with two ships to explore the Atlantic coast north of 
 Florida, with a view to a permanent colony. Their report to Ralegh upon their return is 
 given in the present leaflet. Their enthusiastic account delighted the queen as much as it 
 delighted Ralegh, and she named the newly discovered country Virginia. Ralegh made 
 everything ready by the next spring for planting a colony in Virginia. In April, 1585, seven 
 ships sailed from Plymouth in command of his cousin. Sir Richard Grenville, "with one 
 hundred householders and many things necessary to begin a new state." 
 
 The colony itself was put in the immediate charge of Ralph Lane ; and his deputy was 
 Captain Philip Amadas, who had been one of the commanders of the first expedition, described 
 in this leaflet. Thomas Cavendish and Thomas Hariot were other leading men in the company. 
 Grenville landed the colony at Roanoke Island, leaving Lane in charge of more than a hun- 
 dred men, and sailed for England, promising to return with supplies. His return was de- 
 layed, and the sufferings of the colony were severe ; and Sir Francis Drake, putting in at 
 Roanoke with his fleet, in 1586, after sacking St. Augustine, took the whole company back to 
 England. A ship soon arrived with supplies sent by Ralegh, but, finding no one on the 
 island, returned, as did Grenville, who arrived with three ships immediately afterwards. He 
 left fifteen men, however, with provisions for two years, to retain possession of the country ; 
 but when John White, sent by Ralegh the next year, with a hundred and fifty persons, came 
 to Roanoke, it was to find that these men had been massacred by the natives. White, leaving 
 his colony, returned to England for help: and, in his absence, the company mysteriously dis- 
 appeared. It was learned after the settlement of Jamestown that they had intermixed with 
 the natives, and finally had been massacred, only seven escaping. Ralegh, who had already 
 spent forty thousand pounds in his efforts to colonize Virginia, continued to send out ships to 
 look for his lost colony; and in 1602 he expressed his faith in the colonization of Virginia in. 
 the words, " I shall yet live to see it an EngHsh nation." 
 
 Mr. Henry well says: "Although the colonies he sent to Virginia perished, to Ralegh 
 must be awarded the honor of securing the possession of North America to the English. 
 It was through his enterprise that the advantages of its soil and climate were made known in 
 England, and that the Chesapeake Bay was fixed upon as the proper place of settlement ; 
 and it was his genius that created the spirit of colonization which led to the successful settle- 
 ment upon that bay." Ten of the nineteen merchants who co-operated with him in sending 
 out White's colony, which was destined ultimately for the Chesapeake, were afterwards sub- 
 scribers to the Virginia Company which settled Jamestown. 
 
20 
 
 There is a considerable original literature touching the Roanoke enterprise. Besides the 
 account of the first expedition here given, the account of Grenville's voyage, in 1585, was 
 written by one of the persons accompanying Grenville : and the accoont of what happened 
 after their arrival was written by one of the colonists, probably Ralph Lane himself. An 
 account of the country was written by Thomas Hariot ; and John White wrote accounts of his 
 voyages. These are all found together in Hakluyt, in the first volume of Ha\%ks's " His- 
 tory of North Carolina,''and (in best form) in the volume on " Sir Walter Ralegh and his 
 Colony in America," edited, with memoir and historical illustrations, by Rev. Increase N. 
 Tarbox, published by the Prince Society. 
 
 In 1595, and again in 1617, Ralegh himself commanded expeditions to the coast of 
 South America, on the former sailing four hundred miles up the Orinoco. Returning broken 
 and dispirited from the second expedition in 161S, it was to find himself overwhelmed by his 
 enemies ; and his execution followed almost immediately. But Jamestown was now eleven 
 years old, and the Pilgrims in Holland were thinking of New England. 
 
 The voyages to Guiana are related by Ralegh himself. In Ralegh's " History of the 
 World," as Mr. Henry notes, "he often illustrates his subject by the incidents of his own 
 life; and thus we have in the book much of an autobiography." 
 
 The lives of Ralegh are almost numberless. No Englishman of that great time, almost 
 no man of any time, has been the subject of so many biographies. The most important of 
 the early ones is that by William Oldys. The completest and most critical work is that by 
 Edward' Edwards (1S68), who in his introduction gives a good estimate of the preceding biog- 
 raphies. Perhaps the best of the shorter lives is that by Stebbing (1891); and the brief 
 biographies by Gosse, Towle, and Louise Creighton will serve the younger people. Gardi- 
 ner, in his History of England, gives a complete account of Ralegh's public life from the 
 a.scension of James I., which is invaluable for the careful student. 
 
 >\^ LfxF^ftT^ 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
<©lti :f>outl) %tantt^ 
 
 No. 93. 
 
 The Settlement 
 of London- 
 derry, N.H. 
 
 From Parker's History of Londonderry. 
 
 As the fathers of New England tied not so much from the 
 civil government as from the hierarchy and the laws which 
 enforced conformity to the Church establishment, so did the 
 settlers of Londonderry emigrate, to escape religious rather 
 than civil evils. Although by the Revolution of 1688, and 
 the accession of William and the House of Hanover to the 
 British throne, the Protestant cause was firmly established, 
 peace restored to the island in which they dwelt, and toler- 
 ation of religious sentiments allowed, still, as Presbyterians, 
 and Dissenters from the Church of England, they experienced 
 many embarrassments. 
 
 They were, indeed, permitted to maintain their own forms 
 of worship unmolested. Still, they w^ere compelled to aid in 
 supporting a minister of the established religion, and a tenth 
 part of all their increase was rigorously exacted for this pur- 
 pose. They also held their lands and tenements by lease from 
 the crown, and not as proprietors of the soil. With an inex- 
 tinguishable thirst for liberty, they could not bear to be thus 
 trammelled in their civil and religious rights. 
 
 Their position in Ireland was uncomfortable, also, sur- 
 rounded as they were with the native Irish, who adhered 
 with tenacity to the Church of Rome ; and though they were 
 then subjugated to Protestant power, and not permitted openly 
 to persecute as they had done, yet a spirit of hostility still 
 existed, and was in various ways expressed. Many circum- 
 stances, in addition to the original strong traits of character 
 which separate the Scotch from the Irish, had served to in-/ 
 flame and strengthen the enmity existing between them. . . . 
 
It was in view of tliese embarrassments and evils expe- 
 rienced in their native land that this body of emigrants were 
 disposed to leave their homes and the many comforts there 
 enjoyed for an untried region, and the labors and sufferings 
 incident to a settlement in a new country. "* 
 
 That such were their motives we learn from a manuscript 
 sermon of the Rev. James MacGregor, one of the four pastors 
 who accompanied their tiocks to America, and the first min- 
 ister of Londonderry. It was addressed to them on the eve 
 of their embarking for this country. His discourse was from 
 those very appropriate words of Moses, wdien conducting the 
 chosen tribes to the promised land : " If thy presence go not 
 with me, carry us not up hence." 
 
 In the application of the subject to their emigration, he 
 states the following as reasons of their removal to America : 
 I. To avoid oppression and cruel bondage; 2. To shun 
 persecution and designed ruin ; 3. To withdraw from the 
 communion of idolaters ; 4. To have an opportunity of wor- 
 shipping God according to the dictates of conscience and 
 the rules of his inspired Word. 
 
 They were, moreover, induced to contemplate a settlement 
 in this land by the favorable report of a young man by the 
 name of Holmes, the son of a Presbyterian clergyman, who 
 had visited this country. Encouraged by his representations 
 of the civil and religious privileges which were enjoyed by 
 the American colonies, his father and three other Presbyterian 
 ministers, James MacGregor, William Cornwell, and William 
 Boyd, with a portion of their respective congregations, deter- 
 mined on a removal to this country. 
 
 * The residence of the Mc Keens, MacGregors, Nesmiths, Dinsmores, and many other 
 of the emigrants to Londonderrj', was in the valley of the river Bann, and in or near the 
 towns or parishes of Coleraine, Ballymoney, Ballywoolen, Ballywatick, and Kilrea. 
 
 A distinguished descendant of one of the early settlers writes to the author, as follows : 
 " On a voyage to the Old World, a few years since, I could not resist the inclination to visit 
 the temporary resting-place of our forefathers, in Ireland. Not anticipating such an excur- 
 sion when I left home, I was miserably prepared for taking advantage of what others knew 
 as to the exact location of our ancestors. I only knew that Londonderry, Coleraine, Antrim, 
 Ballymoney, and Belfast were some of tlieir places of residence, and of course could receive 
 only general appreciations of their homes. Still, viewing the vast extent of excellent land, 
 still uncultivated, the beauty of the scenery, the mildness of the winters (on the 30th of 
 March, 1S45, I saw peaches in full blossom, in the open air, at Belfast), I could not but real- 
 ize that moral heroism which could induce men, perfectly advised of all they were to expect 
 or obtain, to emigrate to the New World. Men, in the most wild belief of the precious 
 metals, will seek new countries with reckless disregard of all consequences. Our Irish 
 ancestors knew that they were lea\'ing a better country for ?i poorer (speaking agriculturally) 
 and with only the prospect of toil before them. Imagination lent no charms to the future. 
 They must ha\ e had motives reaching beyond the present. Their characters and, I believe, 
 the moral tone of the vast masses of their widely spread descendants leave us in no doubt 
 of the true impulses which go\'erned them." 
 
In order to prepare the way and secure a reception and a 
 place of settlement on their arrival here, they despatched, early 
 in the year 17 18, Rev. Mr. Boyd, with an address to Governor 
 Shute, of Massachusetts, expressing a strong desire to remove 
 to New England, should he afford them suitable encourage- 
 ment. They also empowered Mr. Boyd to make all the neces- 
 sary arrangements with the civil authority for their reception. 
 
 The address is very concise and appropriate, and is signed 
 by three hundred and nineteen, each subscribing his own name 
 in a fair and legible hand, except thirteen, whose marks are 
 affixed. That so large a proportion, in the circumstances in 
 which they were placed while in Ireland, were able to write, is 
 a fact that serves very clearly to show that, as a company, they 
 were superior to the common class of emigrants. Nine of the 
 subscribers were ministers of the gospel, and three others were 
 graduates at the University in Scotland. The document is on 
 parchment, in a good state of preservation, and may be re- 
 garded as a valuable relic of these early adventurers to this 
 land. 
 
 Mr. Boyd received from Governor Shute the desired encour- 
 agement. On communicating it to his friends in Ireland, by 
 whom he had been commissioned, they immediately converted 
 their property into money, embarked in five ships for Boston, 
 and arrived there Aug. 4, 17 18. 
 
 That portion of the emigrants who had been the charge of 
 Rev. Mr. MacGregor in Ireland, and others who joined them, 
 wished to unite, that they might continue to enjoy his labors as 
 their pastor. Among this number were the McKeen families, 
 with their connections. 
 
 James McKeen, brother-in-law to Mr. MacGregor, and who 
 appears to have been the leading influential member of this 
 body, on conferring with Governor Shute, was informed that 
 there was good land in the vicinity of Casco Bay, Me., which 
 they might have, and where they could carry into effect their 
 particular design as a community, and secure the enjoyment 
 of religious ordinances under the ministry of their favorite 
 teacher. 
 
 Another portion of this company of emigrants repaired to 
 Worcester, and there attempted to form a settlement and enjoy 
 religious privileges under the ministry of one of the pastors 
 who had accompanied them to this country. And, although 
 they were an industrious, orderly, worthy, and pious congrega- 
 
tion, yet, in consequence of their being foreigners, especially 
 from Ireland, and introducing the Presbyterian mode of wor- 
 ship, which was before unknown in New England, the preju- 
 dices of the Congregational communities in Worcester were so 
 strong and bitter towards ihem that they were compelled to 
 leave the place. They in consequence separated, and were dis- 
 persed through the country. Some of these families settled in 
 Coleraine, some in Palmer, some in Pelham, and some in other 
 towns in Massachusetts, and, being joined by emigrants, from 
 time to time, from the old country, formed those Presbyterian 
 societies which existed for many years in these several towns. 
 
 A considerable number of this body of emigrants, on arriv- 
 ing at Boston, saw fit to remain in that city, and, uniting with 
 those of their countrymen of their own faith whom they found 
 there, formed the first Presbyterian church and society, over 
 which the Rev. John Morehead was installed pastor. It was 
 at first styled the Presbyterian church in Long Lane, — subse- 
 quently Federal Street. 
 
 Sixteen of the families who had purposed to form a distinct 
 settlement, and become the charge of the Rev. Mr. MacGregor, 
 embarked in a vessel for Casco Bay, in order to select a town- 
 ship ; while the remaining families, with Mr. MacGregor, re- 
 tired from Boston into the country, some to Andover, others 
 to Dracut, until a suitable tract of land should be found for a 
 permanent settlement. 
 
 The party that left Boston for Casco Bay arrived there late 
 in the season ; and, it proving to be a very early and cold 
 winter, the vessel was frozen in. Many of the families, not 
 being able to find accommodations on shore, were obliged to 
 pass the whole winter on board the ship, suffering severely from 
 the want of food, as well as of conveniences of situation. 
 
 Willis, in his History of Portland, referring to this event, 
 says: "In the autumn of 1718 a vessel arrived in the harbor 
 of Falmouth, now Portland, witli twenty families of emigrants 
 from Ireland. They were descendants of a colony from 
 Argyleshire in Scotland, and settled in the north of Ireland 
 about the middle of the seventeenth century. They were rigid 
 Presbyterians, and fled from Scotland to avoid the persecutions 
 of Charles I. They suffered severely during the winter here. 
 Their provisions failed, and our inhabitants had neither shelter 
 nor food sufficient for so large an accession to the popu- 
 lation. In December the inhabitants petitioned the General 
 
5 
 
 Court at Boston for relief. They stated their grievances as 
 follows : ' That there are now in the town about three hundred 
 souls, most of whom are arrived from Ireland, of which not 
 one-half have provision enough to live upon over winter, and 
 so poor that they are not able to buy any, and none of the first 
 inhabitants so well furnished as that they are able to supply 
 them ' ; and they prayed that the Court would consider their 
 desolate circumstances by reason of the great company of 
 poor strangers arrived among them, and take speedy and 
 effectual care of their supply. On this application the Court 
 ordered ' that one hundred bushels of Indian meal be allowed, 
 and paid out of the treasury, for the poor Irish people men- 
 tioned in the petition.' " It is subjoined, in a note to this 
 record, that James McKeen, the grandfather of the first presi- 
 dent of Bowdoin College, was of this company, and the agent 
 who selected the land on which they settled. 
 
 On the opening of spring the little colony prepared to com- 
 mence an examination of the territory to which they had been 
 directed by Governor Shute. As they disembarked in this new 
 country, to which they had come to seek a residence for them- 
 selves and their descendants, they assembled, according to tra- 
 dition, on the shore, and joined in acts of religious worship, 
 devoutly acknowledging the divine goodness in their preserva- 
 tion upon the great deep, and during the unusually severe 
 winter which they had experienced. No one of their number 
 had suffered by sickness or been removed by death. Standing 
 on the shore of the ocean which separated them from their 
 native land, they offered their devout praises in that " most 
 touching of all songs," the one hundredth and thirty-seventh 
 psalm. As they surveyed the unsubdued and uninhabited 
 country around them, and looked back upon the homes of 
 their youth and upon the blessings and comforts which they 
 had there possessed, amidst their many trials, they were ready 
 to hang their harps upon the willows, and say, " How shall we 
 sing the Lord's song in a strange land ! " But they looked for- 
 ward, with hope and constancy, to the attainment of the great 
 object for which they had come, — religious freedom. And 
 as they renewed their covenant vows, and called to mind the 
 persecuted, suffering state of the Church in their native land, 
 they could with fixed determination say, as did the Jewish cap- 
 tives, " If I forget thee^ O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget 
 her cunning ; if I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave 
 
to the roof of my mouth, if I prefer not Jerusalem above my 
 chief joy." 
 
 They were not men to be put back or turned aside by ob- 
 stacles. They had counted the cost of their undertaking, and 
 were prepared to meet it. After having explored for some dis- 
 tance the country eastward from Casco Bay, and finding no 
 tract of land that pleased them, they concluded to return, and, 
 directing their course westward, entered the Merrimack, which 
 they ascended to Haverhill, where they arrived the 2d of April, 
 old style. While at Haverhill, they heard of a fine tract of land 
 about fifteen miles distant, called Nutfield, on account of the 
 abundance of chestnut, butternut, and walnut trees which dis- 
 tinguished the growth of its forests. The men, leaving their 
 families at Haverhill, came and examined the tract ; and, ascer- 
 taining that it was not appropriated, they at once decided here 
 to take up the grant which they had obtained from the govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts, of a township twelve miles square of 
 any of her unappropriated lands. 
 
 Having selected the spot on which to commence their settle- 
 ment, and having built a few temporary huts, which they left 
 in charge of two or three of their number, they returned to 
 Haverhill to bring on their families, their provisions, their im- 
 plements of labor, and what little household furniture they 
 could collect. A part of the company returned from Haverhill 
 by the way of Dracut, where Mr. MacGregor had passed the 
 winter in teaching, that they might bring him with them ; the 
 others came more directly. The two parties arrived at about 
 the same time, and met, as tradition says, at a spot ever after 
 termed Horse Hill, from the fact of their having there tied 
 their horses while they surveyed the territory around. The 
 day of their arrival here, and on which the settlement com- 
 menced, was the eleventh day of April, old style, 17 19. 
 
 Mr. MacGregor, on meeting this portion of his beloved flock, 
 from whom he had been separated some months since their 
 arrival in America, and on the spot so happily selected as the 
 place of their future residence, made an affectionate and im- 
 pressive address, in which he congratulated them on the propi- 
 tious termination of their wanderings, their signal preservation 
 as a company while crossing the ocean, and since their arrival 
 in this country, and exhorted them to continued confidence in 
 God, planted as they now were in the wilderness, and strangers 
 in a strange land. 
 
Having with them explored more fully the territory which 
 had been selected as a township, and made some general 
 arrangements as to their future proceedings, he returned to 
 his family in Dracut. Before leaving them, he delivered, April 
 12, under a large oak, on the east side of Beaver Pond, the 
 first sermon ever preached in this town. His text was from 
 the prophecy of Isaiah, xxxii. 2 : " And a man shall be as a 
 hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest ; as 
 rivers of water in a dry place ; as the shadow of a great rock 
 in a weary land." Then, for the first time, did this wilderness 
 and solitary place, over which the savage tribes had for centu- 
 ries roamed, resound with the voice of prayer and praise, and 
 echo to the sound of the gospel. The spot where this relig- 
 ious service was held, especially the tree around which they 
 assembled, was long after regarded with a degree of reverence 
 not unlike that felt by the patriarch in regard to the spot on 
 which he rested, when favored with the heavenly vision. On 
 the prostration of this venerable oak through decay, the owner 
 of the field in which it stood planted a young apple-tree among 
 its decayed roots, which is now a thrifty tree, and will long 
 serve to designate the venerated spot. 
 
 The field on which they first erected their rude cabins, as a 
 temporary accommodation for their families, and which they 
 cultivated the first year in common, lies not far from the turn- 
 pike as it crosses West-running Brook, and has ever since been 
 called "the common-field." 
 
 As soon as the company of settlers had organized them- 
 selves into a religious society, in order to the full and stated 
 enjoyment of divine ordinances, which was the leading object 
 of their emigration, they proceeded, according to the prescribed 
 order of the Presbyterian church, to present in due form a call 
 to the Rev. James MacGregor to become their pastor. 
 
 Some of them had been his pastoral charge while in Ireland, 
 and all were well satisfied as to his worth and his distin- 
 guished gifts as a minister of Christ. Some time in May follow- 
 ing, Mr. MacGregor, in compliance with their call, removed 
 with his family from Dracut to their settlement, and assumed 
 the pastoral charge of the society. As no presbytery then 
 existed in New England, there could be no formal installation ; 
 nor was it essentially needful, as Mr. MacGregor had received 
 ordination some years before, in Ireland. A formal and public 
 recognition of the ecclesiastical relation thus formed between 
 them was all that in this case was requisite. 
 
Accordingly, on a day appointed for the purpose, the people 
 having assembled, he, in connection with appropriate religious 
 services, solemnly assumed the pastoral charge of the church 
 and congregation ; and they with like solemnity, and by a 
 formal act, received him as their pastor and spiritual guide. 
 
 He preached to them on the occasion from those appro- 
 priate and, as it regarded this infant settlement, truly pro- 
 phetic words (Ezekiel xxxvii. 26), " Moreover, I will make a 
 covenant of peace with them ; it shall be an everlasting cove- 
 nant with them ; and I will place them, and multiply them, 
 and will set my sanctuary in the midst of them for evermore." 
 
 Having shown that it is the Lord who places a people in a 
 land, multiplies them therein, and affords them the ordinances 
 of religion, he reminded his brethren that " they should de- 
 voutly acknowledge the providence of God in all past changes, 
 particularly in their emigration to this New World ; that they 
 should live by faith in what w^as before them ; fervently pray 
 that God would continue to bless them ; be firmly united 
 one with another ; walk in the fear of God, and keep his 
 charge." * 
 
 These discourses, delivered by their venerated author on 
 occasions so interesting, are noticed, for the purpose of show- 
 ing that the removal and settlement of this company of emi- 
 grants was from religious principle, and in reliance upon the 
 divine guidance and protection. And has not the promise 
 contained in the inspired passage from which he addressed his 
 little flock been most strikingly fulfilled in respect to the set- 
 tlement they were then commencing ? God, in his providence, 
 not only planted them here, but greatly multiplied them, so 
 that from this settlement many others were early formed. It 
 proved a most fruitful vine. He also set his sanctuary in the 
 midst of them, and has continued to them and to their de- 
 scendants in this place, without interruption for more than a 
 century, the ordinances of religion. From that memorable day 
 on which this sermon was preached, and the Christian ministry 
 established among this people, to the present,t a period of one 
 hundred and thirty years, they have at no time been destitute 
 of a settled ministry, and the full enjoyment of gospel privi- 
 leges. The churches and religious societies here early estab- 
 lished have been signally preserved and prospered, retaining, 
 
 * The original manuscript of this sermon, with other manuscript sermons of Rev. James 
 MacGregor, is now (1851) in the possession of Rev. John M. Whiton, D.D., of Antrim, 
 N.H. tiSsi. 
 
amidst the many changes and divisions in surrounding commu- 
 nities, the same faith and the same mode of church govern- 
 ment and religious worship originally adopted. . . . 
 
 Those who first composed the settlement were the following 
 sixteen men with their families, namely : — 
 
 James McKeen, John Barnett, Archibald Clendenin, John 
 Mitchell, James Sterrett, James Anderson, Randal Alexander, 
 James Gregg, James Clark, James Nesmith, Allen Anderson, 
 Robert Weir, John Morrison, Samuel Allison, Thomas Steele, 
 and John Stuart. These pioneers of the settlement were most 
 of them men in middle life, robust, persevering, and adventu- 
 rous, well suited to encounter the toils and endure the hard- 
 ships of such an undertaking. Most of them attained to 
 advanced age. They lived to see their descendants settled 
 around them, and the forest into which they had penetrated 
 converted into a fruitful field. The average age of thirteen of 
 the number, of whose age alone we have any record, was sev- 
 enty-nine years. Six attained to nearly ninety, and two sur- 
 passed it. John Morrison, the oldest of this company, lived to 
 the advanced age of ninety-seven years. 
 
 In order to secure the advantages of near neighborhood, and 
 be thereby the better protected against the attacks of the Ind- 
 ians in case of hostilities, with which the colonies were at the 
 time threatened, these first families planted themselves on each 
 side of a small brook, which from the direction of its course 
 they called West-running Brook. And they decided that their 
 home-lots should be but thirty rods wide, fronting the brook, 
 and to be extended back on a north and south line until they 
 made up sixty acres each. By such an arrangement, their 
 dwellings were brought into close vicinity, and formed what 
 has ever since been termed the Double Range. This range 
 was, for mxore than half a century, an interesting and populous 
 section of the town. But the houses, once inhabited by flour- 
 ishing families, have been one after another removed or demol- 
 ished ; and nothing now remains but the half-filled cellar to 
 mark the place where they once stood. This arrangement in 
 the early location of their dwellings, although it afforded them 
 the advantages of neighborhood, and greater protection in case 
 of assault, was, however, not so favorable to the uniform di- 
 vision of the township into lots and the regularity of the high- 
 ways. The multiplicity of the roads, bending in every direction 
 to accommodate, as it would seem, the settlers, as they planted 
 
lO 
 
 themselves, without any previous plan, in different parts of the 
 town, and the consequent trouble and expense which have 
 been realized in straightening and improving them, may be 
 traced to this injudicious arrangement in the early settlement. 
 
 Being at the time a frontier town, and exposed to a savage 
 foe, in consequence of a war with the Eastern Indians, which 
 broke out soon after their arrival, they erected two stone gar- 
 rison-houses. These were strongly built, and well prepared to 
 resist an attack. To these the several families retired at night, 
 whenever danger from the foe was apprehended. There was, 
 however, one of their number, James Blair, a man of giant 
 stature and of fearless courage, who scorned thus to shelter 
 himself from his Indian enemies. He would never enter the 
 garrison, but, with his trusty arms, remained without and 
 alone. It was reported that this man, who, like Saul, king of 
 Israel, '' was from his shoulders and upward higher than any of 
 the people," more than once, in consequence of his stature, 
 saved his own life and that of his neighbors. After the close 
 of one of the wars the Indians related that they had lain in 
 ambush, while Blair and others were at work in the field, and 
 had opportunities to kill him, but, seeing his huge form, they 
 dared not shoot, thinking him a god. Although, during one of 
 the most severe Indian wars, Londonderry \vas a frontier town, 
 and therefore exposed to greater dangers than the more inte- 
 rior settlements, yet the town was never assailed. The yell of 
 the savage and the shriek of the murdered settler were never 
 heard here. 
 
 Tradition ascribes the signal preservation of this colony 
 from the attacks of the Indians to the influence of the Rev. 
 Mr. MacGregor with the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the French 
 governor of Canada. It is said that they were classmates at 
 college, that a correspondence was maintained between them, 
 and that, at the request and representation of his former friend, 
 the governor caused means to be used for the protection of the 
 settlement. He induced the Catholic priests to charge the 
 Indians not to injure any of these people, as they were differ- 
 ent from the English, and to assure them that no bounty 
 should be paid for their scalps, and that, if they killed any of 
 them, their sins would not be forgiven. That such was the 
 fact the early inhabitants firmly believed. In confirmation 
 of this tradition, on a manuscript sermon-book of Mr. Mac- 
 Gregor's which has been preserved is found the name of this 
 
II 
 
 French gentleman, and the various titles of office which he 
 held, and by which he would of course be addressed. 
 
 Their signal exemption from savage hostilities may also, in 
 Divine Providence, be ascribed to the fact of their securing, 
 through Colonel Wheelwright, a fair and acknowledged Indian 
 title to their township, which will be more particularly noticed. 
 
 The first company of settlers were soon joined by many of 
 their countrymen who had emigrated with them to America, 
 and had dispersed through the country, awaiting the selection 
 of a township, so that before the close of the first year the 
 number of families was very considerably increased. As the 
 account of their settlement and the privileges they here en- 
 joyed reached their friends and fellow-sufferers in Ireland, 
 many were induced to follow them to this land, and join their 
 community. And although many obtained with difficulty the 
 means of transporting themselves and families, — some even 
 binding themselves to a term of labor after their arrival, in 
 order to pay for their passage to this country, — yet they were 
 soon able, on coming to this town, to obtain a comfortable 
 support. No price was paid for the land, it being a free grant 
 from the king to these his loyal subjects of the old country, 
 many of them, as we have seen, faithful champions in the fa- 
 mous siege and defence of Londonderry in Ireland, — an event 
 which contributed so directly and powerfully to the establish- 
 ment of his throne. Each settler had allotted him one hun- 
 dred and twenty acres, a home-lot, and an out-lot of sixty acres 
 each. Being a very hardy, industrious, frugal people, and 
 favored from the first with moral and religious institutions, 
 they soon became a thriving, prosperous, and respectable 
 community. 
 
 Their dwellings were at first of logs, and covered with bark. 
 The first framed house in the town was that of the Rev. James 
 MacGregor, their pastor, erected soon after his settlement. It 
 is yet standing and in good repair. The second framed house 
 was erected by John McMurphy, Esq., and is also standing. 
 
 For a time they necessarily endured many privations and 
 hardships. Their habitations were not only rude, but "their 
 food was meagre in kind and not abundant in quantity." 
 Being without beasts of burden, much of their provision, dur- 
 ing the first two years of their settlement, was brought by the 
 men upon their shoulders from Haverhill, and from Andover, 
 Mass. 
 
12 
 
 In consequence of their vicinity to the falls of Amoskeag, 
 they were enabled to provide themselves with fish. They were 
 first directed to these falls by an Indian who visited their set- 
 tlement. Taking Mr. MacGregor to an eminence, and point- 
 ing to a tall pine at a distance, he informed him that they 
 w^ere in that direction. Aided by this, he was enabled with 
 his compass to mark out a course to the falls, to which he, 
 wdth a few of the settlers, immediately repaired, and, with the 
 scoop-net which they had provided, readily secured a supply 
 of salmon and shad, with which the Merrimack abounded. 
 This, for a long time, was to the inhabitants of Londonderry a 
 most valuable resource. Being within a few miles of this im- 
 portant fishing-place, they could with little inconvenience and 
 labor obtain an annual supply of fish, which constituted an 
 important article of food, especially before their fields became 
 productive. Subsequently, and for many years, they lived 
 mainly upon potatoes, bean-porridge, samp, and barley broth. 
 It was long before the use of tea and coffee was introduced 
 among them. They were happily strangers to these debili- 
 tating drinks, which now constitute, in most families, an ap- 
 pendage to almost every meal. 
 
 Their hard labor and homely fare contributed much, no 
 doubt, to that robust health, great strength, and longevity by 
 which they were as a company distinguished. In the labor of 
 subduing and cultivating the soil, the women vied with the 
 men. " Being," says Dr. Belknap, in his History of New 
 Hampshire, " a peculiarly industrious, frugal, hardy, intelli- 
 gent, and w^ell-principled people, they proved a valuable 
 acquisition to the province into which they had removed, 
 contributing much, by their arts and their industry, to its 
 welfare." 
 
 They introduced the culture of the potato, which they 
 brought wdth them from Ireland. Until their arrival, this val- 
 uable vegetable, now regarded as one of the necessaries of life, 
 if not wholly unknown, was not cultivated in New England. 
 To them belongs the credit of its introduction to general use. 
 Although highly prized by this company of settlers, it was for 
 a long time but little regarded by their English neighbors, 
 a barrel or two being considered a supply for a family. But its 
 value as food for man and for beast became at length more 
 generally known ; and who can now estimate the full advantage 
 of its cultivation to this country ! The following well-authenti- 
 
13 
 
 cated fact will show how little known to the community at 
 large the potato must have been. 
 
 A few of the settlers had passed the winter previous to their 
 establishment here in Andover, Mass. On taking their de- 
 parture from one of the families, with whom they had resided, 
 they left a few potatoes for seed. The potatoes were accord- 
 ingly planted, came up and flourished well, blossomed and 
 produced balls, which the family supposed were the fruit to be 
 eaten. They cooked the balls in various ways, but could not 
 make them palatable, and pronounced them unfit for food. 
 The next spring, while ploughing their garden, the plough 
 passed through where the potatoes had grown, and turned out 
 some of great size, by which means they discovered their 
 mistake. 
 
 These settlers also introduced the art of manufacturing 
 linen of a superior quality, the materials for which they 
 brought with them ; and, as soon as their lands would admit of 
 its cultivation, the flax was considered among the most valued 
 articles of produce. The spinning-wheel turned by the foot, 
 and which came into general use, they first brought into the 
 country ; and it proved of essential service to this community. 
 To the hand-card, the foot-wheel, and the loom, the common 
 implements of manufacture in almost every family, was the 
 town principally indebted for its early prosperity and its 
 wealth. 
 
 Of such superior quality was the linen, the thread, and the 
 other fabrics manufactured in Londonderry that they com- 
 manded not only a more ready sale, but a higher price than 
 those produced elsewhere. Hence many were induced to im- 
 pose upon the public by selling as Derry manufacture that 
 which was produced in other places. 
 
 To prevent this fraud, a town meeting was called in 1748 
 " to appoint proper and fit persons to survey and inspect 
 linens and hollands, made in this town, for sale, so that the 
 credit of our manufactory be kept up, and the purchasers of 
 our linens may not be imposed upon, with foreign and out- 
 landish linens, in the name of ours ; and any other method 
 that may be thought proper and necessary for that end as may 
 be agreed upon." It was accordingly voted, " that the select- 
 men purchase seals to seal all the linens that are made in said 
 Londonderry, and that John McMurphy, Esq., and John Wal- 
 lace, yeoman, be sealers and inspectors of the hollands and 
 
14 
 
 linens that are made, or to be made, in our town ; whether 
 brown, white, speckled, striped, or checked, that are to be ex- 
 posed for sale ; and the said sealers and inspectors shall seal 
 any of the aforesaid linen with a stamp in each end of the 
 piece of cloth, with the words ' Londonderry, in New Hamp- 
 shire,' and give a certificate to the persons that are owners of 
 the cloth, of their so doing ; for which stamp, inspection, and 
 certificate they shall receive from the owners of said linen six- 
 pence, old tenor, for each piece." It was also voted "to peti- 
 tion the General Assembly of the province for a special act to 
 guard against any fraud that might be perpetrated in the afore- 
 said affair, or any other thing necessary for the intended good 
 purposes." 
 
 Weaving, in the earlier periods of the settlement, was per- 
 formed by men, and not, as subsequently, by women. It was 
 regarded as among the more respectable employments, the art 
 being had in high repute, and carried by many of this people 
 to a degree of perfection then unequalled in the country. Of 
 this the following fact affords an illustration. John Montgom- 
 ery emigrated to this town in 1747, and established himself 
 here as a weaver. He married the daughter of Colonel 
 George Knox. She had lived some years in the family of Rev. 
 David MacGregor, to whom she was related. He subse- 
 quently removed to Andover, Mass. During the Revolutionary 
 War, Mr. Montgomery received from Congress forty pounds 
 and a diamond ring as a premium for linen woven for Wash- 
 ington and the officers of the army. This ring he gave to his 
 eldest daughter Jane, the wife of John Clark, Esq., of Salem, 
 N.Y., and it is now (185 1) in the hands of a grand-daughter 
 as a memorial of the interesting fact. The sale, throughout the 
 New England and some of the Middle States, of the thread 
 and linen here manufactured, became to those who engaged in 
 it a lucrative business. Many were thus constantly employed. 
 Two of the largest estates accumulated in the town, and to 
 which the inhabitants are much indebted for the support of 
 their religious and literary institutions, were commenced and 
 advanced in this way. The Pinkertons, JoJm and James. — 
 names to be had in grateful remembrance by the people of 
 Derry and Londonderry, — began business as venders of these 
 articles of home manufacture. 
 
 The females among the early settlers were distinguished for 
 habits of industry. Rarely would one enter a dwelling without 
 
15 
 
 hearing the hum of the wheel or the stroke of the loom. All 
 articles of clothing in those days were of domestic manufact- 
 ure. The wool and the flax were carded, spun, woven, col- 
 ored, and made into garments at home. To use foreign goods 
 was considered great extravagance. For several years their 
 woollen cloths were not even fulled. . . . 
 
 In securing a valid title to their township, the first settlers 
 of Londonderry experienced no little embarrassment. They 
 at first supposed that their settlement fell within the province 
 of Massachusetts Bay, and therefore applied to the General 
 Court of that province for the confirmation of their former 
 grant ; but the Court decided that they were not under their 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 They therefore, in September, 17 19, applied to the General 
 Court of New Hampshire for an act of incorporation and the 
 enjoyment of town privileges. The following is a copy from 
 the original petition now among the collections of the New 
 Hampshire Historical Society : — 
 
 " The humble petition of the people late from Ireland, now 
 settled at Nutfield, to His Excellency the Governour and Gen- 
 eral Court assembled at Portsmouth, Sept. 23, 17 19,— Humbly 
 sheweth : — 
 
 " That your petitioners having made application to the Gen- 
 eral Court met at Boston in October last, and having obtained 
 a grant for a township in any part of their unappropriated 
 lands, took incouragement thereupon to settle at Nutfield 
 about the Eleventh of April last, which is situated by estima- 
 tion about fourteen miles from Haverel meeting-house to the 
 north-west, and fifteen miles from Dracut meeting-house on the 
 River Merrimack north and by east. 
 
 " That your petitioners since their settlement have found 
 that the said Nutfield is claimed by three or four different 
 parties by virtue of Indian deeds, yet none of them ofi:ered any 
 disturbance to your petitioners except one party from Newbury 
 and Salem. Their deed, from one John, Indian, bears date 
 March 13, Anno Dom. 1701, and imports that they had made 
 a purchase of the said land for five pounds. By virtue of this 
 deed they claim ten miles square westward from Haverel line ; 
 and one Caleb Moody of Newbury, in their name, discharged 
 our people from clearing or any way improving the said land, 
 unless we agreed that twenty or five and twenty families at 
 
most should dwell there, and that all the rest of the land 
 should be reserved for them. 
 
 " That your petitioners, by reading the grant of the crown 
 of Great Britain to the province of Massachusetts Bay, which 
 determineth their northern line three miles from the River 
 Merrimack from any and every part of the River, and by 
 advice from such as were more capable to judge of this affair, 
 are satisfied that the said Nutfield is within his majesties 
 province of New Hampshire, which we are further confirmed 
 in, because the General Court, met at Boston in May last, 
 upon our renewed application, did not think fit any way to 
 intermeddle with the said land. 
 
 " That your petitioners, therefore, embrace this opportunity 
 of addressing this Honourable Court, praying that their town- 
 ship may consist of ten miles square, or in a figure equivalent 
 to it, they being already in number about seventy families and 
 inhabitants, and more of their friends arrived from Ireland, to 
 settle with them, and many of the people of New England set- 
 tling with them ; and that, they being so numerous, may be 
 erected into a township with its usual privileges, and have a 
 power of making town officers and laws. That, being a fron- 
 tier place, they may the better subsist by government amongst 
 them, and may be more strong and full of inhabitants. That' 
 your petitioners being descended from, and professing the 
 faith and principles of the established church of North Britain, 
 and loyal subjects of the British crown in the family of his 
 majesty king George, and incouraged by the happy administra- 
 tion of his majesties chief governour in these provinces, and 
 the favourable inclination of the good people of New England 
 to their brethren, adventuring to come over and plant in this 
 vast wilderness, humbly expect a favourable answer from this 
 Honourable Court, and your petitioners as in duty bound shall 
 ever pray, etc. Subscribed at Nutfield, in the name of our 
 people, Sept. 21, 17 19, by 
 
 " James Gregg, 
 " Robert Wear." 
 
 The petition is indorsed as follows : — 
 
 " James Gregg and Rob't Wear. In behalf of a company of 
 Irish at Nutfield, to be a township. Sept. 24, 17 19, read, — 
 minuted and suspended, — read again April 29, 1720, and 
 minuted." 
 
17 
 
 This petition, drawn up witli so much clearness and simplic- 
 ity, presents some interesting facts as to the infant settlement, 
 particularly the rapid increase of the population. It com- 
 menced in April, with sixteen families. In September of the 
 same year there were seventy families. 
 
 The lieutenant governor of the province declined making an 
 actual grant, as the tract of territory including this and other 
 townships was, at that time, in dispute between the crown and 
 the heirs of one Allen ; but by advice of council he gave a pro- 
 tection, and extended to them the benefits of government, 
 appointing James McKeen, a man of distinguished probity, 
 ability, and intelligence, justice of the peace, and Robert Weir, 
 sheriff. ... 
 
 Notwithstanding they now enjoyed the protection of govern- 
 ment, and were thus encouraged to proceed in their settlement, 
 still the settlers of Londonderry were unwilling to possess 
 themselves of lands, once the undisputed property of the abo- 
 rigines, without a fair purchase of their claims. 
 
 Being informed that Colonel John Wheelwright, of \\'ells. 
 Me., had the best Indian title to this tract of country, derived 
 from his ancestor, the Rev. John Wheelwright, and supposing 
 this to be vaHd in a moral point of view, they deputed a com- 
 mittee, consisting of Rev. Mr. MacGregor and Samuel Graves, 
 to tv^ait upon Colonel Wheelwright, and secure, if possible, his 
 title to the land. The committee were successful, and ob- 
 tained of him a deed of land, ten miles square, in virtue of a 
 grant, dated May 17, 1629, and approved by the then existing 
 authorities, made to his grandfather, a minister of the gospel, 
 and to others named in said grant, by sundry Indian chiefs, 
 with the consent of their tribes. 
 
 It appears that the Rev. John Wheelwright, and others of 
 Massachusetts, proposing to form a settlement in the neighbor- 
 hood of Piscataqua River, assembled a council of Indians at 
 Exeter, and by fair purchase obtained a deed from the four 
 principal sagamores of all the territory lying between the river 
 Piscataqua and the Merrimack, bounded by the Atlantic Ocean 
 on the east, on the south by the Merrimack to Pawtucket 
 Falls, thence by a line north-west twenty miles to Amherst 
 Plain, thence by a line running north-east to Piscataqua River, 
 thence down the river to the ocean. 
 
 It must be truly satisfactory to the inhabitants of London- 
 derry that the soil on which their fathers erected their habita- 
 
i8 
 
 tions, and which they now cultivate, was not wrested from the 
 original and rightful owners by force, as in too many instances 
 was the case, in the settlement of our country. . . . 
 
 In June, 1722, three years after the commencement of their 
 settlement, the tract of land which they had selected, and 
 which heretofore had been called Nuffield, was incorporated as 
 a township by the name of Londonderry, in commemoration of 
 the city in and near to which most of them had resided in their 
 native land. 
 
 The charter conveyed to the proprietors whose names were 
 annexed, amounting at that early day to more than a hundred, 
 in the name of George III., a tract of land ten miles square 
 and duly bounded, and that the same be a town incorporate, 
 by the name of Londonderry; to have and to hold the said 
 land, to the grantees, their heirs and assigns, upon the follow- 
 ing conditions, namely : — 
 
 " That the proprietors of every share build a dwelling-house 
 within three years and settle a family therein ; and that he 
 break up three acres of land, and plant and sow the same 
 within four years, and pay his or their proportion of the town 
 charges when and so often as occasion shall require the same ; 
 that a meeting-house shall be built in four years ; that, upon 
 the default of any particular proprietor in complying with the 
 condition of this charter on his part, such delinquent proprietor 
 shall forfeit his share to the other proprietors, to be disposed 
 of by vote of the major part of the proprietors ; the said men 
 and inhabitants rendering and paying for the same to us and 
 to our successors or to such officer or officers as shall be ap- 
 pointed to receive the same the annual quit-rent or acknowl- 
 edgment of one peck of potatoes on the first day of October, 
 yearly, forever ; reserving also to our heirs and successors all 
 mast-trees growing on said tract of Londonderry." After mak- 
 ing provision for an annual town meeting, the charter further 
 enacts "that on every Wednesday in the week forever they 
 may hold, keep, and enjoy a market for the buying and selling 
 of goods, wares, and merchandise and various kinds of creat- 
 ures, endowed with the usual privileges, profits, and immunities 
 as other market towns fully hold, possess, and enjoy, and two 
 fairs annually, forever ; first to be held and kept within the 
 said town on the eighth day of November next and so annu- 
 ally, forever ; the other on the eighth day of May in like 
 manner. Provided, if it should so happen that at any time 
 
19 
 
 either of these days fall on the Lord's day, then the said 
 fair shall be held and kept the day following it. The said fair 
 shall have, hold, and enjoy the liberties, privileges, and immu- 
 nities as other fairs in other towns fully possess, hold, and 
 enjoy." 
 
 The conditions specified in this charter serv^e to throw light 
 on the state of our civil communities at that time and the 
 origin of some practices which prevailed until a recent date in 
 this town. The annual payment of the peck of potatoes and 
 the reservation of the noblest trees in our forests was an ac- 
 knowledgment of the dependence of these provinces upon the 
 mother country. All grants of lands and privileges were from 
 the crowm, and conferred by governments acting under its 
 appointment and authority. 
 
 Bancroft, in his History of the United States (iii. 29), speaking of the emigration of 
 the Presbyterians from Ireland to America in the eighteenth century, says : " Ev-ery succes- 
 si\e period of discontent swelled the tide of emigrants. Just after the peace of Paris the 
 ' Heart of Oak' Protestants of Ulster, weary of strife with their landlords, came o\'er in 
 great numbers ; and settlements on the Catawba, in South Carolina, dated from that epoch. 
 At different times in the eighteenth century some few found homes in New England ; but 
 they were most numerous south of New York, from New Jersey to Georgia. In Pennsyl- 
 vania they peopled many counties, till in public life they balanced the influence of the 
 Quakers. In Virgmia they went up the valley of the Shenandoah ; and they extended them- 
 selves along the tributaries of the Catawba, in the uplands of North Carolina. Their train- 
 ing in Ireland had kept the spirit of liberty and the readiness to resist unjust government as 
 fresh in their hearts as though they had just been listening to the preaching of Knox or 
 musing over the political creed of the Westminster Assembly. They brought to America 
 no loyal love for England ; and their experience and their religion bade them meet oppres- 
 sion with resistance." 
 
 FJefore this, in the time of Cromwell, several thousand Irish men and women had been 
 shipped to the British colonies in North America, many of them — 550 in 1653 — coming to 
 New England, practically as slaves. We read that in the years 1771-72 the number of emi- 
 grants to America from Ireland alone amounted to 17,350. Almost all of them emigrated at 
 their own ciiarge. A great majority of them were persons employed in the linen manufacture 
 or farmers possessed of some property, which they converted into money, and carried with 
 them. Within the first fortnight of August, 1773, there arrived at Philadelphia 3,500 emi- 
 grants from Ireland. Many Irish Catholics came to Maryland; but Pennsylvania was, per- 
 haps, the most distinctively Irish colony. In 1727, says the Philadelphia Gazette, "in 
 Newcastle Government there arrived last year 4,500 persons, chiefly from Ireland, and at Phila- 
 delphia in one j'ear 1,155 Irish, of whom none were servants." In the next year 5,600 Irish 
 landed at Philadelphia; while in the next ten years the Irish furnished to the Carolinas and 
 Georgia the majority of their immigrants. At this time and for a long time afterwards the 
 Irish were nearly ten to one of all other immigrants in Pennsylvania. James Logan, w^ho 
 had accompanied William Penn to his new plantation, and who became one of the most con- 
 siden-able men in the colony, was an Irish Friend from Lurgan. See his Memoir. 
 
 The number of Irishmen in the armies of W'ashington was very large : Wayne, Sullivan, 
 Montgomer}', and Stark were men of Irish blood; at least nine men of Irish birth or Irish 
 descent put their names to the Declaration of Independence; and the great Irishman, 
 Edmund Burke, was our most eloquent and constant friend in Parliament. See Bagenal's 
 "The American Irish," especially the first three chapters, " Irish Colonists before the Revo- 
 lution," "The War of the Revolution," and "Irish Emigration"; also McGee's "Historj' 
 of the Irish Settlers in North America." 
 
 The settlement of Londonderry, N.H., in 1719, is the most interesting early New Eng- 
 land settlement made by men from Ireland. These men were Scotch Presbyterians, sprung 
 from a colony of Scots which had planted itself more than a centur\' before in the province 
 of L'lster in Ireland, and whose numbers had been increased from time to time by fresh arrivals 
 from Scotland. The ancestors of the greater part of the Londonderry settlers made their 
 way to Ireland in the latter half of the seventeenth century, during the relentless persecution 
 
20 
 
 of the Covenanters in Scotland; and in Ireland the colony had been subjected to many suffer- 
 ings, culminating in the horrors of the memorable siege of Londonderry. It was the desire 
 of religious liberty which sent hither the men who established the famous New Hampshire 
 settlement. Tlie account of the settlement given in the present leaflet is taken from Parker's 
 " History of Londonderry, N.H.," published in 1S51, and is a splendid illustration of the 
 valuable service which is being performed by the scholarly writers of town histories for the 
 general historical student. In 1869, the one hundred and fiftieth anniversarj' of the settle- 
 ment, a celebration was held at Londonderry ; and ihe addresses gi\'en on that occasion by 
 Hon. Charles H. Bell and others were published in a \-olume, compiled by Robert C. Mack, 
 which is of high historical value. It is understood that Mr. Mack, at the time of his death, 
 was making important collections for a completer history of Londonderry. 
 
 The Scotch Presbyterians who came to the various American colonies from Ireland had 
 such distinct antecedents and traditions that the special Scotch-Irish history and literature 
 are considerable. There is an important Scotch-Irish Society, and the Proceedings of its 
 annual congresses from 1889 on are important volumes. The paper by Protestor Arthur L. 
 Perry, in vol. n , on "The Scotch-Irish of New England," — which has also been published 
 in completer form as a pamphlet, — touches the history to which the present leaflet relates. 
 ■' The Scotch-Irish in America," by Samuel Sweet Green, is a comprehensive summarj', first 
 read before the American Antiquarian Society in 1895, and published in the society's Pro- 
 ceedings, and republished in pamphlet form, with an interesting correspondence between 
 the author and Mr. Thomas Hamilton Murray, upon the term " Scotch-Irish." 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
^; 
 
 No. 04- 
 
 The Discovery 
 
 of the 
 Hudson River. 
 
 From "The Third Voyage of Master Henry Hudson, toward 
 Nova Zembla, and at his Returne, his Passing from Farre 
 Islands to New-found Land, and along to Fortie-foure 
 Degrees and Ten Minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and 
 so to Thirtie-three Degrees; and along the Coast to the 
 Northward, to Fortie-two Degrees and an Halfe, and up 
 THE River Neere to Fortie-three Degrees." Written by 
 Robert Juet of Lime-house. 
 
 The Jirst of September [1609], faire weather, the wind varia- 
 ble betweene east and south ; we steered away north north- 
 west. At noone we found our height to bee 39 degrees, 3 
 minutes. Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie-seven, twentie- 
 foure, and twentie-two fathomes, as wee went to the north- 
 ward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie fath- 
 omes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clocke at 
 mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and twen- 
 tie, eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene, 
 and two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues neere 
 hand north north-west. 
 
 The seeojid, in the morning, close weather, the winde at 
 south in the morning ; from twelve untill two of the clocke we 
 steered north north-west, and had sounding one and twentie 
 fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but sixteene 
 fathoms, then seventeene, and so shoalder and shoalder untill 
 it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but could not 
 see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whereupon we 
 brought our tackes aboord, and stood to the eastward east 
 south-east, foure glasses. Then the sunne arose, and wee 
 steered away north againe, and saw the land from the west by 
 north to the north-west by north, all like broken islands, "* and 
 
 *Sandv Hook. 
 
our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then wee looft 
 in for the shoare, and faire by the shoare we had seven 
 fathoms. The course along the land we found to be north- 
 east by north. From the land which we had first sight of, 
 untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee could judge it 
 to bee, being drowned land, which made it to rise like islands, 
 which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land 
 hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh on them as it is cast 
 out of the mouth of it. And from that lake or bay the land 
 lyeth north by east, and wee had a great streame out of the 
 bay ; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two 
 leagues from the land. At five of the clocke we anchored, 
 being little winde, and rode in eight fathoms water ; the night 
 was faire. This night I found the land to hall the compasse 8 
 degrees. For to the northward off us we saw high hils. For 
 the day before we found not above 2 degrees of variation. 
 This is a very good land to fall with, and a pleasant land to 
 see. 
 
 The third, the morning mystie, untill ten of the clocke ; then 
 it cleered, and the wind came to the south south-east, so wee 
 weighed and stood to the northward. The land * is very 
 pleasant and high, and bold to fall withall. At three of the 
 clock in the after-noone, wee came to three great rivers. t So 
 we stood along to the northermost, thinking to have gone into 
 it, but we found it to have a very shoald barre before it, 
 for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the 
 southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three 
 and a quarter, till we came to the souther side of them ; then 
 we had five and sixe fathoms, and anchored. So wee sent in 
 our boate to sound, and they found no lesse water then foure, 
 five, sixe, and seven fathoms, and returned in an houre and a 
 halfe. So wee weighed and went in, and rode in five fathoms, 
 oze ground, and saw many salmons, and mullets, and rayes, 
 very great. The height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes. 
 
 The fonrf/i, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, 
 wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our 
 boate to sound, and found that it was a very good harbour, 
 and foure and five fathomes, two cables length from the shoare. 
 Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our boate 
 
 *The south coast of Staten Island. 
 
 t Mr. Hrodhead's opinion is, tiiat two of the three ruers are the Raritan and Narrows, 
 the ih\rd />rol'al>iy Rockaway Inlet. 
 
went on land * with our net to fish, and caught ten great 
 mullets, of a foote and a halfe long a peece, and a ray as great 
 as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed our 
 boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew^ hard at 
 the north-west, and our anchor came home, and wee drove 
 on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for the ground 
 is soft sand and oze. This day the people of the countrey 
 came aboord of us, seeming very glad of our comming, and 
 brought greene tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and 
 beads. They goe in deere skins loose, well dressed. They 
 have yellow copper. They desire cloathes, and are very civill. 
 They have great store of maize, or Indian wheate, whereof 
 they make good bread. The countrey is full of great and tall 
 oake. 
 
 The fifths in the morning, as soone as the day was light, the 
 wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our ship 
 againe into five fathoms water, and sent our boate to sound 
 the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by 
 the souther shoare. Our men went on land t. there, and saw^ 
 great store of men, women, and children, who gave them ta- 
 bacco at their comming on land. So they went up into the 
 woods, and saw great store of very goodly oakes and some cur- 
 rants. For one of them came aboord and brought some 
 dryed, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This 
 day many of the people came aboard, some in mantles of 
 feathers, and some in skinnes of divers sorts of good furres. 
 Some women also came to us with hempe. They had red 
 copper tabacco pipes, and other things of copper they did 
 weare about their neckes. At night they went on land againe, 
 so wee rode very quiet, but durst not trust them. 
 
 The sixths in the morning, was faire weather, and our master 
 sent John Colman, with foure other men in our boate, over to 
 the north-side to sound the other river, $ being foure leagues 
 from us. They found by the way shoald water, two fathoms ; 
 but at the north of the river eighteen, and twentie fathoms, 
 and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow river § to the 
 
 ♦According to a generally received tradition, Coney Island. 
 
 t According to some, in Monmouth County, New Jersey, or somewhere near Richmond, 
 on Staten Island. But there is no evidence to show that the landing-place was not further 
 east, on Long Island. 
 
 + The Narrows ? 
 
 § The hills between Staten Island and Bergen Neck. Moulton, History of New York, 
 i. p. 211. 
 
westward, betweene two Hands. The lands, they told us, 
 were as pleasant with grasse and flowers and goodly trees as 
 ever they had seene, and very sweet smells came from them. 
 So they went in two leagues and saw an open sea, and re- 
 turned ; and as they came backe, they were set upon by two 
 canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteene men. The 
 night came on, and it began to rayne, so that their match went 
 out ; and they had one man slaine in the fight, which was an 
 Englishman, named John Colman, with an arrow shot into his 
 throat, and two more hurt. It grew so darke that they could 
 not find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on their 
 oares. They had so great a streame, that their grapnell would 
 not hold them. 
 
 The seventh^ was faire, and by ten of the clocke they re- 
 turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with them, 
 whom we carried on land and buryed, and named the point 
 after his name, Colmans Point.* Then we hoysed in our 
 boate, and raised her side with waste boords for defence of 
 our men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to our 
 watch. 
 
 The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very quietly. 
 The people came aboord us, and brought tabacco and Indian 
 wheat to exchange for knives and beades, and offered us no 
 violence. So we fitting up our boate did marke them, to see if 
 they would make any shew of the death of our man ; which 
 they did not. 
 
 The Jiinth, faire v/eather. In the morning, two great canoes 
 came aboord full of men ; the one with their bowes and ar- 
 rowes, and the other in shew of buying of knives to betray us ; 
 but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two of them to have 
 kept them, and put red coates on them, and would not suffer 
 the other to come neere us. So they went on land, and two 
 other came aboord in a canoe ; we tooke the one and let the 
 other goe ; but hee which wee had taken, got up and leapt 
 over-boord. Then we weighed and went off into the channell 
 of the river, and anchored there all night. 
 
 The te?ith, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the 
 
 ♦According to the Dutch maps and charts of the seventeenth centur}', Colman' s Point 
 (also called Godyn's Point and Sand or Sant Point), is identical with, or forms part of, Sandy 
 Hook. No great amount of criticism is, however, displayed in those delineations; and they 
 cannot be considered as sufficient proofs that Colman really was buried on Sandy Hook. We 
 have, on the contrary, every reason to believe that Hudson was, on the 7th of September, 
 farther north than the above suppositions would lead us to assume. Hudson's CohnarC s 
 Point and the Colman^ s Point or Punt of the early maps are therefore probably not 
 identical. — A sher. 
 
clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it shoald 
 all the middle of the river, for wee could tinde but two fathoms 
 and a halfe and three fathomes for the space of a league ; then 
 wee came to three fathomes and foure fathomes, and so to 
 seven fathomes, and anchored, and rode all night in soft ozie 
 ground. The banke is sand.* 
 
 The elei'enth was faire and very hot weather. At one of the 
 clocke in the after-noone wee weighed and went into the river^ 
 the wind at south south-west, little winde. Our soundings- 
 were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, thir- 
 teene, and fourteene fathomes. Then it shoalded againe, and 
 came to five fathomes. Then wee anchored, and saw that it 
 was a very good harbour for all windes, and rode all night. 
 The people of the country came aboord of us, making shew 
 of love, and gave us tabacco and Indian wheat,t and departed 
 for that night ; but we durst not trust them. J 
 
 The twelfth^ very faire and hot. In the after-noone, at two 
 of the clocke, wee weighed, the winde being variable betweene 
 the north and the north-west. So we turned into the river two 
 leagues and anchored. This morning, at our first rode in the 
 river, there came eight and twentie canoes full of men, women 
 and children to betray us : but we saw their intent, and suf- 
 fered none of them to come aboord of us. hX twelve of the 
 clocke they departed. They brought with them oysters and 
 beanes, whereof wee bought some. They have great tabacco 
 pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth to dresse their meate 
 in. It floweth south-east by south within. 
 
 The thirteenth^ faire weather, the wind northerly. At seven 
 of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we weighed, 
 and turned foure miles into the river. The tide being done 
 wee anchored. Then there came foure canoes aboord : but we 
 suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought 
 great store of very good oysters aboord, which we bought for 
 trifles. § In the night I set the variation of the compasse, and 
 
 * East Sandbank, in the Narrows. Moulton, i. p. 211. 
 
 t According to Van der Donck, maize had been first brought to these regions by the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 JSo says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log-book preserved by 
 De Laet, and also in the communications which Van Meteren seems to have received from 
 him, always speaks most kindly of the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely 
 disagreed with regard to the treatment due to the poor natives; and his kindness was re- 
 warded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The poor Indian has but too 
 often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by prejudiced Europeans.— ^j-^vr. 
 
 § According to the opinion of Moulton, History of New York, i. p. 238, near the point 
 where Manhattansville now stands. 
 
found it to be 13 degrees. In the after-noone we weighed, 
 and turned in with the floud, two leagues and a halfe further, 
 and anchored all night ; and had five fathoms soft ozie 
 ground ; and had an high point of land, which shewed out to 
 us, bearing north by east five leagues off us. 
 
 The foiirtee?ith, in the morning, being very faire weather, the 
 wind south-east, we sayled up the river twelve leagues, and 
 had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ; and 
 came to a streight betweene two points,* and had eight, nine, 
 and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north, one 
 league : and wee had twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fath- 
 omes. The river is a mile broad: there is very high land on 
 both sides.! Then we went up north-west, a league and an 
 halfe deepe water. Then north-east by north, five miles ; then 
 north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored. The land 
 grew very high and mountainous. The river is full of fish. 
 
 The fifteenth, in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne 
 arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at 
 south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by 
 high mountaines.i Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, seven, 
 eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and great store 
 of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages got 
 out of a port and swam away. After wee were under sayle, 
 they called to us in scorne. At night we came to other moun- 
 taines, which lie from the rivers side. There wee found very 
 loving people, and very old men : where wee were well used. 
 Our boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish. 
 
 The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the morning 
 our boat went againe to fishing, but could catch but few, by 
 reason their canoes had beene there all night. This morning 
 the people came aboord, and brought us eares of Indian corne, 
 and pompions, and tabacco : which wee bought for trifles. 
 -Wee rode still all day, and filled fresh water; at night wee 
 weighed and went two leagues higher, and had shoald water: 
 so wee anchored till day.§ 
 
 * Between Stony and Verplanck points, according to JMoulton's computation (History 
 of New York, i. p. 23S). 
 
 t Near Peakskill. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighborhood of 
 West Point. 
 
 X Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river, the range of the 
 Catskill Mountains. 
 
 § According to ^loulton, History of New York, i. p. 244, near the shoal or marsh in the 
 river, between Athens, and directly opposite that and the city that now bears the name ot 
 Hudson; according to Brodhead, between Schadak and Castleton. 
 
7 
 
 The sez'entee/itk, faire sun-shining weather, and very hot. In 
 the morning, as soone as the sun was up, w^e set sayle, and ran 
 up sixe leagues higher, and found shoalds in the middle of the 
 channell, and small ilands, but seven fathoms water on both 
 sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere the shoare, that 
 we grounded : so we layed out our small anchor, and heaved 
 off againe. Then we borrowed on the banke in the channell, 
 and came aground againe ; while the floud ran we heaved off 
 againe, and anchored all night.^ 
 
 The eightee7itk, in the morning, was faire weather, and we 
 rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on land 
 with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; who carried 
 him to his house, and made him good cheere. The nhieteeiith^ 
 was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neere eleven of 
 the clocke, wee weighed, and ran higher up two leagues above 
 the shoalds, and had no lesse water then five fathoms ; wee 
 anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The people of the 
 countrie came flocking aboord, and brought us grapes and 
 pompions, which wee bought for trifles. And many brought 
 us bevers skinnes and otters skinnes, which wee bought for 
 beades, knives, and hatchets. So we rode there all night.f 
 
 The twentieth, in the morning, was faire weather. Our mas- 
 ters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to sound 
 the river, and found two leagues above us but two fathomes 
 water, and the channell very narrow; and above that place, 
 seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they returned : and 
 we rode still all night. The one and twe7itieth was faire 
 weather, and the wind all southerly : we determined yet once 
 more to go farther up into the river, to trie what depth and 
 breadth it did beare ; but much people resorted aboord, so wee 
 went not this day. Our carpenter went on land, and made a 
 fore-yard. And our master and his mate determined to trie 
 some of the chiefe men of the countrey, whether they had any 
 treacherie in them. So they tooke them downe into the cab- 
 bin, and gave them so much wine and aqua vitce, that they 
 were all merrie : and one of them had his wife with them, 
 which sate so modestly, as any of our countrey women would 
 doe in a strange place. In the ende one of them was drunke, 
 which had beene aboord of our ship all the time that we had 
 
 * Undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from the spot where Albany now stands. 
 
 t The Half Moo7i reached either the spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate 
 neighborhood. 
 
8 
 
 beene there : and that was strange to them ; for they could not 
 tell how to take it. The canoes and folke went all on shoare : 
 but some of them came againe, and brought stropes of beades : 
 some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten ; and gave him. So he 
 slept all night quietly. 
 
 The hvo and twentieth was faire weather : in the morning 
 our masters mate and foure more of the companie went up with 
 our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of the 
 countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they came, 
 and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three of the 
 clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and brought ta- 
 bacco, and more beades, and gave them to our master, and 
 made an oration, and shewed him all the countrey round 
 about. Then they sent one of their companie on land, who 
 presently returned, and brought a great platter full of venison 
 dressed by themselves ; and they caused him to eate with 
 them : then they made him reverence and departed, all save 
 the old man that lay aboord. This night, at ten of the clocke, 
 our boat returned in a showre of raine from sounding of the 
 river; and found it to bee at an end for shipping to goe in. 
 For they had beene up eight or nine leagues, and found but 
 seven foot water, and unconstant soundings.* 
 
 The three a?id twentieth, faire weather. At twelve of the 
 clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leagues to a shoald 
 that had two channels, one on the one side, and another on the 
 other, and had little wind, whereby the tyde layed us upon it. 
 So there wee sate on ground the space of an houre till the 
 floud came. Then wee had a little gale of wind at the west. 
 So wee got our ship into deepe water, and rode all night very 
 well. 
 
 The foure and twentieth was faire weather : the winde at the 
 north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river seven or 
 eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee c?ime on ground on a 
 banke of oze in the middle of the river, and sate there till the 
 floud. Then wee went on land, and gathered good store of 
 chest-nuts. t At ten of the clocke wee came off into deepe 
 water, and anchored. 
 
 The five and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
 south a stiffe gale. We rode still, and went on land X to walke 
 
 *Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place where the town of Water- 
 ford now stands. Brodhead, History of New York, i. p. 32. 
 
 t According to the computation of MouUon (i. p. 267), near the spot where the town of 
 Hudson now stands. 
 
 X At or near Catskill Landing. 
 
9 
 
 on the west side of the river, and found good ground for corne 
 and other garden herbs, with great store of goodly oakes, and 
 walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and trees of sweet 
 wood in great abundance, and great store of slate for houses, 
 and other good stones. 
 
 The sixe and hventieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
 south a stiffe gale ; wee rode still. In the morning our carpen- 
 ter went on land, with our masters mate and foure more of our 
 companie, to cut wood. This morning, two canoes came up 
 the river from the place where we first found loving people, 
 and in one of them was the old man that had lyen aboord of 
 us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, 
 which brought more stropes of beades and gave them to our 
 master, and shewed him all the countrey there about as though 
 it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine 
 with him, and the old mans wife : for they brought two old 
 women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteene or 
 seventeene yeares with them, who behaved themselves very 
 modestly. Our master gave one of the old men a knife, and 
 they gave him and us tabacco. And at one of the clocke they 
 departed downe the river, making signes that wee should come 
 downe to them ; for wee were wdthin two leagues of the place 
 where they dwelt. 
 
 The sei'en and twentieth^ in the morning, was faire weather, 
 but much wind at the north ; we weighed and set our fore top- 
 sayle, and our ship would not fiat, but ran on the ozie banke 
 at half ebbe. Wee layed out anchor to heave her off, but 
 could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe floud : then 
 wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sail, and got downe sixe 
 leagues. The old man came aboord, and would have had us 
 anchor, and goe on land to eate with him : but the wind being 
 faire, we would not yeeld to his request ; so hee left us, being 
 very sorrowfull for our departure. At five of the clocke in the 
 afternoone, the wind came to the south south-west. So wee 
 made a boord or two, and anchored * in fourteene fathomes 
 water. Then our boat w^ent on shoare to fish right against the 
 ship. Our masters mate and boatswaine, and three more of 
 the companie, went on land to fish, but could not finde a good 
 place. They tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, 
 bases, and barbils ; and returned in an houre. We rode still all 
 night. 
 
 * In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), fourteen miles from Catskill Lauding. 
 
10 
 
 The eight and twe)itieth^ being faire weather, as soone as the 
 day was light, wee weighed at halfe ebbe, and turned downe 
 two leagues belowe water ; for the streame doth runne the last 
 quarter ebbe : then we anchored till high water.* At three of 
 the clocke in the after-noone we weighed, and turned downe 
 three leagues, lintill it was darke : then wee anchored. 
 
 The nine and twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind at 
 south, and south and by west ; we weighed early in the morn- 
 ing, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water, and an- 
 chored at the lower end of the long reach ; for it is sixe 
 leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a canoe to 
 us, but would not come aboord. After dinner there came the 
 canoe with other men, whereoff three came aboord us. They 
 brought Indian wheat, which we bought for trifles. At three 
 of the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed, as soone as the 
 ebbe came, and turned downe to the edge of the mountaines, 
 or the northermost of the mountaines, and anchored : because 
 the high land hath many points, and a narrow channell, and 
 hath manie eddie winds. t So we rode quietly all night in 
 seven fathoms water. 
 
 The thi?'tieth was faire weather, and the wind at south-east, 
 a stiffe gale betweene the mountaynes. We rode still the 
 afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord us and 
 brought some small skinnes with them, which we bought for 
 knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place to build a 
 towne on. The road is very neere, and very good for all 
 windes, save an east north-east wind. The mountaynes look 
 as if some metall or minerall were in them. For the trees that 
 grow on them were all blasted, and some of them barren, with 
 few or no trees on them. The people brought a stone aboord 
 like to an emery (a stone used by glasiers to cut glasse), it 
 would cut iron or Steele : yet being bruised small, and water 
 put to it, it made a color like blacke lead glistering : it is also 
 good for painters colours. At three of the clocke they de- 
 parted, and we rode still all night. 
 
 The Jirst of October, faire weather, the wind variable be- 
 tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed 
 at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below the 
 mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it fell calme and 
 the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve of the clocke. 
 
 * Probably near the Esopiis Island, twelve miles from Red Hook. 
 t Below Poughkeepsie (Moulton). 
 
II 
 
 The people of the mountaynes came aboord us, wondering at 
 our ship and weapons. We bought some small skinnes of 
 them for trifles. This afternoone, one canoe kept hanging 
 under our sterne with one man in it, which we could not keepe 
 from thence, who got up by our rudder to the cabin window, 
 and stole out my pillow, and two shirts, and two bandeleeres. 
 Our masters mate shot at him, and strooke him on the brest, 
 and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in 
 their canoes, and so leapt out of them into the water. We 
 manned our boat, and got our things againe. Then one of 
 them that swamme got hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow 
 it. But our cooke tooke a sword, and cut off one of his hands^ 
 and he was drowned. By this time the ebbe was come, and 
 we weighed and got downe two leagues : by that time it was 
 darke. So we anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode 
 well. 
 
 The seco/id, faire weather. At break of day wee weighed, 
 the winde being at north-west, and got downe seven leagues ; 
 then the floud was come strong, so we anchored. Then came 
 one of the savages that swamme away from us at our going up 
 the river with many other, thinking to betray us. But wee 
 perceived their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our 
 ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with their bowes 
 and arrowes shot at us after our sterne : in recompence 
 whereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed two or three 
 of them. Then above an hundred of them came to a point of 
 land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them, and killed 
 two of them : whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet 
 they manned off another canoe with nme or ten men, which 
 came to meet us. So I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it 
 through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their 
 muskets killed three or foure more of them.* So they went 
 their way ; within a while after wee got downe two leagues 
 beyond that place, and anchored in a bay, cleere from all dan- 
 ger of them on the other side of the river, where we saw a very 
 good piece of ground : and hard by it there was a cliffe, that 
 looked of the colour of a white greene, as though it w^ere either 
 copper or silver myne : and I thinke it to be one of them, by 
 the trees that grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the 
 other places are greene as grasse ; it is on that side of the 
 
 * Moulton (i. 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end of the island of Man- 
 hattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort Washington and Fort Lee, and that the 
 next place mentioned was opposite Manhattan Island. 
 
12 
 
 river that is called Manna-hata.* There we saw no people to 
 trouble us : and rode quietly all night; but had much wind and 
 raine. 
 
 The third, was very stormie ; the wind at east north-east. 
 In the morning, in a gust of wind and raine, our anchor came 
 home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Then as we 
 were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to the north 
 north-west, and drove us off againe. Then we shot an anchor, 
 and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and weighed the other. 
 Wee had much wind and raine, with thicke weather; so we 
 roade still all night. 
 
 The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north north- 
 west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into which we 
 had runne so farre. Within a while after, wee cai?ie out also of 
 the great mouth of the great river, that runneth up to the north- 
 west, borrowing upon the norther side of the same, thinking to 
 have deepe water ; for wee had sounded a great way with our 
 boat at our first going in, and found seven, six, and five 
 fathomes. So we came out that way, but we were deceived, 
 for we had but eight foot and an halfe water : and so three, 
 five, three, and two fathomes and an halfe. And then three, 
 foure, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine and ten fathomes. And by 
 twelve of the clocke we were cleere of all the inlet. Then we 
 took in our boat, and set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and 
 our top-sayles, and steered away east south-east, and south- 
 east by east off into the mayne sea : and the land on the 
 souther side of the bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by 
 south foure leagues from us. 
 
 The fifth was faire weather, and the wind variable betweene 
 the north and the east. Wee held on our course south-east by 
 east. At noone I observed and found our height to bee 39 
 degrees, 30 minutes. Our compasse varied sixe degrees to the 
 west. 
 
 We continued our course toward England, without seeing 
 any land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October : 
 and on the seveiith day of November, stilo novo, being Saturday, 
 by the grace of God we safely arrived in the range of Dart- 
 mouth, in Devonshire, in the yeere 1609. 
 
 * Hudson's words, " That side of the river whicli is called Ma7ina-hatta'' cannot possibly 
 apply to anything but Manhattan Island itself. All the early chroniclers, as well as the early 
 maps and views, agree in giving to that island the Indian name which it still bears ; whilst 
 the opposite shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the Manhattan tribe, is never called 
 Manhattan. — Asher. 
 
Hudson's Third Voyage (1609). From Van Meteren's 
 
 " HiSTORIE DER NeDERLANDEN." HaGUE, 1614. 
 
 We have observed in our last book that the Directors of the 
 Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year, on 
 purpose to seek a passage to China by north-east or north- 
 west, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson, in a 
 vlie boat, having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands, partly 
 English, partly Dutch. 
 
 This Henry Hudson left the Texel on the 6th of April,* 
 1609, and, having doubled the Cape of Norway t the 5th of 
 May, directed his course along the northern coasts towards 
 Nova Zembla ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as he 
 had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the hope of 
 effecting anything during the season. This circumstance, and 
 the cold, which some of his men, who had been in the East 
 Indies, could not bear, caused quarrels among the crew, they 
 being partly English, partly Dutch, upon which the captain, 
 Henry Hudson, laid before them two propositions. The first 
 of these was to go to the coast of America, to the latitude of 
 40°. This idea had been suggested to him by some letters 
 and maps which his friend, Captain Smith, had sent him from 
 Virginia, and by which he informed him that there was a sea 
 leading into the western ocean, by the north of the southern 
 EngUsh colony. Had this information been true (experience 
 goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been of great advan- 
 tage, as indicating a short way to India. The other proposi- 
 tion was to direct their search to Davis's Straits. This 
 meeting with general approval, they sailed on the 14th of 
 May, J and arrived wdth a good wind at the Faroe Islands, 
 where they stopped but twenty-four hours, to supply them- 
 selves with fresh water. After leaving these islands, they 
 sailed on, till on the i8th of July they reached the coast of 
 Nova Francia, under 44°, where they were obliged to land for 
 the purpose of getting a new foremast, having lost theirs. 
 They found this a good place for cod-fishing, as also for the 
 traffic in skins and furs, w^hich were to be got there at a very 
 
 *The difference between the two styles was, in 1609, ten days. Thus the 27th of March 
 and the 6th of April are identical. 
 
 t The North Cape. 
 
 i There is no entry in Juet's account between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the 
 important events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only authority. — Asher. 
 
14 
 
 low price. But the crew behaved badly towards the people of 
 the country, taking their property by force, out of which there 
 arose quarrels among them. The English, fearing that they 
 would be outnumbered and worsted, were, therefore, afraid to 
 make any further attempt. They left that place on the 26th of 
 July, and kept out at sea till the 3d of August, when they were 
 again near the coast, in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed 
 on, till on the 12th of August they reached the shore, under 
 37° 45'. Thence they sailed along the shore until we {sic) 
 reached 40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between 
 two headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, 
 into as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring 
 ground on both sides. 
 
 Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then 
 their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen- 
 sible and warlike people ; whilst in the highest part the people, 
 were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions, skins, 
 and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other commodities, 
 as birds and fruit, even white and red grapes. These Ind- 
 ians traded most amicably with the people from the ship. And 
 of all the above-mentioned commodities they brought some 
 home. When they had thus been about fifty leagues up the 
 river, they returned on the 4th of October, and went again to 
 sea. More could have been done if the crew had been willing, 
 and if the want of some necessary provisions had not pre- 
 vented it. While at sea, they held counsel together, but were 
 of different opinions. The mate, a Dutchman, advised to 
 winter in Newfoundland, and to search the north-western pas- 
 sage of Davis throughout. This was opposed by Hudson. 
 He was afraid of his mutinous crew, who had sometimes sav- 
 agely threatened him ; and he feared that during the cold 
 season they would entirely consume their provisions, and 
 would then be obliged to return. Many of the crew, also, 
 were ill and sickly. Nobody, however, spoke of returning 
 home to Holland, which circumstance made the captain still 
 more suspicious. He proposed, therefore, to sail to Ireland, 
 and winter there, which they all agreed to. At last they, 
 arrived at Dartmouth, in England, the 7th of November, 
 whence they informed their employers, the Directors of the 
 East India Company, of their voyage. They proposed to them 
 to go out again for a search in the north-west, and that, be- 
 sides the pay, fifteen hundred florins should be laid out for an 
 
15 
 
 additional supply of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or 
 seven of his crew exchanged for others, and their number 
 raised to twenty. He was then going to leave Dartmouth on 
 the ist of March, so as to be in the north-west towards the end 
 of that month, and there to spend the whole of April and the 
 first half of May in catching whales and other fish in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Panar Island, thence to sail to the north-west, 
 and there to pass the time till the middle of September, and 
 then to return to Holland along the north-eastern coast of 
 Scotland. Thus this voyage passed off. 
 
 A long time elapsed, through contrary winds, before the 
 Company could be informed of the arrival of the ship in Eng- 
 land. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return as soon 
 as possible. But, when they were going to do so, Henry 
 Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were com- 
 manded by government there not to leave England, but to 
 serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather un- 
 fair that these sailors should thus be prevented from laying 
 their accounts and reports before their employers, chiefly as 
 the enterprise in which they had been engaged was such as to 
 benefit navigation in general. These latter events took place 
 in January, 1610; and it was then thought probable that the 
 English themselves would send ships to Virginia, to explore 
 the river found by Hudson. 
 
 Extracts relating to Hudson's Third Voyage {1609), from John 
 DE Laet's "Nieuwe Werelt," Amsterdam, 1625, 1630. 
 
 As to the first discovery, the Directors of the privileged East 
 India Company, in 1609, dispatched the yacht, "Half Moon." 
 under the command of Henry Hudson, captain and super- 
 cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-east. But he 
 changed his course and stood over towards New France ; and, 
 having passed the banks of Newfoundland in latitude 43^ 23',* 
 he made the land in latitude 44° 15',! with a west-north-west 
 and north-west course, and went on shore at a place where 
 there were many of the natives with whom, as he understood, 
 
 * Near Cape Sable, Neva Scotia. 
 On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Penobscot Bay. 
 
i6 
 
 the French came every year to trade. SaiUng hence, he bent 
 his course to the south, until running south-south-west, and 
 south-west by south, he again made land in latitude 41° 43', 
 which he supposed to be an island, and gave it the name of 
 New Holland,* but afterwards discovered that it was Cape 
 Cod, and that, according to his observation, it lay two hundred 
 and twenty-five miles to the west of its place on all the charts. 
 Pursuing his course to the south, he again saw land in latitude 
 37° 15'. The coast was low, running north and south ; and op- 
 posite to it lay a bank or shoal, within which there was a depth 
 of eight, nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, 
 with a sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.f 
 
 Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered 
 land in latitude 38° 9', where there was a white sandy shore, 
 and within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage. 
 The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south- 
 south-west for about twenty-four miles, then north and south 
 for twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and north-west 
 for fifteen miles. They continued to run along the coast to 
 the north, until they reached a point from which the land 
 stretches to the west and north-west where several rivers dis- 
 charge into an open bay. Land was seen to the east-north- 
 east, which Hudson at first took to be an island ; but it proved 
 to be the main land, and the second point of the bay, in lati- 
 tude 38° 54'. Standing in upon a course north-west by east, 
 they soon found themselves embayed, and, encountering many 
 breakers, stood out again to the south-south-east. Hudson 
 suspected that a large river discharged into the bay, from the 
 strength of the' current that set out and caused the accumula- 
 tion of sands and shoals. t 
 
 Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they 
 observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within, be- 
 yond which there appeared a grove of wood, the coast running 
 north-east by east and south-west by south. Afterwards the 
 direction of the coast changed to north by east, and was higher 
 
 * It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Cape Cod New Holland. 
 His doing so would imply an intention on his side to take possession of the country in the 
 name of the Dutch. De Laet is the only one of our authorities who saw Hudson's own jour- 
 nal of the third voyage ; and, if we could fully believe his statements, ever}' doubt would be 
 removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Purchas, and the mistakes com- 
 mitted by each of them with regard to Cape Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. 
 A sher. 
 
 t Probably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37^ 10'. 
 
 1 The bay and river are the Delaware Bay and River. 
 
17 
 
 land than they had yet seen. They at length reached a lofty 
 promontory or headland, behind which was situated a bay, 
 which they entered and run up into a roadstead near a low 
 sandy point, in latitude 40° 18'. There they were visited by two 
 savages clothed in elk-skins, who showed them every sign of 
 friendship. On the land they found an abundance of blue 
 plums and magnificent oaks, of a height and thickness that one 
 seldom beholds ; together with poplars, linden-trees, and various 
 other kinds of wood useful in ship-building. Sailing hence in 
 a north-easterly direction, they ascended a river to nearly 43° 
 north latitude, where it became so narrow and of so little 
 depth that they found it necessary to return. 
 
 From all that they could learn, there had never been any 
 ships or Christians in that quarter before ; and they were the 
 first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hudson 
 returned to Amsterdam with his report ; and in the following 
 year, 16 10, some merchants again sent a ship thither, — that is 
 to say, to the second river discovered, which was called Man- 
 hattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth. And 
 subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States General, 
 granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege of navigat- 
 ing this river and trading there. Whereupon, in the year 16 15, 
 a redoubt or fort was erected on the river, and occupied by a 
 small garrison, of which we shall hereafter speak. Our coun- 
 trymen have continued to make voyages thither from year to 
 year, for the purpose of trafficking with the natives ; and on 
 this account the country has very justly received the name of 
 New Netherlands. 
 
 Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all that 
 have since visited it, express their admiration of the noble 
 trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has himself de- 
 scribed the manners and appearance of the people that he 
 found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms : — 
 
 "When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood 
 around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted of 
 the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and 
 make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food is 
 Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook by 
 baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on board, 
 one after another, in their canoes, which are made of a single 
 
i8 
 
 hollowed tree ; their weapons are bow^s and arrows, pointed 
 with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard resin. They 
 had no houses, but slept under the blue heavens, sometimes 
 on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and sometimes on the leaves 
 of trees. They always carry with them all their goods, such 
 as their food and green tobacco, which is strong and good for 
 use. They appear to be a friendly people, but have a great 
 propensity to steal, and are exceedingly adroit in carrying 
 away whatever they take a fancy to," 
 
 In latitude 40° 48', where the savages brought very fine 
 oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the fol- 
 lowing manner : " It is as pleasant a land as one need tread 
 upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable for ship- 
 building, and for making large casks or vats. The people had 
 copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred that copper might 
 naturally exist there ; and iron likewise according to the testi- 
 mony of the natives, w^ho, however, do not understand prepar- 
 ing it for use." 
 
 Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds of 
 fresh-w^ater fish with seines, and young salmon and sturgeon. 
 In latitude 42° 18' he landed. "I sailed to the shore," he 
 says, "in one of their canoes, with an old man, who was the 
 chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and seventeen women ; 
 these I saw there in a house well constructed of oak bark, and 
 circular in shape, so that it had the appearance of being well 
 built, with an arched roof. It contained a great quantity of 
 maize or Indian corn, and beans of the last year's growth, and 
 there lay near the house for the purpose of drying enough to 
 load three ships, besides w'hat was growing in the fields. On 
 our coming into the house, two mats were spread out to sit 
 upon, and immediately some food was served in well made red 
 wooden bowls ; two men were also despatched at once with 
 bows and arrow^s in quest of game, who soon after brought in 
 a pair of pigeons which they had shot. They likewise killed a 
 fat dog, and skinned it in great haste, wdth shells which they 
 had got out of the water. They supposed that I would remain 
 with them for the night, but I returned after a short time on 
 board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that I 
 ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees of 
 every description. The natives are a very good people ; for, 
 when they saw that I w^ould not remain, they supposed that I 
 was afraid of their bows, and, taking the arrows, they broke 
 them in pieces, and threw them into the fire," etc. 
 
He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and otlier 
 fruits, from all of which there is sufficient reason to conclude 
 that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and that the natives 
 are well disposed, if they are only well treated ; although they 
 are very changeable, and of the same general character as all 
 
 the savages in the north. 
 
 Henn^ Hudson, who, in the service of the Dutch East India Company, discovered the 
 Hudson River in 1609, was an Englishman, a citizen of London, born in the latter part of the 
 sixteenth centurj'. He belonged to a family of adventurers and explorers An earlier Henry 
 Hudson, perhaps his grandfather, a London alderman, was one of the founders, with Sebas- 
 tian Cabot, of the Muscovy or Russia Company, established to promote the discovery of a 
 northerly passage to China. Christopher Hudson was an agent of this company in Russia as 
 early as 1560, and took a deep interest in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage to America in 1583. 
 Captain I'homas Hudson, who had himself commanded an expedition to Persia, ad\'ised Cap- 
 tain John Da\is concerning his search for a north-west passage to China, which resulted in 
 the discovery of Davis's Strait. He also exercised a powerful influence upon Henry Hudson. 
 We know nothing of Henn,- Hudson's early life. He comes before us from April 19, 1607, 
 to June 21, 161 1, which time was almost entirely occupied in his four unsuccessful voyages to 
 discover a north-west passage to China. The Hudson River, Hudson Strait, and Hudson 
 Bay bear his name and preserve his memory; and the last is his tomb. He was cut adrift 
 upon its waters by a mutinous crew one midsummer day, 161 1, in a small boat with half a 
 dozen men, and miserably perished. 
 
 In point of fact, as has been often pointed out, neither Hudson River nor strait nor bay 
 was really first discovered by Hudson. He pushed his explorations further than his prede- 
 cessors, and left a more distinct record; but the ri\'er, the strait, and the bay were all marked 
 in maps before the time of Hudson. What he did do by his four \oyages was to show tliat 
 the passage to China was not the simple thing it had been represented to be, that there was no 
 strait through the continent of North America in a low latitude, and that, if there was one in a 
 high latitude, it could scarcely be of any practical value. 
 
 Hudson's first and second voyages in the arctic regions were in the service of the Mus- 
 co\y Company, and his fourth voyage also was under the auspices of English adventurers. 
 The third and most tamous voyage, with \\ hich we are especially concerned, was in the ser- 
 vice of the Dutch E^ast India Company, which had recently been established and was stimu- 
 lated by English ri\alry. The fame of Hudson's voyages had spread, and a flattering in\'ita- 
 tion came to him from the King of France just after he had closed with the Dutch Company. 
 A copy of Hudson's contract with the company exists, showing that he signed his name Henry 
 Hudson, and that in the body of the instrument he was also named Henry (not Hendrik), 
 and that an interpreter was required, as he did not understand Dutch. 
 
 Hudson sailed from Amsterdam in the " Half IVIoon" about the first of April, 1609, ''to 
 search for a passage to the north around by the north side of Nova Zembla." He had im- 
 portant advice, maps, and books from various friends, and certain letters " which his fnend, 
 Captain John Smith, had sent him from Virginia, and by which he informed him that there 
 was a sea reaching into the western ocean by the north of the English colony.'' He had a 
 motley crew of sixteen or eighteen English and Dutch sailors. Robert Juet, who had been 
 his mate in his previous voyage, and who on his last voyage was a leader in the mutiny which 
 cost Hudson his life, now acted as his clerk, and kept the journal of the voj^age from which the 
 account of the sail up the Hudson is taken for the present leaflet. Hudson's own journal, 
 which De Laet had before him when he wrote the " Nieuwe W^erelt,'' from which an extract 
 is given in this leaflet, has entirely disappeared. The difficulties and sufferings in the north 
 were such that the men refused to go on, and Hudson turned toward America. He skirted 
 the coast from Nova Scotia to Chesapeake Bay, then, resisting his temptation to visit his 
 friend John Smith, turned northward, entered Delaware Bay, followed the New Jersey 
 coast to Sandy Hook, found the mouth of tlie great river which now bears his name, ani 
 spent a month exploring it, as described by Juet in the leaflet, the extract given being about 
 one-third of the journal of the whole voyage. Hudson ascended the river to a point just 
 above the site of the present city of Albany. He became satisfied that this course did not 
 lead to the South Sea or China; as Champlain, who the same summer had been making his 
 way through Lake Champlain to the South Sea, concluded that his course did not lead thither. 
 The two explorers by opposite routes approached unawares within twenty leagues of each 
 other. On the 4th of October Hudson came again into the sea, and reached Dartmouth, Eng- 
 land, November 7. He proposed to sail again in the service of the Dutch East India Com- 
 
20 
 
 pany, but was ordered by the English government to remain with his Knglislimen in:_English 
 service. 
 
 Purchas, in the third volume of his " Piigrimes" (1625), published the accounts by Hud- 
 son and his companions of all the four voyages ; and these are reprinted in the first volume 
 of the New York Historical Society's Collections. In Purchas's "Pilgrimage" there is a 
 chapter on Hudson's " Discoveries and Death," which is mainly a summary of the documents 
 in the " Piigrimes." 
 
 Asher's " Henry Hudson, the Navigator," edited, with a critical introduction and notes, 
 for the Hakluyt Society (1860), is an exhaustive account of Hudson's explorations, and in- 
 cludes the original accounts of the four voyages given by Purchas, the early Dutch accounts 
 by Hessel-geritz, Van Meteren, and De Laet, and later notices. A full bibliography is given 
 by Asher, p. 258. John Meredith Read, Jr.'s, " Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hud- 
 son and his Family'* and Henry C. Murphj^'s " Henrj' Hudson in Holland" are valuable 
 studies. De Costa's " Sailing Directions of Hudson'' is accompanied by a dissertation on 
 the discovery of the Hudson River. All the common histories of New York have chapters 
 on Hudson's discovery. Moulton (Yates and Moulton's History of New York) gives a run- 
 ning commentary on Hudson's passage up the river. 
 
 The chapter on " New Netherland, or the Dutch in North America," in the " Narrative 
 and Critical History of America" (vol. iv.), is by Bertliold Kemow: and his appended critical 
 essay on the sources of information is a most valuable bibliography. The early volumes of 
 Brodhead's "Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York" contain an mvalu- 
 able mass of documents relating to the Dutch period. Asher has published a " Bibliographi- 
 cal and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland." 
 Adrian Van der Donck's "Description of New Netherland'' (1655) is published as Old 
 South Leaflet No. 69 ; and the notes will be of service to the student. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
<©ID ^DUtf) %tantt^ 
 
 No. gs. 
 
 Pastorius's 
 
 Description of 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 1700. 
 
 Particular Geo{;rafhical Description of the Lately Discov- 
 ered Province of Pennsylvania, situated on the Frontiers 
 OF this Western World, America. By Francis Daniel Pas- 
 TORius. Translated from ihe Original German by Lewis 
 H. Weiss. 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 The fourth grand division of our world, America, is divided 
 into two great parts, the first of which Ues to the south, and 
 comprises the following provinces : — 
 
 I St, The Golden Castilia, which again contains the colonies 
 of Papaya, New Grenada, Carthagena, Venazola, Nova Anda- 
 lusia, and Paria. 
 
 2d, The land of Guyana, in possession of the Dutch, of 
 which they were desirous to lease a part lying between the 
 rivers Paria and Amazones to the Count Hanau in 1669. 
 
 3d, The land of Brasilia, belonging to the Portuguese, in the 
 which are the cities of St. Salvator, Olinda, and Pernambuco. 
 
 4th, The land of Chile. 
 
 5th, The land of Peru, the metropolis of which is Lima, 
 in which city the Spanish viceroy has his residence. This 
 province bounds on the Andes, among which there is much 
 gold to be found. The aborigines are a race of giants of ten 
 feet stature. 
 
 In this Southern America there are two great rivers, the 
 Amazones and the Rio de la Plata. C[pou the borders flows the 
 stream Panama or Isthmus^ on which the rich productions of 
 the country are brought to the seashore, and thence transported 
 to Spain. 
 
The second part, or North America, comprises : — 
 
 I St, The land of Nicaragua, Guatimala, Nova Hispania, an.' 
 Chersonesa, which expand to the Mexican sea. 
 
 2d, The land of Flowers (Florida). 
 
 3d, Virginia, which belongs to the English. 
 
 4th, Nova Belgia, the chief town of which is New Amster- 
 dam. 
 
 5th, Nova Anglia, in which land is the city of Cambridge, 
 w^here the Bible has been printed in the Indian language. 
 
 6th, The lands Canada, Nova Gallia, Terra Corte Realis, 
 Terra Labrador, and Nova Britannia. 
 
 Of this entire American continent very little was known until 
 1 441, for none of its inhabitants had ever ventured across the 
 ocean to Europe. 
 
 The first discoverer of this western world was Christopher 
 Columbus, an Italian, a native of the village of Cucurco near 
 Genoa, descended from the noble family Pilustroli, a profound 
 scholar and an experienced navigator. 
 
 Having observed while on the isle of Cadiz that at cer- 
 tain seasons of the year the wind blew from the westward 
 for many days together, he concluded that it must come 
 from some undiscovered country in that direction, and he 
 offered to proceed on a voyage to discover said land, 
 provided the Genoese republic would furnish him with sev- 
 eral suitable vessels. Upon his being refused it, he next 
 applied to Henry VII., king of England, with no better suc- 
 cess. He also waited upon Alfonsus, king of Portugal, with 
 no better success > but finally Ferdinand and Isabella, sov- 
 ereigns of Castilia, granted him three small ships, with which 
 he set sail in August, 1492, and after a month he came to the 
 island of Comera, where he laid in some provisions, and thirty 
 days after he arrived at the isle Guarglysna. He next visited 
 the islands of Cumana and Haiti, which last he named His- 
 paniola. Here he built a fort. After he had examined into the 
 resources of these countries, he resolved to return to Spain, to 
 announce his good fortune to the king and queen, and arrived 
 again safely, without having lost a single man on his expedi- 
 tion. The king w^as much pleased with the new discovery, 
 and conferred upon Columbus the title Adviiraiidus. He 
 afterward made some other voyages to the Insolas Fortunatus^ 
 and to the Canaries, on which there are two miraculous foun- 
 tains, one of which, if persons drink the water therefrom, it 
 
No. 95. 
 
 Pastorius's 
 
 Description of 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 1700. 
 
 Particular Geoc.rafhical Descriptiox of the Lately Discov- 
 ered Province of Pennsylvania, situated on the Frontiers 
 OF THIS Western World, America. By Francis Daniel Pas- 
 TORius. Translated from the Original German ky Lewis 
 H. Weiss. 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 The fourth grand division of our world, America, is divided 
 into two great parts, the first of which lies to the south, and 
 comprises the following provinces : — 
 
 I St, The Golden Castilia, w^hich again contains the colonies 
 of Papaya, New Grenada, Carthagena, Venazola, Nova Anda- 
 lusia, and Paria. 
 
 2d, The land of Guyana, in possession of the Dutch, of 
 which they were desirous to lease a part lying between the 
 rivers Paria and Amazones to the Count Hanau in 1669. 
 
 3d, The land of Brasilia, belonging to the Portuguese, in the 
 which are the cities of St. Salvator, Olinda, and Pernambuco. 
 
 4th, The land of Chile. 
 
 5th, The land of Peru, the metropolis of which is Lima, 
 in which city the Spanish viceroy has his residence. This 
 province bounds on the Andes, among which there is much 
 gold to be found. The aborigines are a race of giants of ten 
 feet stature. 
 
 In this Southern America there are two great rivers, the 
 Amazones and the Rio de la Plata. C/J>o/i the borders flows the 
 stream Panama or Isthmus^ on which the rich productions of 
 the country are brought to the seashore, and thence transported 
 to Spain. 
 
The second part, or North America, comprises : — 
 
 I St, Xhe land of Nicaragua, Guatimala, Nova Hispania, and 
 Chersonesa, which expand to the Mexican sea. 
 
 2d, The land of Flowers (Florida). 
 
 3d, Virginia, which belongs to the English. 
 
 4th, Nova Belgia, the chief town of which is New Amster- 
 dam. 
 
 5th, Nova Anglia, in which land is the city of Cambridge, 
 where the Bible has been printed in the Indian language. 
 
 6th, The lands Canada, Nova Gallia, Terra Corte Realis, 
 Terra Labrador, and Nova Britannia. 
 
 Of this entire American continent very little was known until 
 1 44 1, for none of its inhabitants had ever ventured across the 
 ocean to Europe. 
 
 The first discoverer of this western world was Christopher 
 Columbus, an Italian, a native of the village of Cucurco near 
 Genoa, descended from the noble family Pilustroli, a profound 
 scholar and an experienced navigator. 
 
 Having observed while on the isle of Cadiz that at cer- 
 tain seasons of the year the wind blew from the westward 
 for many days together, he concluded that it must come 
 from some undiscovered country in that direction, and he 
 offered to proceed on a voyage . to discover said land, 
 provided the Genoese republic would furnish him with sev- 
 eral suitable vessels. Upon his being refused it, he next 
 applied to Henry VII., king of England, with no better suc- 
 cess. He also waited upon Alfonsus, king of Portugal, with 
 no better success ; but finally Ferdinand and Isabella, sov- 
 ereigns of Castilia, granted him three small ships, with which 
 he set sail in August, 1492, and after a month he came to the 
 island of Comera, where he laid in some provisions, and thirty 
 days after he arrived at the isle Guarglysna. He next visited 
 the islands of Cumana and Haiti, which last he named His- 
 paniola. Here he built a fort. After he had examined into the 
 resources of these countries, he resolved to return to Spain, to 
 announce his good fortune to the king and queen, and arrived 
 again safely, without having lost a single man on his expedi- 
 tion. The king was much pleased with the new^ discovery, 
 and conferred upon Columbus the title Admirandus. He 
 afterward made some other voyages to the Insolas Fortunatus, 
 and to the Canaries, on which there are two miraculous foun- 
 tains, one of which, if persons drink the water therefrom, it 
 
3 
 
 causes them to laugh immoderately, even so as to cause death ; 
 but, if they immediately take a draught from the other fountain, 
 it will stop the laughing effect at once. He also visited the 
 isle of Teneriffa, in which there is a great and terrible volcano. 
 Finally he came to the island where the cannibals reside, and 
 because he landed there on a Sunday named it Dominica. 
 After making these discoveries, he returned, by way of Cu- 
 mana and Jamaica, to Spain. 
 
 Anno Chi'isti^ 1495? the above-mentioned King Ferdinand 
 sent the noble Florentine, Vesputius Americus, with four 
 large ships into these regions for the purpose of making 
 further researches and discoveries. Americus was the first 
 European that reached the continent, v;here he saw great num- 
 bers of the naked inhabitants ; and, after cruising about some 
 time among the islands, he returned to Spain in the year 1498. 
 The newly discovered continent was named America in honor 
 of him, and now contains many rich and valuable colonies and 
 trading ports belonging to the Spanish, French, English, and 
 the Hollanders. 
 
 Chapter I. 
 Of the Discovery of the Pennsylvanian Regions. 
 
 Although, after the successful expeditions of Columbus and 
 Americus, many colonies had arisen in this western world, such 
 as Nova Hispania, Nova Gallia, Brasilia, Peru, Golden Castilia, 
 Hispaniola, Cumana, Jamaica, Nova Anglia, Florida, Virginia, 
 etc., it so happened, anno 1665, [!] by means of the skilful and 
 enterprising navigators sent out under the auspices of Caroli 
 Stuardus /., king of England, a new and large country was dis- 
 covered, lying far beyond the above-mentioned colonies. For 
 the time being, however, no name was given to it, inasmuch as 
 the natives roamed about the forests, not having any fixed resi- 
 dences or towns from which any name could have been derived ; 
 but they Hved here and there in the wilderness in Tuguriis, or 
 huts made of the bark of trees. 
 
 About the time of this discovery the Duke of York, having 
 great numbers of Swedes and others under his control, com- 
 manded that a town should be commenced on the Delia Varra 
 River, which was fortified ; and he called the place New Castle. 
 He likewise granted to the Swedes large privileges to induce 
 them to remain there, and to cultivate the lands, intending to 
 
settle it, also, with English emigrants. The Swedes began to 
 clear away the forests, and soon became a flourishing com- 
 munity. 
 
 About this time the unheard-of tragedy was enacted in Eng- 
 land, that the king was taken by his own subjects and be- 
 headed; his son, the heir to the throne, pursued for his life; 
 but he managed to make his escape through the instrumen- 
 tality of his general. Lord Penn, who carried him to France in 
 disguise, for which goodly service Penn's entire estates were 
 confiscated or destroyed ; and he himself died in exile, before 
 the restoration of the prince. 
 
 Upon the reinstating of Carolus II. on the throne of his 
 father, he was visited by William Penn, the only son of Lord 
 Penn ; and he received him very graciously. In consideration 
 of the services of his father, he presented to him this entire 
 region, together with the colony of New Castle, forever. This 
 royal bounty bears the date April 21, 1681. Penn now pub- 
 lished it in the city of London, that he intended to establish 
 a colony there, and offered to sell lands to all such as wished 
 to emigrate. Upon this many persons offered to go, and Penn 
 accompanied them thither, where he founded the city of Phil- 
 adelphia, in 1682. A German society also contracted with his 
 agents in London for several thousand acres of land to estab- 
 lish a German colony there. The entire region was named 
 Pennsylvania, which signifies Peiiri' s forest lands. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Contains Penn's charter and plans of settlement, which are 
 already well known in the English language. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 Co7icerning the German Society. 
 
 The German Society commissioned myself, Francis Daniel 
 Pastorius, as their licensed agent, to go to Pennsylvania and to 
 superintend the purchase and survey of their lands. 
 
 I set out from Frankford on the Mayne, went to London, 
 where I made the purchase, and then embarked for America. 
 
 Under the protection of the Almighty, I arrived safely at 
 
5 
 
 Philadelphia ; and I was enabled to send my report home to 
 Germany on the yth of March, 1684. 
 
 The lands I purchased were to be as follows : fifteen thou- 
 sand acres in one tract on some navigable stream. 
 
 Three hundred acres in the City Liberties, which is the strip 
 of land lying between the rivers Dellavarra and Scolkill, above 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Three lots in the city proper for the purpose of building 
 thereon. 
 
 Upon my arrival I applied to the governor, William Penn, 
 for warrants, so as to survey and take possession of the afore- 
 said lands. 
 
 His first answer, concerning the three hundred acres in the 
 Liberties and the three lots in the city, was this : " That 
 these could by right not be claimed by the German Company, 
 because they had- been purchased after he had left London, 
 the books closed, and all the lots previously disposed of." He, 
 however, had three lots in the city surveyed for me, out of his 
 youngest son's portion, instead of those above mentioned. 
 
 Beginning to number the houses from the Dellavarra River, 
 our trading-house is the ninth in order. 
 
 Our first lot in the city is of the following dimensions. It 
 has one hundred feet front, and is four hundred feet deep. 
 Next to it is to be a street. Adjoining it lies the second lot of 
 the same size as No. i. Then another street. Lot No. 3 
 joins this street, its size being the same as the other two. On 
 these lots we can build two dwellings at each end, making in 
 all twelve buildings with proper yards and gardens, and all of 
 them fronting on the streets. 
 
 For the first few years, little or no profit can reasonably be 
 expected to accrue from these lots, on account of the great 
 scarcity of money in this province, and, also, that as yet this 
 country has no goods or productions of any kind to trade with 
 or export to Europe. 
 
 Our governor, William Penn, intends to establish and en- 
 courage the growing and manufactory of woollens ; to introduce 
 the cultivation of the vine, for which this country is peculiarly 
 well adapted, so that our company had better send us a quan- 
 tity of wine barrels and vats of various sorts, also all kinds of 
 farming and gardening implements. Item, several iron boilers 
 of various sizes, and copper and brass kettles. Item, an iron 
 stove, several blankets and mattresses, also a few pieces of 
 
Barchet and white linens, which might be sold in our trading- 
 house here to good advantage. 
 
 On the 1 6th of November last a fair had been held at Phila- 
 delphia ; but we only sold about ten dollars' worth at our trad- 
 ing-house, owing altogether to the scarcity of money, as has 
 been already mentioned. 
 
 As relating to our newly laid out town, Gcnnajwpolis, or Ger- 
 mantown, it is situated on a deep and very fertile soil, and is 
 blessed with an abundance of fine springs and fountains of 
 fresh water. The main street is sixty and the cross street 
 forty feet in width. Every family has a plot of ground for 
 vard and garden three acres in size. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 Treats of William Penn's laws, which are already known in 
 the English language. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 Of the Situation of the Country and the Rii'ers thereof 
 
 The situation of Pennsylvania is like unto that of Naples in 
 Italy. This region lies in the fortieth degree of north latitude, 
 is bounded on the east by the Dellavarra River, and extends 
 in length 75 miles, in breadth 45.* 
 
 The islands bordering upon this province are New Jersey, 
 Marieland, and Virginia. In these regions, several new and 
 beautiful stars and constellations are visible, which have here- 
 tofore been entirely unknown to the European astrologi and 
 learned ones. 
 
 The river Dellavarra is so beautiful a stream as not to have 
 its equal among all the rivers of Europe. 
 
 It is navigable for vessels of one hundred tons thirty miles 
 beyond Philadelphia. It separates Pennsylvania from New 
 Jersey. At Philadelphia it is two and at New Castle three 
 miles wide ; is abundantly stocked with the finest fish, as is 
 likewise the river Scolkill. 
 
 The springs and fountains of water are innumerable. 
 
 The woods and copses are filled with beautiful birds of great 
 
 * German miles, one of which is equal to five English or American miles. 
 
variety which proclaim their Creator's praises, in their pleas 
 antest manner. There is, besides, a great abundance of -^'^ 
 
 id 
 geese, ducks, turkeys, quails, pigeons, partridges, and many 
 other sorts of game. 
 
 Chapters VI. and VII. 
 Are omitted, as containing nothing of interest to the EngUsh 
 reader. 
 
 Chapter VIII. 
 Of the Towns and Cities in this Province. 
 
 The o-overnor, William Penn, laid out the city of Philadel- 
 phia, beuveen the two rivers Dellavarra and Scolkill, naming 
 it with the pious wish and desire that its inhabitants might 
 dwell together in brotherly love and unity. 
 
 The Dellavarra is deep enough so that the largest vessels 
 can come up close to the bank, which is but about a stone s 
 cast from the city. 
 
 Another English company have laid out the new town of 
 Frankfort, five miles above Philadelphia, at which now so 
 flourishing and pleasant place they have already established 
 several good mills, a glass-house, pottery, and some stores and 
 trading-houses. 
 
 New Castle lies forty miles from the ocean on the Dellavarra, 
 
 and has a very good harbor. r> ^i ^„ 
 
 The town of Uplandt is twenty miles above New Castle on 
 
 the river, and is a fine large place, inhabited mostly by 
 
 Swedes. . /:q t 
 
 On the twenty-fourth day of Octobrus, anno 16^5, i, 
 Francis Daniel Pastorius, with the wish and concurrence of 
 our governor, laid out and planned a new town, which we 
 called Germantown or Germanopolis, in a very fine and fertile 
 district, with plenty of springs of fresh water, being well sup- 
 plied with oak, walnut, and chestnut trees, and having besides 
 excellent and abundant pasturage for the catde. At the com- 
 mencement there were but twelve families of forty-one individ- 
 uals, consisting mostly of German mechanics and weavers. 
 The principal street of this, our town, I made sixty feet in 
 width, and the cross street forty feet. The space or lot for 
 each house and garden I made three acres in size : for my own 
 dwelling, however, six acres. 
 
Before my laying out of this town, I had already erected a 
 small house in Philadelphia, thirty feet by fifteen in size. The 
 windows, for the want of glass, were made of oiled paper. 
 Over the door I had placed the following inscription : — 
 
 Parva domus, sed arnica bonis, procul este prophani, 
 
 at which our governor, when he paid me a visit, laughed 
 heartily, at the same time encouraging me to build more. 
 
 I have also obtained 15,000 acres of land for our company, 
 in one tract, with this condition, — that within one year at 
 least thirty families should settle on it ; and thus we may, by 
 God's blessing, have a separate German province, where we 
 can all live together in one. 
 
 Chapter IX. 
 Of the Productions of the Coiuitry. 
 
 Inasmuch as this region lies in the same degree of latitude 
 as Montepelier and Naples, but has a much richer soil, and that 
 better watered by its many springs and rivulets, it is but 
 reasonable to suppose that such a country must be well calcu- 
 lated to produce all kinds of fruit. The air is pure and serene, 
 the summer is longer and warmer than it is in Germany, and 
 we are cultivating many kinds of fruits and vegetables, and 
 our labors meet with rich reward. 
 
 Of cattle we have a great abundance, but for want of proper 
 accommodation they roam at large for the present. 
 
 Sugar and syrup we import from Barbados, and he that has 
 not money barters with such articles of produce as he may 
 have. The articles of trade between the Indians and the 
 Christians consist of fish, birds, deerskins, and the furs of 
 beavers, otters, foxes, etc. They usually exchange these things 
 for liquor or else for their own kind of money, which they call 
 wampum, and consists of red and white seashells, which are 
 neatly prepared, and strung like beads. These strings of 
 wampum they make use of to decorate themselves with. Their 
 king wears a crown made of the same. 
 
 Twelve strings of the red are valued as much as twenty-four 
 wliite ones. They like this kind of money much better than 
 our silver coin, because they are so often deceived by it, not 
 being able to distinguish the counterfeit from the genuine, and, 
 
9 
 
 as they cannot well calculate the difference in its value, they 
 do not much like to take it. 
 
 The money in circulation among ourselves is Spanish and 
 English coin. Gems and precious stones we have none, neither 
 do we desire any. We would not give him any great thanks 
 who would dig them out of the earth ; for these things which 
 God has created for good and wise purposes have been most 
 shamefully abused by man, and have become the servants of 
 human pride and ostentation rather than being conducive to 
 the Creator's glory. 
 
 Chapter X. 
 Of the Growth and Improvement of this Colony. 
 
 Although this far-distant land was a dense wilderness, — and 
 it is only quite recently that it has come under the cultivation 
 of the Christians, — there is much cause of wonder and admira- 
 tion how rapidly it has already, under the blessing of God, ad- 
 vanced, and is still advancing, day by day. The first part of 
 the time we were obliged to obtain our provisions from the Jer- 
 seys for money, and at a high price ; but now we not only have 
 enough for ourselves, but a considerable surplus to dispose of 
 among our neighboring colonies. Of the most needful me- 
 chanics we have enough now ; but day-laborers are very scarce, 
 and of them we stand in great need. Of mills, brick-kilns, and 
 tile-ovens we have the necessary number. 
 
 Our surplus of grain and cattle we trade to Barbados for 
 rum, syrup, sugar, and salt. The furs, however, we export to 
 England for other manufactured goods. 
 
 We aire also endeavoring to introduce the cultivation of the 
 vine, and also the manufacture of woollen cloths and linens, 
 so as to keep our money as much as possible in the country. 
 For this reason we have already established fairs to be held at 
 stated times, so as to bring the people of different parts to- 
 gether for the purposes of barter and trade, and thereby en- 
 courage our own industry and prevent our little money from 
 going abroad. 
 
10 
 
 Chapter XI. 
 Of the InJiabitants of this Land. 
 
 The inhabitants may be divided into three classes: (i) the 
 Aborigines, or, as they are called, the savages ; (2) those Chris- 
 tians who have been in the country for years, and are called 
 old settlers ; (3) the newly arrived colonists of the different 
 companies. 
 
 I. The savages, or Indians, are in general strong, nimble, and 
 well-shaped people, of a dark, tawny complexion, and wore no 
 clothing whatever when the first Europeans came to this coun- 
 try. Now, however, they hang a blanket about their shoulders, 
 or some of them also have shirts. 
 
 They have straight black hair, which they cut off close to 
 the head, save one tuft, which they leave stand on the right 
 side. Their children they anoint with the fat of the bears and 
 other animals, so as to make their skin dark, for by nature they 
 would be white enough. They cultivate among themselves the 
 most scrupulous honesty, are unwavering in keeping promises, 
 defraud and insult no one, are very hospitable to strangers, 
 obliging to their guests, and faithful even to death towards 
 their friends. 
 
 Their huts, or wigwams, they make by bending down several 
 young trees, and covering them with bark. 
 
 They use neither tables nor chairs nor furniture of any kind, 
 except, perhaps, a single pot or kettle to cook tneir food. 
 
 I once saw four of them dining together in great enjoyment 
 of their feast. It consisted in nothing more than a pumpkin, 
 simply boiled in water, without salt, butter, or spice of any 
 kind. Their seat and table was the bare ground, their spoons 
 -svere sea-shells, wherewith they supped the warm water, and 
 their plates were the leaves of the nearest tree, which, after 
 they were done their meal, they had no occasion of washing or 
 any need of carefully preserving for future use. I thought to 
 myself on witnessing this scene how these poor savages, who 
 have never heard of the Saviour's doctrines and maxims of 
 contentment and temperance, how far superior they are to our- 
 selves, so-called Christians, at least so far as these virtues are 
 concerned. 
 
 They are otherwise very grave and reserved, speak but little, 
 and in few words, and are greatly surprised when they hear 
 
II 
 
 much needless and even foolish talking and tale-bearing among 
 us Christians. 
 
 They are true and faithful in their matrimonial relations, 
 abhorring licentiousness in the extreme. Above all do they 
 despise deception and falsehood. They have no idols, but 
 adore one great, good Spirit, who keeps the devil in subjec- 
 tion. They believe in the immortality of the soul, and, accord- 
 ing as they have lived in this world, do they expect a reward 
 or punishment in the future. 
 
 Their peculiar mode of worship consists principally in sing- 
 ing and dancing, during which they make use of the most 
 singular contortions and positions of the body; and, when the 
 remembrance of the death of parents or dear friends is brought 
 to their mind, they break forth into the most piteous cries and 
 lamentations. 
 
 They are fond of hearing us speak about the Creator of 
 heaven and the earth, and of his wisdom and divine power, 
 and particularly do they listen wdth emotion to the narrative 
 of the Saviour's life and sufferings ; but it is greatly to be re- 
 gretted that we are not yet sufficiently acquainted with their 
 language, so as to explain the great plan of salvation to them 
 fully. 
 
 They behave with the greatest respect and decorum when- 
 ever they attend public worship in our churches ; and it is my 
 firm belief that many of these poor American savages will in 
 the great day rise up in judgment with those of Tyre and 
 Sidon against our own wicked and perverse generation. As 
 regards their domestic arrangements, the men attend to the 
 chase, hunting, and fishing, the women bring up their chil- 
 dren, instructing them in virtue and honor. They raise some 
 few vegetables, such as corn and beans ; but, as to any exten- 
 sive farming and cultivation, they concern themselves nothing 
 about it, but are rather surprised that we, as Christians, should 
 have so many cares and anxieties as to our support and nour- 
 ishment, just as if we did not believe that God wdll and can 
 sustain and provide for us. 
 
 They speak a most beautiful and grave language, which 
 sounds very much like the Italian, although it has entirely 
 different words. 
 
 They are in the habit of painting their faces with various 
 colors, and the women as well as the men are very fond of 
 tobacco. 
 
12 
 
 2. The earlier Europeans or old settlers. These never had 
 the proper motives in settling here ; for, instead of instructing 
 the poor Indians in the Christian virtues, their only desire was 
 gain, without ever scrupling about the means employed in 
 obtaining it. 
 
 By these means they have taught those natives who had 
 dealings with them nothing but deception and many other evil 
 habits, so that there is very little of virtue or honesty remaining 
 on either side. 
 
 These wicked people make it a custom to pay the savages in 
 rum and other liquors for the furs they bring to them, so that 
 these poor deluded Indians have become very intemperate, and 
 sometimes drink to such excess that they can neither walk nor 
 stand. On such occasions they often commit thefts and other 
 vices. 
 
 3. The newly arrived colonists of our and other companies. 
 We who have come over to this land with good and honest in- 
 tentions have purchased considerable tracts of land where we 
 will settle, and endeavor to live in happiness and contentment ; 
 and we are living in the hope and expectation that we can in 
 time do something for the eternal welfare and salvation of the 
 aborigines. May our God prosper and bless our undertakings 1 
 
 Chapter XII. 
 Of the Governtnejits of this Land. 
 
 The aborigines of this country had their own chiefs and 
 kings. 
 
 We Christians acknowledge as our governor and chief 
 magistrate the oft-named and excellent, the Hon. William 
 Penn, to whom this region was granted and given as his own 
 by his majesty of England, Carolus II., with the express com- 
 mand that all the previous and future colonists should be sub- 
 ject to Penn's laws and jurisdiction. 
 
 This wise and truly pious ruler and governor did not, how- 
 ever, take possession of the province thus granted without 
 having first conciliated, and at various councils and treaties 
 duly purchased from, the natives of this country the various 
 regions of Pennsylvania. He, having by these means obtained 
 good titles to the province, under the sanction and signature of 
 the native chiefs, I therefore have purchased from him some 
 thirty thousand acres for my German colony. 
 
Now, although the oft-mentioned Wilham Penn is one of the 
 sect of Friends, or Quakers, still he will compel no man to be- 
 long to his particular society ; but he has granted to every one 
 free and untrammelled exercise of their opinions and the larg- 
 est and most complete liberty of conscience. 
 
 Chapter XIII. 
 Of the Various Religious Deii07ninations of these Parts. 
 
 The native Indians have no written religious belief or creed ; 
 and their own peculiar ideas, which are by no means so rude 
 or so barbarous as those of many other heathens, have to be 
 transmitted from the parents to their children only per tradi- 
 tionem. 
 
 The English and the Dutch adhere to the Calvinistic persua- 
 sion. 
 
 The colonists of William Penn are nearly all Quakers. 
 
 The Swedes and Germans are Evangelical Lutherans, under 
 the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Upsala. The Swedes have 
 their own churches. The name of their clergyman is Fabri- 
 cius, of whom I must say with deep regret that he is an intem- 
 perate man, and, as regards spiritual things, very dark and 
 ignorant. We in Germantown built a little chapel for our- 
 selves in 1686, but did not so much care for a splendid stone 
 edifice as for having an humble but true temple devoted to the 
 living God, in which true believers might be edified to the sal- 
 vation of their souls. The ministers here might have an excel- 
 lent opportunity to obey and practise the command of the 
 Saviour, "Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel"; 
 but, unfortunately, they seek more their own comfort and ease 
 than they do the glory of the Redeemer. 
 
 Chapter XIV. 
 Of the German Society for the Settling in Pennsylvania. 
 
 The principal participants in this society of ours are the 
 following-named gentlemen : — 
 
 Jacob von De Walle, Dr. John Jacob Schuetz, and Daniel 
 Behagel, all of Franckfort-on-the-Mayne. 
 
Gerhard von Mastricht, of Duisburg ; Thomas von Wylich, 
 and John Lebrunn, of Wesel. 
 
 Benjamin Furly, of Rotterdam ; PhiHp Fort, of London. 
 
 These persons will attend to and care for all letters and 
 papers for our colony, and will also assist and give advice to 
 all such as desire to emigrate, if such applicants be of good 
 moral character and standing, and their motives and intentions 
 for emigrating are honest and good. 
 
 In Pennsylvania the whole direction and management of the 
 colony has been intrusted to my humble abilities, for the time 
 being; and may the Almighty give me the proper wisdom and 
 strength to fulfil all my arduous duties. 
 
 Chapter XV. 
 
 Of the Opp07'tunities and Ways of Emigraiijig to this Countjy. 
 
 From the month of April until in the fall of every year 
 there are vessels sailing to Pennsylvania, at frequent times, 
 from England, principally from the port of Deal, although 
 there is no fixed time or day set for sailing, and persons are 
 therefore compelled to watch their opportunity. Whenever 
 there is a company of thirt3'-five or forty passengers together, 
 exclusive of the ship's crew, a vessel is despatched. Every 
 grown-up man pays for his passage the sum of £6 sterling, or 
 thirty-six rix dollars. For a female or servant, twenty-two rix 
 dollars. £i sterling is equal to six rix dollars. 
 
 Chapter XVI. 
 
 Of my own J^oyagc hither. 
 
 After I had left London, where I had made all my arrange- 
 ments with Penn's agent, and arrived at Deal, I hired four 
 male and two female servants, and on the 7th of June, 1683, set 
 sail with a company of eighty passengers. Our ship drew 
 thirteen feet of water. Our fare on board was poor enough. 
 The allowance of provision for ten persons per week was as 
 follows : three pounds of butter ; daily, four cans of beer and 
 one can of water ; every noon, two dishes of peas ; four times 
 
15 
 
 per week salt meat, and three times salt fish, which we were 
 obliged to cook, each man for himself, and had daily to save 
 enough from dinner to serve for our suppers also. And, as 
 these provisions were usually very poor, and the fish sometimes 
 tainted, we were all compelled to make liberal use of liquors 
 and other refreshments of a similar nature to preserve the 
 health amid such hard fare. Moreover, it is the practice of 
 the masters of these vessels to impose upon their passengers 
 in a shameful manner by giving them very short allowances. 
 It is therefore advisable not to pay the passage in full in Eng- 
 land, but to withhold a part until the arriving in America, so 
 that they are obliged to fulfil their part of the contract. Fur- 
 thermore, it is advisable to endeavor to obtain passage in 
 vessels bound to Philadelphia direct, inasmuch as those who 
 come in such, landing at Upland, are subjected to many and 
 grievous molestations. 
 
 On the sixteenth day of August, 1683, we came in sight of 
 the American continent, but did not enter the Capes of Dela- 
 ware until the i8th ejusdcni. The 20th ejiisdan we passed by 
 New Castle and Upland, and arrived toward evening at Phila- 
 delphia, in perfect health and safety, where we were all wel- 
 comed wdth great joy and love by the governor, William Penn, 
 and his secretary. He at once made me his confidential friend, 
 and I am frequently requested to dine with him, where I can 
 enjoy his good counsel and edifying conversations. Lately 
 I could not visit him for eight days, when he waited upon me 
 himself, requesting me to dine with him in future twice in each 
 week, without particvilar invitation, assuring me of his love and 
 friendship toward myself and the German nation, hoping that 
 all the rest of the colonists would do the same. 
 
 Chapter XVII. 
 
 Of the Duties and Labors of the German Colonist. 
 
 Our German society have in this place now established a 
 lucrative trade in woollen and linen goods, together with a 
 large assortment of other useful and necessary articles, and 
 have intrusted this extensive business to my own direction. 
 Besides this they have now purchased and hold over thirty 
 thousand acres of land, for the sake of establishing an entirely 
 German colony. In my newly laid out Germantown there are 
 
i6 
 
 already sixty-four families in a very prosperous condition. 
 Such persons, therefore, and all those who still arrive, have to 
 fall to work and swing the axe most vigorously ; for wherever 
 you turn the cry is, Itur in a7itiqiia77i syh'am, nothing but end- 
 less forests. So that I have been often wishing for a number 
 of stalwart Tyrolians, to throw down these gigantic oak and 
 other forest trees, but which we will be obliged to cut down 
 ourselves by degrees and with almost incredible labor and ex- 
 ertion, during which we can have a very forcible illustration 
 of the sentence pronounced upon our poor old father Adam, 
 that in the sweat of his brow he should eat his bread. To our 
 successors, and others coming after us, we would say that they 
 must not only bring over money, but a firm determination to 
 labor and make themselves useful to our infant colony. Upon 
 the whole, we may consider that man blessed whom the devil 
 does not find idling. In the meantime we are employing the 
 wild inhabitants as day-laborers, for which they are, however, 
 not much inclined ; and we ourselves are gradually learning 
 their language, so to instruct them in the religion of Christ, 
 inviting them to attend our church services, and therefore 
 have the pleasing hope that the spirit of God may be the means 
 of enlightening many of these poor heathens unto their souls' 
 salvation. To Him be honor, praise, thanks, and glory, forever- 
 more. Amen. 
 
 IxNTRODUCTORY NOTE TO "THE PENNSYLVANIA 
 PILGRIM." 
 
 BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. 
 
 The beginning of German emigration to America may be traced to 
 the personal influence of William Penn, who in 1677 visited the 
 Continent, and made the acquaintance of an intelligent and highly 
 cultivated circle of Pietists, or Mystics, who, reviving in the seven- 
 teenth century the spiritual faith and worship of Tauler and the 
 " Friends of God " in the fourteenth, gathered about the pastor 
 Spener, and the young and beautiful Eleonora Johanna \^on Merlau. 
 In this circle originated the Frankfort Land Company, which bought 
 of William Penn, the Governor of Pennsylvania, a tract of land 
 near the new city of Philadelphia. 
 
 The company's agent in the New World was a rising young 
 
lawyer, Francis Daniel Pastorius, son of Judge Pastorius of Winds- 
 heim, wiio at the age of seventeen entered the University of Altorf. 
 He studied law at Strasburg, Basle, and Jena, and at Ratisbon, the 
 seat of the Imperial Government, obtained a practical knowledge of 
 international polity. Successful in all his examinations and disputa- 
 tions, he received the degree of Doctor of Law, at Nuremberg, in 
 1676. In 1679 he was a law lecturer at Frankfort, where he became 
 deeply interested in the teachings of Dr. Spener. In 1680-81 he 
 travelled in France, England, Ireland, and Italy with his friend Herr 
 \'on Rodeck. •' I w^as," he says, "glad to enjoy again the company 
 of my Christian friends rather than be with V^on Rodeck, feasting 
 and dancing." In 1683, in company with a small number of German 
 Friends, he emigrated to America, settling upon the Frankfort Com- 
 pany's tract, between the Schuylkill and the Delaware Rivers. The 
 township was divided into four hamlets ; namely, Germantown, Kris- 
 heim, Cretield, and Sommerhausen. Soon after his arrival he united 
 himself with the Society of Friends, and became one of its most able 
 and devoted members, as well as the recognized head and lawgiver 
 of the settlement. He married, two years after his arrival, Anneke 
 (Anna), daughter of Dr. Klosterman, of Muhlheim. 
 
 In the year 1688 he drew up a memorial against slaveholding, 
 which was adopted 'by the Germantown Friends, and sent up to the 
 monthly meeting, and thence to the yearly meeting at Philadelphia. 
 It is noteworthy as the first protest made by a religious body against 
 negro slavery. The original document was discovered in 1844, by 
 the Philadelphia antiquarian. Nathan Kite, and published in The 
 Friend (vol. xviii. No. 16). It is a bold and direct appeal to the 
 best instincts of the heart. "Have not," he asks, "these negroes 
 as much right to fight for their freedom as you have to keep them 
 slaves ? " 
 
 Under the wise direction of Pastorius, the Germantown settlement 
 grew^ and prospered. The inhabitants planted orchards and vine- 
 yards, and surrounded themselves with souvenirs of their old home. 
 A large number of them were linen-weavers, as well as small farmers. 
 The Quakers were the principal sect; but men of all religions were 
 tolerated, and lived together in harmony. In 1692 Richard Frame 
 published, in what he called verse, a " Description of Pennsylvania," in 
 which he alludes to the settlement : — 
 
 " The German town of which I spoke before, 
 Which is at least in length one mile or more, 
 Where lives High German people and Low Dutch, 
 Whose trade in weaving linen cloth is much, — 
 There grows the flax, as also you may know 
 That from the same they do divide the tow. 
 Their trade suits well their habitation, — 
 We find convenience for their occupation." 
 
i8 
 
 Pastorius seems to have been on intimate terms with WiUiam 
 Penn, Thomas Lloyd, Chief Justice Logan, Thomas Story, and other 
 leading men in the Province belonging to his own religious society, 
 as also with Kelpius, the learned Mystic of the Wissahickon, with 
 the pastor of the Swedes' church, and the leaders of the Mennonites. 
 He wrote a description of Pennsylvania, which was published at 
 Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700 and 1701. His '' Lives of the Saints "' 
 etc written in German, and dedicated to Professor Schurmberg, his 
 old teacher, was published in 1690. He left behind him many un- 
 published manuscripts, covering a very wide range of subjects, most 
 of which are now lost. One huge manuscript folio, entitled •' Hive 
 Beestock, Melliotropheum Alucar, or Rusca Apium." still remains, 
 containing one thousand pages, with about one hundred lines to a 
 page. It is a medley of knowledge and fancy, history, philosophy, 
 and poetry, written in seven languages. A large portion of his 
 poetry is devoted to the pleasures of gardening, the description of 
 rlowers, and the care of bees. The following specimen of his pun- 
 ning Latin is addressed to an orchard pilferer: — 
 
 " Quisquis in haec furtim reptas viridaria nostra 
 Tangere fallaci poma caveto manu, 
 Si non obsequeris faxit Deus omne quod opto, 
 Cum malls nosiris ut mala cuncta feras." 
 
 Professor Oswald Seidensticker. to whose papers in De7- Deutsche 
 PioJieer and that able periodical the Pen?i Monthly of Philadelphia 
 I am indebted for many of the foregoing facts in regard to the 
 German pilgrims of the New World, thus closes his notice of 
 Pastorius : — 
 
 ■• No tombstone, not even a record of burial, indicates where his 
 remains have found their last resting-place ; and the pardonable de- 
 sire to associate the homage due to this distinguished man with 
 some visible memento cannot be gratified. There is no reason to 
 suppose that he was interred in any other place than the Friends' 
 old burying-ground in Germantown, though the fact is not attested 
 by any definite source of information. After all, this obliteration of 
 the last trace of his earthly existence is but typical of what has over- 
 taken the times which he represents : that Germantown which he 
 founded, which saw him live and move, is at present but a quaint 
 idyl of the past, almost a myth, barely remembered and little cared 
 for by the keener race that has succeeded." 
 
 The Pilgrims of Plymouth have not lacked historian and poet. 
 Justice has been done to their faith, courage, and self-sacrifice, and 
 to the mighty influence of their endeavors to establish righteousness 
 on the earth. The Quaker pilgrims of Pennsylvania, seeking the 
 same object by different means, have not been equally fortunate. 
 The power of their testimony for truth and holiness, peace and free- 
 
19 
 
 dom, enforced only by what Milton calls •' the unresistible might of 
 meekness,'' has been felt through two centuries, in the amelioration 
 of penal severities, the abolition of slavery, the reform of the erring, 
 the relief of the poor and suffering, — felt, in brief, in every step of 
 human progress. But of the men themselves, with the single excep- 
 tion of William Penn, scarcely anything is known. Contrasted, 
 from the outset, wnth the stern, aggressive Puritans of New England, 
 they have come to be regarded as " a feeble folk," with a personality 
 as doubtful as their unrecorded graves. They were not soldiers, like 
 Miles Standish ; they had no figure so picturesque as Vane ; no 
 leader so rashly brave and haughty as Endicott. No Cotton Mather 
 wrote their Magnalia ; they had no awful drama of supernaturalism. 
 in which Satan and his angels were actors ; and the only witch men- 
 tioned in their simple annals was a poor old Sw^edish woman, who. 
 on complaint of her countrywomen, was tried and acquitted of every- 
 thing but imbecility and folly. Nothing but commonplace ofifices of 
 civility came to pass between them and the Indians. Indeed, their 
 enemies taunted them with the fact that the savages did not regard 
 them as Christians, but just such men as themselves. Yet it must 
 be apparent to every careful observer of the progress of American 
 civilization that its two principal currents had their sources in the 
 entirely opposite directions of the Puritan and Quaker colonies. To 
 use the words of a late writer : * •' The historical forces, with which 
 no others may be compared in their influence on the people, have 
 been those of the Puritan and the Quaker. The strength of the one 
 was in the confession of an invisible Presence, a righteous, eternal 
 Will, which would establish righteousness on earth ; and thence 
 arose the conviction of a direct personal responsibility, which could 
 be tempted by no external splendor, and could be shaken by no in- 
 ternal agitation, and could not be evaded or transferred. The 
 strength of the other w^as the witness in the human spirit to an eter- 
 nal Word, an Inner \''oice which spoke to each alone, while yet it 
 spoke to every man ; a Light which each was to follow, and which 
 yet was the light of the world : and all other voices were silent 
 before this ; and the solitary path, w^hither it led, was more sacred 
 than the worn ways of cathedral aisles." 
 
 It will be sufficiently apparent to the reader, that in the poem 
 which follows ["The Pennsylvania Pilgrim"] I have attempted 
 nothing beyond a study of the life and times of the Pennsylvania 
 colonist, — a simple picture of a noteworthy man and his locality. 
 The colors of my sketch are all very sober, toned down to the quiet 
 and dreamy atmosphere through which its subject is visible. 
 Whether, in the glare and tumult of the present time, such a picture 
 will find favor, may well be questioned. ' I only know that it has be- 
 guiled for me some hours of weariness, and that, whatever may be 
 its measure of public appreciation, it has been to me its own reward. 
 
 * Mulford'5 " Nation,'' pp. 267, 26S. 
 
20 
 
 Francis Daniel Pastorius, the founder of Germantovvn, the combined Brewster and Brad- 
 ford of that famous German colony, was born in Franconia in 165 1, the son of a judge. He 
 was educated in the classical and modem languages and all the science of his age, and had 
 entered upon the practice of law, when, having joined the Pietists, he concerted with his 
 friends a plan for emigrating to Pennsylvania. Pastorius liad formed the acquaintance of 
 William Penn in England, and become a convert to his doctrines. He and his associates 
 organized as the Frankfort Land Company, who, with some merchants of Crefeld, bought 
 thirty or forty thousand acres in Pennsylvania ; and in 1683 Pastorius conducted his colony 
 of Germans and Dutch thither, settling at Germantown. Until his death, in 1719, he was 
 a man of great influence among the colonists. In 1688 he was one of the signers of a pro- 
 test to the Friends' meeting at Burlington against buying and selling slaves or holding men 
 in slavery, which he pronounced " an act irreconcilable with the precepts of the Christian 
 religion." This was the earliest protest against slavery in America, and is the subject of 
 Whittier's poem, "The Pennsylvania Pilgrim,'' the introduction to which is printed in this 
 leaflet. This beautiful and thoughtful poem of Whittier's, the result of much careful study 
 by the poet, should receive careful study from the historical student. It performs for the 
 Germantown Pietists the service which Longfellow's "Courtship of Miles Standish" per- 
 forms for the Plymouth Pilgrims, bringing their simple life home to us as it is done nowhere 
 else. Pastorius taught for many years in Germantown and Philadelphia. His Latin pro- 
 logue to the Germantown book of records has been translated by Whittier in the ode begin- 
 ning " Hail to Posterity." He was a most prolific writer, upon all sorts of subjects, although 
 most of his works remain in manuscript. A complete account of them is given in Seiden- 
 sticker's "First Century of German Printing in America." His "Geographical Description 
 of Pennsylv^ania,'' republished in the present leaflet, was a pamphlet, consisting in part of 
 letters to his father, published at Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700. The English translation, 
 here given, was published in the " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," vol. 
 iv. , Part II., 1850, and gave all of the original which was important. The statements in the 
 early part especially must not be taken too seriously, as there is much that is unscientific, and 
 the translation does not seem critical. 
 
 Accounts of the Germantown settlement and of the Germans in Pennsylvania will be 
 found in the various histories of Pennsylvania. "The German Pietists of Provincial Penn- 
 sylvania," by Sachse, contains many references to Pastorius. Chambers's " The Early Ger- 
 mans of New Jersey," Phebe Earle Gibbons's " Pennsylvania Dutch," Cobb's " Story of 
 the Palatines," Bemheim's " History of the (ierman Settlements in North and South Caro- 
 lina," and other works illustrate the part taken by (iermans in the settlement of America. 
 The number of Germans who came to Pennsylvania was especially large. Governor Thomas 
 wrote, in 1747 : " The Germans of Pennsylvania are, I believe, three-fifths of the whole pop- 
 ulation. They have, by their industry, been the principal instruments of raising the State to 
 its present flourishing condition." The German immigration to the United States in the pres- 
 ent century has been greater than that from any other country. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
19 
 
 dum, enforced only by what Milton calls •• the unresistible might of 
 meekness," has been felt through two centuries, in the amelioration 
 of penal severities, the abolition of slavery, the reform of the erring, 
 the relief of the poor and suffering, — felt, in brief, in every step of 
 human progress. But of the men themselves, with the single excep- 
 tion of William Penn, scarcely anything is known. Contrasted, 
 from the outset, with the stern, aggressive Puritans of New England, 
 they have come to be regarded as •• a feeble folk,"' with a personality 
 as doubtful as their unrecorded graves. They were not soldiers, like 
 Miles Standish ; they had no figure so picturesque as Vane ; no 
 leader so rashly brave and haughty as Endicott. No Cotton Mather 
 wrote their Magnalia ; they had no awful drama of supernaturalism. 
 in which Satan and his angels were actors ; and the only witch men- 
 tioned in their simple annals was a poor old Swedish woman, who. 
 on complaint of her countrywomen, was tried and acquitted of every- 
 thing but imbecility and folly. Nothing but commonplace offices of 
 civility came to pass between them and the Indians. Indeed, their 
 enemies taunted them with the fact that the savages did not regard 
 them as Christians, but just such men as themselves. Yet it must 
 be apparent to every careful observer of the progress of American 
 civilization that its two principal currents had their sources in the 
 entirely opposite directions of the Puritan and Quaker colonies. To 
 use the words of a late writer : * •' The historical forces, with which 
 no others may be compared in their influence on the people, have 
 been those of the Puritan and the Quaker. The strength of the one 
 was in the confession of an invisible Presence, a righteous, eternal 
 Will, which would establish righteousness on earth ; and thence 
 arose the conviction of a direct personal responsibility, which could 
 be tempted by no external splendor, and could be shaken by no in- 
 ternal agitation, and could not be evaded or transferred. The 
 strength of the other w^as the witness in the human spirit to an eter- 
 nal Word, an Inner Voice which spoke to each alone, while yet it 
 spoke to every man ; a Light which each was to follow, and which 
 yet was the light of the world ; and all other voices were silent 
 before this; and the solitary path, whither it led. was more sacred 
 than the worn ways of cathedral aisles." 
 
 It will be sufficiently apparent to the reader, that in the poem 
 which follows [•• The Pennsylvania Pilgrim "] I have attempted 
 nothing beyond a study of the life and times of the Pennsylvania 
 colonist, — a simple picture of a noteworthy man and his locality. 
 The colors of my sketch are all very sober, toned down to the quiet 
 and dreamy atmosphere through which its subject is visible. 
 Whether, in the glare and tumult of the present time, such a picture 
 will find favor, may well be questioned. I only know that it has be- 
 guiled for me some hours of weariness, and that, whatever may be 
 its measure of public appreciation, it has been to me its own reward. 
 
 *Mulford's " Nation/' pp. 267, 26X. 
 
20 
 
 Francis Daniel Pastorius, the founder of Germantown, the combined Brewster and Brad- 
 ford of that famous German colony, was bom in Franconia in 165 1, the son of a judge. He 
 was educated in the classical and modem languages and all the science of his age, and had 
 entered upon the practice of law, when, having joined the Pietists, he concerted with his 
 friends a plan for emigrating to Pennsylvania. Pastorius had formed the acquaintance of 
 William Penn in England, and become a convert to his doctrines. He and his associates 
 organized as the Frankfort Land Company, who, with some merchants of Crefeld, bought 
 thirty or forty thousand acres in Pennsylvania; and in 1683 Pastorius conducted his colony 
 of Germans and Dutch thither, settling at Germantown. Until his death, in 17 19, he was 
 a man of great influence among the colonists. In 1688 he was one of the signers of a pro- 
 test to the Friends' meeting at Burlington against buying and selling slaves or holding men 
 in slavery, which he pronounced " an act irreconcilable with the precepts of the Christian 
 religion." This was the earliest protest against slavery in America, and is the subject of 
 Whittier's poem, "The Pennsylvania Pilgrim," the introduction to which is printed in this 
 leaflet. This beautiful and thoughtful poem of Whittier's, the result of much careful study 
 by the poet, should receive careful study from the historical student. It performs for the 
 Germantown Pietists the service which Longfellow's "Courtship of Miles Standisii" per- 
 forms for the Plymouth Pilgrims, bringing their simple life home to us as it is done nowhere 
 else. Pastorius taught formany years in Germantown and Philadelphia. His Latin pro- 
 logue to the Germantown book of records has been translated by Whittier in the ode begin- 
 ning " Hail to Posterity." He was a most prolific writer, upon all sorts of subjects, although 
 most of his works remain in manuscript. A complete account of them is given in Seiden- 
 sticker's " First Century of German Printing in America." His "Geographical Description 
 of Pennsylvania," republished in the present leaflet, was a pamphlet, consisting in part of 
 letters to his father, published at Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700. The Englisli translation, 
 here given, was published in the " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," vol. 
 iv., Part II., 1850, and gave all of the original which was important. The statements in the 
 early part especially must not be taken too seriously, as there is much that is unscientific, and 
 the translation does not seem critical. 
 
 Accounts of the Germantown settlement and of the Germans in Pennsylvania will be 
 found in the various histories of Pennsylvania. "The German Pietists of Provincial Penn- 
 sylvania," by Sachse, contains many references to Pastorius. Chambers's " The Early Ger- 
 mans of New Jersey," Phebe Earle Gibbons's "Pennsylvania Dutch," Cobb's " Story of 
 the Palatines," Bemheim's " History of the German Settlements in North and South Caro- 
 lina," and other works illustrate the part taken by (iermans in the settlement of America. 
 The number of Germans who came to Pennsylvania was especially large. Governor Thomas 
 wrote, in 1747 : " The Germans of Pennsylvania are, I believe, three-fifths of the whole pop- 
 ulation. They have, by their industry, been the principal instruments of raising the State to 
 its present flourishing condition." The German immigration to the United States in the pres- 
 ent century has been greater than that from any other country. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 
 
#1D ^outJ) ItcaflctiS 
 
 No. 96. 
 
 The Foundin 
 
 of 
 New Sweden. 
 
 From the "History of New Swed-en," ky Israel Acrelius. 
 
 After that the magnanmious Genoese, Christopher Columbus, 
 had, at the expense of Ferdinand, King of Spain, in the year 
 1492, discovered the Western hemisphere, and the illustrious 
 Florentine, Americus Vespucius, sent out by King Emanuel 
 of Portugal, in the year 1502, to make a further exploration of 
 its coasts, had had the good fortune to give the country his 
 name, the European powers have, from time to time, sought to 
 promote their several interests there. Our Swedes and Goths 
 were the less backward in such expeditions, as they had always 
 been the first therein. They had already, in the year 996 
 after the birth of Christ, visited x\merica, had named it Vin- 
 land the Good, and also Skraellinga Land, and had called its 
 inhabitants "the Skra^llings of Vinland." It is therefore ev- 
 ident that the Northmen had visited some part of North 
 America before the Spaniards and Portuguese went to South 
 America. But the question is, What would have been thought 
 about Vinland if no later discoveries had been made, and what 
 they thought about it before the time of Columbus ? 
 
 Every region in America was discovered in its own separate 
 time. Virginia was discovered in the year 1497 by Sebastian 
 Cabot, a Portuguese, who was then the captain of an English 
 ship. Its coasts were afterwards visited by those brave 
 knights. Sir Francis Drake and Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter 
 of whom called the land Virginia, after Queen Elizabeth of 
 England, who lived unmarried. Under this name was in- 
 cluded all the country stretching from Cape Florida to the St. 
 Lawrence River, which was formerly called Florida, when sepa- 
 rate names were not yet given to its coasts. That was done 
 
about the year 1584. Captain De la Ware, under the com- 
 mand of the Enghsh Admiral James Chartiers,* was the first 
 who discovered the bay in which the Indian river Poutaxat de- 
 bouched, and gave his name, Delaware, to both the river and 
 the bay, in the year i(.oo. These countries were repeatedly 
 visited by the English : first by those sent out by Sir Walter 
 Raleigh from Bristol, in the year 1603, and afterwards by Sir 
 G. Popham and Captain James Davis, but little more was ac- 
 complished than that they learned to know the people, erected 
 some small places and forts, which, however, were soon de- 
 stroyed by the savages. In the year 1606 a body of emigrants 
 was sent to the northern regions, by two companies, called the 
 London and the Bristol Companies. The former settled south- 
 ward on the Chesapeake Bay ; the latter, on the Kennebeck, or 
 Sagadahoc River. Each had its territorial rights secured by a 
 patent. In the year 1620 a dispute arose between them about 
 the fisheries at Cape Cod, when a new patent was given. The 
 Bristol Company, which received an accession of some persons 
 of rank and distinction, changed its name to that of the Plym- 
 outh Council, and obtained a right to all the lands lying 
 above the 40th degree up to the 48th degree of north latitude, 
 which was three degrees farther north than the former grant, 
 and included the greater part of Acadia, or New Scotland, 
 and also extended westward from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
 Ocean : all this was included in New England. The rest re- 
 mained under Virginia. 
 
 About the same time the Hollanders undertook to steal into 
 these American harbors. They took a fancy to the shores of 
 the bay called by the Indians Menahados, and the river Mo- 
 haan.t Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the service of the 
 Holland East India Company, had first discovered those 
 places, and called the bay after his own name, Hudson's Bay. 
 This East India Company, in the year 1608, sold its right to 
 the country, which it based upon its priority of discovery, to 
 some Hollanders. These obtained from the States-General of 
 Holland an exclusive privilege (yp7'lvilegiiim exclusivuni) to the 
 country, and took the name of " The West India Company of 
 
 *[Acrelius has been led into tliis singular mistake by Campanius, whom he here follows. 
 Cartier (not Cliartiers) was a French subject, and discovered the .St. Lawrence in 1534. Lord 
 (not "captain") De la Ware was appointed (lovernor of Virginia in 1610, and arrived at 
 Jamestown on the loth of June of the same year. He probably entered the Delaware on his 
 way to Virginia. The reader will notice various inaccuracies in these early pages.] 
 
 t (Evidently, the Mohawk, although we do not anywhere else find that river so called. 
 The connection would indicate the Hudson River, but that is ne\er so designated, but was 
 called by the natives the Cohatatea or Oiogue.] 
 
Amsterdam."' In the year 1610 they began to traffic with the 
 Indians, and in the year 1613 built a trading-post {inagaziii) at 
 the place now called Albany, and in the following year placed 
 some cannon there. Samuel Argall, the Governor of Virginia, 
 drove them out in 1618 ; but King James I. gave them permis- 
 sion to I'emain, that their ships might obtain water there in 
 their voyages to Brazil. From that time until 1623,* when the 
 West India Company obtained its charter, their trade with the 
 Indians was conducted almost entirely on shipboard, and they 
 made no attempts to build any house or fortress until 1629. 
 Now, whether that was done with or without the permission of 
 England, the town of New Amsterdam was built and fortified, 
 as also the place Aurania, Orange, now called Albany, having 
 since had three general-governors, one after the other. But 
 that was not yet enough. They wished to extend their power 
 to the river Delaware also, and erected on its shores two or 
 three small forts, which were, however, soon after destroyed by 
 the natives of the country. 
 
 It now came in order for Sweden also to take part in this 
 enterprise. William Usselinx,t a Hollander, born at Antwerp 
 in Brabant, presented himself to King Gustaf Adolph, and laid 
 before him a proposition for a Trading Company, to be estab- 
 lished in Sweden, and to extend its operations to Asia, Africa, 
 and Magellan's Land (Terra Magellanica), with the assurance 
 that this would be a great source of revenue to the kingdom. 
 Full power was given him to carry out this important proj- 
 ect ; and thereupon a contract of trade was drawn up, to which 
 the Company was to agree and subscribe it. Usselinx pub- 
 lished explanations of this contract, wherein he also particu- 
 larly directed attention to the country on the Delaware, its 
 fertility, convenience, and all its imaginable resources. To 
 strengthen the matter, a charter (octroy) was secured to the 
 Company, and especially to Usselinx, who was to receive a 
 royalty of one thousandth upon all articles bought or sold by 
 the Company. 
 
 The powerful king, whose zeal for the honor of God was not 
 less ardent than for the welfare of his subjects, availed himself 
 of this opportunity to extend the doctrines of Christ among the 
 heathen, as well as to establish his own power in other parts' of 
 the world. To this end, he sent forth Letters Patent, dated at 
 
 *[The West India Company obtained its charter June 3, 1621.] 
 
 t[As early as 1604 Usselinx, who was a merchant, proposed the formation of such a com- 
 pany in Holland.] 
 
Stockholm on the 2d of July, 1626, wherein all, both high and 
 low, were invited to contribute something to the Company, ac- 
 cording to their means. The work was completed in the Diet 
 of the following year, 1627, when the estates of the realm gave 
 their assent, and confirmed the measure. Those who took part 
 in this Company were: His Majesty's mother, the Queen Dow- 
 ager Christina, the Prince John Casimir, the Royal Council, 
 the most distinguished of the nobility, the highest officers of the 
 army, the bishops and other clergymen, together with the burgo- 
 masters and aldermen of the cities, as w^ell as a large number of 
 the people generally. The time fixed for paying in the subscrip- 
 tions was the ist of May of the following year (1628). For the 
 management and working of the plan there were appointed an 
 admiral, vice-admiral, chapman, under-chapman, assistants, and 
 commissaries ; also a body of soldiers duly officered. 
 
 But when these arrangements were now in full progress, and 
 duly provided for, the German war and the king's death oc- 
 curred, which caused this important work to be laid aside. 
 The Trading Company was dissolved, its subscriptions nullified, 
 and the whole project seemed about to die with the king. But, 
 just as it appeared to be at its end, it received new life. An- 
 other Hollander, by the name of Peter Menewe, sometimes 
 called Menuet,* made his appearance in Sweden. He had 
 been in the service of Holland in America, where he became 
 involved in difficulties with the officers of their West India 
 Company, in consequence of which he w^as recalled home and 
 dismissed from their service. But he Avas not discouraged by 
 this, and went over to Sweden, where he renewed the repre- 
 sentations which Usselinx had formerly made in regard to the 
 excellence of the country and the advantages that Sweden 
 might derive from it. 
 
 Queen Christina, who succeeded! her royal father in the 
 government, was glad to have the project thus renewed. The 
 royal chancellor. Count Axel Oxenstierna, understood well how 
 to put it in operation. He took the West India Trading Com- 
 pany into his own hands, as its president, and encouraged 
 other noblemen to take shares in it. King Charles I. of Eng- 
 land had already, in the year 1634, upon representations made 
 
 *[An autograph letter found in the royal archives in Stockholm gives the name as com- 
 monlj' written in English, IMinuit.] 
 
 t [CIristina succeeded her father, the great Gustaf Adolph, in 1632, when only six years of 
 age, and the kingdom remained under a regency until she was eigliteen, in 1644. Consequently, 
 s.lie was only eleven years of age in 1637, when the American colony was established.] 
 
5 
 
 to him by John Oxenstierna,* at that time Swedish ambassa- 
 dor in London, renounced, in favor of the Swedes, all claims 
 and pretensions of the English to that country, growing out of 
 their rights as its first discoverers. Hence everything seemed 
 to be settled upon a firm foundation, and all earnestness was 
 employed in the prosecution of the plans for a colony. 
 
 As a good beginning, the first colony was sent off ; t and 
 Peter Menewe was placed over it, as being best acquainted in 
 those regions. They set sail from Gotheborg, in a ship-of-war 
 called the Key of Cohnar, followed by a smaller vessel bearing 
 the name of the Bird Griffin, both laden with people, provi- 
 sions, ammunition, and merchandise, suitable for traffic and 
 gifts to the Indians. The ships successfully reached their 
 place of destination. The high expectations which our emi- 
 grants had of that new land were well met by the first views 
 which they had of it. They made their first landing on the 
 bay or entrance to the river Poutaxat, which they called the 
 river of New Sweden ; and the place where they landed they 
 called Paradise Point. % 
 
 A purchase of land was immediately made from the Indians ; 
 and it was determined that all the land on the western side of 
 the river, from the point called Cape Inlopen or Hinlopen.§ up 
 to the fall called Santickan, and all the country inland, as 
 much as was ceded, should belong to the Swedish crown for- 
 ever. Posts were driven into the ground as landmarks, which 
 were still seen in their places sixty years afterwards. A deed 
 was drawn up for the land thus purchased. This was written 
 in Dutch, because no Swede was yet able to interpret the lan- 
 guage of the heathen. The Indians subscribed their hands 
 and marks. The writing was sent home to Sweden to be pre- 
 served in the royal archives. Mans Kling was the surveyor. 
 He laid out the land and made a map of the whole river, with 
 its tributaries, islands, and points, which is still to be found in 
 the royal archives in Sweden. Their clergyman was Reorus 
 Torkillus of East Gothland. 
 
 The first abode of the newly arrived emigrants was at a 
 place called by the Indians Hopokahacking. There, in the 
 
 * [The brother of the great Chancellor.] 
 
 t[In August, 1637.] 
 
 % [In the neighborhood of what is now Lewes, in the State of Delaware.] 
 
 §[Now Henlopen, according to O'Callaghan (History of New Netherlands, i. 73), origi- 
 nally called '' Hindlopen^' by Captain Cornelius Mey, after a town of the same name in 
 Friesland. Mey also gave his own name to the southern cape of New Jersey, which we now 
 call Cape l\Iay. He visited the country about the year 1614.] 
 
6 
 I 
 
 year 163S, Peter Menuet built a fortress which he named Fort 
 Christina, after the reigning queen of Sweden, The place, sit- 
 uated upon the west side of the river, was probably chosen so 
 as to be out of the way of the Hollanders, who claimed the 
 eastern side, — a measure of prudence, until the arrival of a 
 greater force from Sweden. The fort was built upon an eli- 
 gible site, not far from the mouth of the creek, so as to secure 
 them in the navigable water of the Maniquas, which was 
 afcerwards called Christina Kihl, or creek. 
 
 The country was wild and uninhabited by the Hollanders. 
 They had had two or three fonts on the river, — Fort Nassau, 
 where Gloucester now stands, and another at Horekihl, down 
 on the bay. But both of these were entirely destroyed by the 
 Americans, and their occupants driven away. The following 
 extract from the History of the New Netherlands, which 
 Adrian van der Donck published in the year 1655, with the 
 Ucense and privilege as well of the States-General as of the 
 West India Company, will serve as proof of what we have said.* 
 
 " The place is called Hore-kihl,t but why so called we know 
 not. But this is certain : that some years back, before the Eng- 
 lish and the Swedes came hither, it was taken up and settled 
 as a colony by Hollanders, the arms of the States being at the 
 same time set up in brass. These arms having been pulled 
 down by the villany of the Indians, the commissary there 
 resident demanded that the head of the traitor should be de- 
 livered to him. The Indians, unable to escape in any other 
 way, brought him the head, which was accepted as a sufficient 
 atonement of their offence. But some time afterwards, when 
 we were at work in the fields, and unsuspicious of danger, the 
 Indians came as friends, surrounded the Hollanders with over- 
 whelming numbers, fell upon them, and completely extermi- 
 nated them. Thus was the colony destroyed, though sealed 
 with blood, and dearly enough purchased." 
 
 * The author was more devoted to the houor and interests of his countrj'men than to truth 
 and justice. In the passage quoted he gives strong evidence direct!}' the reverse of his inten- 
 tion. He calls Fort Xas.sau the first of the four fortresses of the Hollanders in America, 
 which no one can understand. He speaks of the colony at Hore-kihl as quite considerable, 
 although it consisted of very few persons who undertook to settle there, and although, 
 twenty-eight years afterwards, when the whole river was under the government of the Hol- 
 landers, they dared not erect there even a small fort, without having first, with great care, 
 made the show of a purchase from the Indians. He makes Hore-Kihl like the Delaware in 
 depth and size, which no one can notice without a smile. 
 
 t [Horekill (variously written Horeskill, Hoarkill, and W^horekill) is, no doubt, a corrup- 
 tion of Hoomkill, so called from Hoorn, a city in Holland, from which Captain Mey sailed 
 upon his expedition to America, when he discovered, or made his first visit, to the Delaware. 
 Horekill was about two leagues from Cape Henlopen, and is probably the stream now cal.ed 
 Lewis' Creek, in the State of Delaware.] 
 
Notwithstanding all this, the Hollanders believed that they 
 had the best right to the Delaware River : 3-ea, a better rig^lit 
 than the Indians themselves. It was their object to secure at 
 least all the land lying between said river and their city of New 
 Amsterdam, where was their stronghold, and which country 
 they once called "The New Netherlands." But, as their forces 
 were still too weak, they always kept one or another of their 
 people upon the east side of the river to watch those who 
 might visit the country. As soon, therefore, as Menuet landed 
 with his Swedish company, notice of the fact was given to the 
 Director-General of the Hollanders in New Amsterdam. He 
 waited for some time, until he could ascertain Menuet's pur- 
 pose : but, when it appeared that he was erecting a fortress for 
 the Swedes, he sent him the following protest : — 
 
 Thursday, May 6. 163S. 
 
 '• I, William Kieft, Director-General of the New Nether- 
 lands, residing upon the island of Manhattan, in the Fort Am- 
 sterdam, under the government belonging to the High and 
 Mighty States-General of the United Netherlands, and the 
 West India Company, chartered by the Council Chamber in 
 Amsterdam, make known to you, Peter Menuet, who style your- 
 self Commander in the service of Her Royal Majesty, the 
 Queen of Sweden, that the whole South River of the New 
 Netherlands, both above and below% hath already, for many 
 years, been our property, occupied by our forts, and sealed 
 with our blood, which was also done when you were in ser- 
 vice in the New Netherlands, and you are, therefore, well aware 
 of this. But whereas you have now come among our forts to 
 build a fortress to our injury and damage, which we shall never 
 permit; as we are also assured that Her Royal Majesty of 
 Sweden has never given you authority to build forts upon our 
 rivers and coasts, nor to settle people on the land,- nor to traffic 
 in peltries, nor to undertake anything to our injury : We do, 
 therefore, protest against all the disorder and injury, and all 
 the evil consequences of bloodshed, uproar, and wrong which 
 our Trading Company may thus suffer : And that we shall pro- 
 tect our rights in such manner as we may find most advisable." 
 Then follows the usual conclusion. 
 
 In his History of the New Netherlands, already cited. Adrian 
 van der Donck likewise relates how protest was made against 
 the building of Fort Christina : but there, also, he gives evi- 
 
dence of the weakness of the Hollanders in the river, on the 
 first arrival of the Swedes, and that their strength consisted 
 almost entirely in great words. 
 
 "On the river," he says, "lies, first, Maniqua's Kihl, where 
 the Swedes have built Fort Christina, where the largest ships 
 can load and unload at the shore. There is another place on 
 the river called Schulkihl, which is also navigable. That, also, 
 was formerly under the control of the Hollanders, but is now 
 mostly under the government of the Swedes. In that river 
 (Delaware) there are various islands and other places, formerly 
 belonging to the Hollanders, whose name they still bear, which 
 sufficiently shows that the river belongs to the Hollanders, and 
 not to the Swedes. Their very commencement will convict 
 them. Before the year 1638, one Minnewits, who had formerly 
 acted as director for the Trading Company at Manhatans, 
 came into the river in the ship Key of Cohnar, and the yacht 
 called the Bird Griffin. He gave out to the Hollander, Mr. 
 van der Nederhorst, the agent of the West India Company m 
 the South River, that he was on a voyage to the West India 
 Islands, and that he was staying there to take in wood and 
 water. W^hereupon said Hollander allowed him to go free. 
 But, some time after, some of our people going thither found 
 him still there, and he had planted a garden, and the plants 
 were growing in it. In astonishment we asked the reasons for 
 such procedure, and if he intended to stay there. To which 
 he answered evasively, alleging various excuses for his con- 
 duct. The third time they found them settled and building a 
 fort. Then we saw their purpose. As soon as he was in- 
 formed of it. Director Kieft protested against it, but in vain." 
 
 Thus Peter Menuet made a good beginning for the settle- 
 ment of the Swedish colony in America. He guarded his 
 little fort for over three years, and the Hollanders neither at- 
 tempted nor were able to overthrow it. After some years of 
 faithful service he died at Christina. In his place followed 
 Peter Hoilendare, a native Swede, who did not remain at the 
 head of its affairs more than a year and a half. He returned 
 home to Sweden, and was a major at Skepsholm, in Stock- 
 holm,- in the year 1655. 
 
 The second emigration took place under Lieutenant Colonel 
 John Printz, who went out with the appointment of Governor 
 of New Sweden. He had a grant of four hundred rix dollars 
 for his travelling expenses, and one thousand two hundred dol- 
 
lars silver as his annual salary. The Company was invested 
 with the exclusive privilege of importing tobacco into Sweden, 
 although that article was even then regarded as unnecessary 
 and injurious, although indispensable since the establishment 
 of the bad habit of its use. Upon the same occasion was also 
 sent out Magister John Campanius Holm, who was called by 
 their excellencies the Royal Council and Admiral Claes Flem- 
 ming, to become the government chaplain, and watch over the 
 Swedish congregation. 
 
 The ship on which they sailed was called the " Fama." It 
 went from Stockholm to Gotheborg, and there took in its 
 freight. Along with this went two other ships of the line, the 
 Sii'an and the Charitas, laden with people, and other neces- 
 saries.. Under Governor Printz, ships came to the colony in 
 three distinct voyages. The first ship was the Black Cat, with 
 ammunition, and merchandise for the Indians. Next, the ship 
 .S7c>crn, on a second voyage, with emigrants, in the year 1647. 
 Afterwards, two other' ships, called the Key and T/ie Lamp. 
 During these times the clergymen, Mr. Lawrence Charles 
 Lockenius and Mr. Israel Holgh, were sent out to the colony. 
 
 The instructions for the governor were as follows : — 
 
 '' /jistnictions, according to which Her Royal Majesty, our Most 
 Gracious Queen, will have the Lieutenant Colonel, noto also 
 the appointed Governor over New Sweden, the noble and 
 ivell-born John Printz, to regulate himself as well during 
 his voyage as upon his arrival in that country. Given at 
 Stockholm, the \^th of August, 1642. 
 
 " Inasmuch as some of the subjects of Her Royal Majesty 
 and of the crown of Sweden have, for some time past, un- 
 dertaken to sail to the coasts of the West Indies, and have 
 already succeeded in conquering and purchasing a consider- 
 able tract of land, and in promoting commerce, with the 
 especial object of extending the jurisdiction and greatness 
 of Her Royal Majesty and of the Swedish crown, and have 
 called the country New Sweden ; wherefore and inasmuch as 
 Her Royal Majesty approves and finds this their undertaking 
 and voyaging not only laudable in itself, but reasonable, and 
 likely, in the course of time, to benefit and strengthen Her 
 Royal Majesty and the Swedish throne : so has Her Royal 
 Majesty, for the promotion of that work and for the assistance 
 of those wJio participate therein, furnished them for the making 
 
10 
 
 of that important voyage, and also for the confirming and 
 strengthening of that important work thus begun in New 
 Sweden, for said voyage, two ships, named the Fama and the 
 Stvaji, as well as some other means necessary thereto, under a 
 certain Governor, whom Her Majesty has provided with suffi- 
 cient and necessary powers, having thereunto appointed and 
 legitimated Lieutenant Colonel John Printz, whom she has, ac- 
 cordingly, seen good to instruct upon the points following. 
 
 " 2. The ships above named having proceeded to Gotheborg, 
 John Printz, the Governor of New Sweden, shall now, without 
 any delay, take his departure to said place, so arranging his 
 journey by land that he may reach there by the first opportu- 
 nity. Going down to Gotheborg, he shall assist in ordering 
 and arranging everything in the best manner possible, and 
 especially in accordance with the best regulations that the- 
 members of the company can have made ; and as concerns his 
 own person, and that of his attendants, he shall so arrange his 
 affairs that he may immediately, in the month of September 
 next following, set sail from this country and proceed to sea. 
 
 "3. But either before, or at the time when the ships are 
 about to set sail from Gotheborg, the Governor shall consult 
 with the skippers and officers of the ships, considering and de- 
 ciding, according to the state of the wind and other circum- 
 stances, whether he shall direct his course to the north of 
 Scotland, or through the channel between France and England. 
 
 "4. Under way, and on the journey, he must see to it that 
 the officers and people of the ships perform their duties at 
 sea truly and faithfully ; and in all important and serious 
 matters he can always avail himself of the aid and counsel of 
 the persons aforesaid, who usually form the council of a ship ; 
 he shall also have every important occurrence carefully noted, 
 causing a correct log or journal thereof to be kept, of which, 
 also, he shall, by every opportunity, send hither a correct copy. 
 
 "5. The Governor, God willing, having arrived in New 
 Sweden, he must, for his better information, bear in mind that 
 the boundaries of the country of which our subjects have taken 
 possession extend, in virtue of the articles of the contract en- 
 tered into with the wild inhabitants of the country, as its right- 
 ful lords, from the seacoast at Cape Hinlopen, upwards along 
 the west side of Godin's Bay,* and so up the Great South 
 
 ♦[Usually written "Godyn's," Delaware Bay being so called by the Hollar.ders, after 
 Samuel Godyn, who, in 1629, received a patent for a large tract of land there as its patroon.] 
 
II 
 
 River,* onwards to Minque's Kil, where Fort Christina is 
 buih, and thence still farther along the South River, and up to 
 a place which the wild inhabitants call Sankikans,t where the 
 farthest boundaries of New Sweden are to be found. This 
 tract or district of country extends in length about thirty (30) 
 German miles ; but in breadth, and into the interior, it is, in 
 and by the contract, conditioned that Her Royal Majesty's sub- 
 jects, and the participants in this Company of navigators, may 
 hereafter occupy as much land as they may desire. 
 
 "6. Recently, and in the year last past — viz., 1641 — sev- 
 eral English families, probably amounting to sixty persons in all, 
 settled, and begun to build and cultivate the land elsewhere, 
 namely, upon the east side of the above-mentioned South River, 
 on a little stream named Ferken's Kil ; so have also the above- 
 named subjects of Her Majesty, and participants in the Com- 
 pany, purchased for themselves of the wild inhabitants of the 
 country the whole of this eastern side of the river, from the 
 mouth of the aforesaid great river at Cape May up to a stream 
 named Narraticen's Kil, which ti-act extends about twelve (12) 
 German miles, including also the said Ferken's Kil, with the 
 intention of thus drawing to themselves the English aforesaid. 
 This purchase the Governor shall always, with all his power, 
 keep intact, and thus bring these families under the jurisdic- 
 tion and government of Her Royal Majesty and the Swedish 
 crown : especially as we are informed that they themselves are 
 not indisposed thereto ; and should they be induced, as a free 
 people, voluntarily to submit themselves to a government which 
 can maintain and protect them, it is believed that they might 
 shortly amount to some hundred strong. But, however that 
 may be, the Governor is to seek to bring these English under 
 the government of ;:the Swedish crown, inasmuch as Her Royal 
 Majesty finds it to be thus better for herself and the crown as 
 partners in this undertaking ; and they might also, with good 
 reason, be driven out and away from said place ; therefore Her 
 Most Royal Majesty aforesaid will most graciously leave it to 
 the discretion of Governor Printz so to consider and act in the 
 premises as can be done with propriety and success. J 
 
 *[The river Delaware.] 
 
 t [Trenton Falls, ninety miles from the mouth of Delaware Bay.] 
 
 J. [It is not known whence these English settlers came, or the precise time of their coming. 
 Ferris, in his " History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware," says that it was in 
 1640, and adds, "' Some have supposed they were squatters from Xew Haven; some, adventur- 
 ers from Maryland; and others, the pioneers of Sir Edmund Ployden." ] 
 
"7- There is no doubt that the Holland Vv'est India Com- 
 pany will seek to appropriate to themselves the place afore- 
 said, and the large tract of land upon which the English have 
 settled, and the whole of the above-named east side of the 
 Great South River, and that so much the rather as their fort 
 or fortification of Nassau, which they have manned with about 
 twenty (20) men, is not very far therefrom, upon the same 
 eastern side of the river ; just as they also make pretensions to 
 the whole western side of the aforesaid South River, and, con- 
 sequently, to all that of which our subjects aforesaid have 
 taken possession, which they have seized, relying upon their 
 Fort Nassau, whereby they would take possession of the whole 
 South River, and of the w^hole country situated upon both sides 
 of the same river. It is for this that they have protested 
 against the beginning which her before-mentioned Majesty's 
 subjects have made in settling and building ; and, so far as 
 they could, have always opposed and sought to prevent our 
 people from going up the South River and past their Fort 
 Nassau. Therefore shall the Governor take measures for meet- 
 ing the agents and participants of said Holland West India 
 Company in a proper manner ; and with mildness, but firmly, 
 remonstrate, and make known to them the upright intentions 
 of Her Royal Majesty and her subjects in the premises, that 
 nothing has herein been sought, or is now sought, other than a 
 free opening for commerce ; that Her Royal Majesty's subjects 
 have, in a just and regular manner, purchased of the proper 
 owners and possessors of the country that district of which 
 they have taken possession, and wdiich they have begun to cul- 
 tivate ; and that they cannot, therefore, without injustice, op- 
 pose Her Royal Majesty or her subjects, or seek to disturb 
 them in their possessions without doing them great injury. 
 But should the same Holland Company, contrary to all better 
 hopes, allow themselves to undertake any hostility, or make 
 any attack, then, in such case, it will only be proper to be pre- 
 pared with the best means that circumstances will allow, and 
 so seek to repel force by force ; therefore, as this, like every- 
 thing else, is best judged of and decided on the ground, so 
 also does Her Royal Majesty place it in the Governor's discre- 
 tion to meet such vexations, in the first instance, with kind 
 admonitions, but, if these are not effective, then with severity, 
 according to the best of his understanding, so as to arrange 
 everything to the best advantage and honor alike of Her 
 
13 
 
 Ro3'al Majesty and the members of the Company. But if no 
 such troubles arise, which it is hoped will be the case, and Her 
 Royal Majesty and her subjects remain undisturbed in that 
 which they have rightfully brought into their possession, then 
 shall the Governor hold good friendship and neighborhood 
 with the aforesaid Hollanders at Fort Nassau, and with those 
 who dwell upon the North River at Mankatan's, or New Am- 
 sterdam, as also with the English who dwell in the country of 
 Virginia, and make no inroads upon any of them, nor interfere 
 with that of which they are in the actual possession. Espe- 
 cially, since the adjacent English in Virginia have already 
 commenced to offer Her Royal Majesty's subjects in New 
 Sweden all kinds of useful assistance, and to let them procure, 
 upon reasonable payment, such cattle and seed-corn as they 
 may desire : therefore shall the Governor continually seek to 
 give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence and 
 commerce thus begun with the English, to the use and benefit 
 of Her Royal Majesty's subjects aforesaid. 
 
 "8. Those Hollanders who have emigrated to New Sweden, 
 and settled there under the 'protection of Her Royal Majesty 
 and the Swedish crown, over whom Jost von dem Boyandh has 
 command, the Governor shall treat, according to the contents 
 of the charter and privileges conferred by Her Royal Majesty, 
 of the principles whereof the Governor has been advised ; but 
 in other respects he shall show them all good-will and kind- 
 ness, yet so that he shall hold them also to the same, that they, 
 also, upon their side, comply with the requisitions of their 
 charter which they have received. And inasmuch as notice 
 has already been given them that they have settled too near to 
 Fort Christina, and as houses are said to be built at the dis- 
 tance of almost three miles from that place, they should there- 
 fore leave that place, and betake themselves to a somewhat 
 greater distance from the said fort. So also does Her Royal 
 Majesty leave it to the good pleasure and prudence of the 
 Governor, when on the ground, duly to consider the deport- 
 ment of said Hollanders and the situation of the place of 
 which they have taken possession ; and, according to his judg- 
 ment, either let them remain there quietly or make such a 
 disposition and settlement of the matter as he shall find most 
 suitable and advantageous to Her Royal Majesty and the par- 
 ticipants in said Company of navigation. 
 
 "9. The wild nations, bordering upon all other sides, the 
 
14 
 
 Governor shall understand how to treat with all humanity and 
 respect, that no violence or wrong be done to them by Her 
 Royal Majesty or her subjects aforesaid ; but he shall rather, 
 at every opportunity, exert himself that the same wild people 
 may gradually be instructed in the truths and worship of the 
 Christian religion and in other ways brought to civilization and 
 good governrhent, and in this manner properly guided. Espe- 
 cially shall he seek to gain their confidence, and impress upon 
 their minds that neither he, the Governor, nor his people and 
 subordinates are come into those parts to do them any wrong 
 or injur}', but much more for the purpose of furnishing them 
 with such things as they may need for the ordinary wants of 
 life ; and so, also, for such things as are found among them 
 which they themselves cannot make for their own use, or buy, 
 or exchange. Therefore shall the Governor also see thereto that 
 the people of Her Royal Majesty, or of the Company who are 
 engaged in trading in those parts, allow the wild people to obtain 
 such things as they need, at a price somewhat more moderate 
 than they are getting them of the Hollanders at Fort Nassau, or 
 the adjacent English ; so that said wild people may be with- 
 drawn from them, and be so much the more won to our people. 
 
 " lo. In regard to the Governor's place of residence. Her 
 Royal Majesty leaves it to him to provide and choose the same 
 according as he finds the case to be in the place, or it can be 
 continued where it now is, and the residence arranged and 
 ordered in the most convenent manner possible; in Uke 
 manner shall the Governor also provide a suitable place for a 
 fortress, either at Cape Henlopen or the island called " James' 
 Island," or wherever else a good site for the same may be 
 found : wherein he has especially to keep in view these con- 
 siderations above all others, namely, that by such a fortifica- 
 tion it should be possible to close up the South River, having it 
 commanded by the same fortress, and that there should also be 
 found there, without great difficulty, a suitable harbor wherein 
 the ships of Her Royal Majes.y and her subjects could be in 
 security, and, if need so were, continue to lie there over winter. 
 
 " II. And if the Governor does not find it necessary at once 
 and hastily to fortify another new place, but can for the present 
 properly defend himself by Fort Christina, then shall he so 
 much the more zealously at once arrange and urge forward 
 agriculture and the improvement of the land, setting and 
 urging the people thereto with zeal and energy, exerting him- 
 
self above all other things that so much seed-corn may be 
 committed to the ground that the people may derive from it 
 their necessary food. 
 
 " 12. Next to this, he shall pay the necessary attention to the 
 culture of tobacco, and appoint thereto a certain number of labor- 
 ers, so arranging that the produce may be large, more and more 
 being set out and cultivated from time to time, so- that he can 
 send over a good quantity of tobacco on all ships coming hither. 
 
 " 13. That better arrangements may be made for the produc- 
 tion of cattle, both great and small, the Governor shall at once 
 exert himself to obtain a good breed of cattle of all kinds, and 
 especially of that which is sent out from this country, and also 
 seek to obtain a supply from the neighboring English, dividing 
 everything with those who w^U use and employ it in agriculture 
 in exchange for seed, and with such prudence as he shall find 
 most serviceable to the members of the Company. 
 
 " 14. Among and above other things, he shall direct his at- 
 tention to sheep, to obtain them of good kinds, and, as soon as 
 may be, seek to arrange as .many sheep-folds as he conven- 
 iently can, so that presently a considerable supply of wool of 
 good quality may be sent over to this country. 
 
 "15. The peltry-trade wdth the natives he shall, also, so far 
 as possible, seek to sustain in a good state, exercise a careful 
 inspection of all engaged in it, prevent all frauds in estab- 
 lished commissions, and take care that Her Royal Majesty and 
 her subjects, and the members of the Company, may have 
 reason to expect good returns for their cargoes. In like 
 manner, he shall provide that no other persons whatever be 
 permitted to traffic with the natives in peltries ; but this trade 
 shall be carried on only by persons thereto appointed in the 
 name of the whole Company, and in its ways. 
 
 " 16. Whatever else it may at present be necessary to do in 
 that country will be best committed to the hands of the Gov- 
 ernor in the country, according to the circumstances of the 
 time and place ; more especially as the same land of New 
 Sweden is situated in the same climate with Portugal ; so, 
 apparently, it is to be expected that salt-works might be ar- 
 ranged on the sea coasts. But, if the salt could not be perfectly 
 evaporated by the heat of the sun, yet, at the least, the salt w^ater 
 might be brought to such a grade that it might afterwards be per- 
 fectly condensed by means of fire, without great labor or expense : 
 which the Governor must consider, and make such experiment, 
 and, if possible, put it into operation and make it effective. 
 
i6 
 
 •' 17. And, as almost everywhere in the forests wild grape- 
 vines and grapes are found, and the climate seems to be favor- 
 able to the production of wine, so shall the Governor also di- 
 rect his thoughts to the timely introduction of this culture, and 
 what might herein be devised and effected. 
 
 " iS, He can also have careful search made everywhere as 
 to whether any metals or minerals are to be found in the 
 country, and, if any are discovered, send hither correct infor- 
 mation, and then await further orders from this place. 
 
 "19. Out of the abundant forests, the Governor shall exam- 
 ine and consider how and in what manner profit may be de- 
 rived from the country : especially what kind of advantages 
 may be expected from oak-trees and walnut-trees, and whether 
 a good quality of them might be sent over here as ballast. So 
 also it might be examined whether oil might not be advantage- 
 ously pressed out of the walnuts. 
 
 "20. The Governor shall likewise take into consideration 
 and correctly inform himself how and where fisheries might be 
 most profitably established ; especially as it is said that at a 
 certain season of the year the whale fishery can be advantage- 
 ously prosecuted in the aforesaid Gpdin's Bay, and adja- 
 cently ; he shall therefore have an eye upon this and send over 
 hither all needed information as to what can be done in this 
 and other matters connected with the country, and what further 
 hopes may be entertained in reference thereto. 
 
 '*2i. The Governor shall also carefully inquire and inform 
 himself in regard to the food and convenience for keeping a 
 great number of silkworms, wherewith a manufacture might be 
 established; and, if he discovers that something useful might 
 thus be accomplished, he shall take measures for the same. 
 
 "22. Whatever else could be done in connection with the 
 successful cultivation of the land, but cannot be introduced just 
 for the present, this Her Royal Majesty will graciously have en- 
 trusted to the fidelity, foresight, and zeal of the Governor, with 
 the earnest command and admonition that he seek in all mat- 
 ters to uphold the service and dignity of Her Royal Majesty 
 and the crown of Sweden, as also to promote the advantage and 
 interest of the members of the Company, in the conservation 
 of the same land of New Sweden, its culture in every way pos- 
 sible, and the increase of its profitable commerce. 
 
 "23. But, far above all this, as to what belongs to the politi- 
 cal government and administration of justice, everything of 
 
this kind must be conducted under the name of Her Royal 
 ]\Iajesty and the crown of Sweden, for no less reason than that 
 the country enjoys the protection of Her Royal Majesty and of 
 the crown, and that the interest of the crown is in the highest 
 degree involved in the protection of that country, its cultivation, 
 and active trade and commerce. To give the Governor spe- 
 cific information herein cannot so well and effectually be done 
 at so great a distance ; it must therefore be left to his own dis- 
 cretion and good sense that he upon the ground provide, ar- 
 range, and execute whatever conduces to bring matters into 
 good order and a proper constitution, according as he finds the 
 necessities of the time and place to require. At first, and until 
 matters can be brought into a better form, the Governor may 
 use his own seal, but in a somewhat larger form, in briefs, con- 
 tracts, correspondence, and other written documents of a 
 public character. 
 
 "24. He shall decide all matters of controversy which may 
 arise, according to Swedish law and right, custom and usage ; 
 but in all other matters, also, so far as possible, he shall adopt 
 and employ the laudable customs, habits, and usages of this 
 most praiseworthy realm. 
 
 "25. He shall also have power, through the necessary and 
 proper means of compulsion, to bring to obedience and a quiet 
 life the turbulent and disorderly, who will not live quietly and 
 peacefully, and especially gross offenders, who may possibly 
 be found; he may punish, not only with imprisonment and the 
 like duly proportioned means of correction, but, also, accord- 
 ing to their misdeeds or crimes, with the loss of life itself, yet 
 not in any other than the usual manner, and after the proper 
 hearing and consideration of the case, with the most respecta- 
 ble people and the most prudent associate judges who can be 
 found in the country as his counsellors. 
 
 "26. Above all things, shall the Governor consider and see 
 to it that a true and due worship, becoming honor, laud, and 
 praise be paid to the Most High God in all things, and to that 
 end all proper care shall be taken that divine service be zeal- 
 ously performed, according to the unaltered Augsburg Confes- 
 sion, the Council of Upsala, and the ceremonies of the Swedish 
 Church : and all persons, but especially the young, shall be 
 duly instructed in the articles of their Christian faith ; and all 
 good church discipline shall, in like manner, be duly exercised 
 and received. But so far as relates to the Holland colonists 
 
i8 
 
 that live and settle under the government of Her Royal Majesty 
 and the Swedish crown, the Governor shall not disturb them 
 in the indulgence granted them as to the exercise of the Re- 
 formed religion according to the aforesaid Royal Charter. 
 
 "27. In all else which cannot here be set down in writing, 
 the Governor shall conduct himself as is suitable and becoming 
 to a faithful patriot, and take into due consideration whatever 
 is correspondent to his office, according to the best of his 
 understanding and with the greatest zeal and care, also regu- 
 lating himself in accordance with that which may be here com- 
 municated to him by w^ord of mouth ; and there is herewith 
 given him a special list of the people who accompany him, and 
 of the means and equipment of his office. 
 
 " 28. Finally, Her Royal Majesty is also well satisfied that 
 the said ofiice of his government shall continue and exist for 
 three years, after the lapse of which he, the said John Printz, 
 shall be free to return hither again, after the necessary arrange- 
 ments have been made in regard to his successor, or some sub- 
 stitute in the said service. Should he, the said John Printz, 
 have a desire to continue longer in this charge, he shall have 
 the preference over others therefor, provided that the advan- 
 tage and service of Her Majesty and the crown, and of the 
 Company, so demand. Given as above. 
 
 " Paehr Brahe, Herman Wrangel, 
 
 Claes Flemming, Axel Oxexstierxa, 
 Gabriel Bengtsson Oxensteirna.* 
 
 And. Gyllexklou." t 
 
 The voyage to New Sweden was at that time quite long. 
 The watery way to the West was not yet well discovered, and, 
 therefore, for fear of the sand-banks off Newfoundland, they 
 kept their course to the east and south as far as to what were 
 then called the Brazates.J The ships which went under the 
 command of Governor Printz sailed along the coast of Port- 
 ugal, and down the coast of Africa, until they found the 
 eastern passage, then directly over to America, leaving the 
 
 * [These five names are historical. They formed at that time the Swedish Council of 
 State, who carried on the government immediately after the death of Giistavus Adolphiis and 
 during tlie minority of his daughter Christina, who was not quite six years old at the time of 
 her fathers death (X"ov. 6, 1632), and, conseqently, in her seventeenth year at the date of this 
 document. She ascended the throne as actual sovereign on her eighteenth birthday; namely, 
 Dec. 6, 1644. The Swedish colony in America was, undoubtedly, the work of the great 
 Chancellor Axel Oxenstiern, though first suggested by Gustavus Adolphus.] 
 
 t [Gyllenklou was secretary of the Council.] 
 
 t [The Azores?] 
 
Canaries * high up to the north. They landed at Antigua, 
 then continued their voyage northward, past Virginia and 
 Maryland, to Cape Hinlopen. Yet, in view of the astonish- 
 ingly long route which they took, the voyage was quick enough 
 in six months' time, — from Stockholm on August i6, 1642, to 
 the new fort of Christina, in New Sw^eden, on February 15, 1643. 
 
 The Swedes who emigrated to America belonged partly to a 
 trading company, provided with a charter, who, for their ser- 
 vices, according to their condition or agreement, were to 
 receive pay and monthly wages ; a part of them also went at 
 their own mipulse to try their fortune. For these it was free 
 to settle and live in the country as long as they pleased or to 
 leave it, and they were therefore, by way of distinction from 
 the others, called freemen. At first, also, malefactors and 
 vicious people were sent over, who were used as slaves to labor 
 upon the fortifications. They were kept in chains and not al- 
 lowed to have intercourse with the other settlers ; moreover, a 
 separate place of abode was assigned to them. The neighbor- 
 ing people and country were dissatisfied that such wretches 
 should come into the colony. It was also, in fact, very objec- 
 tionable in regard to the heathen, who might be greatly of- 
 fended by it. Whence it happened that, when such persons 
 came over in Governor Printz's time, it was not permitted that 
 oue of them should set foot upon the shore, but they had all to 
 be carried back again, whereupon a great part of them died 
 during the voyage or perished in some other way. Afterwards 
 it was forbidden at home in Sweden, under a penalty, to take 
 for the American voyage any persons of bad fame ; nor was 
 there ever any lack of good people for the colony. 
 
 Governor Printz was now in a position to put the govern- 
 ment upon a safe footing to maintain the rights of the Swedes, 
 and to put down the attempts of the Hollanders. They had 
 lately, before his arrival, patched their little Fort Nassau. On 
 this account he selected the island of Tenackong as his resi- 
 dence, which is sometimes also called Tutaeaenung and Ten- 
 icko, about three Swedish miles from Fort Christina. The 
 convenient situation of the place suggested its selection, as 
 also the location of Fort Nassau,! which lay some miles over 
 
 *rif thej' sailed due west to Antigua, they must have gone down south to the latitude of 
 the Cape de Verde Islands.] 
 
 t [Fort Nassau was built near the mouth of Timber Creek, below Gloucester Point in 
 New Jersey. It is said to have been built by Cornelius Mey, in 1623 : but when visited by 
 De Vnes, ten years afterward (Jan. 5, 1633), it was in the possession of the Indians, among 
 whom he was afraid to land. We have no evidence that the fort was reoccupied by the Dutch 
 before the establishment of the Swedish colony in 1638. 
 
20 
 
 against it, to which he could thus command the passage by 
 water. The new fort^ which was erected and provided with 
 considerable armament, was called New Gotheborg. His 
 place of residence, which he adorned with orchards, gardens, 
 a pleasure-house, etc., he named Printz Hall. A handsome 
 wooden church was also built at the same place, which Ma- 
 gister Campanius consecrated, on the last great prayer-day 
 which was celebrated in New Sweden, on the 4th of Sep- 
 tember, 1646. Upon that place also all the most prominent 
 freemen had their residences and plantations. 
 
 Rev. Israel Acrelius, from whose " History- of New Sweden" the account of the found- 
 ing of New Sweden given in the present leaflet is taken, was provost over the Swedish con- 
 gregations in America and pastor of the church at Christina from 1749 to 1756. The greater 
 part of his book, a large work of over four hundred pages, is devoted to the later history of 
 the Swedes on the Delaware ; but the first part contains the most complete and accurate 
 account of the settlement whicii had been until that time (1759) published. His work was 
 translated by Rev. William ISI. Reynolds, with many additional notes, and published in the 
 " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," vol. xi. (1874). 
 
 Half a century before Acrelius wrote, in 1702, Thomas Campanius Holm published his 
 "Short Description of the Province of New Sweden." The writer was a grandson of the 
 Rev. Johan Campanius Holm, who accompanied Governor Printz to New Sweden; and his 
 work, which was enriched by maps and drawings, has great historical value. It was trans- 
 lated by Peter S. Du Ponceau, LL.D., and published in the " Memoirs of the Historical 
 Society of Pennsylvania,"' vol. iii.. Part I., 1834. 
 
 The chapter on New Sweden in the " Narrative and Critical History^ of America," vol. 
 iv., the best general account, was written by Gregory B. Keen; and his bibliography is very 
 valuable. There is much relating to New Sweden in the histories of Delaware and Pennsyl- 
 vania ; and Bancroft and the various general American histories detail briefly the fortunes of 
 the colony down to 1655, when Peter Stuyvesant sailed into the Delaware from New Amster- 
 dam, with a force of six hundred men and more, and took possession for Holland. " Such 
 was the end of New Sweden, the colony that connects our country with Gustavus Adolphus 
 and the nations that dwell on the Gulf of Bothnia." 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
 Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass.