^- _.^: *>**,• fi^/i •: . t* >«M >»' '• ' •V'•^^.,•" ■ ^ yAM^s* ►>& aass_I[E Z 1 5 Book -^ J uts ' JAN ii4:ma A ( HISTORY OF GREECE fe^^ FOR Ao^^J High Schools and Academies BY GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD, Ph.D. ^TOR IN THE HISTORY OF GREECE AND ROME IN HARVARD :iVERSITY; AUTHOR OF "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION " (I 'HE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1899 All rights reserved 24585 COPVRIGHT, 1899, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. TWO COPIES RECEIVED. T NoriDoot) 33rr3S J. S. Cushins & Co. - Berwick & Smith Norwood Mass. U. S. A. %0\>^- / ACKNOWLEDGMENT To the friends who have taken an interest in this volume, and who by criticism and suggestion have aided me in writ- ing it, I owe a great debt of gratitude. Mr. Charles Lane Hanson of the Mechanic Arts High School, Boston, has read both manuscript and proofs, and has aided me especially in adapting the book, in form and in matter, to the use of secondary pupils. While his successful experience in high school work and his good judgment have been of great service to me, I am no less indebted to him for the encour- agement and inspiration I have drawn from his friendship. Professor Emerton, my colleague, who has read most of the manuscript, has given me the benefit of his valuable criticism on the plan and method of the book. The proofs have been read by another colleague. Professor Wright, to whose scholarship important corrections and improvements are due. These helpers should not, however, be considered responsi- ble v.^ the shghtest degree for any faults the book may con- tain. In the quotation of ancient authors I have followed, as closely as my plan would admit, the translators recom- mended in the Bibliography at the close of the volume. For the illustrations Professor White and Professor Moore have kindly placed at my disposal the collections of photo- graphs belonging to the Department of Classics and the Fogg Art Museum of Harvard University. From these vi Ackiiowledzinent i> collections all the pictures have been selected excepting the '' Eirene and Plutus," taken by permission from Gardner's Handbook of Greek Sculpture, and the " Hermes of Praxit- eles," the original photograph of which has been furnished me by the publishers. Under my direction Mr. William Leonard Snow made the map of " Physical Greece," and Miss Lida Shaw King made all the other full-page maps. Some of these — especially the " Mycenaean Age " and " Greece at the Dawn of History," which are distinctly original — have required patience and care in the collection and sifting of the material. Miss King and Mr. Snow are pupils of mine whose able assistance I am glad to acknowledge. ) THE MISSION OF THE BOOK The ancient Greeks were the most gifted race the world has known, — a people with whose achievements in govern- ment and law, in literature, art, and science, every intelligent person ought to be acquainted. Not only is the story of Greece in itself interesting and attractive, but the thoughts and deeds of her great men are treasures preserved in history for the enrichment of our own lives. This volume is intended as an aid to the study of the subject. While the " Helps " furnished by the closing chapter indicate a method of digesting the material, — a method of training the whole mind rather than the mere memory, — the marginal references are a guide to the use of the Greek authors, from whom chiefly we derive our knowledge of the history, thought, life, and character of this magnificent race. An acquaintance with the works of the historians, orators, poets, and philosophers of Greece, in the original lan- guage or even through good translations, is no mean part of a liberal education. Not only were the Greeks by nature the most gifted of men, but they occupied a country which, more than any other in the world, favored the growth of enterprise, intelli- gence, imagination, and taste. As it is impossible, without taking the country into account, to appreciate this many- sided development, it has been my aim throughout the viii The Mission of the Book book, by bringing the geography into immediate connection with the history, to show the influence of surroundings on character. Though the Greeks were constantly at war, we must not lay too much stress on the details of their campaigns and battles. It is far more profitable to learn the character and achievements of the great men, whatever their field of activity, to follow the development of the social and political life, and to enter into the spirit of the civilization. Is it too much to hope that this book may do a good service in directing the attention of the reader to the nobler and more instructive aspects of Greek life ? Cambridge, December 12, 1898. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE The Beginnings of the Greeks — The Prehistoric Age . . . i CHAPTER II The Beginnings of States and of Leagues — Colonial Expansion . 20 CHAPTER III Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon — Kingship, Aristocracy, and Timocracy .... ..... 41 CHAPTER IV Peloponnese and Athens — From Tyranny to Democracy . . 64 CHAPTER V The Growth of National Unity through Literature and Religion . 87 CHAPTER VI Conquest of Asiatic Greece by the Lydians and the Persians . 105 CHAPTER VII The War with Persia and Carthage . . . . . .120 CHAPTER VIII '1 he Age of Cimon — Harmony among the Greek States . . 140 Contents CHAPTER IX PAGE The. Age of Pericles — Growing Antagonism between Oligarchy and Democracy . 163 CHAPTER X The Peloponnesian War to the End of the Sicilian Expedition . 190 CHAPTER XI The New Learning and the Closing Years of the War CHAPTER XII The End of Freedom in Sicily and in Italy . 217 239 CHAPTER XIII The Supremacy of Sparta . , . . . . . . 250 CHAPTER XIV Thebes attempts to gain the Supremacy — The Progress of Culture 275 The Rise of Macedon . CHAPTER XV CHAPTER XVI 297 Alexander's Empire and the Spread of Hellenic Civilization over the East 310 CHAPTER XVII Helps to the Study of Greek History Periods of the History . Examples of Outlines . Studies ..... Events in Chronological Order Bibliography Index 367 331 331 337 343 355 363 MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS FULL-PAGE MAPS Physical Greece . The Mycenaean Age . Greece at the Dawn of History The Greek World The Persian Empire and Greece Greece at the Time of the \Yar with Persia The Athenian Empire at its Height Greece at the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War Greece after the Battle of ISIantineia The Empire of Alexander the Great PAGE facing 2 7 29 40 115 127 167 195 282 ^16 MAPS IX THE TEXT The Peloponnesian League Thermopylae Salamis The Acropolis of iVthens Bay of Pylos Syracuse (415-413 i;.c.) The Hellespont . Kingdom of Dionysius The Theban Tactics in the Battle of Leuctra 79 128 132 179 201 213 236 243 273 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS The Acropolis of Athens The Gate of the Lions at M) The Olympieium . ^^gina. Olympia The Parthenon . cenK Frontispiece facing 6 75 85 103 181 XI Xll Maps and Illustrations The Temple of Victory and the Propylsea . facing 183 Phyle . 254 The Modern Town of Sparta 268 The Vale of Tempe 297 The Battle of Issus (?) . 312 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT Royal Tombs at Mycenae I Gallery in the Wall of Tiryns 4 '* Treasury of Atreus " at Mycenae 8 Ideal Statue of Homer 10 Vessels and Idols from Mycense . 18 "Theseus" 20 Artemis 23 Cecrops and Daughter 25 Chalcis .... . . 32, The Areopagus 41 Poseidon, Dionysus (?), and emeter (?) . 64 The Wrestlers ...... 73 Athenian Lady in the Time of Pisistratus 74 "Sappho" 87 A Greek Vase 93 Delphi with Modern Village 99 Apollo Belvedere lOQ Athlete 102 " Themistocles " 117 Marathon 120 " The Warrior of Marathon " 122 A Persian Archer .... 129 Bay of Salamis 131 Cave of Apollo in Delos 140 An Athenian Gravestone I5S Discobolus 159 Zeus 160 Pericles ...... 163 Magistrates 177 Athena Parthenos .... 180 Erechtheium 182 "Theseium" 184 Lapith and Centaur .... 189 Maps and Illustrations Xlll Victory 190 Athenian Knights 204 K Trireme . 216 Euripides 217 Socrates 223 A Sepulchral Vase of Marble 237 Temple of Poseidon at Poestum . 239 Spartan Mosaic ...... 250 Spartan Vase 259 Citadel of Corinth . . . . . 263 The Plain of Mantineia .... 267 Mount Ithome and the City Wall of Messene 275 Valley of the Styx in Arcadia 277 Battle between the Greeks and the Amazons 283 Eirene and Plutus 285 Theatre at Epidaurus . 287 Aphrodite of Cnidus 289 Satyr of Praxiteles 291 Meleager 293 The Hermes of Praxiteles 295 Demosthenes 303 Battlefield of Chaeroneia 308 Alexander in Battle 315 Choragic Monument of Lysicrates 328 Corinthian Capital 335 Royal Tombs at Mycen.^ HISTORY OF GREECE CHAPTER I THE BEGINNINGS OF THE GREEKS — THE PRE- HISTORIC AGE (to about 700 B.C.) The people from whom the ancient Greeks were descended Origin of the once lived, with other kindred races, probably in the great steppe which extends across southern Russia into Asia, and is bounded on the south by the Black, the Caspian, and the Aral seas. As these races gradually separated and moved apart in various directions, the ancestors of the Greeks jour- neyed southward into the peninsula now named Greece. ' liey came in bands, which we call tribes, each under its B I Greeks. P. 331- 2 The Pi'ehistoric Age chief; their warriors travelled on foot, dressed in skins and armed with pikes and with bows and arrows, while their women and children rode in two-wheeled ox-carts. They found Greece, their future home, a rugged, mountainous country, with narrow valleys and only a few broad plains. Everywhere were dense forests haunted by lions, wild boars, and wolves. Here and there the invaders halted and built their villages, — mere groups of rude, round huts of brush and clay, with roofs of grass or reeds. In time of peace, the new settlers tended their herds of goats, sheep, swine, and cattle ; and many a hard fight they had to protect their flocks //. xviii, from the savage beasts : " Herdsmen were following with 577 ff- their kine, four of them, and nine dogs fleet of foot came up behind. Then two terrible lions among the foremost kine seized a loud-roaring bull, who bellowed mightily as they attacked him, and the dogs and young men sped after him. The lions rent the great bull's hide and were devouring his vitals and his black blood, while the herdsmen in vain urged on their dogs, for these shrank from biting the lions, but stood hard by and barked." Life in early In the fertile valleys the villagers dug the ground with a Greece. sharp Stick and raised wheat, barley, flax, and some garden vegetables. But they owned no farms, as they had not yet learned that land was valuable ; they could get all they needed by fighting for it, and they had no thought of staying long in one place. Every man went armed to protect his Thuc. i, 2-8. life and property. One village was continually fighting with another, and the people who had settled homes lived in constant fear of attack from fresh invaders. The villagers, therefore, built no good houses, planted no orchards or vine- yards, but stood ever ready to gather their scanty wealth into ox-carts and to join their tribe in search of more fertile fields or homes less exposed to the enemy. Thus the Greeks The Phoenicians 3 kept moving about and fighting among themselves for many years, perhaps for centuries. The time during which they lived in tribes and villages in this unsettled manner we may term the Tribal Age. On the west of their country they found a nearly Eastern and straight coast line, with steep shores making it difficult ^^^^^^^^ to reach the water's edge ; and, as they looked over the sea, they saw few islands to tempt them from the main- land. But those who came to the eastern coast found harbors everywhere and islands near at hand. They be- gan at once to make small boats and to push off to the islands. But they must have been astonished when they saw for The Phoeni- the first time strange black vessels, much larger than their ^!^^^ ^^.^"^ _ . 7 . civilization. own, entering their bays. These were Phoenician ships from Sidon, an ancient commercial city, and in them came " greedy merchant men, with countless gauds " for trading with the natives. Though in most respects the Greeks were then as barbarous as the North American Indians, they were eager to learn and to imitate the ways of the foreigners. The chief- tains along the east coast welcomed Asiatic arts and arti- sans. From these strangers they gradually learned to make and use bronze tools and weapons, and to build in stone. Contented in these homes, they outgrew their fondness for roving. Skilled workmen from the East built walled pal- aces for the native chiefs; artists decorated these new dwellings, painted, carved, and frescoed, made vases and polished gems. Those chieftains who were wise enough to receive this civilization gained power as well as wealth by means of it. With their bronze weapons they con- quered their uncivilized neighbors, and, in course of time, formed small kingdoms, each centring in a strongly forti- fied castle. The Prehistoric Age Earliest king- doms. Tiryns. It is interesting to notice where these kingdoms were situated. Greece, before it was inhabited by man, stood far higher above the level of the sea than it does now; but for some cause it sank till it was half-drowned in water. The sea covers the earlier coast plain and washes the base of the mountains; so that there is no continuous strip of farm land along the shores of Greece as there is in the United States; but the mountain streams deposited soil enough to form small but fertile deltas. The earliest kingdoms occupied these rich lands, generally bordering upon a good harbor, and in many a case the king from his castle perched upon some hilltop could look over his whole realm. Just outside the castle walls the leading men of the kingdom grouped their houses in a small city. One of these communities was Tiryns, on a low flat hill about a mile from the Argolic Gulf, the oldest city, so far as we know, in Europe. Its walls were of huge, unshaped stones, built, the myths would make us believe, by a race of giants called Cyclopes. Within these defences was a great palace. It contained a multitude of apartments, including courts and halls for men and women; a bathroom with conduit Gallery in the Wall of Tiryns Tiryns 5 and drains; sleeping rooms, corridors, and porticos. The palace and walls tell a vivid tale of the wealth and luxury of the king, and of his unlimited authority over the lives and labor of his subjects. All this re- quired time; many generations or even centuries may have elapsed between the landing of the first Phoenician sailors on the shores of Greece and the building of the first castle. It is only recently that Dr. Schliemann has unearthed cf. p. 10. the foundation of this palace; but an epic poet sang about it, or one like it, twenty-five centuries or more ago. The following is his idealized description of a palace resem- bling that of Tiryns : — "Meanwhile Odysseus went to the famous palace of The palace. Alcinoiis, and his heart was full of many thoughts as he stood there or ever he had reached the threshold of bronze. For there was a gleam as it were of sun and moon through the high-roofed hall of great-hearted Alcinoiis. Brazen were the walls that ran this way and that from the thresh- old to the inmost chamber, and round them was a frieze (9^. vii, 84 ff. of blue, and golden were the doors that closed in the good house. Silver were the door-posts that were set on the brazen threshold, and silver the lintel thereupon, and the hook of the door was of gold. And on either side stood golden hounds and silver, which Hephaestus ^ wrought with his cunning, to guard the palace of great-hearted Alcinoiis, being free from death and age all their days. And within were seats arrayed against the wall this way and that, from the threshold to the inmost chamber, and thereon were ■spread light coverings finely woven, the handiwork of /omen. There the Phaeacian chieftains were wont to sit ^ The artisan god. 6 The Pi'ehistoric Age eating and drinking, for they had continual store. Yea, and there were youths fashioned in gold, standing on firm- set bases, with flaming torches in their hands, giving light through the night to the feasters in the palace. And he had fifty handmaids in the house, and some grind the yel- low grain on the millstone, and others weave webs and turn the yarn as they sit, restless as the leaves of the tall poplar tree; and the soft olive oil drops off that linen, so closely is it woven. For as the Phseacian men are skilled beyond all others in driving a swift ship' upon the deep, even so are the women the most cunning at the loom, for Athena hath given them notable wisdom in all fair handi- work and cunning wit. And without the courtyard, hard The garden, by the door, is a great garden, of four ploughgates, and a hedge runs round on either side. And there grow tall trees blossoming, pear trees and pomegranates, and apple trees with bright fruit, and sweet figs and olives in their bloom. The fruit of these trees never perisheth, neither faileth, winter or summer, enduring through all the year. Evermore the West Wind blowing brings some fruits to birth and ripens others. Pear upon pear waxes old, and apple upon apple, yea, and cluster ripens upon cluster of the grape, and fig upon fig. There, too, hath he a fruitful vineyard planted, whereof the one part is being dried by the heat, a sunny plot on level ground, while other grapes men are gathering, and yet others they are treading in the wine-press. In the foremost row are unripe grapes that cast the blossom, and others there be that are growing black to vintaging. There, too, skirting the furthest line, are all manner of garden beds, planted trimly, that are perpetually fresh, and therein are two foun- tains of water, whereof one scatters his streams all about the garden, and the other runs over against it beneath The Gate of the Lions at Mycen^ Mycence 7 the threshold of the courtyard, and issues by the lofty house, and thence did the townsfolk draw water. These were the splendid gifts of the gods in the palace of Alcinous." Mycenae, "rich in gold," is younger than Tiryns; but Mycenae. because it was better situated, its king in course of time became ruler of all Argolis. Dr. Schliemann and others //. xi, 46. have unearthed in Mycenae not only the walls and palace, but also private houses, the homes of lords and servants. From these discoveries it is possible to learn how the people of Mycenae lived, and even what they wore and ate.^ But the most remarkable objects which they found were the tombs and their contents. In some of these tombs " lay the bodies of the prehistoric rulers of Mycenae. In two of them lay three women, their heads adorned with P. Gardner, lofty gold diadems, their bodies covered with plates of gold P' ^^' which had been sewn on their dresses. In four graves lay bodies of men, varying in number from one to five, some wearing masks or breastplates, all adorned with gold, not less profusely than the women, and buried with arms and utensils, with vessels of gold and silver, with a wealth of objects of use and luxury sufficient to stock a rich museum at Athens, and fairly astonish those who see it for the first time." Some of the tombs are magnificent stone build- ings shaped like beehives, and they contained so much wealth that Dr. Schliemann mistook them for treasure- houses. Indeed one of them was long known as the "Treasury of Atreus." The people of this age believed, no doubt, that the souls of men after death enjoyed all this splendor in their tombs. We call the civilization of this time "Mycenaean," but ^For an interesting account of this, Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycencean Age, chs. iv, vi. 8 The Prehistoric Age Area of the there were many other cities like Mycenae, though less Mycenaean grand. While barbarous tribes were still roaming over the interior, these cities near the coast and on the islands "Treasury of Atreus" at Mycenae Colonization of the ^gean islands and coasts. Cf. p. 3- were gradually developing. Asiatic culture, planted on Greek soil, was preparing the way for our modern life. The Mycenaean civilization was at its best from about 1500 to 1000 B.C. During this period the Greeks were outgrowing the peninsula, and were settling the islands and east coast of the ^gean Sea. They could pass with- out danger, without losing sight of land, across its entire breadth. Indeed, from the mountains of southern Euboea the Greeks could look quite across the sea to the hills of Chios. From Attica they settled the Cyclades near by, Ionia 9 and then the adjacent coast countr}' of Asia Minor, which was afterwards named Ionia. The people of Attica, of Ionia, and of the islands between belonged therefore to one great race, the Attic-Ionic, just as the inhabitants of the United States and of England form one race, the Anglo- American. In like manner the Dorians took possession of the south ^ilgean islands^and coasts, while the ^ilolians settled north of the lonians. These are the three great historic races of the Greeks. We are not to think of these colonists as leaving Greece Greece, or to settle in foreign lands, but rather as extending the ^^^'^^' defined. boundaries of their own countr}'. Greece, or Hellas, was the countr}^ of the Greeks, or Hellenes,^ wherever they might be; at the time which we have now reached — looo B.C. — the name included, in addition to the peninsula, most of the islands of the ^gean Sea and the larger part of the western coast of Asia Minor. The colonists had less wealth than the people of the Ionia, mother countrj', but they enjoyed greater freedom, and were more vigorous in body and mind. During the next three iooo-7cx5B.g centuries, while the Mycenaean culture was declining, the colonists in the ^-Egean were building up a new civiliza- tion far higher than that which they had left behind them on the continent. "Of all men whom we know, the lonians had the good fortune to build their cities in the Hdt. i, 142. most favorable position for climate and seasons." Civili- zations have been born in the most fertile spots on earth, where the struggle for existence has not been all-absorb- ing, where men could easily produce food, clothing, and shelter, and have some leisure to think of other things than the mere necessities of life. Thus the earliest civ- ^ In this book, Greece and Hellas, Greeks and Hellenes, are used synonymously; cf. pp. 40, 103 and n. 2. lO TJie Prehistoric Age ilization of the world was, as Herodotus says, "the gift of the Nile." In like manner Ionia, because of its fertile soil, its delightful climate, and its openness to the sea, threw off Asiatic influence and became the birthplace of the first distinctly European civilization. Homeland We can learn the character and customs of the early the Epic Age. jonians from their minstrels, who travelled about and sang to the kings and nobles. These wandering bards were the makers of the two great epic poems, the 7//^^ and the Odyssey, The Iliad, composed mainly in the tenth and ninth centuries B.C., is for us the oldest piece of Euro- pean literature. The best modern authori- ties believe that it was riot the work of one poet, but grew up gradually in the following manner. Some ^olian min- strel of Asia Minor began it by compos- ing a tale of consider-- able length to glorify Achilles, a mythical hero ; Ionian minstrels took up the story and enlarged it, bringing into it their own ideas and myths. One by one they introduced into the poem new heroes, with their warlike deeds, so as to be continually furnishing the hearers with something novel Ideal Statue of Homer (Vatican Museum) Ionic Life 1 1 and pleasing. "Men always prize that song most which (9^. 1,351 f. rings newest in the ear." Finally, the poem received its finishing touches from scholars who lived about five centu- ries after the time of which we are now speaking. The Odyssey^ composed mainly in the eighth century B.C., had a similar growth. By the name "Homer" we mean any one of the minstrels who helped to make either the Iliad or the Odyssey, and the Epic Age is the time in which these men lived, — about 1000-700 b.c. The poet shows us every side of Ionic life in the beauti- ful colors of his own imagination. One of his most delightful scenes is that from the "Shield of Achilles," which represents a group of youths and maidens dancing. " There were youths dancing and maidens of costly woo- Youths and ing, their hands on one another's wrists. Fine linen the maidens, maidens had on, and the youths well-woven doublets faintly glistening with oil. Fine wreaths had the maid- ens, and the youths daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. And now would they run round with deft feet exceeding lightly, as when a potter sitting by his wheel that fitteth between his hands maketh trial of it whether it run; and anon they would run in lines to meet each other. And a great company stood round the lovely dance //. xviii, in joy; and among them a divine minstrel was making 593 ff- music on his lyre, and through the midst of them, as he began his strain, two tumblers whirled." This scene shows us one of the most refined and attrac- The family, tive sides of life in that distant age. Family and kin were sacred and under the care of "household" Zeus, whose altar was the hearth. Parent and child, brothers and cousins, united closely by the twofold bond of blood and religion, stood by each other in danger, for the state had not yet begun to protect the lives of the citizens. Guests 12 The Prehistoric Age Country life, p. 2. were also under the care of Zeus, and were treated as brothers. The householder kindly entertained the stranger with food, lodging, and words of cheer; then bestowing a gift in token of friendship, sped him rejoicing on his way. Family life was beautiful, and women, within the home, were the equals of men. "There is nothing mightier and o^. vi, i82ff. nobler," says Homer, "than when man and wife are of one heart and mind in a house, a grief to their foes, and to their friends great joy, but their own hearts know it best." Yet it must by no means be supposed that this was a golden age of happiness. Rather, the time was bar- barous and cruel; and the minstrel had sad tales to tell of war, captivity, and orphanage. Men still depended on their herds for a great part of their living. Cattle were their principal wealth, and served, in the absence of coined money, as a standard of value in barter. But they began to take more interest in farming and to plant orchards and vineyards. The fol- lowing is a picture of one of their modest country estates. "Quickly they came to the rich and well-ordered farm- land of Laertes, which he had won for himself of old, as the prize of great toil in war. There was his house, and all about it ran the huts wherein the thralls were wont to eat and sleep, bondsmen who worked his will. And in the house was an old Sicilian woman who diligently cared for the old man, in the upland, far from the city." But many a noble owned hundreds of cattle and large tracts of land. While slaves and hired men tended these estates, the lord lived in the city with his fellows, and shared in its religious, social, and political life. There were as yet few skilled workmen among the Greeks. King Odysseus made his own house and bed- 7/. vi,323. stead; Queen "Helen of Argos sat among her serving- Od. xxiv, 204 ff. The indus- tries. <3 Government 1 3 women and appointed brave handiwork for her hand- maidens." Thus the Greeks made at home nearly every- thing they needed for house and field. Everybody worked : the goddess Athena made her own clothes; the princess Nausicaa did the family washing; and serving- women ground the meal. Rich wares were brought to them from the Orient or from the interior of Asia Minor. Skilled female slaves from the same places began among the Greeks a native industry in dyeing, weaving, and em- broidering. There were smiths and curriers who busied themselves in making armor and weapons; the potter sitting at his wheel; the leech who cured a wound by sucking out the blood, and cunningly spreading thereon soothing drugs, or maybe staying the blood with a song . of healing; the seer teaching the will of the gods or con- ducting a voyage by means of the prophetic art which Apollo gave him; and the blind old minstrel delighting people with his song and lyre. All these the Greeks of the time called craftsmen, and held in high esteem. But the unskilled worker for wages, — the man without home, master, or patron, — led a miserable life. The nobles compelled most of the common people to Thegovern- live in the country, as they wanted the city for their own '"^"^* use. They called themselves the brave, the mighty, and \. the best, in contrast with the base and cowardly men of the lower class; and as they believed themselves to be the near descendants of the gods, they thought they had a right to all the wealth and political authority in the state. The chiefs of tribes came together in a council and elected The council one of their number king. If the man whom they ap- pointed proved to be a wise and vigorous ruler, he might hand down his royal authority to his son; otherwise, when he died or grew too old to lead in war, the council, pass- 14 The Prehistoric Age ing by his family, filled the office again from their own number. The king. The king was general, priest, and judge. He led the army, prayed to the gods for the city's safety, and settled cases of private law. He did not try, however, to keep the peace or prevent murder, but allowed the families of his state to fight each other as much as they pleased. Though the king claimed to rule by divine right, and looked back to some god as his great-grandfather, he was in reality hampered on all sides by the council. The great nobles who composed it helped him in his religious services, advised him in war, filled all special offices of toil, danger, or honor, and decided suits. A trial scene. The following scene from the Shield of Achilles repre- sents a trial before the council. " The folk were gathered in the assembly place; for there a strife was arisen, two men contending about the blood price of a man slain; the one avowed that he had paid all, expounding to the people, but the other denied that he had received aught; and each was fain to gain his point on the word of his witness. And the folk were cheering both, as they took part on either side. And heralds kept order among the folk, while the elders (councillors) on polished stones were //.xviii,497fr. sitting in the sacred circle, and holding in their hands staves from the loud-voiced heralds. Then before the people they rose up and gave judgment in turn. And in the midst lay two talents^ of gold, to be given to him who should plead among them most righteously." The slayer had agreed, according to custom, to pay a kinsman of the slain a sum of money to satisfy him for the loss; but the latter, alleging that he had not received payment, sued the offender before the council. Such an assembly 1 A talent was at this time a small weight. Religion 1 5 of the people, gathered to hear the deliberation of the king and council, was a "town-meeting," the same insti- The tution which we find, somewhat modified, in the United ^^^^™ y* States. There was no voting; the people merely shouted assent or showed disapproval by silence. The ideas of popular sovereignty and majority rule were totally unknown to the age. The king and council, how- ever, laid their more important plans before the assembly and were influenced to some extent by its opinion. But the council could carry on the government without either the king or the assembly, and it began to do so in the Ionian states about the middle of the eighth century B.C. It did not abolish these institutions, but, it degraded the office of king to a mere priesthood, and rarely called the assembly together. In this manner the government ceased to be a monarchy, or rule of one, and became an aristoc- racy, or rule of "the best." The latter form of govern- ment is also called an oligarchy, or rule of the few. The religion of the Greeks had changed radically since Religion. their migration from the North. At first they worshipped the powers of nature. In their belief every object in the world had a soul capable of exercising some influence on mankind for good or evil. Spirits of the greater or more conspicuous objects, as sun, moon, rivers, and mountains, they were inclined to propitiate as deities with prayers and sacrifices. They thought of a few only of these d ei- ties as possessing human form and human character. Such ^ a god was supposed to live in his appropriate object as a man lives in a house. But a great change came about through the influence of the epic poets, who spread the belief that all deities were like men, that they differed from human beings only in their greater stature and strength and in their immortality. They sometimes even 1 6 The Prehistoric Age represented a god as wounded by a man in battle. From the poet's point of view, heaven was very near to earth. Od. xvii, "Yea, and the gods in the likeness of strangers from far ^^^ ^' countries put on all manner of shapes, and wander through the cities, beholding the violence and the righteousness of men." Since the gods were only magnified men, they had both good and evil qualities, and the influences of religion Ot^. xiii, 2i3f. were both moral and immoral. "Zeus watches over all men and punishes the transgressor." "The gods love not (3rf. xiv, 83 ff. froward deeds, but reverence justice and the righteous acts of men." The religion of the time commanded for- giveness of injury, kindliness, and truth. With equal readiness, however, the gods taught men to lie and steal and kill. But it is encouraging to notice that throughout the age the Greeks were making moral progress. Hades and To all the Greeks, and especially to the lonians, life ysium. ^^g £^jj ^j beauty and joy, while the very thought of death was hideous. The realm of Hades was cold, dark, and lifeless. The spirit of the dead, set free by burning the body, flitted past the streams of Oceanus, past the gates of the sun and the land of dreams, to the mead of Asphodel, Od. xxiv, where dwell the souls, the phantoms of men outworn. TO flF There in the realm of Hades, the spirit lived like a shadow or dream. None were happy in that under-world, and those guilty of great sin on earth suffered various torments. Only a few heroes especially favored of the gods were supposed by Homer to have gone, without dying, to the Elysian plain, "at the end of the world, Od. iv, 563 ff. where life is easiest for men. No snow is there, nor yet great storm, nor any rain; but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill West to blow cool on men." Such was the influence of Homer on the religious beliefs of the Greeks that his conception of the forms of the gods Results 17 and of the future life retained its hold on their mind till the introduction of Christianity. The poems of Homer Hdt. ii, 53. were their Bible. In the period which we have here reviewed, the Greeks Summary. entered their historic home, and began their career as a distinct race. When they first came to Greece, they were all barbarous; but in course of time those who settled on the coasts and islands, stimulated by Asia, became civil- ized; they began to live in cities, to enjoy literature, art, and other comforts and refinements of life. From these beginnings of civilization we shall, in the following chapters, trace the development of Greece till, with the lapse of centuries, she became the intellectual mistress of the world. Sources The period covered by this chapter is prehistoric : the alphabet, Reading, though not wholly unknown, was not used for recording events, or even for literary purposes; the Iliad and the Odyssey, for instance, were handed down orally from generation to generation. The his- torian, accordingly, who wishes to reconstruct the life of this time must rely on other material than contemporary documents and writ- ten literature. A valuable source for the Tribal Age is Thucydides i, 2-8. We can speak with certainty of the earliest condition of Greece, because parts of the country remained unchanged down to the time of Thucydides, and are described by him. For the races of his day which had not yet developed beyond the tribal condition, study in Thucydides, through the index, the Locrians, the Italians, and the Acarnanians. For the Mycenaean Age, the sources are chiefly the materials recently excavated on the sites of the Mycenaean cities. These materials are described in the modern authorities mentioned below. The sources for the Epic Age are the two epic poems, the Iliad and the Odyssey .^ composed by the poets of that time. Modern Authorities The most reliable authority covering the entire period is Holm, History of Greece, I, chs. i, ii, viii, xii-xiv. (i) The Tribal Age : Holm, I, ch. i ; Fowler, The City- State of the Greeks and Romans, ch. ii, C 1 8 The Prehistoric Age (2) The Mycenaean Age : Holm, I, ch. viii; Tsountas and Manatt, Z'y^*? yJ/y^ifw^aw ^^^-j the best treatment of the subject; P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, also excellent; Frazer, Pausanias' Descrip- tion of Greece, see Mycence, Tiryns^ etc., in the index; Schliemann's \iOt\i'!>, Mycence (1878), Troja (1884), and Tiryns (1885), are a store- house of facts, but many of his theories have proved untenable; Mahaffy, Survey of Greek Civilization, pp. 22-40; Tarbell, History of Greek Arty ch. ii; Diehl, Excursions in Greece. (3) The Epic Age : Oman, History of Greece, ch. iii, antiquated; Holm, I, chs. xiii, xiv, excellent; Aljbott, History of Greece, I,,ch. v; Curtius, History of Greece, bk. I, ch. iv (latter part) ; Timayenis, History Vessels and Idols from Mycenae of Greece, pt. II, ch.v; also, Greece in the Times of Homer ; Gxote, His^ tory of Greece^ II, chs. xx, xxi, thorough treatment; AUcroft and Masom, Early Grecian History, ch. iv; Fowler, ch. iii; Jebb, Introduction to Homer; Warr, The Greek Epic ; Gladstone, Homer (primer) ; Mahaffy, Survey of Greek Civilization, ch. ii ; Social Life in Greece, chs. ii, iii, interesting and suggestive books; History of Greek Literature, I, chs. iii-v; Lang, Homer and the Epic, ch. i, from the point of view of a "literary skirmisher"; Murray, History of Ancient Greek Literature, ch. i; Jebb, Greek Literature (primer), ch. ii; Church, Stories from Homer ; Engelmann- Anderson, Pictorial Atlas to Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, Bibliography 19 (4) Colonization of the ^gean islands and of Asia Minor : Oman, ch. vi; Holm, I, ch. xii; Abbott, I, ch. iv; Curtius, bk. I, ch. iv; Grote, III, chs. xiii-xv; Timayenis, pt. II, ch. v; Allcroft and Masom, ch. vi. (5) Geography of Greece : Oman, ch. i; Allcroft and Masom, ch. i; Holm, ch. ii, excellent, though brief; Curtius, ch. i, best treatment of the subject, though it contains some antiquated theories as to the relation of the Greeks to the Italians, and the contrast between the lonians and the Dorians; Abbott, I, ch. i. "Theseus" (F'rom the east pediment of the Parthenon.) CHAPTER II The found- ing of a city. Od. vi. 3 ff. THE BEGINNINGS OF STATES AND OF LEAGUES (to ABOUT 700 B.C.). COLONIAL EXPANSION (750-550 B.C.) "The Phgeacians^ of old dwelt in spacious Hypereia; near the Cyclopes they dwelt, men exceeding proud, who harried them continually, being mightier than they. Thence the godlike Nausithous made them depart, and he carried them away, and planted them in Scheria, far off from men who live by bread. And he drew a wall around the town, and builded houses, and made temples for the gods, and meted out the fields. Howbeit when he had been stricken by fate, and had gone down to the house of Hades, Alcinoiis, his son, reigned with wisdom granted by the gods." Homer, who relates this myth, might have told us much ^ The poet created this mythical race after the pattern of the lonians, among whom he lived; p. 10. 20 The City 21 more about the founding of a city, had he wished to do The organi- so. Nausithoiis grouped kindred families into a brother- ^^^i°" ^^^ character of hood (phratry) ; several of these brotherhoods into a tribe, a city, and three or four tribes into a city. This division of the city served political, military, and religious purposes. The space within his walls was so small and contained sc few people that we should call it a village, and the whole of his kingdom occupied perhaps no more than the valley of some brook. The term "city," the Greek word /^//>, applied not merely to the walled town, but included the entire kingdom. The Greek state was wholly under the city organization and within the city limits; hence we call it a city-state to distinguish it from the territorial states of modern times. All the citizens of a Greek state regarded each other as near kinsmen, the children of a common ancestor. Thus in every Ionian city they claimed descent P. 9 ff. from Ion through his four sons, the fathers of the four tribes to which they' all belonged. Though these remote ancestors were mythical, the Greeks looked upon them as real persons. Each state had its own religion, a part of which was the worship of the common ancestor. The Ionian cities, for instance, worshipped Apollo, the divine father of Ion; and the people of each town considered it impious to admit strangers to their brotherhoods and to their religious festivals, for their god loved only his fellow-citizens, and looked upon all others as ene- mies. There were hundreds of these little city-states in Greece Religious in Homer's time, perhaps earlier. It was very difficult ^^^s^^^- for them to unite in larger states because they were so exclusive in religion and because they were separated from each other by high mountain ranges. But neighboring communities sometimes found it convenient to join to- 22 States mid Leagues gether for commerce and for social intercourse. In such a case, they must adopt a common worship and persuade themselves that they were all of one kin, for men had not yet learned to act together on any other grounds than these. The Pan-Ionian League may serve as an illustra- tion. Twelve cities of Ionia formed this union for the worship of Poseidon, god of the sea, and held their fair and festival at his shrine on the promontory of Mycale. Their common descent from Ion, though a mere fiction, paved the way to this association. But the union did not prevent the cities from fighting among themselves, nor did it even lead them to a close defensive alliance against common enemies. A league of this kind, which was mainly for religious, social, and commercial purposes, was called by the Greeks an amphictyony, — a " union of neighbors." The Delian A larger religious league grew up about the shrine of eague, Apollo on the island of Delos in the ^gean Sea, and in P- 9- the course of time came to include all of the Attic-Ionic race. Every community of the league took part in the Delian fair and festival held in the springtime, in the "Holy Month," when, men believed, Apollo revealed him- self to his worshippers. "There in thy honor, Apollo, the long-robed lonians assemble with their children and their gracious dames. So often as they hold thy festival, they celebrate thee, for thy joy, with boxing and dancing and song. A man would say that they were strangers to death and to old age evermore, who should come on the lonians thus gathered; for he should see the goodliness of all the people, and should rejoice in his soul, beholding the men and the fairly cinctured women, and their swift ships, and their great wealth; and besides, that wonder of which the fame shall not perish, the maidens of Delos, Political Leagues 23 handmaidens of Apollo the far-darter. First they hymn Homeric Apollo, then Leto and Artemis delighting in arrows; and ^y^^^<^ -. r Apollo, Jebb, then they smg the praise of heroes of yore and of women, p_ ^3. and throw their spell over the tribes of men." It is easy to see how festivals like this promoted commerce, art, and kindly feel- ing. There were similar leagues among the Dori- ans and ^olians; and indeed few, if any, Greek cities remained apart from such associ- ations. But some re- ligious leagues be- Political leagues. Artemis (Museum of the Louvre. This statue belongs to the came political as Hellenistic Age of Art, which begins with the death of Alexander the Great.) well. This hap- pened when one of the cities grew strong enough to com- pel the others to acknowledge her as leader in war. The Greeks called such a leadership an hegemony. We may take Boeotia as an example of this class of unions. Boeotia. " Boeotia is an inland territory, complete and secluded in itself, where the superabundant water stagnates in the Curtius, 1, depths of the valleys — a land of damp fogs and luxurious P* ^7- vegetation on a rich soil." The country was not so thor- oughly cut up into narrow valleys as most other parts of 24 States and Leagues Greece, and this made it easier for the communities to unite. Among the cities of Boeotia which joined in a league for the worship of Athena were Orchomenus, //. ix, 381. "where the treasure-houses are stored fullest," a city as old as the Mycenaean age, and Thebes "of the seven gates," which Amphion and his twin brother Zethus are said in Od.xi,26sf. myth to have founded, "and made of it a fenced city, for they might not dwell in spacious Thebes unfenced for all their valiancy." The huge stones moved into their places in the wall, keeping time with the music of Amphion' s lyre. Tater myth made Cadmus the founder. As he came from Phoenicia in search of his sister Europa whom Zeus had stolen away, he was directed to the site of Thebes by a cow; and when he had laid out the boun- daries of the city, by the instruction of Apollo, he sowed the ground with dragon's teeth. From these sprang up the men who were to be founders of the aristocratic fami- lies of the new city. The poets invented such myths, and all accepted them as history. Boeotia means " cattle coun- try," and the story of the cow was devised to explain the name. Leadership These two cities were the greatest in Boeotia; and each of Thebes. tried to make herself more powerful by conquering her neighbors. In the course of time Thebes outstripped Orchomenus in the race for dominion, and became the head of the league. The older city, even after it had proved inferior in strength, remained a rival for the lead- ership; while Thebes tried continually, but in vain, to sub- ject the other allied cities to herself. The whole history of Boeotia turns on this strife. Argoiis. The history of Argolis, which also had a league of cities, was somewhat like that of Boeotia. First Tiryns was P. 4 ff. leader, then Mycenae, and finally "wheat-bearing" Argos, Attica 25 which, toward the close of the epic age, had become the most -powerful state in Greece. Its king, Pheidon, who lived about this time, tried to make his city the head oi all Peloponnese. He introduced a system of weights and measures into his country, made many improvements, and had in all respects a brilliant reign; but when at last he was killed in battle, his city began to decline, and lost control of some of the towns even of her own country. When we come to Attica we find a political advance Attica. beyond Boeotia and Argolis. But first let us learn what the Athenians thought of the beginning of their state. Cecrops and Daughter (From the west pediment of the Parthenon.) Their first king was Cecrops, a serpent-tailed man, who. Myth of not born of parents, had simply sprung from the soil. He ^^^'^op^- ruled the country in the fertile valley of the Cephisus, with his dwelling on the ^ Acropolis, and called his city and kingdom Cecropia, after his own name. In his reign the gods divided among themselves the cities of the earth, each selecting the one in which he wished for the future to receive special honor. Poseidon, who wanted Cecro- pia, came to the Acropolis, and, striking it with his trident \ 26 States and Leagues Myth of Theseus. Thuc. ii, 15. Attica be- comes a state. in a certain spot, caused a spring of salt water to bubble up. In this way he hoped to make the city his own. But Athena then planted an olive tree by the spring and thus laid claim to the city for herself. When strife arose there- upon between the two deities for the possession of the place, Zeus appointed the twelve gods jurors to try the case, and they, on the testimony of Cecrops, who saw Athena plant the tree, assigned the city to her. She named it Athens and its people Athenians after herself, and became its protecting goddess, while all the Athe- nians henceforth regarded themselves as her chosen fellow- citizens. Up to this time the people of Attica had lived in unwalled villages, but Cecrops gathered them into twelve cities for protection against pirates and hostile neighbors; and though these little states had their own kings, Cecrops was lord of them all. Some years afterward Theseus, a foreigner, became king of Athens. He was a valiant hero, whose adventures with savage beasts and monsters Plutarch relates in his Life of Theseus. " He, being a powerful as well as a wise ruler, among various improvements, dissolved the councils and separate governments, and united all the inhabitants of Attica into the present city, establishing one council and town-hall. They continued to live on their own lands, but he compelled them to resort to Athens as the seat of government, and henceforth they were all inscribed on the roll of her citizens. A great city thus arose which was handed down by Theseus to his descendants.*' Though it is not likely that any king of Attica was named Cecrops or Theseus, yet there is some truth in these stories. The Acropolis of Athens was fitted by na- ture to be the stronghold of Attica, to which the people all looked for protection in time of danger. Athena from her Lacedcemon 27 throne on the rock ruled her country, not so much by mili- tary strength as by the moral force of law; and so the kings who lived on the Acropolis, partly by fighting, but in the main by persuasion, united the petty kingdoms of Attica in one large state. All the Atticans in the course of time became Athenians, and the whole country was taken into the limits and into the organization of Athens. Thebes and Argos did not accomplish so much for the Cf. p. 21. countries over which they ruled, for neither did the Boeo- tians become Thebans, nor did the people of Argolis become Argives. Attica is for the most part a rugged country, whose thin Character of soil, fit only for grazing, compelled her people to make '^^*^^^' the best of the little they had. But the air of the coun- try is remarkably clear and the landscapes are beautiful, tempting the imagination. All the Greeks indeed were near the sea, but Attica was especially favored by a long coast line which invited to commerce. These surround- ings helped to make the Athenians enterprising and intelli- gent, to refine their tastes, and awaken in them a love for the beautiful. Athens, though slow in taking her place among the states of Greece, became in the end the foremost city of the world in civilization. Sparta, or Lacedaemon, "low-lying among the caverned Sparta, Od. hills," became the head of a larger state than Athens, but ^^' ^• of a different kind. The story of her beginning, too, is a myth. Heracles, son of Zeus, was a mightier and more famous hero even than Theseus, and was heir to the throne of Argos, a city which claimed the right to rule all Pelo- ponnese. But Hera, through jealousy of her husband, Zeus, kept the hero from his inheritance, and placed him in bondage to his cowardly cousin, Eurystheus, whom she by trickery made king of Argos, Eurystheus forced him / 28 States and Leagues Myth of to spend his life in fighting with monsters and in doing Heracles and other hard tasks, and would not cease troubling his sons of the Dorian invasion. even after their father's death. But some of the Hera- cleidae, or descendants of Heracles, became rulers of the Dorians, and led them in an invasion of Peloponnese. These Dorians, according to myth, lived for a time in Thessaly, and came thence into the little m.ountainous country of Doris in central Greece. There the Hera- cleidse became their chiefs, and leading them thence into Peloponnese, conquered and settled Argolis, Laconia, and Messenia. In this way these leaders regained what their ancestor, Heracles, had lost. This myth probably grew up as follows. The early poets and historians noticed that Homer did not mention Dorians in Peloponnese, and concluded therefore that they must have come in after Homer's time; and as they wished also to explain how Argolis, Laconia, and Messenia came to be ruled by Heracleid kings, they found it easy to imagine them the leaders of the Dorians on their supposed invasion. The truth seems to be that the Dorians inhabited these three countries from the earliest times, but were not so named till after Homer. The contrast between Athens and Sparta rests on the difference between a hill and a plain. The valley of the Eurotas, in which Sparta lies, is one of the most fertile in Greece, and the farmers who occupied it became very wealthy. But they had to fight hard to protect their prop- erty from the men of the high mountains on both sides, and this led them to form a strong army. Fortunately, too, they invented, or at least were the first of the Greeks to use, bronze armor, which nearly covered them from head to foot, and which made it possible for them to con- quer, and hold in subjection, the mountaineers. The farm- Character of Lacedaemon. Summary 29 ers then left their work, and, gathering into the city of Sparta, which they kept for themselves alone, passed all their time in military drill, while they forced the con- quered to till their fields for them. The city of Sparta thus united all Laconia into one strong state, called Lace- daemon, which it held together by military force. Let us note the difference between Attica and Laconia: in the former the country had as many rights as the city, and was in fact taken into the city organization; in the latter the country remained subject to the city. All Atticans became Athenians, but the country people of Laconia were simply Lacedaemonians, while the inhabitants of the governing city had the additional name of Spartans. About the year 700 b.c, Argos was still the leading state Political in Peloponnese, though Lacedaemon was rapidly growing condition of Greece, in power. Corinth, near the Isthmus, was soon to become 700 b.c. influential through her navy, while Sicyon, another com- mercial city farther west, acknowledged the Argive king as her lord. In central Greece, Thebes and Athens governed each a large country, but lack of unity made them both weak in war. Athens, indeed, was hardly a match at this time for little Megara on the Isthmus. West of Boeotia, Delphi, the seat of Apollo's chief shrine, was the centre of a religious league, but had as yet no political influence. The interior and western parts of continental Greece were still occupied by barbarous races. In Thessaly four large tribes joined in a union, which soon became a great power, and interfered in the affairs of central Greece. This was the political condition of the Greek peninsula; on the islands and in Asia Minor, where civilization was highest, there were religious leagues but no large states. \ Thus far we have been studying the Greeks in their 30 Colonial Expansion Colonization, mother country on the continent, and in their earliest colo- 750-550 B.C. j^i^g ^^ ^^ islands and east coast of the ^gean Sea. But as early as 750 B.C. they began to send out new colonies in various directions. First we shall consider those which were planted in Italy and Sicily. Italy and Italy is farther than Asia Minor from continental Sicily. Greece, and the Ionian Sea is not, like the ^gean, filled with islands; yet the Greeks from the Epeirot coast could look in clear weather across the narrowest part of the sea to the Italian shore. First the explorers went forth; "and we came," says one of these in the Odyssey ^ "to the land of the Cyclopes, a froward and lawless folk, who, trusting to the deathless gods, plant not aught with their hands, The story of neither plough : but, behold, all these things spring for an explorer them in plenty, unsown and untilled, wheat, and barley, in the West. . , • , , , , , . . and vines, which bear great clusters of the juicy grape, and the rain of Zeus gives them increa'se. These have Od. ix. 106 ff. neither gatherings for council nor oracles of law, but they dwell in hollow caves on the crests of high hills, and each one utters the law to his children and his wives, and they reck not one of another. " Now there is a waste isle stretching without the harbor of the land of the Cyclopes, neither nigh at hand nor yet afar off, a woodland isle, wherein are wild goats unnum- bered, for no path of men scares them, nor do hunters resort thither who suffer hardships in the wood, as they range the mountain crests. Moreover, it is possessed neither by flocks nor by ploughed lands, but the soil lies unsown evermore and untilled, desolate of men, and feeds the bleating goats. For the Cyclopes have by them no ships with vermilion cheek, nor yet are there shipwrights in this land, who might fashion decked barques, by means of which . . . they might have made of their isle a goodly Early Explorers 31 settlement. Yea, it is in no wise a sorry land, but would bear all things in their season; for therein are soft water- meadows by the shores of the gray salt sea, and there the vines know no decay, and the land is level to plough; thence might they reap a crop exceeding deep in due season, for verily there is fatness beneath the soil. Also there is a fair haven, where is no need of moorings, either to cast anchor or to fasten hawsers, but men may run the ship on the beach, and tarry until such time as the sailors are minded to be gone, and favorable breezes blow. Now at the head of the harbor is a well of bright water issuing from a cave, and round it are poplars growing. Thither we sailed, and some god guided us through the night, for it was dark and there was no light to see, a mist lying deep about the ships, nor did the moon show her light from heaven, but was shut in with clouds. No man then beheld that island, neither saw we the long waves rolling to the beach, till we had run our decked ships ashore. And when our ships were beached, we took down all their sails, and ourselves, too, stepped forth upon the strand of the sea, and there we fell into sound sleep and waited for the bright Dawn. " So soon as early Dawn shone forth, the rosy-fingered, in wonder at the island we roamed over the length thereof; and the Nymphs, the daughters of Zeus, lord of the aegis, started the wild goats of the hills, that my company might have wherewith to sup. Anon we took to us our curved bows from out the ships, and long spears, and, arrayed in three bands, we began shooting at the goats; and the god soon gave us game in plenty." Such tales explorers told on their return from Sicily and Achaean Italy ; and thousands who heard them were eager to go as ^° °"^^^' colonists to the newly discovered country. The Achaeans, 32 Colonial Expansion Locrian colonies. Zaleucus, 660 B.C. Commercial cities begin to colonize. who lived on the coast of northern Peloponnese, a Dorian race related to the Argives, were among the first Greeks to settle Italy. Their earliest colonies in the instep of the peninsula became the nucleus of many prosperous settle- ments. Among these were Sybaris, for two centuries the wealthiest and most luxurious Greek city in Italy, and Croton, famous for its physicians and athletes. Then the Locrians from central Greece, across the Co- rinthian Gulf from Achaea, occupied the section of Italy south of the Achaean domain. Their chief colony was Locri, famous for its great lawgiver, Zaleucus. He pre- tended to receive laws from Athena in dreams, and the city requested him to write them out for public use. He accordingly drew up a code of laws which he claimed to be divine, but which were probably little different from the Locrian customs already existing. Early law is severe, and the code of Zaleucus was noted for its harshness : " an eye for an eye " expresses its character. Cases arising under his laws were tried before the chief magistrate of Locri, from whom an appeal was allowed to the assembly of the "Thousand." Magistrate and appellant appeared before this assembly each with his neck in a noose, and the one who failed to sustain his cause was executed on the spot. And as the proposer of a new law must likewise wear the noose, Locri retained its old laws and primitive manners unchanged for several centuries. The code of Zaleucus was, so far as we know, the earliest body of written laws among the Europeans; it was more than two centuries earlier than the Roman code. The Achaeans and Locrians in the mother country had as yet neither cities nor commerce, but lived in villages in the old-fashioned way, and passed their time in farming and in tending their herds. So, too, their colonists in Chalets 33 Italy, though they founded cities, still clung in the main to the occupations of their fathers, and paid little atten- tion to traffic. But we hear of commercial cities sending out colonies with a view to extending their trade. The Chalcis first to do so was Chalcis, an Ionian city of Euboea. Its Chalcis situation was favorable for manufacturing, as there were ^"^ Cumae. copper and iron mines in the neighboring mountains and in the strait near by abounded the species of fish which yielded the purple for dyeing. The merchants of this city shipped these products to the parts of Greece where they were needed, and desired in addition to found trad- ing stations among foreigners in distant lands. To carry out this idea, their city planted many settlements on the coasts of Italy and Sicily, some of which became great centres of traffic. One of the most important in Italy was Cumae, near the Bay of Naples, a colony which we may D 34 Colonial Expansion Sparta and Tarentum. About 700 B.C. Corinth. Syracuse. Style Rome's first schoolmistress, as she taught the Romans the alphabet and other rudiments of culture. Although the Spartans, who were the chief Dorian com- munity of continental Greece, were noted for their frugal living, their old-fashioned habits, and their lack of enter- prise, they founded one early settlement in Italy, at Taren- tum, on the best harbor of the east coast. Because of its situation, this colony became renowned for commerce, wealth, and refinement. No two Greek cities could be more unlike than Sparta and Tarentum. From this fact we may infer that the character of a community depended more upon its situation than upon the race to which it belonged. Most of the Dorians in old Greece had fewer opportunities than the lonians for commerce and in- dustry, and so were mainly agricultural; but wherever they enjoyed the same advantages of situation, — and this was especially the case with the western colonies, — they showed equal capacity for improvement. In trade and in colonization, Dorian Corinth followed for a time in the path marked out by Chalcis, but became in the end a greater city because her situation was more favorable. Her lofty citadel commanded the Isthmus, and by means of her three harbors, two on the Saronic Gulf and one on the Corinthian, she could trade equally well with the East and with the West. She excelled in dyeing and weaving, in working metals, and in making fine terra- cotta wares. She was also among the first cities to build triremes, — long vessels with three banks of oars, the battle- ships of classic history, — and with her navy she tried to put an end to piracy, once an honorable occupation, but now fallen into disgrace. Corinth's most famous colony was Syracuse, on the east coast of Sicily in Ortygia, possibly the isle which Homer Sicily 3 5 describes in the passage quoted above. In time it out- grew the island, and spread over the adjoining mainland till it became the largest city in Greece, while its " Great Harbor " could shelter the navies of the world. " Great city of Syracuse, precinct of warrior Ares, of iron-armed Find. />/>%. ii men and steeds, the nursing place divine," was at once the Athens and Sparta of the West, as renowned for wealth and culture as for strength in war. Next to Syracuse in importance among the Dorian col- Acragas. onies of Sicily was Acragas, the Latin Agrigentum. Its founders, "after long toils bravely borne, took by a river's Pind. side a sacred dwelling-place, and became the eye of Sicily, ^^y^^^P- "• and a life of good luck clave to them, bringing them wealth and honor to crown their inborn worth." They built their city on a hill two miles from the coast, and adorned it with temples, colonnades, and beautiful dwellings, while all about it they planted vineyards and olive orchards. Sicily, because of its wonderful fertility, soon excelled the mother country in wealth. Its cities were mostly on the coast, and for this reason Pindar calls them a "gor- geous crown of citadels," which nearly surrounded "teem- Nem.'x. ing Sicily . . . best land in the fruitful earth." The Greeks were prevented from completing the circuit of colonies by Phoenicians from Carthage, who occupied the west end of the island. The lonians were for the most part in the north of the island, and the Dorians in the south. The latter had, on the whole, the better situation, and so were the more prosperous. This is another illus- / tration of the truth that, among the Greeks, not race so much as surroundings made character. The colonization of the West began as early as 750 B.C. Magna and continued a century or more. The territory occupied ^raecia and ^ . ^ Western by the Greeks in Italy is called Magna Grsecia, while the Greece. 36 Colonial Expansion Cf. p. 9 ff- Chalcidice. About 750 B.C. lonians. Colonies on the Helles- pont and on the Black Sea. term " Western Greece " includes their settlements in both Italy and Sicily. Western Greece was related to the mother country somewhat as America now is to Europe. It remained politically distinct, but always kept in the closest commercial and intellectual contact. When, too, the lonians of Asia Minor ceased to produce literature, art, and useful ideas and inventions, the Western Greeks, as the heirs of their genius, continued the work of build- ing European civilization. Chalcis was the first city to send colonies northward as well as westward. On the northwest coast of the ^gean, colonists found a broad peninsula with three arms reaching far into the sea. It is so rugged and has so long a coast line that the Greeks who went there to live found it very homelike. Men swarmed to that region to work the cop- per, silver, and gold mines, and to cut the timber for shipbuilding; and as most of them came from Chalcis, they named their new home Chalcidice. Corinth followed Chalcis in this direction, also, and founded Potidaea, which became the chief commercial city in that country. Meantime the lonians, who were the earliest mariners of Greece, began to found colonies; the city which led them in this enterprise was Miletus. It had an excellent harbor, and its situation at the mouth of the Maeander enabled it to trade with wealthy Lydia in the interior. Now while some of the Greeks were working the mines of Chalcidice, others were sailing into the Hellespont to fish and to plant settlements along its shores. Foremost among these were the Milesians, who founded more colo- nies there than any of the other Greeks. They were the first, also, to push on through the strait of Bosporus and to explore and settle the coasts of the Black Sea. This sea, so unlike the ^gean, appeared strange to the Greeks, The Hellespont 37 with its waters unbroken by islands, its coasts indented by few bays, and the comparatively severe climate of its northern shore; yet the Milesians superstitiously tried to change its nature and to make it Hellenic by calling it the Euxine, the "Hospitable Sea." Its southern coast yielded silver, copper, iron, and timber; its northern coast, cattle and grain; the sea itself, fish. The mission of the coun- try about the Black Sea was to supply the populous dis- tricts of the ^gean with raw products; it had no share in the intellectual and artistic development of Greece. One of the most important of the colonizing cities of Megara Greece was Megara, near the Isthmus of Corinth. The little ^"^ Byzantium country belonging to it was for the most part fit only for pasturing sheep, and the Megarians supported themselves by making coarse woollens and heavy works in pottery for exportation. With a harbor on each side of the Isthmus, they seemed unusually well equipped for commerce; and their city might have become a great centre of trade, had it not been for the rise of Corinth on one side and of Athens on the other. Thus cooped up between two power- ful neighbors, Megara soon began to feel herself cramped both in her commerce and«in her political freedom. But though of little account among the powers of Greece, she was great in her colonies, the most celebrated of which was Byzantium at the entrance to the Bosporus. It re- mained a great commercial city throughout Grecian his- tory; and when the days of Hellenic freedom were long past, it became, under the name of Constantinople, the seat of the Roman Empire. All the colonies on the shores of the ^gean and in the The heart country of the Hellespont, extending as far as Byzantium, ^^^ "^^"^" entered at once into the political and intellectual life of Hellas. Greece. The circle of the ^gean coasts and islands was 38 ' » Colonial Expansion indeed the heart of Hellas, in which her history centred. The more remote colonies, on the other hand, as those in Western Greece and about the Black Sea, were, so to speak, her arms by which she came into contact with the world, and supplied herself with material and mental food. Cyprus and From the point of view just set forth, no settlements Egypt. ^gj.g ijiore important than those in the eastern extremity of the Mediterranean. Cyprus had been colonized by the Greeks as early perhaps as looo B.C. and served, while it remained free, as a convenient station for merchant ships passing to and fro between Greece and the Orient. But it became subject first to Assyria and afterwards to Egypt, and the Greeks were for a time excluded almost wholly from the ports of the East. Then Psammetichus, ruler of a little province on the Nile, with the help of Ionian and Carian mercenaries, became king of all Egypt, and made himself independent of Assyria. As he saw that the Greeks would be useful to him in various ways, he per- mitted them to come into his country and to found the trading station, Naucratis, at one of the mouths of the Nile. In it all the great commercial cities of Greece had their warehouses, chartered by the Egyptian govern- ment. The kings of the land sent youths to Naucratis to learn the Hellenic tongue, and began to form alliances with Greek states. Thus Egypt, with its wealth and knowledge, was opened to the Greeks, and fabulous ac- counts of this wonderful country found their way into Od. iv, 229 ff. Greek poetry : " There earth, the grain giver, yields herbs in greatest plenty, many which are healing in the cup and many baneful. There each man is a leech skilled beyond all human kind." Many Greeks, who were eager for knowledge and had the leisure and the means of travel- ling, visited Egypt to see the strange old country and to O7'ganizatio7i of a Colony 39 learn wisdom from its priests. They brought home a few valuable facts about surveying, the movements of stars, and the recording of events, and with the help of this little treasure of truths their own bright minds created the first real science. When a city planned to send out a colony, it was cus- Organizaticn tomary first to ask the advice and consent of the Delphic °f^co^°"y- Apollo. Having obtained this, it appointed some noble as "founder," who was to lead the enterprise, to distribute the lands among the settlers, and to arrange the govern- ment. Generally the mother city permitted any who cf. Thuc. i, wished from neighboring communities to join the expe- ^4 *• dition, and all did so who loved adventure, or wanted bet- ter opportunities for trading or farming, or felt oppressed by the home government. As those who took part in the colony were, when they first came together, simply an p. 20 f. unorganized crowd of individuals, the founder had to group them in brotherhoods and tribes, and to decide what rights each person should have in the state. He was careful to establish a government and a religion like those of the mother city. In this connection, it is well to notice that every Greek city had in its town-hall a sacred hearth on which it always kept fire burning. This hearth was the religious centre of the community, an altar on which the divine founder and ancestor received his sacrifices. It was customary for colcfnists to carry with them sacred fire from the hearth of the mother city with which to kindle the public hearth of the new settlement, that the religious life of the old community might continue uninterrupted in the new, and that those who went forth to found homes in a strange country might not for a moment be deprived of divine protection. The great period of colonization which began about 40 Colonial Expansion Greece and 750 B.C. came to an end two centuries later. The Greeks the Greeks. -^^ ^^^ \va\^ had spread over a large part of the known ancient world, as the western Europeans have made their home in every part of the modern. The Greeks were then all that western Europeans now are, — representatives and teachers of the highest existing civilization, carrying their culture everywhere, and everywhere gaining the advantage over others by means of their own superior vitality and intelligence. Greece, or Hellas, included all their settle- ments on the shores of the Mediterranean and its tributa- ries, from Egypt and Cilicia to the "Pillars of Heracles," ^ Hdt. viii, 144. and from south Russia to the Libyan desert. They were not united under a single government, but were one in blood, one in speech and manners, one in religion. » Sources The beginnings of states and of leagues belong to the prehistoric period. Our knowledge of this subject is mainly inference from the structure of states and of leagues as we find them in later time. About 700 B.C. men began to use the alphabet for recording con- temporary events and for writing literature, — hence we say that the historic period began at this time. For colonization our chief source is Strabo; for the settlements in Italy and Sicily, Thuc. vi, 2-5. Modern Authorities on Colonization Oman, History of Greece, ch. ix; Holm, History of Greece, I, ch. xxi; Abbott, History of Greece, I, ch. xi; Curtius, History of Greece, I, bk. II, ch.iii; Grote, History of Greece, III, chs. xxii, xxiii; IV, chs. xxvi, xxvii; Timayenis, History of Greece, I, pt. ii, ch. v; Allcroft and Masom, Early Greciatt History, ch. vi; Cox, Greeks and Persians, ch. vi, p. 26 ff; Freeman, Story of Sicily, chs. ii, iv; Greenidge, Hand- book of Greek Constitutiojial Histojy, ch. iii; Cunningham, JVestern Civilization in its Economic Aspects, bk. II, ch. I ^ Strait of Gibraltar. n The Areopagus (A Group of Excavators in the Foreground.) CHAPTER III ATHENS AND SPARTA TO THE TIME OF SOLON: KING- SHIP, ARISTOCRACY, AND TIMOCRACY (750-594 B.C.) We are told in myth that the Dorians once invaded Athens. Attica while Codrus, the "Glorious," was king of the country. Word came to him from Apollo at Delphi that Myth of the army whose leader should be killed by the enemy ^°^''"^- would be victorious in the war. Thereupon he laid aside his royal robe, and, dressing himself like a shepherd, went into the Dorian camp. There he intentionally provoked a quarrel and was slain without being known, thus bring- 41 42 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Decennial kings, 753 B.C. (?) Cf. p. 15. Arist. Ath. Const. 3. 713 B.C. (?) Annual offi- ces, 683 B.C. P. 13. ing eternal glory to himself and victory to his country. The Athenians out of gratitude for his heroic self-sacrifice decreed that his son, Medon, should reign in his stead; and after Medon his descendants, the Medontidse, were kings of Athens for many generations.^ The truth in this myth is, that the Medontidae, who were the last royal family of Athens, after inventing Medon to explain their family name, made up the story of Codrus to enable them to claim the throne. They had been struggling hopelessly with the council of nobles, which wanted to take their power from them. It began its attack upon them by decreeing that the king should reign henceforth for a period of only ten years, whereas before this he had held office for life. This act must have made the Medontidae feel that they were to have merely the name of ruling, while their enemies, the great nobles in the council, were to exercise the real authority. Some years later the council, alleging that the Medontidae were incapable of commanding the army, instituted the office of polemarch, or "leader in war," and filled it from its own number. Without the army the Medontidae were helpless and soon lost even the title of king, as this office, too, was thrown open to the councillors. Still later a new magistrate, the Archon, was appointed to care for widows, orphans, and heiresses. While the offices were increasing in number, the council was likewise growing large. At first only a few great nobles, chiefly the leaders of tribes, composed this body, but in the course of time all the noble families secured 1 This is an earlier version of the story; cf. Plato, Symposium, 208 D. The later form of the myth which makes Codrus the last king of Athens is a great perversion of history. All of the kings of Athens before the Medontidae are mythical. Knightly Aristocracy 43 seats in it and handed them down from father to son. As all the councillors wanted office, and as a man was likely to abuse his power if he held it long, the council decreed that the offices should be annual, and that no one should be reelected till all who were qualified had served their turn. At the same time, or somewhat later, it instituted Thesmothe- a board of six legislators to formulate and record the laws, ^^' ' ^^^^^" ° lators." which up to this time had been unwritten, to be judges in certain civil cases, and to have charge of all public docu- ments. The Archon, who had come to be the head of the state, the king, now only a priest and judge, the pole- march, and the "legislators," we shall henceforth call the The nine "ninearchons."! zx^'^ons. The councillors filled these offices by turns, and enjoyed all the powers of government. When they called the assembly together, they admitted only their kinsmen, who, like themselves, were nobles. Every noble had to furnish at his own expense a horse and arms for cavalry service. At the time of which we are speaking, Athens had no good infantry, for all who were not knights served merely as light-armed troops. The government of Athens at this Knightly time we may call a knightly aristocracy or oligarchy, as ^"^ ocracy, only the knights had a share in it. This form of govern- 650 e.g. ment lasted about a century. All the knights were large landowners, but commerce Growth of enriched many commoners, who strove for a share in the ^^^^" "^ armed government. The poor, who were greatly oppressed by infantry. the aristocrats, joined the new men of wealth in their 1 The word " archon " has three meanings : (i) officer or magistrate in general; (2) any one of the special magistrates, at Athens who formed the college of "the nine archons"; (3) the head of this col- lege. In this book the word will be used only in its second and third meanings, and the latter will be indicated by capitalization. 44 Athens and Sparta to the Tiine of Solon attacks on the old nobility. It worked to the advantage of the commons that Athens was continually at war with her neighbors; for the government, to increase its military strength, required all who could to equip themselves with full armor for heavy infantry service, such as Sparta al- P. 28f. ready had; and these heavy-armed soldiers soon forced About the knights to admit them to the assembly and to give 650 B.C. them a voice in the election of archons. They also found representation in a new council of Four Hundred and One, while the old aristocratic council was to be made up of ex-archons. To secure a better local administra- tion, the authorities divided Attica into four regions, named after the four tribes, and subdivided each region into twelve townships.-^ Then, on the basis of this local Local organi- organization, they took a census of the citizens, and ar- zation. ranged them with reference to the amount of their landed property in the following classes: (i) the "five-hundred- bushel-men," an especially wealthy class of knights; (2) the The census, knights, comprising all who had enough property to enable them to serve in the cavalry; (3) the "heavy-armed," who had means with which to equip themselves with full armor for service on foot; and (4) the thetes, or "poor," who were free from military service and from all other public bur- dens.^ This classification was for military objects and for taxation, though direct taxes were rarely levied. The three higher classes could attend the assembly and vote, 1 Naucraries. 2 The names of the three higher classes taken directly from the Greek are (i) pentacosiomedinini, (2) hippeis, and (3) zeugita. The name of the third class seems to mean the " yoked men," i.e. the men who stood together in the phalanx or close line of battle. The traditional derivation from the Greek word which means yoke of work animals, implying the possession of such a pair, is an awkward guess. Tiniocracy 45 while the thetes had no share in the government. Thus the knightly aristocracy had given way to the government Timocracy of the heavy-armed infantry. The latter was a form of ^^ the heavy. ■^ ^ armed in- timocracy, that is, the rule of those who possessed a fantry, about definite amount of property. It lasted about half a ^5o-S94 e.g. century. While these changes were taking place, the country was Civil strife. full of confusion and strife. The thetes, who were for the most part in slavery to the rich, threatened to rebel against their lords; the shepherds and peasants of the Hills in north Attica hated the wealthier men of the Plain about Athens, just as the Highland and Lowland Scots used to hate each other; both Plain and Hills were hostile to the traders and fishermen of the Shore; and the contention between these local factions was continually breaking out into civil war. In addition to these troubles, the great families were actually fighting with each other for the possession of the offices, and as the son inherited the feuds of his father, no one could hope for an end of the turmoil. The state was in fact drifting into an- archy. There was at this time in Attica an ambitious young Cyion's man named Cylon, who belonged to one of the noblest ^°o^^'^^J^Jn and most powerful families of the state, and who had greatly distinguished himself by winning a victory in the Olympic games. Taking advantage of the weakness of his country, he planned to usurp the government and make himself tyrant. His father-in-law, Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, encouraged him in his scheme and lent him a force of mercenaries. With the help of these soldiers and of a band of friends from the nobility, he seized the Acropolis. But the country folk in great numbers put on their heavy armor and besieged him in the citadel. When 46 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Thuc. i, 126 ; Plut. Solofi. P. 194. Revealed law. their provisions were exhausted, Cylon and his brother stole through the besieging lines; their starving followers when forced to surrender flocked for protection about Athena's altar on the Acropolis. Hereupon the chiefs of the townships promised these suppliants their lives if they would submit to trial. They agreed; yet not having full confidence in the promise, they tied a thread to Athena's image and, holding one end of it, went down to the tribunal. But when they came near the shrine of the Furies, the thread by which the goddess gave them her protection broke; and then the Archon Megacles and his followers stoned and butchered them, permitting only a few to escape. Probably a feud between the family of Cylon and that of Megacles led to this impious massacre. The Alcmeonidae, to whom Megacles belonged, were the mightiest family in Attica. The state appears to have been powerless to bring them to trial either for murder or for violating the right of suppliants, but the curse of impiety rested upon the whole family for two centuries or more.-^ There was need of laws and courts for the sup- pression of such feuds. It was a common belief throughout Greece that the king had in more ancient time received his laws directly from Zeus. As revelations of the divine will were now rare and laws were no longer given when needed, those which had come down from heaven of old must be carefully pre- served. The nobles were un.villing to publish these laws, as they did not wish the commons to become acquainted with them. By keeping them secret the nobles had ruled thus far in their own interest; the magistrates decided ^ According to the ancient Greek conception a. man brought a curse upon himself and his family for all time by mistreating a suppliant, — one who took refuge at an altar or in any sacred place. Draco 47 cases in favor of those of their own rank or of those who could pay the highest fee. Men were growing rich through injustice; and though the great lords were often at strife with each other, they agreed in insulting and oppressing the lower class. They filled all the priesthoods, and the revenues for the support of these gave them fat livings. They plundered the public treasury, and in their greed for wealth they spared neither the sacred nor the profane.-^ Naturally the commons resisted this oppression, and de- manded to know the laws by which they were judged. The nobles yielded, and in 621 b.c. the citizens elected Draco "legislator," with full power to write out a code for the state. His laws of homicide are of chief interest because the Draco, the Athenians retained them unchanged to the end of their history. Before Draco, a man who killed another in self- His laws of defence, or for any other good reason, was compelled, like the wilful murderer, to go into exile or satisfy the kinsmen of the slain by paying them a sum of money; otherwise, they would kill him in revenge. But Draco insisted that the motive of the slayer should be taken into account. He assigned a case to its appropriate court, and fixed the pen- alty, thus putting an end to the blood feud. Wilful mur- der was tried according to his code, on the Areopagus, a hill within the city which was sacred to the Furies, and the penalty, in case of conviction, was death with the con- fiscation of property. Accidental homicide was tried in the Palladium, Athena's shrine in Phalerum on the coast. A man convicted by this court need only go into exile for a short season. Cases of justifiable homicide were tried at the Delphinium, a shrine of Apollo outside the city. 1 Solon, who lived in these times, tells this in his poems; cf. Hesiod, Works and Days^ 221, 2bi^. 48 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Character of his laws. Ci. p. 32. Demosth. xxiii, 70. Rise of skilled indus- try and commerce. Ionia. iEgina. The act, if proved, demanded no penalty, but merely a religious purification. The old aristocratic council sat on the Areopagus for the trial of wilful murder; hence the name, the "Council of the Areopagus." A court of fifty- one elders sat in the other two places. Both courts were under the presidency of the king (archon). Draco's laws of homicide were humane, since they graded penalties according to degree of guilt. They tended also to prevent homicide by giving to the courts full power to deal with the subject. Theft of vegetables was punishable with death. The poor of Attica were always hungry in those times, and the stealing of food was a crying evil. Although the penalty for this offence was too severe, Draco's laws were, on the whole, as mild as the age would permit. " Whoever made them originally, whether heroes or gods, did not oppress the unfortunate, but alleviated humanely their miseries so far as they could with right." The Athenians in after time held Draco in great rever- ence. It is even probable that apart from his laws of homicide he made little change in existing customs, so that he cannot be held wholly responsible for the harsh features of his code. When he had engraved his laws on wooden tablets he handed them over to the Council of the Areopagus for safe keeping; and thereafter, if a judge gave an unlawful deci- sion, the injured party could appeal to the council for redress. In the Epic Age the Greeks had been simply farmers and herdsmen without manufactures, commerce, or money. But in Draco's time a great change was coming over all the coast and island cities of Greece. -First the lonians began to manufacture, to trade, and to coin money, ^gina was the first commercial state west of the ^gean. The Cointnerce and Itidiistry 49 barren soil of the island drove its inhabitants to trade and industry, and it became for a time the market of all the region about the Saronic Gulf. The ^ginetans were famous for their hardware and their beautiful bronze work. Next to ^gina came Chalcis and Eretria in Chalcis and Euboea. These two cities founded many colonies, which E^^^''^^- P- 33. increased their commerce, and gained a considerable polit- ical power by conquering their neighbors. Then Megara Megara and and Corinth began to manufacture and to trade. All these Corinth. Pp. 34-37. cities grew rapidly in size, and the cost of livings in them increased as it became necessary to import food from the neighboring countries. In Attica, too, the industries and Attica, commerce were growing, and the simple custom of barter was giving way to the use of coin. There was as yet little Cf. p. 12. money in the country, however, and this readily found its way into the coffers of the rich. The large landowner, who in former time could find no market for his produce outside of the country, had contented himself with making a living for his family, slaves, and tenants; of late, how- ever, he had found that by shipping his grain and cattle to Corinth, ^gina, and Chalcis, he could receive a high price for his cargo. But as Attica yielded only enough food to support the population, those of little means were soon brought to the verge of starvation. The small freeholders, compelled to mortgage their farms, practically became tenants. The tenant gave to the owner a sixth of the produce of the land he tilled; but when he found it diffi- cult to pay his rents, he mortgaged himself and his family to the lord; then, when the debt fell due, he and his family became the slaves of the creditor. Thus many who had once been free were now in slavery for debt either in their own country or in foreign lands. It had come about that there were but two classes in the state : the few very E / / 50 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Solon. Plut. Solon ; Arist. Ath. Const, 5-12. Archon and thesmothete, 594 i*-C. rich, and the many very poor; and the poor were fast losing their freedom. But even the common people of Attica were too intelli- gent to be slaves. They prepared to resist the nobles, and demanded a redistribution of lands, and more political rights. They were arming themselves against the nobles to enforce their demands when Solon came between the two parties as a peacemaker. Solon, who claimed descent from King Codrus, belonged to one of the noblest families of Attica. As his father left him little property, he became a trader and visited many countries to increase his fortune and, at the same time, his knowledge. He became so wise that people reckoned him among the "Seven Sages," who were supposed to have more than human understanding. But Solon was a gen- eral as well as a thinker; he proved his ability in war by wresting Salamis from the Megarians and annexing it to Attica. His success in this enterprise as well as his high birth recommended him to the nobles. The poor re- spected him for his character and for the kindly feeling which he had for them. He is the first person in Athe- nian history with whom we are well acquainted, and we cannot help admiring him as much as the ancients did. We know him through the fragments of his poems which have come down to us. His name is the first in Attic literature; he wrote excellent lyrics, and when he wanted to address his fellow-citizens on political questions he still composed in verse, as no one yet thought of writing prose. He was no mere idealist, as we might expect a poet and thinker to be, but a clear-headed, sober-minded, practical statesman. "Nothing in excess," a maxim of his, sums up his character and political principles. The citizens elected him Archon and " legislator " for the year 594 B.C., Solon 5 1 for by holding these two offices at once he would have all the power he needed to settle the existing troubles. It was customary for the Archon on the day he entered office to issue an edict assuring the citizens the undis- turbed possession of their property during the year. But Abolition oi the power to give such an assurance implies a power to ^^^*^' redistribute property. Solon, accordingly, in his edict abolished all public and private debts contracted on the security of land or person, thus setting both land and people free. Out of gratitude for their emancipation, the people thereafter celebrated annually their "Festival of Disburdening."^ As "legislator," Solon then made the following laws to reenforce his edict : — (i) All who are in slavery for debt shall be free. (2) No one shall sell his children and kinswomen into slavery. (3) No one shall lend money on security of the per- Personal gQjj liberty laws. (4) No one shall own more than a certain amount of land fixed by law. These laws, he thought, would secure the personal free- dom of the citizens forever. His next object was to provide his country with money Coinage and of her own; for up to this time she had used only the sil- "^^^ standard. ver piece of ^gina, called the "tortoise" from the figure stamped on its back. But her more friendly neighbor, Chalcis, had issued a lighter silver coin, which Solon adopted as a standard for his city.^ This enabled those ^ This is the meaning of Seisachtheia. The measure itself is not properly so called. __ ^ According to this standard the ratio of silver to gold was as thirteen to one; the relative value of silver was somewhat greater than in the present coinage of the United States. 52 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Solon and Draco. Industrial and com- mercial regulations. P. 36 f. P-33. who still owed to pay more easily, and helped trade with Euboea, with the Chalcidic colonies, with Egypt, and with all other countries which used the same standard. Thus Solon introduced Athens to a commercial world which she had scarcely known before. The Athenians never again abolished debts or debased their currency, but followed a financial policy as sound as has obtained in any ancient or modern state. We may judge how mild Solon was from his treatment of Draco's laws. Those which related to homicide he accepted without change, for he believed them to be just; but in the case of other offences, he lightened the penal- ties which he found too severe; and as he knew that the courts had acted harshly, he tried to undo their mischief by recalling from exile all whom he believed to have been unjustly banished. He aimed in a kindly spirit to help the poor by forbidding the exportation of all products of the soil except olive-oil. His object was to prevent the recurrence of famine by keeping the food produced in the country at home; but as the rich and powerful were likely to transgress this law, and as Solon felt that the state could not bring them to justice, he merely ordered that the archons should curse offenders against the law, or be liable to a fine of a hundred drachmas. In the same spirit, Solon made laws to encourage skilled industry, and compelled every man to teach his son a trade. Attica had too poor a soil to support many from its farms and herds; but when the Athenians were led in this manner to manu- facture wares for exportation, they made money by the sale of their goods, so that they could import food and the raw materials needed for their industries. They got salt fish from the Hellespont, grain from the Black Sea region and from Egypt, iron and bronze from Chalcis, and after clear- Constitutional Reforms 53 ing their own country of forests, they began to import tim- ber for ship-building from Thrace, near Chalcidice. There P. 36. was clay for fine pottery near Athens, and in the mountains were quarries of beautiful marble. The Athenian vases and bronze and iron wares were in demand all over Greece and even in foreign states, as in Rome, Etruria, and Car- thage. With the growth of commerce and industry, life became easier and the population much larger; but all these results of Solon's lawmaking did not come in their fulness for a hundred years or more. As Solon believed that the Athenians were spending too Sumptuary much money in the worship of their dead, he made laws to ^^^^' restrict funeral expenses, forbidding them to sacrifice an ox at the grave or to bury more than three pieces of dress with the body; and he would not allow mourners to wail aloud and tear themselves, as they had been accustomed to do, in order to excite pity. He limited, too, the free- dom of women, not permitting them to go out at night except in a car with a torch-bearer ahead; and when they walked abroad, he allowed them but "three articles of dress, an obol's worth of food and drink, and a basket no more than a cubit in length." The women of Homer's time enjoyed as much freedom as men; those of Sparta had more, but Athenian women from Solon on came to be confined more and more to the house, and their influence on the public life and on the society of Athens waned through the years that followed. Solon made a few changes in the government chiefly to Constitu- protect the common people in their rights and to prevent *'°"^^ '■ ^ reforms. them from falling again into slavery. He had a new census taken, and placed all in the first, or highest, class New census. whose annual income from their land amounted at least to P. 44. 500 measures of grain, oil, and wine. The income of the 54 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solo7z Heliaea, " popular supreme court." The offices and councils. The Athe- nian Consti- tution as improved by Solon. second class ranged from 300 to 500 wet and dry measures; that of the third, from 200 to 300 measures; and that of the fourth, or lowest, was below 200 measures. Before Solon, the thetes, or lowest class, were not in the assem- bly, but he admitted them that they might have a voice in the election of their magistrates. Then he instituted a popular supreme court, to which he admitted as jurors men of every class above thirty years of age. This court heard appeals from the decisions of judges, and tried the magis- trates themselves at the end of their terms, if any one ac- cused them of abusing their power. By their admission to the assembly and the court, the thetes were enabled to protect themselves from oppression and slavery. Solon provided that men of the wealthiest class only could be generals and treasurers because of the great re- sponsibilities of these offices. The first and second classes together made up the cavalry, and from them the archons were chosen. The third class formed the heavy infantry and could fill the less important offices, while the fourth class rarely served in war, and then only as light-armed troops, paid no taxes, and filled no individual offices. The archons and the Council of the Areopagus performed sub- stantially the same duties as before. The new council, now consisting of just four hundred members, prepared measures for presentation to the assembly and assisted in conducting the government. Solon's only important con- stitutional reforms, however, were those relating to the popular court and to the thetes. He had no thought of framing an ideal form of government, but wanted merely to improve the condition of the poor. The government continued to be a timocracy, since public rights were still graded according to the census; but he made it more popu- lar by admitting the poorest class of citizens to the assem- Visit to Egypt 55 bly and to the supreme court, and by granting an appeal to that court from the judgments of magistrates. But as no Cf. p. 48. one received pay for public service, the thetes could not spend much of their time in court and assembly, so that the government was still for the most part in the hands of the well-to-do. Solon did not want a democracy; he sim- ply desired no more slavery or oppression for the com- mons, and he gained his object. Realizing that there would still be civil strife in Attica, Law as to he ordered the people in case of violent party conflict to ^^^1^^°"- join whichever side they deemed most just. Any one who held aloof from the contention should be dishonored and deprived of the citizenship. His object was to compel the commons to take an active part in public life; and he believed that they could by united effort bring any sedi- tion quickly to a close, as they had done in the case of Cylon's conspiracy. P. 45 ^« He did not provide for lawmaking in the future, but, Solon's last hoping that his arrangements would remain unchanged, he y^^^^* bound the Athenians to accept them as they were for a hundred years. Yet when he had finished his work, people came to his house every day to ask him to change or ex- plain the meaning of his laws in such a way as to benefit them to the disadvantage of others; and so to avoid mak- ing enemies he bought a trading vessel and set out on a voyage, telling the Athenians that he should be gone ten years. On this journey he went to Cyprus and to Egypt, as he himself says in his poems, and Herodotus tells a charming story of his visit to the wealthy Croesus, king of Lydia, though it is hardly possible that Croesus came to the throne so early. When he returned to Athens he found his country in as much confusion as ever, and he was now himself too old to restore order; but of this we shall speak 56 Athens and Sparta to the Ti7ne of Solon Sparta, about 750-600 B.C. Myth of Lycurgus, Hdt. i, 65 f. Plut. Lycurgus. in the following chapter. The Athenians always looked back to Solon as the author of nearly everything that was best in their state, and the moderns generally regard him as the wisest and most humane legislator of ancient times. The early history of Sparta is very different from that of Athens. "The circumstances," says Herodotus, "which led to her having a good government were the following : Lycurgus, a distinguished Spartan, went to Delphi, to visit the oracle. Scarcely had he entered into the inner fane, when the priestess of Apollo exclaimed aloud : — " Oh ! thou great Lycurgus, that com'st to my beautiful dwelling, Dear to Zeus, and to all who sit in the halls of Olympus, Whether to hail thee as god I know not, or only a mortal, But my hope is strong that a god thou wilt prove, Lycurgus. Some say, besides, that the priestess gave him the entire system of laws which are still in force among the Spartans. The Lacedaemonians, however, themselves assert that Ly- curgus, when he was guardian of his nephew, Labotas, king of Sparta, and regent in his place, introduced them from Crete; for as soon as he became regent, he substituted new customs and made the citizens obey them. After this he organized the army and instituted a council and magis- trates called ephors." Plutarch says he went both to Crete and to Ionia to compare the customs of these countries; but he preferred those of the Cretans because they were a sober and temperate people, whereas the lonians were deli- cate and luxurious; and that on his return, he remade the whole state in Cretan fashion. "After his death," Herod- otus continues, "the Lacedaemonians built him a temple, and ever since they have worshipped him with the utmost reverence. As their soil was good and their people were many, they grew rapidly in power and became a prosperous state." Lacedcemon 57 The truth in this myth is, that the Lacedaemonians had -Criticism of a god named Lycurgus, who, they thought, had once been ^^^ "^^^^* a hero among them and had given them their laws and government; and as they saw that their own customs were like those of Crete, they believed that Lycurgus brought them from that country. In reality, the Spartan institu- tions were a result of their surroundings. The rule of Sparta, as has been said, was that of a plain Spartan over the hills. The valley of the Eurotas supported in conquests. early times a large number of farmers who were wealthy p, 28. enough to supply themselves with full armor. By means of her heavy infantry, Sparta conquered all Laconia and held it in subjection. Then she began to attack Messenia. This "First Messenian War," as it is called, ended in the About complete conquest of that country, because it had no cen- 725 b.c. tral government and was therefore unable to withstand so Paus. iv, mighty a power as Sparta. The Messenians became serfs 4-24- and were compelled to till their own fields for the Spar- tans, paying them half the produce : " even as asses worn Tyrt^us" with heavy burdens, bringing to their masters under hard P^"^^- necessity the half of whatsoever the soil produces." They revolted and were helped by their neighbors; but the Spar- tan infantry triumphed again in this "Second Messenian About War," and the conquered took upon themselves once more 650 e.g. the yoke of slavery. The Spartans were too proud and too exclusive to share Spartan their citizenship with the conquered in Laconia and jMes- education. senia; and as they were themselves never more than eight or nine thousand of military age, while their subjects were numbered by the hundreds of thousands, they could main- tain their rule only by making of themselves a standing army and by keeping up a constant military training. Every Spartan must have a sound body to begin with. The 58 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Boys and father brought his boy soon after birth to the elders of his youths. tribe; and if they found him puny and ill-shaped, they ordered him to be exposed to death in a chasm of the mountains near by, but if they judged the boy strong and healthy, they assigned him a lot of land for his keeping. The Spartan boy was to his seventh year in the care of his mother; then the state took charge of his education, and placed him in a company of lads under a trainer. From the age of twelve he must gather reeds for his own bed from the banks of the Eurotas, and must learn to live without underclothing and to go barefoot winter and sum- mer. Every year the boys must give a test of their endur- ance by submitting to a whipping before the altar of the goddess Artemis, and he was the hero who could endure the flogging longest. Boys, youths, and young men were organized in troops and companies, and exercised in marching, sham fighting, and gymnastics. They were taught to hunt and to be nimble and cunning, but their only mental culture was in music and poetry. The whole object of their education was to make brave, strong, and well-disciplined soldiers. The maidens passed through a training like that of the youths, though less severe. They, too, practised running, leaping, and throwing the spear and discus. The state encouraged them to such exercise, as it considered the gymnastic education of women neces- sary to the physical perfection of the race. Young men. At the age of twenty the Spartan youth became a young man, and as he was now liable to military service in the Thesyssitia, field, he joined a "mess," or brotherhood of about fifteen " messes " comrades each, who ate together in war and in peace. The members of the mess to which he applied voted on his admission with bread crumbs, " throwing them into a basin carried by the waiter around the table; those who liked the spartan Discipline 59 young man dropped their ball into the basin without chang- piut. ing its figure, and if any one disliked him, he pressed the ^y^^^S^^- crumb flat between his fingers and thus gave his negative vote. And if there were but one of these flattened pieces in the basin, the candidate was rejected, so desirous were they that all the members of the company should be agreeable to each other." Each member must furnish his monthly share of barley meal, wine, cheese, figs, and money for meat and dainties; also a part of whatever game he got by hunting. The "black broth" was the national Spartan dish, relished by the elderly men, though the young men preferred meat. Thus their fare was sim- ple but sufficient; and no one could say that they were spoiled for war by being overfed. At thirty the Spartan became a mature man and could Mature men. now attend the assembly, but he did not cease from mili- tary service and training till his sixtieth year. Though com- pelled by law to marry, he could have no home and could not even claim his family as his own. All the older Spar- tans regarded the younger as their children, and the young were taught to respect and obey any of the citizens as much as their own fathers. But while the Spartan ate in the barracks and passed his time in military exercises, his wife lived in comfort and luxury. Aristotle says that Women. Lycurgus, after subjecting the men to discipline, tried to make the women orderly, but failed, and permitted them therefore to live as they pleased. As they could inherit and acquire property in Laconia, and as men were not permitted to engage in business, it resulted in time that two-fifths of the land in the state came into the hands of the women. The helots, or state serfs, tilled the fields of the Spartans, Helots, paying them fixed rents in kind, and were required in 6o Athetis and Sparta to the Time of Solon addition to do work for any Spartan who asked it. They served in war as light-armed troops, and some were given their freedom for bravery and faithfulness. They lived with their families on the farms they worked, or grouped together in villages. Their lords had no right to free them or to sell them beyond the borders of the country; and under favorable conditions they could even acquire property of their own. Still, their condition was hard, for the more intelligent they were, the more the Spartans dreaded and oppressed them. The rulers organized a secret police force of youths, which was to watch over the helots, and put out of the way any one who might be regarded as dangerous to the community. "Most of the Lacedaemonian institutions were especially intended to secure them against this source of danger. Once, when they were afraid of the number and vigor of the helot youth, they proclaimed that a selection should be made of those helots who claimed to have rendered the best ser- Thuc. iv, 80. vice to the Lacedaemonians in war, and promised them liberty. The announcement was intended to test them; it was thought that those among them who were foremost in asserting their freedom would be most high-spirited, and most likely to rise against their masters. So they selected about two thousand, who were crowned with garlands and went in procession round the temples; they were supposed to have received their liberty; but not long afterwards the Spartans put them all out of the way, and no man knew how any one of them came to his end." Perioeci, The perixci were between the helots and the Spartans in we ers- j-^nk. They inhabited the towns of Laconia and Messenia, around. •' and at first enjoyed independence in all local matters; but as time went on Sparta encroached on their liberties by sending out officers to rule over them. They paid war Lacedcemonian Gover7iment 6i taxes and served as heavy-armed troops in the Lacedae- monian army. As the land left them by the conquerors was the poorest in the country, many of them made their living by skilled industry and trade. While the Spartans themselves could use only iron money, the perioeci were P. 256. not thus hampered in their business. On the whole, they could not have been badly treated, for they remained loyal to Sparta for centuries. Spartans, perioeci, and helots were alike Dorians, so far as we know; no difference of race has been discovered, and we are not certain why the Spartans treated some of the conquered as serfs and left Pp. 28 f, 57. others free; but perhaps the perioeci were the inhabitants of communities which were strong enough to make good terms with their conquerors. We shall next examine the government of Lacedsemon. Lacedae- There is a story that Aristodemus, leader of the Spartans "^°"i^^ government. on their supposed migration from the North, had twin p^ 28. sons, who became kings of their country, and for this reason Lacedsemon always had two kings, one from each of the royal families founded by the twins. The truth probably is, that the two kings were originally chiefs of communities which united in the city of Sparta. These kings were always quarrelling with each other, and hence were weak in their rule. The assembly, on the other hand, was strong, as it was composed of all mature Spartans who served in the heavy infantry. Now while the kings were spending their energy in wrangling, the assembly was tak- ing to itself the most important of their powers. It did not exercise these powers directly, however, but intrusted them to a board of five ephors, or overseers, filled annually The five from its own number. In the course of time the ephors ^P'^^^^- " overseers." placed themselves at the head of the state, while the kings came to be no more than priests and generals. Among 62 Athens and Sparta to the Time of Solon Gerousia, " council of thirty." Influence abroad. P. 22. Spartan culture. Terpander. Jebb, p. 56. Tyrtaeus. the Spartans were some especially noble families, who were represented in the council by twenty-eight elders and the two kings. The council lost influence along with the kings to such an extent that, at the time Solon was making laws for the Athenians, the Lacedaemonian government, though a kingship in name, had come to be in reality an aristoc- racy of the heavy-armed infantry. From the earliest times the Lacedaemonians were am.bi- tious for influence among the states of Greece. They joined the Delphic amphictyony, and continued thereafter in the closest relations with Apollo's oracle at the centre of the league. Their aim in this was chiefly to gain the support of the prophet Apollo for their policy at home and abroad. In a like spirit they allied themselves with Elis to control the oracle and festival at Olympia; for they felt that this would help them to an influential place among the Peloponnesian states. In the times of which we are speaking the Spartans were more cultured than the Athenians. Their life was more refined, and they had art and poetry, while the Athenians, so far as we know, had none before Solon. Terpander, possibly a Lesbian by birth, lived in Sparta early in the seventh century b.c, and composed music for the citizens. He " is said to have made the first great epoch in Greek music by giving the lyre seven strings instead of four. This means the discovery of the octave; for, as the eighth note only reproduces the first, an instrument with seven notes can express the whole diatonic scale." Tyrtaeus, who belonged to the time of the Second Messenian War, wrote stirring martial strains which excited the Spartans to deeds of arms. They sang his songs as they went into battle, and under the inspiration of their poet they con- quered. Long afterwards they continued to sing them in TyrtcBus 63 camp at meals, and the captain used to reward the best singer with a fine slice of meat. Tyrtaeus, like Solon, was a statesman and general as well as poet, and helped with his strategy to overcome the Messenians. It was the Athe- nians probably who, in later times, invented the story that Tyrtaeus was a lame schoolmaster sent from their own city to help the Spartans in their war with Messenia. While his poems were chiefly battle songs, Alcman, who lived Alcman. about the same time, was a poet of peace, and sang of eating, drinking, and love. The Spartans certainly en- joyed life in this age; and, indeed, it required two centu- ries or more of their education to stifle their intellectual and artistic life, and to make them hard, ignorant, and narrow. Sources For Athens before Solon, Arist. ^/^. Const.'\-\\. For Solon, 2(5. v-xii ; Reading. Plut. Solon. For early Sparta, Hdt. i, 65-68; vi, 56-58; Xen. Repub- lic of the Lacedcemonians ; V\vX. Lycurgus ; Pausanias, iii (^Laconid). Modern Authorities The most reliable authority for Athens and Sparta to the time of Solon is Gilbert, Constitutional Antiquities of Athens and Sparta, pp. 1-142. (i) The development of forms of government: Holm, History of Greece, I, ch. xx; Whibley, Greek Oligarchies, ch. iii; Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History , ch. ii; Fowler, City- State ^ chs. iv, v; Allcroft and Masom, Early Grecian History, ch. ix. (2) Athens to the end of Solon's legislation : Oman, History of Greece, chs. xi, xii; Holm, I, ch. xxvi; Abbott, History of Greece, I, chs. ix, xiii; Curtius, History of Greece, I, bk. II, ch. ii; Grote, History of Greece, III, chs. x, xi; Allcroft and Masom, chs. xii, xiii; Gilbert, pp. 95-142; Greenidge, ch. vi; ^o\.s,{oxd. Development of the Athetiian Constitution, chs. vii-ix, for the principles involved. (3) Early Sparta: Oman, chs. vii, viii; Holm, I, chs. xv, xvi; Abbott, I, chs. vi, viii; Curtius, I, bk. II, ch. i; Grote, II, chs. vi, vii; Timayenis, History of Greece, I, pt. II, ch. iii; Allcroft and Masom, chs. viii, xi; Gilbert, pp. I-81; Greenidge, ch. v. '^-^;.*-.'. .^. , f^tt ^Hi -&i i^.:-^'" ^^^" ' l',-^:. '■'"'"■JB5, ^^^!9lm^' 1^' 'A i^' m s -Isi^S^^-^^ - -'-- Poseidon, Dionysus? and Demeter? (From the Parthenon Frieze.) CHAPTER IV The wooing of Agariste, about 572 B.C.(?) Hdt. vi, 126-131. PELOPONNESE AND ATHENS: FROM TYRANNY TO DE- MOCRACY (the sixth century B.C.) Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon in the time of Solon, held the most splendid court in Greece. As he had no son, he wished to marry his daughter, Agariste, to the best hus- band he could find. Accordingly, at the Olympic games, after winning a victory in the chariot race, he made the following announcement: "Whoever of the Greeks thinks himself worthy to become the son-in-law of Cleisthenes, let him come sixty days hence to Sicyon; for within a year's time Cleisthenes will decide on the man to whom he shall give his daughter." So all the Greeks who were proud of their own merit or of their country flocked to Sicyon as suitors; and Cleisthenes had a foot-course and a wrestling-ground made ready, to try their powers. Now when they had all come, Cleisthenes inquired of each con- cerning his country and his family; after which he kept them with him a year and made trial of their manly bear- 64 Cleisthenes of Sicyon 65 ing, their accomplishments, and their disposition. Such as were still youths he took with him from time to time to the gymnasia; but the greatest trial of all was at the banquet-table. Though he entertained them all sumptu- ously, he was most pleased with the suitors who came from Athens. There were Megacles, grandson of the archon P. 45. who had put down the conspiracy of Cylon, and Hippo- cleides, the wealthiest and handsomest of the Athenians. He preferred the latter because of his manliness, and because his people were related to the ruling family of Corinth. When the day came on which Cleisthenes was to declare his choice, he first made a sacrifice of a hundred oxen and invited to the banquet the suitors and all the people of Sicyon. After the feast, the suitors vied with each other in music and in speaking on a given subject. Presently, as the drinking advanced, Hippocleides called aloud to the flute-player to strike up a dance; and Hippocleides danced. He fancied that he was dancing excellently; but Cleisthenes, who was observing him, began to suspect his conduct. Then Hippocleides, after a pause, told an atten- dant to bring in a table; and when it was brought he mounted it and danced first Laconian figures and then Attic; after which he stood on his head on the table, and began to toss his legs about. Cleisthenes, who could no longer contain himself, cried out, " Son of Teisander, you have danced your wife away! " "What does Hippocleides care?" was the other's answer, and this, it is said, became a proverb. But Cleisthenes bestowed Agariste on Mega- cles, and she became the mother of Cleisthenes, the Athe- nian lawgiver, and the great-grandmother of the still more famous Pericles. This story from Herodotus introduces us to the social 66 Pelopomiese and Athens life of Sicyon in the reign of Cleisthenes, when this city Sicyon. was at its best. Sicyon was a little city-state with a nar- Pp. 20 f, 29. row territory in the valley of the Asopus. Its soil, though fertile, could not support many citizens; but the family of 670-560 B.C. Cleisthenes, which held the power for more than a century, by promoting trades and traffic, gave the city an enviable place among the states of Greece. Cleisthenes was the most brilliant of all the rulers of Sicyon. He freed his P. 29. state from the influence of Argos in politics and religion, and from the dominion of the old nobility. He brought about the latter result by setting aside the three old Dorian tribes which the nobles had controlled, and intro- ducing four new tribes, in which the citizens were all to Hdt. V, 68. be free from their great lords. As three of the new tribes were apparently in the country, he used to call them in jest the Piglings, Donkeys, and Porkers. He was a patron of art; and in his reign his city became the seat of a famous "school," which continued for centuries to produce great works in sculpture. The "First Across the Corinthian Gulf from Sicyon was the port town of Cirrha, and inland on the road from the port to Delphi was the city of Crisa. Pilgrims to Delphi from the South and West usually landed at Cirrha and took their way Pp. 29, 62. through Crisa. Though the laws of the Delphic amphic- tyony declared that all the roads to the sacred city should be free, the people of Cirrha and Crisa were so impious as to enrich themselves by levying tolls on pilgrims. Cleis- thenes, in alliance with Athens and Thessaly, waged war on the offending cities and blotted them out of existence. 594- This is called the "First Sacred War," as it was the first 590 B.C. ( ) ^^^^ which was carried on for the protection of Delphi. P. 100. Commercial jealousy of Cirrha and a desire to meddle in the affairs of central Greece led Cleisthenes to engage in Sacred War." < The Tyrant 6"/ it; but it had an important result as it brought Sicyon and Athens close together, and it was to cement this union that Cleisthenes gave his daughter to the Athenian Megacles, son of Alcmeon, his fellow-general in the war. We may infer from what has been said that Cleisthenes, The Greek though a tyrant, was on the whole a wise and able ruler. *y^^^t- Indeed, a tyrant in the Greek sense was not necessarily a bad ruler, but simply one who usurped the authority or held it by unconstitutional means. Often when there was strife between the factions of an oligarchy, as at Athens in Cylon's time, the noble leader who was defeated P. 45. in the struggle appealed to the commons, promising them protection from the oppression of the ruling class in return for their support. With the help of the people, he overthrew the oligarchs and made himself tyrant. In this way most of the Greek tyrannies arose. Many of the Greek states in the seventh century were, Benefits of like Attica, filled with civil strife; but the tyrants, by ban- the tyranny, ishing the disorderly and by compelling those who re- mained at home to submit to the laws, reduced their countries to peace and harmony. They fulfilled their promise to the people by putting an end to the oppressive rule of the great nobles, and generally enforced the exist- ing laws and constitution, though they robbed them of the vitality of freedom. The tyrants encouraged religion, lit- erature, and art, and invited to their courts the best poets, painters, sculptors, and architects they could find in Greece. They educated the common people by fostering the forms of religion and poetry adapted to them; and by training all classes alike to obey authority, they prepared the way for self-government. Their treaties with foreign states, as that of Cleisthenes with Athens and Thessaly, secured to their countries the advantages of commerce, and 68 Peloponnese and Athens Decline of the tyranny. The Cypseli- dae, 655- 582 B.C. Birth of Cypselus. Hdt. V, 92. helped to establish concord throughout the Hellenic world. They were the first organizers of peace, the founders of the first standing armies after that of Sparta, the first able pro- tectors of their states against both civil and foreign foes. The usurper himself was generally a wise and energetic ruler, but his son or grandson was likely to be a weak, vio- lent despot. Ruling families declined rapidly, and rarely held their power to the third generation. The Greeks were impatient of oppression; and so, when the tyranny became useless and burdensome, they hastened to rid themselves of it, and remembered thereafter its evils while they forgot its benefits. Thus the stories of the tyrants told by Herodotus are little more than a recital of their vices and violence. The family of Cleisthenes was one of the ablest tyrannic dynasties of Greece, and held its power longer than any other. Next in fame and in length of rule came the Cypselidae of Corinth. The old blue-blooded aristocrats of that city, who had indeed done much to make it the mis- tress of the sea, at length grew narrow and insolent. One of their number had a daughter, named Labda, whom none of the aristocrats would marry because she was lame, and whom he gave therefore to Action, a man of the lower class. Some time afterwards the nobles, learning from the Delphic oracle that Labda' s infant son would, when he became a man, be the ruin of them all, sent ten of their number to Action's house to kill the child. When they came and asked to see it, the mother, thinking that their inquiry arose from kindly feeling to her husband, laid it in the arms of one of them. Now they had agreed by the way that whoever first got hold of the child should dash it against the ground. It happened providentially, however, that the babe smiled as the man took it; and he, touched The Cypselidce 69 with pity, could not kill it but passed it to his next neigh- bor, who gave it to the third; and so it went safely through the hands of all ten. The mother received the child back; but when the men went out of the house, she heard them reproaching one another for not having done the deed. Then in fear she hid her child in a chest, so that when the men returned to destroy it, they could not find it any- where. From this circumstance, the mother named her son Cypselus, after the Greek word for chest. When Cypselus became a man, he overthrew the nobles Cypselus and and made himself tyrant of Corinth; and though usurpers ^^"ander. generally found it necessary to surround themselves with a band of soldiers enlisted from other states, Cypselus was so beloved by the majority of his subjects that he ruled for thirty years without a guard. His son Periander, who suc- ceeded him, was compelled to use harsh measures against the nobles who opposed him, and laid heavy taxes on the wealthy. But he used the revenues in beautifying his city and in increasing its power and influence throughout Greece. Like Cleisthenes, he was a patron of artists and of poets. At his court was a famous poet named Arion, Aiion. who composed choral songs in honor of Dionysus, the god ^^^' ^' ^3 ^ of life and joy, the favorite deity of the peasants. Choral songs were sung by a trained chorus, who accompanied the music with dancing, and those in honor of Dionysus were the germ out of which grew the drama. ^ In the reign of the Cypselidae, Corinth founded many colonies, extended her trade in every direction, and reached the height of her political importance. They were liberal patrons of religion, especially the religion of the peasants; and their gifts to the gods at Olympia Paus. v, 17-19^ 1 The story of Periander in Herodotus, iii, 48-53, is doubtless highly colored by the feeling against tyrants which prevailed in his own day. ^o Pelopojinese and Athens Olymp. xiii. Damasias of Athens, 582-581 B.C. P. 50. Troubles in Attica. P. 45. Arist. Ath. Const. 13. Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, 560- 527 B.C. were counted among the wonders of the world. On the downfall of their family, Corinth became a well-regulated oligarchy. Pindar somewhat later celebrated their city as the "portal of Isthmian Poseidon^ and nursery of splendid youths. For therein dwell Order and her sisters, Justice and Peace, the sure foundation of states, — all of them the golden daughters of Law and dispensers of wealth to men." In the year in which the reign of the Cypselidae came to an end, Damasias, Archon of Athens, tried in vain to make himself tyrant of his city. Solon had been too moderate to satisfy any one : he had disappointed the poor by not dividing among them the property of the rich, and he had angered the wealthy and the noble by abolishing debts and by lessening their privileges in the government. In addi- tion to this trouble, the three local factions strove so bitterly with each other in some years as to prevent elec- tions. The chief difficulty seems to have been that the old nobility, whose estates were for the most part in the Plain, tried to monopolize the offices and prevent the election of men from the other two sections. Thus Damasias, who was Archon for the year 582 b.c, and who probably rep- resented the nobles of the Plain, continued illegally for the next year in possession of his office, evidently aiming to make himself master of Athens. But the artisan and peasant classes of the Shore and Hills finally combined against him, and drove him from office. The nobles, artisans, and peasants then made a compromise by which all three classes were represented on the board of nine archons. Though the elections were held thereafter without dis- turbance, the bitterness between the factions increased. Solon had been urged by his friends to usurp the govern- 1 Poseidon received especial worship on the Isthmus. The Pisistratidce * 71 ment, but he was too loyal and unselfish for such a move. Pisistratus, Solon's kinsman, was, from natural inclination, a friend of the peasants, but unlike Solon, he showed no disposition to sacrifice himself for their benefit. He was a man of remarkable ability, a brilliant general, and a clever politician. Furthermore, he was of a generous and sympathetic nature, smooth of speech, and the very es- sence of refinement in manners. He gathered under his protection the men of the Hills, the landless, and, in a word, the entire discontented element of Attica in opposi- tion to the Plain and the Shore. Driving one day into the market-place at Athens wounded and his mules bleeding, he declared that his enemies had tried to kill him. His life was no doubt in danger; and though his opponents insisted that he had inflicted the wounds himself, the people, believing the story, voted him a body-guard. With this he seized the Acropolis in 560 B.C., and made himself Hdt. i, 59; tyrant. The opposing factions by combining expelled him ^]^^^- ^^"■' twice, but twice he regained his authority. On his second return he surrounded himself with a strong force of mer- cenaries, banished his opponents, and thus made his power secure. His rule was mild, and his only enemies were among the nobles. Pisistratus died at an advanced age, and was succeeded Hippias, by his son, Hippias. He and his brother, Hipparchus, *^^^"^ ° who was next in age and who helped in the government, 527-510 b.c. continued the mild policy of their father. But when the younger brother was assassinated because of a private quar- Thuc. i, 20; rel, the elder became cruel and suspicious, and this change ^l'^^'^?', of policy helped bring about his expulsion in 510 b.c. Cotist. iz-ig. Thus Pisistratus and his sons ruled Athens for a half cen- tury, with the two interruptions of their exile. We shall now consider what they did for their country. 72 Peloponnese and Athens Arist. Ath Const. i6. Achieve- Solon had freed many Athenians from slavery, but had ments of the j^^^ ^y^^^ penniless.^ Pisistratus furnished them with lots Pisistratidae. -^ of land by dividing among them the estates of nobles Rural policy, whom he had killed in battle or had banished from the country; and he provided them, too, with seeds and work animals with which to begin farming. He then punished the lazy, permitted no idlers in the market-place, and compelled many of the city people to move out into the country. He sent judges about the country to settle the peasants' disputes, that they might not need to come to the law-courts of the city; and he often went out himself for the same purpose. "It was on one of these trips that, as the story goes, Pisistratus had his adventure with the man in the district of Hymettus, who was cultivating the spot afterwards known as the 'Tax-free Farm.' He saw a man digging and working at a very stony piece of ground with a stake, and being surprised at his implement, he sent and asked what he got out of this plot of land. 'Aches and pains,' said the man, 'and of these Pisistratus must have his tenth.' The man spoke without knowing who his questioner was; but Pisistratus was so pleased with his frank speech and his industry that he granted him exemption from all taxes. And so in general he bur- dened the people as little as possible with his government, but always cultivated peace and kept them in all quietness. Hence the tyranny of Pisistratus was often spoken of as the 'golden age.' " He provided the peasants with rural festivals, especially in connection with the worship of Dionysus, in order that country life might seem to them attractive and complete in itself. Thus Pisistratus became the father and founder 1 P. 51 f. For the causes of the poor economic condition of the Athenians before Solon, pp. 43, 48-50. Rural festivals. 4 Internal Improvements 7?> of the Attic peasantry, while the great landed estates of the nobles disappeared forever. Pisistratus and his sons beautified Athens with public Public works, works. Among these was the Academy, which Hipparchus founded northwest of the city as an exercise ground, and the Lyceium, a gymnasium, also outside the city. Here one could see the Athenian youths wrestling, "some locked The Wrestlers close together and tripping one another up by the heels, Lucian, Ana- some writhing and twisting, and rolling in the mire." They '^^^^^^^> i- built on the Acropolis a temple to Athena called the Heca- tompedon because it was a hundred feet long; outside the city, on the right bank of the Ilissus, they laid the founda- tions of the Olympieium, a stupendous temple to Zeus. As 74 Peloponnese and Athens Verrall, p. 190. Court society. they did not remain in Athens long enough to finish it, and as the democracy which followed was unwilling to build on their foundations, it was left to the Roman Harrison and emperor, Hadrian, to complete. Fifteen of its columns are still standing, ''perhaps the most conspicuous of all ancient remains in modern times." Painters and sculptors as well as architects and common artisans found employ- ment on these works. The age shows a great advance in art. The drapery of garments was now for the first time successfully reproduced, and the structure of the body closely imita- ted. The society of the court, though brilliant, was luxuri- ous and modish. The men wore trail- ing linen robes, and letting their hair grow long, tied it in a knot with a clasp of golden grasshop- pers, while the young women had rows of small curls about the forehead and held their arms a little way from their sides, so as not to rufHe the dainty folds of their nicely fitting gowns. Among the poets at the court were Anacreon, the grace- ful poet of pleasure, and Thespis, the first Attic dramatist. The drama was the poetry of democracy : it was ad- Literature. ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^T^^H ^^^^^^^SH ^^B^fl ^m_ ^^Km^ ^^H ^■ri!iM ^^^H ^■i ■1 ^^^H ^^H i^^^l ^Hi ^^1 IJ^^^^H ^Ht' n ^^^^^^^H ^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^y^^*^^^B ■ Athenian Lady at Time of Pisistratus (Acropolis Museum, Athens.) Diplomacy 75 dressed to the people, and formed a part of the worship of their god Dionysus; it demanded a large audience and embodied the spirit and energy of freedom. The Pisistratidas enforced the laws and constitution, tak- Government, ing care only that one of their family should hold the Archon- ship. Through them Athens made a great advance in government, for now the Athenians first learned the value of peace and order. No Megarians or Boeotians devastated the Attic fields while they were in power; no oligarch ground the peasant with oppressive rents, ejected him from his farm, or sold him into slavery. The peasant merely paid a tax of ten per cent. — later five per cent. — on the produce of his field as the price of security. Solon had taught Athens in her relations with other states Alliances, to aim at something better than petty border warfare; and now Pisistratus, improving upon his kinsman's idea, be- came the founder of Athenian diplomacy. In seeking to widen his sphere of influence, he allied himself with Polycrates of Samos, who had built up a strong naval power. The Samian despot swept the ^gean with his fleet, robbing friend and foe alike. He used to say that he could win more gratitude by restoring to his friend what he had taken from him, than by not taking at all. In his wealth, in his public works, and in his patronage of culture, he was the most magnificent tyrant of his day. Pisistratus entered into close friendship, too, with Thes- saly and Lacedaemon, at this time the strongest powers in continental Greece, and with nearly all the other promi- nent Greek states. The Athenians had already seen that they must gain con- Sigeium. trol of the Hellespont in order to trade easily with the country about the Black Sea. Pisistratus, accordingly, renewed a former colony at Sigeium, near the Hellespont, 76 Peloponnese and Athejis Chersonese. P. 39. Miltiades. Hdt. vi, 34-39- and placed one of his sons in command of it. About the same time, Athens secured control of the Thracian Cherso- nese in the following manner. The Dolonci, a Thracian tribe in the Chersonese, being harassed by their enemies, sent their princes to Delphi to consult Apollo about the matter. His priestess bade them take with them as a founder into their country the man who should first offer them hospitality after they had quitted the temple. As the Dolonci returned along the sacred road through Phocis and Boeotia, no one invited them in; and finally they turned aside and travelled towards Athens. Now Milti- ades, a great noble, who chanced to be sitting in the porch of his country house, saw these strangers as they passed along the road; and knowing by their garb that they were foreigners, he invited them in and gave them entertain- ment. The strangers accepted his hospitality, and after dinner told him of the oracle, and begged him to obey the god. Miltiades, who found the government of Pisistratus irksome and wanted an opportunity to go abroad, readily gave his consent; and Pisistratus permitted him to lead out an Athenian colony to the Chersonese. The Dolonci elected him king, and he immediately built a wall across the neck of the Chersonese to protect it from enemies. He proved so able a ruler that when he died the people of the country instituted a festival, in which they honored him thereafter as the founder of their state. As he had no sons, he left his kingdom and wealth to his nephew, Ste- sagoras, who was soon afterwards assassinated; and then the Pisistratidae sent out another nephew, Miltiades, who changed the kingship into a tyranny and surrounded him- self, for his own safety, with a band of mercenaries. This second Miltiades was to prove one of the world's great military heroes. Lace deem on 77 Pisistratus found in the Delian League another opportu- Deiian nity to extend his influence abroad. This league had league. declined, and the ground about the shrine of Apollo on Delos, on which the lonians in earlier times had held their games and festivals, was now a cemetery. But Pisis- tratus had the bodies removed and the island purified. He then revived the festival, and made Athens the head of the religious league, which was afterwards to become political under the name of the Delian Confederacy. Such was the rule of the Pisistratidse. But in order to Peloponne- understand the causes of their overthrow, it is necessary to ^^^"^ eague. learn how Sparta became strong enough to interfere in Athenian affairs. After the conquest of Messenia, the P. 57- Lacedaemonians seized some of the Arcadian territory to the north of them. They wanted all Arcadia, for they Sparta and needed more land and helots to give support to a larger ^'^^'^i'^- number of heavy-armed Spartans. On consulting the oracle About at Delphi as to their prospects of success in war with the Arcadians, they received the following reply : — The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest too much; I refuse it; Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns; These will prevent thee from this; but I am not grudging towards thee; Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in, And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it.^ In this way the oracle deceived them into attacking Tegea, a strong Arcadian city near their border; for the Tegeans made them dance to a tune which they did not like, and thus literally fulfilled the word of the god. The Arcadians, like the modern Swiss, a simple race of mountaineers, knew how to defend their homes. They ^ Hdt. i, 66. But probably no oracles have come down to us pre- cisely in the form in which they were given. Most or all of them were made up, or at least revised, after the events to which they refer. 7?' Peloponnese a7td Athens Sparta and Argolis, about 550 B.C. Hdt. i, 82. proved more warlike than the Messenians, and their brave resistance forced the Lacedaemonians to abandon the hope of conquering Peloponnese and to adopt instead a federal policy, — a policy of making treaties of permanent peace and alliance with the states about them. Tegea united with Sparta, and the other Arcadian communities followed its example. Elis was already in the league, and Corinth and Sicyon joined it soon after the overthrow of their tyrants. The federation thus formed we shall term the Peloponnesian League. By the middle of the sixth century B.C., Sparta had united all Peloponnese except Achaea and Argolis under her leadership. About this time the Lacedaemonians were quarrelling with the Argives for the possession of Cynuria, which was within the limits of Argolis, but which had been seized by the Lacedaemonians. Argolis then included the entire strip of coast country east of Mt. Parnon, and, in addition, the island of Cythera. Now it was for the possession of this strip of land that the two states were contending. But before any battle was fought, the parties agreed that three hundred Spartans and three hundred Argives should fight for the place. The other troops on each side were to go home so as not to be drawn into the contest. The battle began, and so equally were the combatants matched and so fierce was the struggle, that at the close of the day only three men were left alive, two Argives and a single Spar- tan. The Argives, regarding themselves as the victors, hurried home to tell the news, while the Spartan, remain- ing on the field, stripped the bodies of his fallen enemies and carried their armor into the Spartan camp. After some disputing as to which side gained the victory, it was at length decided in favor of Sparta. Thereupon the Argives, who up to that time had worn their hair long. Peloponnesian League 79 cut it off close, and made a law, to which they attached a curse, binding themselves never more to let their hair grow, and never to allow their women to wear gold, until they should recover Cynuria. The Lacedaemonian state was now the largest in all Greece, including, as it did, Laconia, Messenia, and the newly acquired Cynuria; and in addi- tion to this, it was the acknowledged head of the Pelopon- nesian League. THE / ly^J PELO'PONNESIA^ ^ LEAGUE States dependent upon Sparta States in alliance uith Sparta BorMifiO->.,U.f,, This league had no common federal constitution, such Organiza- as that of the United States, but each community had its peioponne- own treaty with Lacedaemon. Deputies from the allied sian League, states met in a congress to settle questions of war and peace; and the states furnished troops to serve in war under the Lacedaemonian kings. They did not pay tribute to Sparta, but divided among themselves the expenses of the league, which were always light. Thus the states enjoyed independence and at the same time the advan- tages of union. Sparta desired of her allies merely that Thuc. i, i8 £ they should be governed by oligarchies; because she knew 8o Peloponnese and Athens Alcmeonidae. P. 75. P. 72. P. 64 f. Hdt. V, 63 ; Arist. Ath. Const. 19. 510 B.C. P. 75. Cleisthenes and Isagoras. Cf. pp. 54, 71 ; Arist. Ath. Const. 13. that oligarchs would be more loyal to her than either tyrants or democrats. The states all obeyed her in this respect at first, but afterwards some of them became demo- cratic. The Peloponnesian League dates from the middle of the sixth century B.C. Towards the close of the century, Megara, after exchanging her tyranny for an oligarchy, joined it, thus bringing the Lacedaemonian power to the borders of Attica. But the Pisistratidse, who looked upon the Lacedaemonian kings as their friends, little suspected interference from that quarter. Their bitterest and most dangerous enemies were the noble exiles. Among these were the Alcmeonidae, one of the wealthiest and most influential families of Greece, led now by Cleisthenes, grandson of the famous tyrant of Sicyon. As the temple of Apollo at Delphi was accidentally burned during their exile, the Alcmeonidae undertook to rebuild it far more splendidly than the council of the Delphic amphictyony had planned. Through their liberality to Apollo they gained control of his oracle, so that whenever the Spartans sent to consult it on any subject whatever, the reply was always the same: "Athens must be set free." At last the Lace- daemonians, in obedience to the oracle, invaded Attica in concert with the Athenian exiles, and expelled Hippias. He went to Sigeium where some of his kinsfolk were, and immediately began to intrigue with the Persian author- ities with a view to recovering his lost power. The nobles who had returned with Cleisthenes from ban- ishment took possession of the government, and began to rule in lordly style. They disfranchised a great number of Athenians, all those apparently whose ancestors had received the citizenship from Solon and Pisistratus. But Cleisthenes, their chief, soon met a powerful rival in Isago- Cleisthe7tes of Athens 8 1 ras, leader of those friends of Hippias who still remained in the country. As Isagoras was elected to the Archonship for the year 508 B.C., Cleisthenes, the defeated candidate, offered to restore the franchise to the commons in return for their support; for up to this time they had taken no part in the contest. Cleomenes, king of the Lacedaemo- nians, then came to Athens to help Isagoras in the quarrel; but the people, indignant at his interference, rose in arms, under the lead of the Council of Four Hundred, and compelled him to depart from the country. Isagoras stole away with the Spartan king, and Cleisthenes then pro- ceeded to fulfil his promise to the commons. First he divided Attica into more than a hundred demes, or town- Cleisthenes ships. These he grouped in ten tribes in such a way that reforms the government, the townships of a tribe were not all together, but some of ros b.c. them in the Hills, others in the Plain, and still others in the Shore. His object in creating new tribes was to do Tribes and away with distinctions of rank; for the nobles had con- ^^"^^s. trolled the old tribes, but the commons were on a level with them in the new. His purpose in distributing the demes of a tribe among the three sections of Attica was twofold : (i) The citizens who lived in or near Athens had Hdt. v, 66; a great advantage in politics over the rest because it was "^^'^*' '^^^' ^ & r Const. Q-xi. more convenient for them to attend the assembly; and so Cleisthenes arranged that every tribe should have a third of its people near the city, that they might represent it fairly in the assembly. Had some of the tribes been situ- ated wholly near the city and others wholly distant, those which were near would have ruled the rest. (2) By divid- ing the Shore, Plain, and Hills equally among the ten tribes, he destroyed their political organizations, and thus put an end to the strife between them. Cleisthenes was success- ful in all his plans; the people were thereafter more nearly G 82 Peloponnese and Athens Character of the deme. Councils. Popular supreme court and assembly. equal than they had been before, and sectional warfare entirely ceased. Every Athenian who lived in a deme at the time of its organization was enrolled in its register as a "demesman," and therefore as a citizen of Athens. Many, too, who had not before possessed the franchise, including emancipated slaves, were registered as citizens. As a man could not transfer his membership from one deme to another, even by a change of residence, the deme was not simply terri- torial, like the modern township, but had in addition some- thing of the character of a family. The deme was a little democracy with officers, an assembly of citizens, a religion, and almost everything to correspond with the government of the state itself. The Council of Four Hundred was enlarged to Five Hundred. Members were drawn by lot, fifty from each tribe, in such a way as to represent the demes according to their population. It supervised the whole business of government, and prepared measures for presentation to the assembly. The Council of the Areopagus contained at this time many of the tyrants' friends, who had entered it through the Archonship, and who were hostile to the new government. Cleisthenes, therefore, found no place of honor for it in his new arrangements; yet in the next thirty years popular elections filled it with energetic patri- ots, who restored to it much of its lost influence. The popular supreme court and the assembly remained essen- tially as they had been under Solon. There were each year perhaps ten sessions of the assembly; but usually few attended except on election days, as they received no pay for this duty, and the average Athenian could not afford to neglect his work without compensation. The assembly, besides electing magistrates, decided such important ques- Constitutional Reforms 83 tions as those of war and peace. Laws were still made, so far as we know, either by the six ordinary "legislators," Legislation, or by a single extraordinary legislator, such as Cleisthenes himself. The magistrates had about the same duties as Magistrates, before. The number of generals was increased soon after Cleisthenes' legislation to ten, — probably from four, — and each of these had command of the regiment of infantry furnished by his own tribe, while the board of ten gener- als, with the polemarch as chairman, directed military affairs. Cleisthenes introduced a peculiar institution termed Ostracism, "ostracism." The word is derived from ostrakon, piece of pottery, which was the form of ballot used in the process. Once a year, if the Council of Five Hundred and the assembly saw fit, the citizens met and voted against any of their number whom they deemed dangerous to the state. If the archons found, on counting the votes, that there ' were at least six thousand in all, they sent the man who had received the greatest number into exile for ten years. The purpose of ostracism was as follows. Strife between political parties before Cleisthenes often took the form of civil war, in which the victors destroyed or banished the weaker side. Solon had regarded such dissensions as a necessary evil, and had encouraged the people, by means of his law against neutrality in seditions, to take part in P. 55- them; but Cleisthenes through ostracism substituted voting for civil war, and required the banishment of the defeated leader only, in place of the entire party. As the Athenian noble lacked respect for the government, he would not, when defeated in his candidacy for office, submit to the will of the majority, but preferred rather in defiance of law to destroy his more fortunate rival. Ostracism removed the dangerous man from the community, and left at the 84 Peloponnese and Athens Results. Athens and her neighbors. head of the state the one whom the people believed to be the best and the ablest. The chief reforms of Cleisthenes were (i) the new terri- torial arrangements, including the equalization of nobles and commons in the tribes and demes; and (2) ostracism. Though the government still had some aristocratic features, such as its property requirements for the higher offices and its unpaid public services, yet it was on the whole a de- mocracy. While these constitutional changes were taking place, the state came into great danger from its neighbors. King Cleomenes repented his expulsion of Hippias, and as he thought that Athens under a despot would be more submissive to him, he planned to make his friend Isag- oras tyrant. So he gathered the forces of Peloponnese, and, without stating his object, led them into Attica, while at the same time the Thebans and Chalcidians invaded the country in concert with him. The Athenians, though in- ferior in number, marched bravely forth to meet the Peloponnesians at Eleusis. Fortunately for Athens, the Corinthians, on learning the purpose of the expedition, refused to take part in it on the ground that it was unjust, and the other allies followed their example. As Cleom- enes could then do nothing but retreat homeward, the Athenians turned about and defeated the Thebans and Chalcidians separately on the same day. They punished Chalcis for the invasion by taking from her a large tract of land, on which they settled four thousand colonists. An Athenian An Athenian colony was but an addition to Attica; and though it had a local government, its members remained citizens of Athens. The change from tyranny to popular government filled the Athenians with a patriotic enthusiasm and an energy colony. Attempt to restore Hippias. Hipp - 85 which must have astonished their neighbors. When the Hdt.v,66,78. Lacedaemonians saw them gaining power and indepen- dence, they invited Hippias to their city, called a congress Hdt. v, 91 ff. of allies, and proposed to restore him. But the deputy from Corinth interposed in favor of Athens, and, according to Herodotus, made the following speech in the congress : "Surely the heavens will soon be below and the earth above, and men will henceforth live in the sea and fish take their place upon the dry land, since you, Lacedae- monians, propose to put down free governments in the cities of Greece and set up tyrannies in their room. There is nothing in the whole world so unjust, nothing so bloody, as a tyranny. If, however, it seems desirable to have the cities under a despotic rule, begin by putting a tyrant over yourselves, and then establish despots in the other states. While you continue yourselves, as you always have been, unacquainted with tyranny, and take excellent care that Sparta may not suffer from it, to act as you are now doing is to treat your allies unworthily. If you knew what tyranny was as well as ourselves, you would be better advised than you are now in regard to it. . . . We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we first knew of your having sent for Hippias, and now it surprises us still more to hear you speak as you do. We adjure you by the common gods of Greece, plant not despots in her cities. If, however, you persist against all justice in seeking to restore Hippias, — know at least that the Corinthians will not approve your conduct." As the other allies agreed with the speaker, Hippias returned disappointed to Sigeium, and renewed his plots with the Persians against his native land. The Athenians were at this time engaged in a distressing war with ^gina; the enemy were continually ravaging their coasts, and as they had no fleet, they could do nothing to 86' Pelopomiese and Athens prevent it. But they secured their peace with Sparta by entering the Peloponnesian League. Their place in it was Thuc. vi, 82. exceptionally favorable, as it allowed them complete inde- pendence. Sources For Cleisthenes of Sicyon, Hdt. v, 67-69; vi, 126-131. For the Cypselidae, id. i, 23 f; iii, 48-53; v, 92; Paus. v, 17-19. For Pisis- tratus and his sons, Hdt. i, 59-64; v, 62-65; Thuc. i, 20; iii, 104; vi, 53-59; Arist. Ath. Const. 13-19. For Cleisthenes and- his time Hdt. V, 66-96; Arist. Ath. Cotist. 20-22. Modern Authorities Curtius, History of Greece, I, bk. II, chs. i, ii, excellent treatment of the tyrants (including the Pisistratidae), though too much is made of the contrast between the Dorians and the lonians. For Cleisthenes, Grote, History of Greece., IV, ch. xxxi, and Gilbert, Constitutional An- tiquities of Athens and Sparta, pp. 145-153, are especially good. (i) The tyrants: Oman, History of Greece., ch. x; Holm, History of Greece, I, ch. xxii; Abbott, History of Greece, I, ch. xii; Curtius, I, bk. II, ch. i; Grote, III, ch. ix; AUcroft and Masom, Early Grecian History., ch. x; Fowler, City-State., ch. v; Mahaffy, Problems of Greek History, ch. iv. (2) Pisistratus and his sons: Oman, ch. xii; Holm, I, ch. xxvii; Abbott, I, ch. xv; Curtius, I, bk. II, ch. ii; Grote, IV, ch. xxx; AU- croft and Masom, ch. xiv; Cox, Greek Statesmen, i: Peisistratus and Polykrates ; Botsford, Development of the Athenian Constitution., ch. x. (3) Cleisthenes and his time: Oman, ch. xvi; Holm, I, ch. xxviii; Abbott, I, ch. xv; Curtius, I, bk. II, ch. ii; Grote, IV, ch. xxxi; AUcroft and Masom, ch. xv; Cox, i: Kleisthenes ; Gilbert, pp. 145-153; Bots- ford, ch. xi. 1 ^^m^mPk'^m " Sappho " (National Museum, Rome.) CHAPTER V THE GROWTH OF NATIONAL UNITY THROUGH LITER- ATURE AND RELIGION (700-479 B.C.) The Boeotian poet Hesiod tells us that one day when he Hesiod, was herding sheep on the slopes of Mount Helicon, the about 700 b.c. Muses came to him and said, " Houseless shepherd, we can tell falsehoods which seem true, but we know how to speak the real truth when we will; " and thus they persuaded him to be a poet of truth. Homer had idealized everything of P. n. which he sang, his aim being to entertain; but Hesiod' s mission was to teach. He composed an epic poem called the Theogony, which told in homely style of the birth of the gods and of the creation of the world, — a Greek book of Genesis. He wrote, too, the Works and Days, an epic which taught morals and agriculture and served at the same time as an almanac. It aimed chiefly to give the peasant 87 88 Growth of Natiojial Unity ■■ ■■ useful information. "How could he best use the winter and spring, so as to earn his rest in summer when artichokes ripen and the cicala sings, when fat kids and temperate jebb, p. 41. cups refresh the sun-scorched toiler? When should the axle-tree of a wagon be made, and what is the best wood for a plough-tail or a pole? How are the cattle to be kept fit for work? What is the best way of drying grapes? And last, not least, what are the lucky or unlucky days of the month for doing these things? " As these poems were composed perhaps about 700 B.C., they belong to a later age than the most of Homer's poetry. P. 15. The king had given way to the nobles, whose merciless op- pression was driving the Boeotian peasants to despair. The population was so rapidly increasing that men found it difficult to make a living; and as Boeotia engaged neither in commerce nor in colonization, the poet Hesiod could only advise his countrymen to seek a remedy for their dis- tress in greater frugality and in more intelligent farming. The Lyric The Greeks in the time of Homer had indeed done little Age and the thinking for themselves. In the poet's language, they were of the Greek sheep and the king was their shepherd. But in the new mind, 700- ^g^^ j^qI- Q^jy ^jj^j commerce and colonization stimulate 479 B.C. men to thought, but also the aristocracy, bringing with it political discord and storm, forced them to exercise their judgment in taking a party attitude. The aristocrats found it hard to maintain themselves against the tyrant on the one hand, and the fierce democracy on the other. Life was full of excitement for the noble, as the perils of war hung continually over his head, and he lived with his hand on his sword or on the drinking-cup. His surroundings compelled him to assert himself; and at the same time, various questions as to the nature of man, of society, of God, of right and wrong, and of the physical world pressed Elegiac and Iambic Poetry 89 him for answers. As his mind became too active and his thoughts too complex for the simple old epic forms, he created anew kind of literature, — personal poetry, adapted to his needs. Thus a new age in literature began in Hesiod's time which lasted for more than two centuries, — about 700-479 B.C. It is sometimes called the Lyric Age, because lyric poetry, a kind of personal poetry, was the chief form of literature produced in it. And as the Greeks were at the same time beginning to think actively and to lay the foundations of science and philosophy, we may also call this the period of the awakening of the Greek mind. ^The elegy is the earliest form of personal poetry. It The elegy. arose in Ionia and was originally martial, sung to the flute, which resembled the modern clarionet. One of the earliest elegiac poets was Callinus of Ephesus, born about 690 b.c. Caiiinus. In battle-songs he roused his countrymen against the Cim- merians, who were invaders of Ionia from the country north of the Black Sea. Each must go quick to the front, Grasping his spear in his hand and under his shield his untrembling Heart pressing, panting for fight, mingling in deadliest fray. A little later, Tyrtaeus of Sparta, already mentioned, com- P. 62. posed songs of the same nature. The next form of personal poetry was the iambic, es- iambic pecially adapted to the expression of emotions, from love P®^*""-^'- to sarcasm and hate. Its great master was Archilochus of Archiiochus. the small island of Paros, a poet whom the Greeks ranked with Homer. He was intensely personal, and resembled Lord Byron in his love of exhibiting his frailties to the public. He was the first great satirist. The story goes that a certain Lycambes promised his daughter, Neobule, to Archilochus in marriage, but broke his word; and then 90 Growth of National Unity Lyric poetry proper. AlcDeus. Sappho. The choral ode. Pp. 63, 69. Simonides, 556-468 B.C. in revenge the poet with his biting iambics drove Neobule and her sisters to suicide. The last and highest form of personal poetry is the lyric, — the song accompanied by the lyre. The lyric poet com- posed the music as well as the words of his songs. There were two chief forms of this poetry: the ballad and the choral ode. The home of the ballad was Lesbos, and its great representatives were the Lesbic poets, Alcseus and Sappho, who belonged to the early part of the sixth cen- tury B.C. Alcseus passed his life under the hottest fire of political warfare, fighting almost constantly against tyrants, democrats, or foreign enemies. Mahaffy calls him "an unprincipled, violent, lawless aristocrat, who sacrificed all and everything to the demands of pleasure and power." Sappho was his peer in genius, though her poetry was of narrower range. To the ancients she was "the poetess" as Homer was "the poet"; and sometimes they styled her the "tenth muse." Ballads were simple songs of personal experience or feeling sung by individuals; but the choral ode was public and was sung by a trained chorus, who accompanied the music with dancing. Alcman of Sparta composed the first poetry of this kind. Because of its public nature, the choral ode readily lent itself to the treatment of subjects which interested all the Greeks alike, and hence it was the first form of poetry, after the epic, to become national in spirit. The Greeks were beginning in this age to think of one another as kinsmen, as members of the same great family, and Greece was, accordingly, summoning her in- spired men to give expression to the unity of her national life. Simonides of Ceos, an author of choral odes, who was born in this age and lived far down into the next, was a thoroughly national lyrist. Poets of his class travelled The Choi'al Ode gi about Greece, visiting the courts of tyrants or of great nobles and composing for those who would pay them liberal fees. But Simonides, though he turned his genius to earn- ing a livelihood in this manner, was nevertheless intensely patriotic ; and so it was that when in his old age the Greeks had fought for their liberty against the Persians and had gained it, they called upon him to write epitaphs for the patriots who had fallen in battle, and in later time looked back to him as to one inspired.-^ Now while Simonides faced the future and took pleasure Pindar, 522- in thinking how great his country would one day be, his ^^ ^'^' younger contemporary, the priestly Pindar of Boeotia, turned to the past and filled his mind with myths and reli- gious lore. A thorough aristocrat, he loved the old heaven- born nobility, but would write even for merchant prince or tyrant who offered him a generous fee. His style and rhythms are exceedingly complex; the music which accom- panied his odes has been lost, and without the music the full effects of Pindar's poetry cannot be appreciated. " The glory of his song has passed forever from the world with the sound of the rolling harmonies on which it once was born, with the splendor of rushing chariots and athletic forms around which it threw its radiance, with the white- pillared cities of the ^Egean or Sicilian sea in which it jebb, p. 68. wrought its spell, with the beliefs or joys which it ennobled; but those who love his poetry, and who strive to enter into its high places, can still know that they breathe a pure and bracing air, and can still feel vibrating through a clear, 1 A nephew of Simonides, Bacchylides by name, who for centuries has been almost unknown, is generally classed as a lyric poet of the second rank; but the recent discovery of a manuscript containing sev- eral of his odes intact and many fragments brings him into great promi- nence. 92 Growth of National Unity Greece had many poets. Poetry and philosophy. Sorrows of Demeter. calm sky the strong pulse of the eagle's wings as he soars with steady eyes against the sun." His most famous poems, which alone have come down to us, are his choral odes in honor of the victors in the great national games. Though Simonides and Pindar were the most eminent of the lyric poets, there were many besides these, and they flourished in all parts of Greece. Obscure islands and remote shores as well as the great centres of political activity had their lyrists, who in many instances composed beautiful songs. But the works of some have utterly per= ished; of others we have mere shreds. Pindar and Bac- chylides have had the best fortune of all, for the odes which represent them at their best have survived. Greek philosophy developed from poetry. The poets of this age were themselves thinkers and sought for the causes of things, but found them only in the agency of the gods. For instance, to explain the changes in the seasons, they told the story of Demeter and her daughter, Persephone. Demeter was a goddess who lived with the great deities on Mount Olympus. One day her daughter and other maidens were gathering flowers in a meadow, and were picking roses and lilies which they found growing in clusters, when Persephone ran apart from her friends to pluck a beautiful narcissus which stood at a distance alone. She was just reaching out her hand to take the flower when the earth opened near her, and from the cleft came a gloomy-faced man in a chariot drawn by black horses. He immediately seized Persephone, and, placing her in the seat beside himself, drove down through the gulf into the earth. The strange man was Hades, king of the dead; and in this manner he was taking Persephone to be his wife and queen. But Demeter, finding that her child was lost and not knowing whither she had gone, wandered up Poetry and Philosophy 93 and down the earth seeking her daughter night and day. In her grief and anger, she forbade the fruits and crops to grow and made the whole earth cold and barren. But after a time Persephone got permission of her lord to re- A Greek Vase (Demeter, Persephone, and Triptolemus.) turn to her mother for a brief season. Demeter was so glad to see her child again that her joy made the earth warm and caused the trees to put forth their leaves and the grass and wheat to grow. Then Zeus and Hades agreed that Persephone should remain with her mother two-thirds of the year and the other third with her husband. The joy of Demeter in having Persephone with her caused the spring and summer, while her sorrow for the absence of her daughter through the remaining months brought the winter. The poets supposed, too, just as the uneducated people did, that heaven remained above the earth only because a giant supported it on his shoulders. "Atlas, the 94 Growth of National Unity Atlas, the Titan, tamed under torturing bonds of adamant, sustains Titan. Qj^ jj-g ]3ack, with heavy groans, the vast weight of the yEschyius, revolving heavens. And the ocean surge roars in cadence, romet eus, ^j^^ abyss beneath moans, and the dark recess of the gloomy region of the dead rumbles under the earth, yea, the very springs of the clear-flowing rivers wail in pity for his pain." In a similar way they tried to explain everything in nature; but as they believed that the gods were constantly quarrel- ing and fighting among themselves, they could have no The phiioso- idea of the harmony of the universe. The philosophers ^ ^'^^' advanced beyond the poets (i) in seeking natural causes for everything and (2) in believing that the world was a unit. The early philosophers usually expressed their thoughts in verse, as there was almost no prose literature in their time; and so the philosopher did not seem at first to be very different from the poet. Thales, It was in Miletus, the centre of Greek civilization in this period, that Thales, the first Greek philosopher, lived. As his prime of life began with the sixth century, he was a younger contemporary of Solon. He was something of a mathematician and astronomer, the first of the Greeks to predict accurately an eclipse of the sun. He was one of the "seven sages," ^ a many-sided, practical philosopher of the Ben Franklin type, famous for his wise saws. He believed that water was the one original substance out of which the world was formed. His idea was wrong, but in seeking for a natural cause and in thinking that the world was a unit, that is, made of one substance, he achieved more than the poets had done. He and his followers com- 1 About 600 B.C. there were several men in Greece who taught prac- tical morals by means of short maxims, as " Know thyself," " Nothing too much," and " It is hard to be good." They were called the " seven sages," though their number was really indefinite. Philosophy 95 posed the "Ionian School" of philosophy. This school may be described as materialistic, since it sought the cause of all things in some material substance. Pythagoras of Samos, who went to live in Croton in Italy, Pythagoras. founded there a new school of philosophy, which came to be called Pythagorean, after himself. He made thought more scientific by laying stress on mathematics. Number was to him the primary idea and cause of all things; but his especial fault was attaching to numbers a mystical power unknown to true science. His followers formed, not merely a school, but a political and religious sect as well. They were pledged to live austere lives, to abstain from animal food, and to perform a multitude of rituals. They came to have great political influence, and their societies, or brotherhoods, gained control of the govern- p. 143. ment of several cities in southern Italy. Xenophanes of Colophon founded in Elea of Italy a Xenophanes third school of philosophy, called the Eleatic school. He ^^^ ^!^^ taught that all things were a unit and that the unit was God. The Eleatics were the first to study metaphysics, — the science which aims to discover the nature of beifig. The ablest man of their school was Parmenides, who lived far down into the fifth century. According to their theory, there could be no real change or motion in nature; the senses were simply deceived as to these things. But Hera- Heracleitus. cleitus of Ephesus, who founded a school of his own, de- clared in opposition to the Eleatics that everything was in a state of movement and flow, of continual growth and decay, and thus he set forth evolution as his primary idea.^ All these systems of philosophy were founded by lonians; and all had their origin in the sixth century, 1 From this it is evident that evolution is by no means a distinctly modern idea. 96 Growth of National Unity except that of Heracleitus, who began to teach about 500 B.C. Morals and Poets and philosophers were the teachers of the age, and religion. under their guidance the Greeks were improving in morals and religion as well as in science. The world was growing better. The people of Homer's time had looked upon vir- tue as physical excellence, — for instance, the beauty of a woman or the strength of a man, — and had regarded it sim- ply as a gift of the gods; but now virtue was coming to mean moral excellence, which could be acquired through effort. A man should not permit himself to be blindly swayed by passions and the force of circumstances, but should exer- cise "self-restraint" and "moderation." These two words contain, indeed, the chief commandments which the Greek imposed upon himself. In this connection it is worth noticing that of all peoples the Greeks were earliest in learning to live according to the dictates of their reason, and that this great achievement was the outcome of their culture. They never would have become fit for freedom or able to govern themselves in states, had not each indi- vidual striven of his own free will to develop a well-bal- anced character. Humanity The world was growing more humane. The harsh law and peace. q£ ^^j, j^^^ -^^ Homer's time brought death to the con- quered; but in the present age the victors usually spared their captives, though they reduced them to slavery. Neighboring states in earlier times had been constantly at war, but were now beginning to make treaties with one another so as to dwell together for years in peace. Most governments, too, were securing peace within their borders P. 47- by establishing courts, as those of Draco at Athens, with full power to try and punish offenders. The family as well as the state was improving. Formerly men had obtained Religion 97 their wives by capture or purchase, and were in either case their owners; but these barbarous customs now died out, and women consequently ceased to be the slaves of their husbands. At no other time were they socially and intel- lectually so nearly equal to men; no other period produced a Sappho. It was an age of deep religious feeling. Men were so Deepening purifying their notions of the gods as to consider them "^^^^sio"- morally perfect. A few thinkers, as Xenophanes of Colo- phon, became sceptical because they could not believe certain stories told of the gods by Homer, stories which represented them with all the evil passions and vices of men. Others continued to accept the stories but regarded them as allegories. Though most men were still untouched by scepticism, the old beliefs failed to satisfy their religious needs. New forms of worship of deeper meaning were ac- cordingly introduced, such as the Orphic mysteries and the Eleusinian mysteries. The former came, it was asserted, from the Thracian Orpheus, a mythical prophet and musi- cian, and centred in the worship of Dionysus. The priests of Orpheus travelled throughout Greece making converts and initiating them into the mysteries. Those who accepted this faith looked forward with hope to a future life, and were given power through prayer, as they believed, to raise up the souls of others from the agonies of Tartarus.-^ The Eleusinian mysteries had their chief seat in sacred Eleusinian Eleusis, a city of Attica. They were concerned with the mysteries, worship of Demeter, "whose footsteps make red the corn," pind. oiymp. and of her daughter Persephone, goddess of the world ^^* beneath. The great Eleusinian festival was held in Sep- p. 92. tember of each year. All the Athenians, the magistrates ^ A pit in Hades where men were punished for especial wickedness in this world. H 98 Growth of National Unity Holm, i, p. 410 f. Future life. P. 16 f. Find. Olymp. ii. Soothsaying and oracles. and priests in their official robes, the citizens in their holi- day attire, took part in a grand procession along the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis. There with public cere- monies they celebrated Demeter, goddess of agriculture and author of their civilizationj and the initiated attended in secret to the mystic rites of her service. Among the mysteries was a passion play which exhibited the grief of Demeter when her daughter was taken from her to Hades and the joy of receiving her back. Such, her worshippers thought, were the sorrows of death and the joys of reunion in the world beyond the grave. All Greeks, men and women, slaves and freemen, had equal rights to initiation, and thus the Eleusinian worship was a national bond of union among the Hellenes. Men were gaining a clearer conception of a future life with its rewards and punishments; the Elysian fields of Pindar were even brighter than those of Homer's day. "There round the islands of the blest the ocean breezes blow, and. golden flowers are glowing, some from the land on trees of splendor, and some the water feedeth, with wreaths whereof they entwine their hands. In sunlight night and day, the good receive in that new world an un- laborious life; those who had pleasure in keeping oaths live tearless with the honored of the gods." But "of all who die the guilty souls pay penalty; for all the sins sinned in this realm of Zeus one judgeth under earth, pronouncing sentence by unloved constraint." A mark of deepening religion was the growth of soothsay- ing and of oracles. Soothsayers professed to discover the will of the gods through the flight of birds or from examin- ing the entrails of victims offered in sacrifice. But in ques- tions of great importance the inquirer sent to an oracle for wisdom from heaven. In the venerable shrine of Zeus at Oracles 99 Dodona in Epeirus men heard the voice of the god in the rustling of the oak leaves. But the oracle of Apollo at Oracle of Delphi became of far greater historic importance. High up -^P^^'^- in a ravine at the southern base of Parnassus, in the midst Delphi with Modern Village of magnificent and solemn mountain scenery, stood a temple of Apollo. Within was a fissure in the earth through which volcanic vapor issued inspiring the Pythia, or prophetess of Apollo, who sat over it on a tripod. In ecstasy from the vapor, she muttered something in reply to questions; a priest standing near wrote out her utterance, and gave it to the questioner as the word of Zeus delivered to man through his son Apollo. "There on the holy tripod sits Euripides, the Delphian priestess, chanting to the ears of Hellas in ^^"' ^^ ^^ numbers loud, whate'er Apollo doth proclaim." This shrine was once merely the centre of a religious Influence of the oracle of league of neighboring tribes. A council of deputies from Apollo, 100 Growth of National Unity the tribes watched over the interests of the oracle, and P. 66. could declare a "sacred war" upon offenders against Apollo. Yet little good came from this power, as it was generally abused by the stronger members of the league for their own selfish ends. The oracle soon extended its infiu- Apollo Belvedere (Vatican Museum. This statue belongs to the Hellenistic Age, ct. p. 23.) ence beyond the league till it came to be national. Apollo then became the purifier of guilt for all Hellas, and the expounder of religious and of moral law; he even gave his sanction to political measures; he watched over the calen- dar, and was the guide and patron of colonists. His advice was sought by individuals and by states on both private and public matters. His fame extended beyond Greece, and some foreign nations acknowledged him as their high- National Games lOi est religious authority. " The institution of temples and Plato, sacrifices, and the entire service of the gods, demigods, ^^P^^^^^^ /SftT] B. f. and heroes, the burial of the dead, and the worship of those who dwell in the world below are matters of which we are ourselves ignorant, and should be unwise in trusting them to any one but to our ancestral deity. He is the god who sits in the centre of the earth and is the interpreter of religion to all mankind." Those who sought his favor sent him presents till his treasuries were full of wealth. The Delphic priests, who were the real authors of the oracles, kept themselves acquainted with current events that they might give intelligent advice; but when necessary to pre- serve the credit of Apollo, they offered double-meaning prophecies so as to be right in any event. In moral ques- tions their influence was usually wholesome, as they pre- ferred to advise just and moderate conduct. But sometimes the oracle was bribed, sometimes it lent its aid to the schemes of politicians, and in the war of independence which the Greeks fought against Persia it lost favor by being unpatriotic. Notwithstanding all its shortcomings, p. 131. it was a bond of union among the Hellenes, for in think- ing of Apollo as their common prophet, they thought of one another as members of the same great religious society. Another institution which helped the Greeks think alike The great and act together was the great national games. There were "^*'°"^ four of these : held at Olympia, Nemea, on the Isthmus of Corinth, and at Delphi, each in honor of the chief god of the place. The Olympian games were the most splendid. They began in the earliest times as a merely local festival; but gradually more distant communities joined in them, till all the Hellenes took part, and thus they became na- tional. Once in four years a vast number of Greeks from Olympian all the shores of the Mediterranean gathered on the banks S^"^^^- I02 Growth of National Unity p. Gardner, p. 275 f- The con- tests. of the Alpheius in Elis to see the competitions. The month in which the games were held was proclaimed a holy season, during which all Hellas ought to be at peace with itself. The multitude encamped about the sacred enclos- ure of Zeus, the great god of Olympia. "Merchants set up their booths, and money-changers their tables, all classes of artists tried to collect audiences and admirers, crowds attended the exercises of the athletes who were in training, or admired the practice of the horses and chariots which were entered for the races. Heralds re- cited treaties, mili- tary or commercial, recently formed be- tween Greek cities, in order that they might be more wide- ly known." The competitors in the games must be Greeks of good char- acter and religious standing and of suf- ficient athletic train- ing. The judges of the games examined the qualifications of candidates, and at the end bestowed the wreath of victory. There were contests in running, leaping, discus-throwing, spear-hurling, wrestling, boxing, and racing of horses and chariots. Modern athletic competitions bring home Athlete (After Lysippus, a contemporary of Alexander the Great. Vatican Museum.) Influence of the Games 103 to us in some measure the intense energy of the con- testants, the glory of victory, and the irresistible waves of enthusiasm in the audience at Olympia. But we miss the beautiful bare forms of the Greek athletes, the artistic and religious setting of the games — the splendid temple and the multitude of statues; we miss, too, the Greek sky, the national interest, the historic associations, and the grand triumphal music of the Pindaric ode which greeted the victor on his stately entrance into his native city.^ Such contests promoted art. The Greek sculptor drew influence of his inspiration from the epic poet's ideals of the gods, but ^ sanies. found his best models among the athletes. These great national games also fostered commerce, peace, and unity. In this age, accordingly, Greece was becoming one in spirit and in sympathy; and its people began for the first time to call themselves, in distinction from foreigners, by one common name — " Hellenes. " ^ Sources For literature the extant works of the poets themselves, as Hesiod, Reading. Tyrtseus, and Pindar; for philosophy, Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Ancient Philosophers ; for the games, Pindar, Odes. Modern Authorities Curtius, History of Greece, II, bk. ii, ch. iv, the best general treat- ment of the entire subject; Holm, History of Greece, I, chs. xix, xxiv; ^ As this description of the games is intended to be quite general, it does not apply in every detail to the period between 700 and 479 B.C. 2 The Greeks had no common name before the seventh century B.C. That they were called Pelasgians and then Achaeans before they were called Hellenes is only an assumption of some of the Greeks themselves who attempted in an uncritical way to reconstruct their early history. The name " Greek " appears to have applied at first to an obscure tribe in Epeirus, but was made by the Romans to include the whole Hellenic race. 104 Growth of National Unity Abbott, History of Greece, II, ch. i; Grote, History of Greece, IV, chs. xxviii, xxix; Timayenis, History of Greece, I, pt. ii, ch. vi; Mahaffy, Survey of Greek Civilization, chs. iii, iv; Social Life in Greece, chs. iv, v; History of Greek Literature, I, chs. vii, x-xiii; Jebb, Greek Litera- ture (primer), ch. iii; Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, chs. ii, iv; Mayor, Ancient Philosophy, pp. i-i6; Marshall, Short History of Greek Philosophy, chs. i-v; Tarbell, History of Greek Art, chs. iii-vi; E. A. Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, ch. ii. I CHAPTER VI CONQUEST OF ASIATIC GREECE BY THE LYDIANS AND THE PERSIANS (560-490 B.C.) In the year in which Pisistratus seized the government at Croesus, Athens, Croesus became king of Lydia in Asia Minor. 560-546 b.c. His country had broad, fertile valleys and an abundance of Hdt. i, 6 ff. gold in the sands of its rivers; and though it was wholly without a sea-coast, the Lydians traded overland with Asia and with Ionia. Already in Croesus' time they had become wealthy and refined, so that people began to call them the "delicate" Lydians, but still they were excellent knights. Croesus' father, Alyattes, had extended his kingdom on all sides by subduing his neighbors, -?nd the son now tried to outdo his father as a great lord. Croesus admired the Conquest of Greeks and wished to have them as willing subjects; but -^^^^^'^ ^ •" -' Greece, as they resisted, he felt compelled to wage war upon them. First he attacked Ephesus, one of their largest cities; but the Ephesians, finding themselves unable to withstand him, dedicated their whole city to the goddess Artemis by stretching a rope from their wall to her temple, nearly a mile distant. As Croesus respected the Greek religion, he stayed the attack and permitted Ephesus to enter his empire on favorable terms. In the course of time he conquered all the other Greek cities of Asia Minor. He was aided in his task by the character of the Asiatic Character of the Asiatic Greeks. kinsmen in enterprise and in culture. First epic and then pp, 10, 89. Greeks. We have seen how they surpassed their western 105 io6 Conquest of Asiatic Greece p. 94. lyric poetry flourished among them. Philosophy and science were born in Miletus. The luxuries and refinements of life, along with commerce, manufacturing, and the coining of money, spread from the Ionian cities westward over Greece. But the lonians, though admirable for their many excellent qualities, were lacking in political ability. There was civil strife within the cities, and almost continual war between one state and another. Cities and men had their own ideals and pursued their own plans, regardless of the interests of the country as a whole. Though united in a religious league, the communities rarely acted together, and could not think of joining in one strong state. They loved complete independence for their towns and enjoyed the privilege of making war on their neighbors as the diversion of a summer; yet they were a commercial people, Hdt. vi, 12 f. not fond of long-continued military service. If the day chanced to be warm, they preferred sitting in the shade to training for battle in defence of their liberties. Their character was their political ruin. It is no wonder that they proved inferior to the empires of Asia, based as these were on unthinking submission to one all-controlling will. But Croesus ruled the Greeks well, as he sought to gain their favor and support against the rising power of Persia. He stole his way into their affections by making costly presents to their gods, especially to Apollo at Delphi. He courted the friendship of Lacedaemon, the strongest state in Greece, and gave the Spartans gold with which to make a statue of Apollo. Under Croesus, Lydia reached its height in wealth and power. His treasury was full of gold- dust from the sands of the Lydian rivers and of tributes from the cities he had conquered; and as he was the wealthiest he supposed himself to be the happiest man on t '. 27-33- earth. His empire had come to include all Asia Minor Croesus favors the Greeks. i • Croesus and Cyrus 107 west of the Halys River; but it was destined soon to become a part of the far vaster Persian empire, and the happy monarch was doomed to end his life in captivity. Croesus had ruled Lydia but two years when Cyrus became Cyrus, king king of a small part of Persia, then a province in the Me- °^ Persia, . 558-529 B.C. dian empire. But Cyrus was too great for these narrow limits, and his Persian subjects were as brave and strong as mountaineers usually are. "They wore leathern clothing; Hdt. i, 71. they ate not the food which they liked, but rather that which they could obtain from their rugged country; they drank water instead of wine, and had no figs for dessert nor any other good thing." Cyrus threw off the Median yoke, rap- 553 ^-c idly conquered the Median empire, and made Persia the leading state in Asia. Babylonia, Egypt, Lacedaemon, and Hdt. i, 'J^ ff. Lydia united against him; but Cyrus was too quick to ^ allow his enemies to bring their forces together. He at- tacked Croesus first, conquered him, and added the Lydian empire to his own.^ The lonians, who had favored Croesus in the war, now Cyms and begged Cyrus to grant them the same terms of submission ^^^ Greeks, which Croesus had given; but Cyrus angrily refused, telling the messengers who came to him from them the fable of the piper and the fishes. "There was a certain piper," he said, "who was walking one day by the seaside, when he espied some fish; so he began to pipe to them, imagining that they would come out to him upon the land. But as Hdt. i, 141. he found at last that his hope was vain, he took a net, and enclosing a great draught of fishes, drew them ashore. The fish then began to leap and dance; but the piper said, * Cease your dancing now, as you did not choose to come and dance when I piped to you.' " As the lonians now 1 Herodotus tells in an interesting story (i, 86 ff.) of Cyrus' treatment of the captive Croesus. io8 Conquest of Asiatic Greece Hdt. i, 152. P. 78 f. Hdt. i, 153. Cyrus con- quers the Asiatic Greeks. P. 94. saw that Cyrus would not give them good terms, they began to wall their towns, and met in council at the Pan-Ionian shrine to concert measures of defence. They first asked help of Lacedaemon. When their deputies reached Sparta, the one who was to speak dressed himself in a purple robe so as to attract as large an audience as possible; and in a long speech he besought the Lacedaemonians to come to the aid of his countrymen. But it was all in vain; far the Spartans liked neither long speeches nor purple robes, and they were just then at war with Argos for the possession of Cynuria. But they showed their good-will towards their Asiatic kinsmen by warning Cyrus on his peril not to harm the Hellenic cities, " But when he received this warning from the herald, he asked some Greeks who were standing by, who these Lacedaemonians were, and what was their number, that they dared send him such a notice. When he had received their reply, he turned to the Spartan herald and said, 'I have never yet been afraid of any men who have a set place in the middle of their city, where they come together to cheat each other and to perjure them- selves. If I live, the Spartans shall have trouble enough of their own to talk of, without concerning themselves about the lonians. ' Cyrus intended these words as a reproach against all the Greeks, because of their having market-places where they buy and sell, which is a custom unknown to the Persians, who never make purchases in open marts, and indeed have not in their whole country a single market- place." Now while Cyrus' lieutenant, Harpagus, began to batter down the Ionian walls, a subject of great importance came up in the Pan-Ionian council. It was plain to all thinking men that Ionia was suffering from lack of unity. The Milesian Thales, father of Greek philosophy, accordingly Cyrus Conquers Io7iia 109 advised the deputies in the council to merge all their cities in one, and suggested that that one be Teos because of its central location. All the lonians should become citizens of Teos and their cities townships in it. They should con- tinue to live where they were but should look to Teos as their only city. It was in some such way as this that the once independent communities of Attica had united to make the city of Athens. Had the lonians followed the advice of Thales, they might have massed their strength so as to maintain their liberties. But the proposal failed, and Political one by one the Greek cities of Asia fell into the hands of failure of the lonians. Harpagus. Some of the inhabitants sailed away to found colonies where they could be free, but most of them sub- mitted. Bias, an Ionian sage, advised his countrymen to migrate all together to Sardinia, but the council rejected his plan as well as that of Thales. The majority preferred Hdt. i, 170. political slavery to the hardships of migration and settle- ment in a distant land; and thus the Pan-Ionian council failed pitiably in its duty to the cities which it represented. Disunion robbed the Asiatic Greeks of their liberty, and greatly narrowed the limits of free Hellas on the east. The islanders, terror-stricken, sent in their submission. And the Asiatic Dorians behaved no better than the other Greeks. During the war in Ionia, the Dorians of Cnidus were busy in cutting off their peninsula by a channel from the mainland. Many of the workmen while thus engaged were injured in the eyes from breaking rock. On consult- ing the oracle at Delphi as to the cause of the misfortune, they received the following advice : — Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through; j^^^ j Zeus would have made your land an island had he wanted so to do. This was all the encouragement Apollo gave to the cause of Greek freedom. The men of Cnidus then ceased from no Conquest of Asiatic Greece The Persian yoke oppressive. Darius, 522-485 B.C. 514 B.C. Hdt. iv, 87. The tyrants at the bridge. Hdt.iv, I36ff. P. 76 f. the work and submitted to Harpagus without an effort to resist. The Persian yoke was far more oppressive than the Lydian had been. The Persians, because they worshipped but one god/ felt no respect for the Greek religion with its multitude of deities. Many Greek cities of Asia Minor were already under the rule of tyrants; but Cyrus now set up tyrannies in those which were still republics. And as the tyrant depended upon the Persian king for his support, it was for his own interest to hold the city over which he ruled in subjection to his master. The Greeks had merely paid tribute to Croesus, but were now required in addition to perform military service. Thus Cambyses, son and suc- cessor of Cyrus, compelled them to help him conquer Egypt. Darius, who succeeded Cambyses and founded a new ruling family, reorganized the Persian empire. He divided it into satrapies, or provinces, each under a governor, termed satrap, and imposed upon each satrapy a fixed annual trib- ute. In this way he made the yoke of servitude heavier than before. Then he led a great army into Europe against the Scythians, a people who roamed about in the country north of the Danube and the Black Sea. He required the Asiatic Greeks to furnish for this expedition six hundred ships led by their tyrants. It was galling to the Greeks to perform such compulsory service, as they felt it a shame to be slaves to the Persians while their western kinsmen were free. Even some of the tyrants, voicing the spirit of their subjects, proposed to cut off Darius' return from Scythia by breaking up the bridge of boats across the Danube, which they had in their keeping. The Athenian Miltiades, ruler of Chersonese, favored the plan; but Histiseus, despot of ^ They considered the god whom they worshipped good, and ac- knowledged in addition the existence of a principle or spirit of evil. The lojtic Revolt in Miletus, persuaded the tyrants that the people would depose them if they should lose the support of the Persian king, and in this manner he led them to vote against the pro- posal. Histiaeus received in recognition of his loyalty an invita- The ionic tion to spend the rest of his days at the court of Darius in ' « ^ ^ -' 499-494 1^-C. Susa, the Persian capital. To the Greek despot this meant Hdt.v, 11-25. nothing but exile, yet he must obey. His son-in-law, Aris- Aristagoras. tagoras, succeeded him as ruler of Miletus. The spirit of revolt was growing among the Greeks; and Aristagoras, though unprincipled and incapable, was ready to lead them in a struggle for freedom. However, it was partly fear for his own safety which induced him to take this step; for he had promised the Persians to conquer Naxos, and had re- ceived help from them on this assurance, but he had failed in his attempt and now felt that he was liable to be punished for not keeping his word. Should he not save himself by hurrying on a revolt which he knew was threatening? His- tiseus, still an unwilling guest at the court of Darius, in a secret despatch encouraged him in his plan. According to Herodotus, Histiaeus " could find but one safe way, as the roads were guarded, of making his wishes known; which was by taking the trustiest of his slaves, shaving all the hair from off his head, and then pricking letters upon the skin, and waiting till the hair grew again. Thus, ac- Hdt. v, 35. cordingly, he did; and as soon as ever the hair was grown, he despatched the man to Miletus, giving him no other message than this — * When thou art come to Miletus, bid Aristagoras shave thy head, and look thereon.' " ^ All the tyrant's friends urged him to the revolt except Hecataeus. He was the earliest Greek geographer and historian. As he had travelled over the Persian empire and knew its great ^ This and many other anecdotes told by Herodotus seem improbable. 112 Cojtquest of Asiatic Greece the revolt, 499 B.C. Aristagoras at Sparta, 499-498 B.C. Hdt. V, 49. resources, he believed that the Greeks could not hope for Beginning of success in the war. But Aristagoras decided to revolt, and resigned his tyranny, giving Miletus a democratic govern- ment. He then helped depose the despots of the neighbor- ing cities, and in a few weeks all Ionia followed him in rebellion against Darius. Aristagoras spent the next winter in looking about for allies. First he went to Sparta and addressed King Cle- omenes as follows: "That the sons of the lonians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and grief most of all indeed for ourselves, but of all others most to you, inas- much as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now, therefore, I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the lonians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye may easily achieve this, for the foreigners are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valor in war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely, with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they may easily be conquered. Then, again, they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantities as not all the other nations in the world possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for yourselves if ye so desired."^ Aristagoras then proceeded to indicate the location of the various Asiatic nations on a map traced on a plate of bronze, the work probably of Hecataeus, the first the Spartans had ever seen. He tried to show how easily the Lacedae- monians could conquer the whole Persian empire. "How long a journey is it from the Ionian coast to the Persian 1 This speech gives a truthful summary of the facts except in one particular, — the Persians were not cowardly. Cleomenes refuses help. A ristagoras 113 capital? " Cleomenes asked. "A three months' journey," Aristagoras answered incautiously. '* Guest- Friend from Miletus," the Spartan king interrupted, "get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set; for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedaemonians, desiring to take them on a journey of three months from the sea." Cleomenes was an able and ambitious ruler, and might have gone to the aid of the Asiatic Greeks; but he imagined Aristagoras a deposed tyrant seeking selfishly his own restoration to power. The oily-tongued Ionian then tried to win him with a bribe, but was frustrated by the king's daughter, Gorgo, a child of eight or nine years of age, who exclaimed, " Father, the stranger will harm thee, if thou do not leave him and go ! " Aristagoras then went to Athens, where he found his task Aristagoras easier. The Athenians were near kinsmen of the lonians ^^ Athens. and in close commercial relations with them ; they were Hdt. v. 97. flattered, too, because Aristagoras spoke of Athens as the mother city of the many wealthy communities of Ionia. Further, it was Athens, not Sparta, that had suffered by the westward advance of Persia, for the Scythian expedition of Darius had robbed her of both Sigeium and Chersonese. And recently Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, had ordered Pp. 80, 85 f. the Athenians to take back Hippias as their tyrant, if they wished to escape destruction. They had refused, and felt, in consequence, that a state of war now existed between them and Persia. They therefore sent twenty ships to help the lonians, and their neighbor, Eretria, through friend- ship for Miletus, sent five. The allies captured and burned Sardis, but could not Burning of take the citadel. Then, as they were on their way back to Sardis. Ionia, the Persians attacked and defeated them near Ephe- sus. This so thoroughly discouraged the Athenians that I 114 Conquest of Asiatic Greece they returned home and would give no more help. The fact is that Hippias had many friends among the Athe- nians, who were anxious to avoid further trouble with Per- sia by recalling the tyrant and restoring him to power. It was this party which now gained the upper hand and pre- vented Athens from giving any more assistance to the lonians. Battle at The burning of Sardis encouraged the rest of the Asiatic a e, 497 B.C. Qj.gg]^g ^q jqj^^ jj^ ^-j^g revolt, but at the same time stirred Darius to greater exertions for putting it down, and angered him especially against Athens and Eretria. The decisive battle of the war was fought at Lade, off Miletus. The Greeks had three hundred and fifty-three ships; the Phoe- nicians in the service of Persia had six hundred. Yet the Hdt.vi, Greeks would certainly have won the day, if they had ^'^~'^T' shown the right spirit; but they were disunited and insub- ordinate, and allowed themselves to be influenced by secret agents from the enemy. At the very opening of the battle, many ships treacherously sailed away, and though a few remained and fought bravely, the battle was lost. The Asiatic Greeks at Lade proved incapable of self-govern- ment. United resistance was now at an end, and the sepa- rate states were subdued one by one or surrendered to avoid Capture of attack. The Persians brought the war to a close by the capture of Miletus after a siege of four years. They plun- dered and burned the city together with its temples, and carried the people into captivity; and thus they blotted out of existence the fairest city of Hellas, the city which up to this time had done most in building up European civiliza- tion. Though it was again inhabited by Greeks, it never Hdt. vi, 42. regained its former splendor. The Persian governor at Sardis now compelled the Greek communities to live at peace with each other, and to settle their disputes by arbi- Miletus 494 B.C Europe and Asia at War 115 tration. They recovered much of their prosperity; but with the suppression of their liberties, they ceased to con- tribute to the civilization of the world. The intellect, Pp. 9 f., 105 f. spirit, and morals of the lonians so degenerated under bondage that the Athenians, a half century later, were ashamed to call them kinsmen. The Athenians were intensely interested in the fortunes Phrynichus of the war, as their own safety seemed to depend upon the "^ ' success of the Greeks, and the fall of Miletus filled them with grief and fear. Phrynichus of Athens, soon after this event, composed a drama. The Capture of Miletus. But when it was put on the stage, " the spectators fell to weeping, Hdt. vi, 21. and the Athenians fined the poet a thousand drachmas for reminding them of their own calamities; and they ordered that no one in the future should represent this drama." The fall of Miletus was indeed an evil omen to Europe; Europe and for in the fifteen years which followed this misfortune, -^^'^ ^^ ^^'^^• Greek civilization came into great danger from Persia on the east and from Carthage, an African colony of the Phoe- nicians, on the west. In these years, the forty-six nations which composed the Persian empire poured their motley soldiery into continental Greece, while Carthage with a stupendous army tried to overwhelm Sicily. And it was no contest with mere barbarians which the Greeks had to wage in defence of their liberty; for the Phoenicians and the Persians were in many ways on a level with them. But their civilizations were totally different. The whole life of Europe and the Greek rested upon the political, social, and religious free- ^^^^ contrasted, dom of the individual, while that of the Asiatics depended on slavish obedience to authority, — the authority of priests and king. The Greeks were no braver than the Persians; but their freedom gave them spirit, and their intelligence provided them with superior arms, organization, and training. ii6 Conquest of Asiatic Greece Atossa. Is then the bow-drawing arrow the chief weapon in their hands? Chorus. By no means; lances used in close fight, and the accoutre- ments of shield-bearers. Atossa. And who is set over them as a shepherd of the flock, and is the master of the army? Chorus. They call themselves the slaves of no man, nor the subjects either.i Persian aggressions. iiEsch. Pers. I02 fif. Miltiades. P. no. Hdt. vi, 41. For these reasons the Greeks, though few, met and defeated by land and sea the largest armaments the world had yet known. From the beginning of her supremacy, Persia had fol- lowed a policy of conquest. " For of old fate went against the Persians by the decrees of heaven, and put it into their minds to engage in wars for the storming of fortresses, in the turmoil of cavalry actions, and in the overthrow of cities." Cyrus had added the Lydian empire to the Persian on the west; and Darius had followed up this conquest by invading Europe. On his return he left Megabazus in Europe in command of a strong force. This general con- quered Thrace, received the submission of Macedon, and thus brought the Persian empire to the border of Thessaly. After suppressing the Ionian revolt, the Persians immedi- ately carried the war across the Hellespont; for their Euro- pean provinces had also rebelled. As the Phoenician fleet approached Chersonese, Miltiades fled with five triremes carrying his immense wealth. The Phoenicians pursued him so hotly that they took one of these, but with the others he entered the Athenian port. Yet for a time he found no safety even in his native city; for some suspected him because he was himself a tyrant and a descendant of the 1 From y^schylus' Persians, an historical drama on the battle of Salamis. The Chorus, representing the royal council of Persia, is talk- ing about the Greeks to Atossa, mother of Xerxes, the Persian king. ^; Miltiades and Theviistocles 117 tyrannic Cypselidse of Corinth, and furthermore he had been a friend of the Pisistratidse and a vassal of the Per- sian king. A leader of the party which upheld the re- public immediately prosecuted him for his tyranny in Chersonese, but as the Athenians knew that he hated Persia and was an able and experienced general, they acquitted Themis- him, for they felt that they should need his service in t°^i*^s- the approaching war. The republican party, however, looked not to him but to The- mistocles, a man of wonderful energy and intelligence, as its leader, whom it elect- ed Archon for the year 493 B.C. He occupied his term of office in improving the triple harbor of Peirseus. Heretofore the Athe- nians had used as a harbor the open road- stead of Phalerum, but now Themistocles dis- covered the great value of Peiraeus. He be- lieved that war with Persia could not be avoided, and intended that Athens should have a navy-yard and a powerful fleet; for it would be necessary to meet, not only the Persians on land, but also the combined fleets of Phoenicia and Asiatic Greece on the sea. "Themistocles" (Vatican Museum.) ii8 Conquest of Asiatic Greece Mardonius' invasion, 493 B-C. " Earth and water." Condition of Greece. While Themistocles was busy with his harbor, Mardonius, son-in-law of Darius, was marching through Thrace at the head of a large army, accompanied by a fleet along the shore. In rounding Mt. Athos the ships were wrecked, and at the same time his troops were slaughtered by the natives. Mardonius expected to conquer all continental Greece, but only retook Thrace and Macedon. The failure of his en- terprise brought him into disgrace at the Persian court. Darius now made ready another expedition, having in the meantime sent heralds among those Greek communities which were still free, to demand "earth and water," the tokens of submission. There was no need, Darius thought, of attacking Jhose who would willingly submit. The Athe- nians, however, threw the king's herald into a pit, and the Spartans dropped the one who came to them into a well — bidding them take earth and water thence to their lord. They who advised this must have wished to remove even the possibility of reconciliation with Persia; for the Athe- nians and Spartans by mistreating the heralds violated the law of nations and placed themselves beyond the pale of the great king's grace. Greece was at a great disadvantage in the war with Per- sia because her states could not bring themselves to act together. Many of them immediately yielded through fear, ^gina sent earth and water out of enmity to Athens, while Argos, through jealousy of Sparta, might have aided the invader, had she not been crippled by the Lacedaemo- nians in a recent war. Within the Peloponnesian League alone was unity. In the face of common danger, men began for the first time to talk of obligations of loyalty to Greece, and to recognize Sparta as an authority with legal power to enforce loyal conduct. In this manner the patri- ots created in their imagination an ideal Hellas united and Condition of Greece 119 free, looking to Sparta as leader. In this spirit Athens accused ^gina of treason in submitting to Persia, and brought the charge formally before Sparta, whose king, Cleomenes, recognized the duty of his city to Greece by Hdt. vi, 49 f punishing the offenders. Sparta, alone of all the Greek cities, thus far had shown a genius for organization and command; and it was with perfect justice therefore that all looked to her in this crisis as the head of Greece. Sources Herodotus, bks. i-vi. Reading. Modern Authorities Holm, History of Greece, I, ch. xxiii, II, ch. i; Abbott, History of Greece, II, ch. i; Holm and Abbott are especially good for this period; Oman, History of Greece, chs. xiii, xv; Allcroft and Masom, Early Grecian History, ch. xvi; Timayenis, History of Greece, I, pt. iii, ch. 1; Curtius, History of Greece, II, bk. ii, ch. v; Grote, History of Greece^ IV, chs. xxxii-xxxv; Cox, Greeks and Persians, chs. iii-v. Marathon CHAPTER VII THE WAR WITH PERSIA AND CARTHAGE (490-479 B.C.) Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. P. 113. Betrayal of Eretria. In the summer of 490 b.c. the Persian armament, which had long been preparing, moved westward across the ^^gean, receiving the submission of the islanders on the way. It consisted of six hundred ships carrying an army of perhaps sixty thousand men. Datis, a Mede, and Arta- phernes, a kinsman of Darius, were in command. Their object was to punish Athens and Eretria for helping the Ionian revolt, and to conquer whatever territory they could for their lord. As the Persians came near, the Eretrians were in doubt as to what they should do. Some proposed to surrender, and others to flee to the mountains; but finally they decided to await an attack on their walls. After a brave defence of 120 Battle of Marathon I2I six days, they were betrayed by two of their fellow-citizens. There were such traitors in every Greek city. Eretrian fugitives filled Athens with the disheartening pheidip- news. Forthwith the Athenian government mobilized its Pides. entire military force, and despatched Pheidippides, a swift long-distance runner, to Sparta to ask help. "Over the hills, under the dales, down pits and up peaks " ^ he ran his race of a hundred and fifty miles, and reached Sparta the day after starting. "Men of Lacedsemon," he said to the authorities, "the Athenians beseech you to hasten to their aid, and not allow that state which is the most an- cient in all Greece to be enslaved by the barbarians. Eretria, look you, is already carried away captive, and Hdt. vi, io6. Greece weakened by the loss of no mean city." The Lace- daemonians, though they wished to help the Athenians, had to wait several days before setting out, as a law forbade them to go to war in any month before the full moon.^ After sacking Eretria, the Persians, under the guidance Batde of of the aged Hippias, landed at Marathon. The Athenian ^^-'^'athon. army, led by the polemarch and ten generals, went to meet them. While the polemarch had the nominal command. Pp. 76, 83. Miltiades was the real leader, and he of all the generals deserves most credit for the victory. Though heavy-armed, the Athenians charged on the enemy at a double-quick march, so anxious were they to reach the Persians with their spears and avoid the showers of arrows. The Persians, P. 115. who were unprepared for fighting hand to hand, were com- pelled to retire to their ships with great loss. The Athe- 1 Browning, Pheidippides, a poem from the standpoint of an Athenian of the second or third generation after the battle of Mara- thon, when enmity had arisen between Athens and Sparta. 2 So at least Herodotus says, and there seems to be no good reason for doubting him. Religious scruples often led the Greeks to act con- trary to their wishes. 122 The War zvith Persia and Carthage Hdt. vi, 112, Pp.iiSf. Demosth.Z)^ Corona, 208. Miltiades fined. Hdt.vi. 132-136. niaiis "were the first of the Hellenes, so far as we know, who attacked the enemy at a run, and they were the first to face the Median gai'inents and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear." They gained this great victory prac- tically by themselves; for the Platse- ans alone of their neighbors had come to their aid. The Lacedaemonians, starting after the full moon, reached Athens by a forced march, yet too late to be of service. The westward progress of Asiatic government and civilization which threatened Europe suffered its first check at Marathon. The Athenians broke the spell of the Persian name; for they bravely faced perhaps six times their number and proved once for all the superiority of Greek over Oriental. The victory filled the Athenians with self-confi- dence and made them aggressive. Within a day their stature had grown heroic, and the memories of that day inspired them thereafter* to brave danger in the forefront of Hellas. Miltiades now stood at the summit of fame. He thought the present moment favorable for building up the Athenian power and wealth at the expense of the islanders who had sided with the king. So he planned an expedition against Paros, and asked the Athenians for ships and men, promising to make The Warrior of Marathon " E7id of Miltiades 123 them rich but not telling them just what he intended to do. He sailed with his fleet to Paros and demanded a contribution of a hundred talents. As the Parians refused to pay anything, he besieged them without effect for nearly a month, and then returned wounded to Athens, to disappoint the hopes of all. His enemies found in P. 116. his failure another opportunity to assail him. Xanthip- pus, leader of the republican party, prosecuted him for having deceived the people. The penalty would have been death; but because of Miltiades' great services to the state, it was lightened to a fine of fifty talents. Miltiades died of his wound, and the fine was paid by his son Cimon. It is difficult to divide fairly the blame for the unhappy who was at event between Miltiades and the Athenians. Had he sue- ^^"^* ^ ceeded in exacting his contribution or in adding Paros to the Athenian state, his fellow-citizens would probably have commended him for the act instead of prosecuting him. The failure rather than the character of the enterprise wounded their feelings. It was a defect, too, of their gov- ernment that the assembly had to be consulted on questions of foreign policy; and any one who did not conform to the rule was supposed to have some evil plot in mind. On the other hand, Miltiades, accustomed only to be a lord over others, was dangerous to the republic; and in his Parian expedition he had insulted the spirit of the free constitu- tion by not taking the people into his confidence. And as to the charge of ingratitude brought against the Athenians for their conduct on this occasion, it is to be remembered that not Miltiades, but the Athenians, won the battle of Marathon. The Athenian government had for some years been strug- Party strug- gling to maintain itself against tyrants and oligarchs. The ^^^' victory at Marathon, which decided that Hippias should 124 The War with Persia and Carthage Arist. Ath. Const. 22. 487 B.C. Aristeides and Themis- tocles. not return, was a triumph for the republicans. They thought, too, that in condemning Miltiades they had made another gain. They now followed up these successes by a fierce political war upon the tyrant's party, lasting three years. Each year they ostracized a leader of that party; and by disorganizing it in this way, they delivered Athens from all fear of a relapse into despotism. In the mean- time the Athenians made their government more democratic by passing an act which provided that the nine archons, instead of being elected as heretofore, should be drawn by lot from nominees presented by the townships. Hence- forth, from the fact that the incapable man had as good a chance for the archonship as the capable, it ceased to be the chief office of the state; and as the Council of the Areopagus was made up of ex-archons, that began also from this time to decline. Finally, as the archonship and the Council of the Areopagus were both aristocratic institu- tions, any decrease in their importance left the government more democratic. The ten generals now took the place of the nine archons as the most influential magistrates of the state. The republicans split on this issue into two parties: the conservatives, who opposed changing the constitution, and the democrats, who favored it. Aristeides and Themistocles were now the most eminent men in Athens. Their characters have been distorted by partisan prejudice and still more by shallow rhetoricians who wrote about them in later time. These authors sought everywhere for brilliant contrasts, and took delight in thinking of Aristeides and Themistocles as opposites because of some political rivalry. Because Aristeides was known as the just and the honest, Themistocles, they imag- ined, must have been the unjust and the dishonest. Be- cause Themistocles was a reformer, Aristeides must have Aristeides and Themistocles 125 been a conservative. All this is superficial. Both were Plutarch, builders of a new asre : Aristeides made the government ^^"^^^^^-^ and Themts- more democratic, Themistocles created Peiraeus and the todes. navy. Both men were praised by their friends as just in private relations; both were denounced by their enemies as unscrupulous and corrupt in public life. But Themistocles, though he had many enemies, was never tried for anything but treason, and even then he was acquitted, while Aristei- des was once fined for embezzlement. Aristeides is rep- resented as saying that both he and Themistocles were dangerous to the state; and while he was in exile, the Athenians feared that he would go over to the Persians, so little faith had they in his patriotism. His friends, on the other hand, gave him the title of "the Just." The histo- Genius of rian who sifts the evidence carefully must come to the con- themis- tocles. elusion that these two statesmen were very much alike in moral character, though Themistocles had the most brilliant Thuc i, 138. genius of all the Greeks down at least to his own day. A great man is, to some extent, the product of his time; and we cannot think of a Themistocles without a free people struggling against forces which seem overwhelming. On the other hand, great men have their influence; so Themis- tocles, through his own will and genius, discovering the capabilities of the Athenians, turned their history into the channel through which it flowed as long as they remained free. The state was weak for lack of money, and there was little Ostracism of hope of improvement in this respect, for nearly every one ^^^^^^'^^s, supposed that the government should support the people rather than be supported by them. Fortunately, consider- able revenues were coming into the treasury from the silver mines of Laureium, in southeastern Attica. But some one, probably Aristeides, now proposed to divide the money 126 The War with Persia and Carthage Pp. 83, 124. from this source among the citizens. Themistocles, by opposing the measure, came into a conflict with Aristeides, which resulted in the ostracism of the latter. While the citizens were voting the ostracism, it is said that an illiter- ate peasant, who did not even know the great men of Athens by sight, approached Aristeides, and had the following talk with him : — Plut. AriS' teides. Themis- tocles' Naval De- cree, 482 B.C. Hdt. vii, 144 ; Arist. Ath. Const. 22. Xerxes pre- pares for an invasion of Greece. Peasant. Take my ostrakon, good sir, and write a name on it for me. Aristeides. What name, pray, shall I write ? Peasant. Aristeides. Aristeides. "Why, what harm has he done you? Peasant. None at all. I do not even know him, but I am tired of hearing him called the Just. Perhaps the peasant envied Aristeides' good name; or he may have believed that there were hundreds of Athe- nians as just and as honest as either of their leaders. On the motion of Themistocles, the council and the as- sembly then decreed that the revenues from the mines should be used for building triremes. Their immediate motive was the war which they were still waging, without suc- cess, against ^gina; but Themistocles foresaw the danger still to come from Persia, for Xerxes, son and successor of Darius, was nearly ready for another invasion of Greece. He saw too, no doubt, that his decree would give Athens the strongest navy in the world. The Athenians began im- mediately to build triremes, so that they had two hundred ready when the enemy came. We shall see how they used these ships in the battle of Salamis to defend Europe against Asia; and how, when the war was over, they acquired a great maritime empire. In the meantime, Xerxes was preparing for the conquest of Greece. For four years he gathered his resources, stor- ing provisions along the proposed route and collecting Xerxes prepares for War 1 27 troops from every part of the empire. In the spring of 481 B.C., the nations he ruled were pouring their contin- gents into Asia Minor, and the autumn of the year found p. 115. him with his vast host encamped for the winter at Sardis. His engineers were engaged in bridging the Hellespont with boats and in digging a canal through the Isthmus of Athos, that the fleet might not be compelled to round the dangerous cape. Herodotus estimates the total land force Hdt. vH, 61- at a million seven hundred thousand men; but this is ^°°* doubtless a great exaggeration. Xerxes had, apparently, three hundred thousand serviceable troops, while the rest were merely for display. On the sea were about twelve hundred ships of war, manned by Greeks, Phoenicians, and Egyptians. The invasion was indeed to bring Greece into great peril; for the battle of Marathon had not decided the war with Persia, and Xerxes still hoped to win by sheer force of numbers. While Xerxes was in camp at Sardis, his messengers came Union of to the Greek states demanding earth and water, and re- ^°^^^ Greeks, ceived these tokens of submission from many of them. But none came to Athens and Sparta, as these were to be Hdt.vii,i32£ punished for their treatment of Darius' heralds. A council p. ns. of the loyal states met on the Isthmus to plan for the defence of Greece. This union was practically an enlargement of the Peloponnesian League under the leadership of Sparta. The states represented in the council agreed under oath to wage war in common for the protection of their liberties, and on the return of peace to dedicate to the Delphian Apollo a tenth of the property of those Hellenic states which had voluntarily yielded to the enemy. They also recon- Hdt. vii, 145. ciled their enmities with one another, and sent spies to Sardis and envoys to the other Greek states to secure their accession to the League. Xerxes, capturing the spies, 128 The War with Persia and Carthage p. Ii8. Hdt. vii, 165. Battle of Thermopy- lae, 480 B.C. showed them politely around his camp and sent them home unharmed. The envoys to the Greek states were less suc- cessful. Argos, through hostility to Sparta, held aloof from the union and no doubt prayed for the success of the Per- sians. The Corcyraeans promised their navy, but lingered selfishly on the way till the war was decided. Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, was requested to give help; but he was busy preparing to meet a Carthaginian invasion. The plan of the allies was to build a wall across the Isth- mus of Corinth and to make their main defence there. It was a narrow, Peloponnesian policy, directed by the Lace- Hdt. vii, 172-174. P. 61. £ormay & Cj.,N. T. dsemonian ephors. As Xerxes approached the Hellespont in the spring of 480 B.C., the allies made a feeble, fruitless attempt to defend Thessaly against him by posting an army in the vale of Tempe. On the withdrawal of this army, the Thessalians went over to the enemy. To prevent cen- tral Greece from following their example, the ephors sent King Leonidas with three hundred heavy-armed Spartans and a few thousand allies to hold the pass of Thermopylae, and thus shut Xerxes out from central Greece. They pro- Battle of Thermopylcg 129 fessed to believe that he could hold the pass till the Olym- pic games and their own festival of the Carneia were over. Then, they said, they would take the field in full force. Hdt. vii, 202, The fleet, comprising the contingents of the various cities ^°^* of the League, sailed to Artemisium to cooperate with the land force at Ther- mopylae. Each contingent was under its own admiral, and the whole fleet was com- manded by the Spartan Eury- biades. The Persians failed to carry Leonidas' position by assault, for their numbers did not count in the narrow pass. The discipline of the Greeks, their strong defen- sive armor, and their long spears might have held the hordes of Xerxes in check for an indefinite time, had not the Persians gained the rear of the pass through the treachery of a Greek. Most of the allies then withdrew; but Leonidas with his three hundred Spartans and a few allies remained and prepared for a death struggle. The contrast between the Greeks and the Orientals was at its height at Thermopylae : on the one side, the Persian officers scourged their men to battle; on the other, the Spartans voluntarily faced certain death The Three Hundred Spartans. P. 115. A Persian Archer K 130 TJie War with Persia and Cai'thage Pp. 57 ff. in obedience to law. " The Lacedaemonians are the best of all men when fighting in a body; for though free, yet they are not free in all things, since over them is set Hdt. vii, 104, law as a master. They certainly do whatever that master 223, 228. commands] and he always bids them not flee in battle from any multitude of men, but stay at their post, and win the victory or lose their lives." The dead were buried where they fell, and the poet Simonides, some say, composed this epitaph for the three hundred : " Stranger, tell the Lacedae- monians that we lie here in obedience to their laws." The Spartans were slain but not conquered. The battle of Thermopylae ought to have been considered a victory for the Greeks, but in the general discouragement it only made matters worse. The admirals at Artemisium, though they met with some success, resolved to retreat even before hear- ing of the capture of Thermopylae. Many states Xerxes was now moving through central Greece towards Medize. Athens. Nearly all of the states west of Attica submitted and sent their troops to reenforce his army. The men of Delphi, according to their own account, hid the treasures Hdt. viii, of Apollo in a cave and prepared to resist the Persian corps 35 ff- which had come to pillage their temple; then some god aided them by bringing a thunder-storm and hurling great crags down Mount Parnassus upon the advancing enemy. In this way, they said, Apollo defended his holy shrine. However, as the Delphian priests had on former occasions favored foreigners in preference to Greeks and had given their countrymen no encouragement in the present war, it P. loi. seems not unlikely that they made their peace with Xerxes and afterwards invented the story of the supernatural de- fence to cover their want of patriotism. Greek fleet at The Greek fleet paused at Salamis to help the Athenians Saiamis. remove their families and property to places of safety. Apollo Disloyal 131 This was their last resource, as the Peloponnesians were bent on defending only Peloponnese. Indeed, the other admirals wanted to hurry on to the Isthmus; but Themis- tocles would not go with his contingent, and the others felt that they could not afford to lose it. Themistocles on en- tering his city found it in despair. Some time before Bay of Salamis this the Athenians had sent to consult the Delphic oracle Apollo dis- with respect to the approaching war, and a dreadful answer ^^JJ^^s^s had come foretelling utter ruin. The Athenian messengers besought a more favorable reply, saying they would remain in the shrine till their death if it were not granted. Then the god grew merciful and gave a little hope : — Pallas has not been able to soften the lord of Olympus, Though she has often prayed him, and urged him with excellent counsel. Yet once more I address thee in words than adamant firmer : When the foe shall have taken whatever the limit of Cecrops 132 The War with Persia and Carthage Holds within it, and all which divine Cithoeron shelters, Hdt. vii, 141. Then far-seeing Jove grants this to the prayers of Athena, — Safe shall the wooden wall continue for thee and thy children. Wait not the tramp of the horse, nor the footman mightily moving Over the land, but turn your back to the foe, and retire ye. Yet shall a day arrive when ye shall meet him in battle. Holy Salamis, thou shalt destroy the offspring of women, "When men scatter the seed, or when they gather the harvest. Themistocles Some thought that the " wooden wall " was the fence about compels the ^^ Acropolis : but Themistocles said no, it meant the ships, Greeks to r } v i fight and thus he induced the Athenians to quit their homes and place all their hopes in the fleet. Themistocles was the MAP OF SAIiAMIS Bormoy iCo-.N-T. soul of resistance to Persia. His resourceful mind sup- plied courage, unity, and religious faith. He was now de- termined that the battle between Asia and Europe should be fought in the bay of Salamis. First, he exhausted the resources of eloquence and argument to persuade the ad- mirals that here was the most favorable place for the fight; but when arguments and even threats failed, he secretly advised the enemy to block the Greeks up in the bay. By Battle of Salamis 133 following his advice, they compelled the Greeks to fight. Hdt. viii, 44, o cc The three hundred and seventy-eight Greek triremes, nearly '^ ' half of which were manned by Athenians, had to face a fleet twice as large. Though most of the enemy's naval force was made up of Asiatic Greeks, yet the free Greeks gained the victory, for they fought with better spirit. The poet ^schylus, who was in the fight, gives a glorious The battle of description of it in his historical drama, T/ie Persians. ^^"^^^' ^ 480 B.C. The speaker is a Persian messenger addressing Atossa, Xerxes' mother. And when day, bright to look on with white steeds, O'erspread the earth, then rose from the Hellenes Loud chant of cry of battle, and forthwith Echo gave answer from each island rock; And terror then on all the Persians fell, Of fond hopes disappointed. Not in flight The Hellenes then their solemn paeans sang : ^sch. Pers. But with brave spirit hastening on to battle, 386 ff. ; of. "With martial sound the trumpet fired those ranks : Hdt. viii, And straight with sweep of oars that flew through foam, 79 "• They smote the loud waves at the boatswain's call; And swiftly all were manifest to sight. Then first their right wing moved in order meet; Next the whole line its forward course began, And all at once we heard a mighty shout, — " O sons of Hellenes, forward, free your country ; Free too your wives, your children, and the shrines Built to your fathers'' Gods, and holy tombs Your ajicestors now rest in. Now the fight Is for our allH'' And on our side indeed Arose in answer din of Persian speech. And time to wait was over : ship on ship Dashed its bronze-pointed beak, and first a barque Of Hellas did the encounter fierce begin. And from Phoenician vessel crashes off Her carved prow. And each against his neighbor Steers his own ship : and first the mighty flood Of Persian host held out. But when the ships 134 The War ivitJi Persia and Carthage Results of the battle. Athenian envoys at Sparta. P. 128. Were crowded in the straits, nor could they give Help to each other, they with mutual shocks. With beaks of bronze went crushing each the other, Shivering their rowers' benches. And the ships Of Hellas, with manoeuvring not unskilful. Charged circling round them. And the hulls of ships Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, Filled, as it was, with wrecks and carcasses; And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses, And every ship was wildly rowed in fight. All that composed the Persian armament. And they, as men spear tunnies, or a haul Of other fishes, with the shafts of oars, Or spars of wrecks went smiting, cleaving down; And bitter groans and wailings overspread The wide sea-waves, till eye of swarthy night Bade it all cease : and for the mass of ills. Not, though my tale should run for ten full days, Could I in full recount them. Be assured That never yet so great a multitude Died in a single day as died in this. The Asiatic fleet was so thoroughly crippled and demor- alized that there was no more danger to Greece from the sea. Xerxes quickly withdrew from Europe, leaving Mar- donius in command of three hundred thousand troops. The contest on land was deferred to the following summer; but the Persian cause was strengthened by the change of plan, and the real crisis was yet to come. When the Athenians returned to their city, they found it in ruins. Though they might during the winter have made good terms with the enemy, they remained loyal to Hellas, only urging that the Peloponnesian army should be dis- Hdt. ix, 6-10. played as soon as possible in Boeotia. In the spring of 479 B.C. Mardonius moved from his winter quarters in Thessaly into central Greece, and the Athenians again abandoned their city. Some of the Peloponnesians were at home; others were busy working on the Isthmian wall, The Crisis of the War' 135 behind which they still planned to make their defence. The Athenians sent three of their most eminent citizens to Sparta to demand that the Peloponnesian army should im- mediately move forward beyond the Isthmus; otherwise the Athenians would be compelled to seek their own way of safety. The ephors put the envoys off from day to day on the pretext that the Spartans were celebrating the festival of the Hyacinthia. But in reality they had little thought of leading their force beyond the Isthmus. The tenth day came, and the envoys determined to depart next morning. The crisis had come; the ephors held in their hands the destiny of Europe. The sun set, but no word came from ephors to envoys. It was a heavy night for the men from Athens. No doubt they watched out its dreary minutes still hoping against hope. They little knew what was taking place; for all through the night messengers were bearing the mandates of imperial Sparta's ephors to the towns of the perioeci, and doubtless also to the allies who still remained at home, bidding Peloponnese concentrate its military strength at the Isthmus for a march into central Greece. In that same night five thousand heavy-armed Spartans, under the regent Pausanias, set out for the Isth- mus accompanied by seven times as many light-armed helots. In Peloponnese, Greek intellect had embodied itself in military discipline and organization, and two centuries of vigorous training were now to bear fruit. With amazement and joy the envoys learned in the morning that the war of independence was now to be waged, not for Peloponnese alone, but for all Greece. They flew home to tell the good news. Now that Sparta had decided to act, she would show the world how rapidly she could mobilize her army. The battle was fought at Platsea ; but the issue had never 136 The War with Persia and Carthage Battle of Platsea, 479 B.C. Hdt. ix, 12-89. Hdt. ix, 55. War with Carthage. Causes of the war. been doubtful since that memorable day on which the fight was morally won in Sparta. The generals managed the battle awkwardly; not they but their men are to be praised for the victory. The Spartan spirit is typified in the sub- lime stubbornness of Amompharetus, a Lacedaemonian cap- tain. When ordered to retreat with the army to a better position, he seized a piece of stone, and, casting it at the feet of Pausanias, the commander, he exclaimed, "With this pebble I give my vote not to fly from the strangers ! " The Athenians, commanded by Aristeides, were as brave as the Spartans, but some of the Peloponnesian allies took no part in the fight. ^ In the summer of the same year, the Greek fleet was tempted across the ^gean by the Samians, who wished to revolt from Persia. About the time of the battle at Plataea, — Herodotus says on the same day, — the crews of the Greek vessels landed at Mycale and gained a victory over a greatly superior force of the Persians. The battle of Plataea freed continental Greece from fear of Persian conquest; that at Mycale pointed unmistakably to the liberation from Persian influence of the whole ^gean region east and north. We shall now turn our attention to the war which the western Greeks were meanwhile waging with Carthage. Sicily, the connecting link between Europe and Africa, was for centuries the battle-ground of these two continents, till all-conquering Rome decided the contest in favor of Europe. All the Greek cities of Sicily except Syracuse had fallen, before 485 b.c, under the rule of tyrants. In that year Gelon, despot of Gela, when called in to settle a civil war between the aristocrats and the commons in Syracuse, ended ^ The campaign and battle; Hdt. ix, 12-89. Invasion of Sicily 137 it by making himself master of this city. Leaving the gov- ernment of Gela to his brother, Hieron, he took up his residence in Syracuse, which he made the largest and strongest of Sicilian cities. This he did by conquering the surrounding communities, selling their commons into slavery, and making their nobles citizens of Syracuse. He had determined that his capital should be a city of wealthy men, but in carrying out this policy he betrayed an un- Hellenic disregard for human rights, which he had undoubt- edly learned from the Phoenicians. All southeastern Sicily came under his authority. He increased his power still further by marrying the daughter of Theron, tyrant of Acragas. While the great cities of southern Sicily were thus uniting under the rule of a single family, a similar combination was taking place among the states of the north. This was chiefly due to Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, who had added Messene to his domain and had married the daughter of Terillus, despot of Himera. A conflict now came between North and South : Theron began it by seiz- ing Himera and expelling its ruler. Thereupon Anaxilas helped his kinsman, while Theron was supported by both Gelon and Hieron. The strife which ensued was the im- mediate occasion for a Carthaginian invasion; and Terillus was to play in this matter the part of a Hippias. The Phoenicians of Carthage were originally an industrial Battle of and trading people with little taste for war. But to defend H^'^^'"^' 4-00 B.C. their commercial position in the western Mediterranean they had, in the latter half of the sixth century B.C., trans- formed their state into a great military power. The Car- thaginian Mago had conceived the idea of organizing a gigantic mercenary force, and he thus converted the wealth of his city into "sinews of war." This was all in a spirit of defence; but when the new system was once established, 138 The War zvith Persia and Carthage Carthage became a conquering state to win back the lands she had been compelled to yield to the Greeks. While Xerxes was making his tremendous levy, Carthaginian officers were enlisting recruits from all the islands and coasts of the western Mediterranean. And about the time that Xerxes was crossing the Hellespont, King Hamilcar of Carthage, landing at Panormus, advanced towards Himera with an army as formidable, if not so large, as that of the Asiatic despot. Terillus had invited interven- tion; and the Carthaginians were bringing him back to his city. They were met and defeated near Himera by the Hdt. vii, combined forces of Gelon and Theron. The story is told 153-1 • tj^g^^ 2X\. day long, as the battle raged, the prophet king of Carthage stood apart from his host, offering victims to the gods, and that at last to appease the angry powers who seemed to be siding with the foe, he threw himself a living sacrifice into the flames. The Greeks of later time would have it that this battle took place on the day of Salamis. The Greek force at Himera was about as large as that at Plataea, but was mainly mercenary. It lacked the enthusiasm of patriotism, but was more solidly welded together, so as to move at the Holm, ii, command of one ruling will. Moreover, Gelon was a more P* ^' skilful general than Pausanias. Pindar thought of Himera as equal in importance to Salamis and Plataea.^ Peace was made soon after the battle on the basis of the status quo, and soon most of Greek Sicily was united under Gelon. 1 "From Salamis shall I of the Athenians take reward of thanks; at Sparta when I shall tell in a song to come of the battle [at Plataea] before Cithseron, wherein the Medes that bear crooked bows were over- thrown; but by the fair-watered banks of the Himeras it shall be for the song I have rendered to the sons of Deinomenes \_i.e. to Gelon and Hieron], which by their valor they have earned, since the men that warred against them are overthrown." — Pyik. i. Results of tJie War 139 The conflict between Greeks and foreigners was decided Contrasts in the East by tlie battle of Plataea; in the West, by that of i^^tween the East and Himera. The war continued for some time in the East, west. no longer for the defence of continental Greece, but for the liberation of the Hellenic cities about the ^gean, the Hellespont, and the Black Sea. In the West, peace with P. 14- Carthage followed the battle of Himera; but the Greeks still had before them a short, sharp struggle with the Etrus- cans. The victory in the East was won by the enthusiasm Holm, ii, pp. of free citizens; that in the West by mercenaries in the ^2, 89, n. 8. service of tyrants. Yet the conflict in both parts created a democratic spirit, which in the East made the existing con- stitutions still more popular, and in the West overturned tyranny and set up republican governments. The war P. 118. with Persia and Carthage did much to unite the states of Hellas : Sparta remained for a time the political centre of the East and Syracuse of the West. Finally, the victorious Greeks, filled with energy and confidence by their unex- pected success, now entered upon their great age in liter- ature, art, and politics. Sources Herodotus, bks. vi-ix; Diodorus, bk. xi; V\yx\.zxc^, Theviistocles zxi^ Reading. Aristeides; ^schylus, Persians. Modern Authorities (i) The War with Persia: Holm, History of Greece, II, chs. ii-v; Abbott, History of Greece, II, i-v; Oman, History of Greece, chs. xvii-xx; Timayenis, History of Greece, T, pt. iii, chs. ii-viii; Curtius, History of Greece, II, bk. iii, ch. i; Grote, History of Greece, IV, ch. xxxvi, V, chs. xxxviii-xlii; Cox, Greeks and Persians, chs. vi-viii. (2) The War with Carthage: Holm, II, ch. vi; Abbott, II, ch. xii; Oman, History of Greece, ch. xxi; Allcroft and Masom, History of Sicily, chs. i-iii; Freeman, History of Sicily, II, chs. v, vi; Story of Sicily, chs. v, vi; Timayenis, I, pt. iii, ch. ix; Curtius, III, bk, iv, ch.iii; Grote, V, ch. xliii. Cave of Apollo in Delos CHAPTER VIII Gelon be- comes king. P. 136 f. Literature. Pp. 9, 105. THE AGE OF CIMON — HARMONY AMONG THE GREEK STATES (479-461 B.C.) The victory of Himera brought Gelon great honor and strengthened his hold on the government. One day he appeared unprotected in an assembly of armed citizens — a bold thing for a tyrant — to render an account of his rule. The people, thus taken into his confidence, hailed him as their benefactor, preserver, and king; and from that time they regarded him not as a tyrant, but as the sovereign of their choice. Two years after the battle he died lamented by his subjects, who looked upon him as the second founder of their city. His brother Hieron succeeded him. These two rulers were liberal patrons of culture and made Syracuse the most brilliant city of Greece. The foremost place in civilization, once held by Ionia, was now filled 140 The Court of Hieron 141 by western Greece. Just as the Asiatic Greeks composed the first poetry of their race which has come down to us, the Sicilians were the first to cultivate comedy, rhetoric, and oratory, and to bring architecture to a high stage of excellence. Hieron gathered about him the most brilliant talent he could find. Among the men of genius at his court was Epicharmus, the first great comic poet of Greece. Epicharmus. He was a scientist and physician as well as a writer of comedies, — a broad-minded man. Pindar himself tells us Pindar. that he, too, took pleasure in visiting " the rich and happy P, 91 f. hearth of Hieron; for he wieldeth the sceptre of justice in Sicily of many flocks, culling the choice fruits of all kinds of excellence; and is made splendid with the flower of music, even such strains as we sing blithely at the table of a friend." ^schylus of Athens spent several years with ^schyius. Hieron, and perhaps in Syracuse composed his drama ^-^SS.isgff- The Suppliants. A passage in it seems to be addressed to Sicily's "king " : "You are the city; you are the public; Suppliants, as irresponsible chief you have power over the altar, 37° ff- the hearth of the land, by your own sovereign decrees; and so, seated on a throne of undisputed sway, you ratify all civil business. Beware of incurring guilt in the sight of the gods." yEschylus was probably the first to set forth this idea of kingship, which Louis XIV of France reiter- ated when he said, "I am the state." Many other distinguished men, both poets and philoso- Art. phers, sojourned at his court; and sculptors, architects, and workmen found plenty of employment under him. For the victory at Himera brought a new era in art; the victors, in gratitude to the gods for their help, built new temples in the various cities of Sicily. Although the citizens usually Pind. oiymp. lived in small, cheap houses, in marked contrast to the "' ^y^^'^-'^^^- magnificent dwellings of the gods, those of Acragas were an 142 The Age of Cimon Battle off Cumae, 474 B.C. exception to the rule, as many of them had fine residences; in fact, this city was, under Theron, the most beautiful in Greece. Hieron had spent but a few years in the works of peace when he was called to the defence of Hellas against the Etruscans. These people lived in Italy north of Rome; but as they had a strong navy, they were threatening to take possession of all the western coast of the peninsula. This would have been a great misfortune, for the Etruscans were inferior to the Greeks in civilization. They had overrun fertile Campania and were coming to attack Cumae, when Hieron defeated them near that city in a naval battle, and checked forever the growth of their power. This victory saved not only the Greeks of Italy, but even Rome itself, Vin<^. Pyth. \, from the Etruscans. On that day, "they beheld the ca- lamity of their ships that befell them before Cumae, even how they were smitten by the captain of the Syracusans, who from their swift ships hurled their youth into the sea, to deliver Hellas from the bondage of the oppressor." After this battle came a time of quiet and prosperity. The Sicilians out of respect for Hieron and Theron endured the monarchy as long as these able rulers lived, but they rebelled against their worthless sons. Then Syracuse, Acragas, and the other cities of Sicily became republics, and at the same time lost political connection with each other. Thus it came about that the downfall of tyranny left Sicily disunited and weak, and at the same time brought a decline in culture. For during the next few years the new republics were so disturbed by civil wars that they could give little attention to the refinements of life. The old citizens were trying to exclude from their civil rights those who, in reward for mercenary service, had received the franchise from the tyrants. Finally they gained their point, and, in 461 B.C., Revolution in Sicily, 472-465 B.C. Fortification of Athens 143 a congress of deputies from the various Sicilian cities settled all civil disputes and established firmly the republics. Meantime the Greeks of Italy were growing more demo- Revolution cratic. Their cities had been ruled either by tyrants or by ^^ ^*^^^' oligarchs; those of the Achaeans were under the control of Pythagorean brotherhoods, which were at once religious and aristocratic. The populace of Croton in its zeal for P. 95. democracy attacked the Pythagoreans while they were as- sembled in their meeting-house, and by setting fire to the building destroyed nearly the whole fraternity. The sect met with similar experiences in the other Achaean cities; the tyrants, too, were overthrown, and by the middle of the fifth century b.c. all the Greek states of Italy, except P. 32. Locri, had become democratic. We shall now follow the history of the eastern Greeks Eastern from 479 to 461 B.C. Greece, 479-461 B.C. As soon as all danger from the Persians was over, the Athenians returned home from exile and began to rebuild Fortification their city and its walls. They had sacrificed more than all of^^^ens. the other Greeks together in the cause of Hellenic freedom. P. 134. But instead of sympathizing with them in their misfortune, some of the Greek states, doubtless through jealousy, com- plained of Athens to Sparta, and asked that the building of the defences be stopped. It was urged that the Athenian walls would be merely a protection to the Persians on another invasion, and that Peloponnese would afford a suf- ficient refuge for all. This was in accord with the narrow. Pp. 118 f., 128, selfish policy which the Spartan ephors had pursued -^3+ throughout the late war. As they found it easier to rule defenceless cities, they acted readily on the suggestion of their allies. They sent envoys who advised the Athenians to stop fortifying their city and to join the Lacedaemonians rather in tearing down the walls of all the communities 144 The Age of Cimon outwits the Lacedae- monians. Thuc. i, 90 f. north of the Isthmus. The policy of Lacedaemon was evi- dently to rule Greece if convenient, and to protect only Peloponnese; but the Athenians would not submit to an Themistocies arrangement so unjust. As they were in no condition to face a Peloponnesian army, the resourceful Themistocies provided a way out of the difficulty. Following his advice, the Athenians appointed him, Aristeides, and a third person ambassadors to Sparta to dis- cuss the question at issue. Aristeides as a member of the embassy did all in his power to aid Themistocies in the stratagem. He must have seen clearly that the Athenians, who themselves aspired to leadership among the Greeks, could not suffer their city to become an unwalled township of Lacedaemon. Themistocies "proposed that he should start at once for Sparta, and that his colleagues should wait until the wall reached the lowest height which could possibly be defended. The whole people, men, women, and children, should join in the work, and they must spare no building, private or public, which could be of use, but demolish them all. Having given these instructions and intimated that he would manage affairs at Sparta, he departed. On his arrival he did not at once present himself officially to the magistrates, but delayed and made excuses; and when any of them asked him why he did not appear before the as- sembly, he said that he was waiting for his colleagues, who had been detained by some engagement; he was daily ex- pecting them, and wondered that they had not appeared. "The friendship of the Lacedaemonian magistrates for Themistocies induced them to believe him; but when every- body who came from Athens declared positively that the wall was building and had already reached a considerable height, they knew not what to think. He, aware of their suspicions, desired them not to be misled by reports, but Athens the equal of Sparta. Athens and the Asiatic Greeks 145 to send to Athens men whom they could trust out of their own number, who would see for themselves and bring back word. They agreed; and he at the same time privately instructed the Athenians to detain the envoys as quietly as they could, and not let them go till he and his colleagues had got safely home. For by this time . . . [the two other Athenian ambassadors] had arrived, bringing the news that the wall was of sufficient height; and he was afraid that the Lacedaemonians, when they heard the truth, might not allow them to return. So the Athenians detained the envoys, and Themistocles, coming before the Lacedaemonians, at length declared in so many words that Athens was now provided with walls and could protect her citizens; " and that hence- forth Sparta must treat her as an equal. It was a bold game well played. The ephors replied that their proposal to Athens had been intended merely as friendly advice. The outcome of the matter was that although the Spartans were Thuc. i, 18, thoroughly indignant with Themistocles, the alliance be- ■^°^' ^^' tween the two states remained intact. While the Athenians were fortifying their city, important Germ of the events were happening elsewhere. The victory of Mycale ^^^^^" . Confederacy. led to the revolt of the lonians and of some other Asiatic Greeks from the Persians. The Peloponnesian commanders P. 136. of the fleet at Samos could not think of maintaining a force in Asia Minor for the protection of these new allies. They p. 127. proposed instead to expel those European Greeks who had sided with the enemy and to settle the lonians on the lands thus made vacant. The Athenian generals stoutly objected ' to the plan. They insisted that the Peloponnesians had no right to interfere between Athens and her colonies, and that Pp. 8 f., 113. the Athenians would themselves give the necessary protec- tion. As the Peloponnesians gladly yielded, the Athenian commanders formed a close alliance with the Asiatic 146 The Age of Cimon Athens leader of the maritime states- Peiraeus. 476 B.C. Thuc. i, 93. Greeks, out of which the Delian Confederacy afterwards grew. In making this arrangement Athens was merely re- ceiving a cast-off burden, but she readily accepted it as she foresaw that it would be to her interest. But the Lacedaemonians still wished to lead the Greeks by sea as well as by land; and so the next spring they sent out Pausanias to command the fleet of the allies in their war with Persia. He laid siege to Byzantium, which was still occupied by the enemy; but while engaged in this work he offered to betray Greece into Persian hands on condition that he might become tyrant of his country and son-in-law of the king. Meantime he was cruel and arro- gant to those under his authority. The Asiatic Greeks who had joined the expedition, resenting such treatment, begged the Athenian generals, Aristeides and Cimon, to take charge of the fleet. The gentleness and courtesy of the com- manders from Athens contrasted strikingly with the bru- tality of Pausanias. Naturally, too, the Athenians and the Asiatic Greeks sympathized with each other because of their close kinship. Aristeides and Cimon accepted the invita- tion, for they were as ready as Themistocles to benefit their city, even at the risk of breaking with Sparta. The Lace- daemonians recalled Pausanias to answer the charges against him, and soon afterwards yielded the leadership at sea to Athens. They saw no advantage to themselves in continu- ing the war with Persia and could not trust their command- ers abroad. They believed, too, that they should lose none of their prestige by this arrangement, for Athens was still their ally and pledged by treaty to follow their lead in war. As soon as the Athenians had finished rebuilding their city, Themistocles began to fortify Peiraeus. He sur- rounded it with a massive wall seven miles in circuit, for he wished it to be so strong that no enemy could take it Themistocles^ Leader of Hellas 147 by storm, and to contain at the same time ample space for trade and industry. Peiraeus soon became, next to Tyre and Carthage, the most flourishing commercial city of the Mediterranean. Themistocles was in the main a man of peace; and after Themistocies the battle of Salamis, he ceased to lead his countrymen in *^ leading statesman war, but remained at home in order to supervise the build- of Hellas, ing of the navy and defences, and to direct the foreign affairs of Athens. His was a broad policy, designed to bring his city into relations with all Greece — especially with those states which were still independent of Sparta. He continued for a few years to be the most popular and the most influential man in Hellas. At the Olympic games, in the summer of 476 B.C., when Themistocles entered the stadium, the spectators took no further notice of the ath- letes, but spent the whole day in looking at him, in show- ing him to the strangers, and in applauding him by clapping their hands. He himself, highly gratified, admitted to his friends that he then reaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks. But Themistocles was not to remain popular much longer; The policy of for about a year after this event, by again provoking the Lacedaemon. anger of the Lacedaemonians, he prepared the way for his own ruin. To understand the causes of his downfall, it is necessary to know the aims of the Lacedaemonians. They wished to unite all the loyal states of Greece under their own leadership. As a step towards realizing this ideal they 476 b.c. sent their king, Leotychidas, with a fleet and army to punish the Thessalians for having joined the Persian king in the late war, and to bring them under the rule of Sparta. He was successful in several battles, and might have accom- plished his object, had he not accepted a bribe from the enemy. There could be no doubt as to his guilt, for the 148 The Age of Cimon 475 B.C. Hdt. vi, 71 f. Themistocles and Lacedaemon. P.99f. Combina- tion against Themis- tocles. 475 B.C. P. 124. Plut. Themistocles. money he had taken was seen in his tent. On his return he was prosecuted for this misconduct and ended his life in exile at Tegea. His grandson, Archidamus, succeeded him. Thus the Lacedaemonians found it unprofitable to engage in distant military operations because of the character of their leaders. But they still hoped to gain by diplomacy what they had failed to win by force. They proposed, accordingly, in the council of the Delphic League that all those states which had favored the enemy should be ejected from the League and that their places should be filled by the loyal states. This would exclude the Thessalians and the Argives, both friendly to Athens, and would substitute for them the allies of Sparta. Themistocles, the Athenian deputy in the council, by opposing the plan, kept the Lace- dsemonians from gaining further power at the expense of Athens; but his conduct so angered them that they never rested thereafter till they had ruined him. First, they began to stir up party strife at Athens; for from the beginning of Xerxes' invasion all political differ- ences had been hushed and an era of good feeling had set in. But now the Lacedaemonians, interfering in Athenian affairs, urged Cimon forward as a leader of the conserva- tives, and consequently as an opponent of Themistocles. In this way they excited the democrats and the conserva- tives to raging against each other. Aristeides, though a democrat, allied himself, apparently for personal reasons, with Cimon, and several other eminent men joined the combination. Now Themistocles was by no means an amiable man. Because his ability had saved the Greeks in the late war, he deified his own genius, built a shrine to it near his house, and worshipped it under the name of " Best- counselling Artemis." His enormous egotism left no room Themistocles in Peloponnese 149 in the state for other public men; so all who aspired to leadership naturally became his enemies and united against him. On his return from Delphi, Leobotes, one of the 475 e.g. Alcmeonidse, who for ages had been at feud with the family of Themistocles, brought against him a charge of Medism, that is, of giving treasonable help or encouragement to Persia. But though the accusation was brought before the Council of the Areopagus, a thoroughly conservative body, he was acquitted and still remained popular. The people respected him for his great ability and for his services to the state, and loved him because he was in perfect touch with them; in fact, he is said to have known every one of them by name. But finally his opponents resorted to Ostracism of ostracism and represented him as a dangerous man. ^"^^^" tocles, about Though he had many supporters, they scattered their votes 472 e.g. among his several opponents, while the votes of all his enemies were directed against him alone, and he was accordingly banished. He retired to Argos, and from there travelled about Peloponnese. Wherever he went, democracy sprang up in his footsteps and expressed itself in rebellion against Sparta. Elis, Arcadia, and Argos now became democratic. The spirit of freedom awakened by the war with Persia was acting upon all Hellas; in Pelo- ponnese its tendency was, by arousing opposition to oli- garchy, to disorganize the League. The Arcadians joined P. 79. Argos in a war with Sparta, but were easily defeated. Sparta took advantage of this victory to reorganize the League, so as to knit it firmly together; by gaining more thorough control of its resources she prepared to maintain her supremacy and her political principles against the en- croachments of Athens and the democracy. While the Lacedaemonians were having these troubles, p^ ^^^j^ Pausanias was annoying them by his conduct. He not only p. 146. ISO The Age of Cimon 472-471 B.C. Thuc. i, 131-134- P. 46. Themistocles implicated. Thuc. i, 135. 464 B.C. His death. Thuc. i, 138. continued his treasonable correspondence with Persia, but even began to intrigue with the helots, promising them citizenship if they would support him in his plans. No sooner had the ephors got evidence of all his doings and resolved to arrest him, than he fled for refuge to a shrine of Athena. Fearing to drag him away, they walled him in, so that he died of starvation; and thus the Lacedaemonians brought upon themselves the curse of impiety. The ephors now alleged that they had found some corre- spondence between Pausanias and Themistocles which, they said, proved Themistocles also guilty of Medism. They demanded that he should be tried for this crime. He had long been a thorn in the flesh, and they had now found a means of removing him once for all. Athenian officers, accompanied by Lacedaemonians, went to Peloponnese to bring him to Athens for trial. Themistocles, hearing of their coming, escaped to Corcyra, and after various wander- ings made his way to the court of the Persian king. Here he found safety from his pursuers; he was kindly received and given the revenues of some Greek cities ^ in western Asia Minor, which were apparently still under the Persian rule. He may have made the king some promise of subdu- ing Greece, but he certainly did nothing to carry it into effect. Finally he died of sickness, though some of the Greeks believed that he took poison to avoid fulfilling his promise to the king. Thus Themistocles, who was perhaps the greatest of the Greeks, ended his life in obscurity and dishonor; but years afterwards he became, next to Solon, the idol of the Athenians. Aristophanes, the comic writer, tells how the citizens of a later age looked back to him as to a rich and generous host, — Magnesia, Myus, and Lampsacus. The Delian Confederacy 151 Who found us exhausted and filled us anew With a bumper of opulence; carving and sharing Rich slices of empire ; and kindly preparing, Knights, While his guests were at dinner, a capital supper, 813 ff. With a dainty remove both under and upper, The fort and the harbor, and many a dish Of colonies, islands, and such kind of fish. If, too, in after time an Athenian orator wished to bring Cf. Lys. before his hearers the picture of a great warrior, statesman, ^"' ^' and patriot in contrast with some contemporary who be- trayed his country's interests, he needed only mention the name of Themistocles. It was Themistocles who, by the creation of a navy and The Delian harbor, prepared the way for the supremacy of Athens in °" ^ T^^l' the ^gean Sea. In 478 b.c. the Athenians had secured the leadership of the ^Egean cities recently liberated from Persia, and in the following year they organized their new alliance. It centred at the shrine of Apollo on the island of Delos, and was named therefore the Delian Confederacy. Naturally its constitution was patterned after that of the P- 79- Peloponnesian League. The allies were to furnish ships and crews led by Athenian generals, and a congress of depu- ties from all the allied states was to meet at Delos under the presidency of representatives from Athens. But in impor- tant respects the Delian Confederacy differed from the Peloponnesian League. It was necessary to maintain a large fleet in the ^gean as a defence against the Persians, whereas no standing force was needed for the protection of Peloponnese. Money is absolutely necessary for the sup- port of a fleet; hence the Delian Confederacy, unlike the Peloponnesian League, levied annual taxes. Aristeides, Census of who was commissioned to take the first census, decided ^"steides, 477 B.C. which states should furnish ships with their crews and which should contribute money. The larger communities gener- Thuc. i, 96 f. 152 The Age of Cimon p. 22 f. Growth of the Confederacy. Thuc. i, 99. P. no. ally provided naval forces, while the smaller paid taxes. The total annual cost of maintaining the Confederacy amounted, by the assessment of Aristeides, to four hundred and sixty talents. It remained about the same for half a century. The treasury, in the temple of the Delian Apollo, was managed by treasurers who were exclusively Athenians. The Confederacy itself, which was based on the older reli- gious league of Delos, was placed under the protection of Apollo. With Cimon as leader, the Delian Confederacy rapidly expanded till it came, within a few years, to include the eastern and northern coasts and most of the islands of the ^gean. The Persians were dislodged from this whole region, and there was little apparent danger from them for the present. But this very feeling of security proved to be extremely mischievous. Many of the allies, finding mili- tary service irksome, offered to pay taxes instead. Cimon advised the Athenians to accept these payments, as they could build and equip triremes at less expense than the separate allied towns, and hence could fulfil their agree- ment to protect the ^gean, give work to the laboring class among themselves, and have money left for their own pub- lic use. It was a further consideration that a fleet made up chiefly of Athenians would be far more united, and thus more efficient, than if composed of unwilling allies. The disarming of the allies, on the other hand, naturally de- graded them to the condition of protected subjects. Then some grew tired even of paying the tribute. Indeed, they could no longer see the need of a confederacy since the Persians had ceased to trouble them. They did not reflect that it was the Athenian navy which kept the oppressor at a distance, and that as soon as they should be left unpro- tected the Persian satrap would once more send them his Revolts 153 tax-gatherers. It became henceforth a more difficult task to prevent the disruption of the Confederacy than to defend it against foreign enemies. Naxos was the first to revolt. It had a strong navy and Revolt of expected aid from Persia; but Cimon besieged the island ^^^°^- and reduced it before help could arrive. The Naxians were compelled to tear down their walls, surrender their fleet, and pay henceforth an annual tribute. Thus Naxos 469 ^-c lost its freedom and became dependent on Athens. Soon 468 b.c. afterwards, at the mouth of the Eurymedon on the coast of Pamphylia, Cimon gained a double victory over a Phoeni- Thuc i, 100. cian fleet and a land force of Persians. As a result of this battle the Persians gave up hoping to recover their Greek possessions : — Now with adverse turn of fortune, ^sch. Pers. With Ionian seamen meeting, loii ff. Fails in war the race of Persians. Another outcome of the victory was that the Carian and Lycian coasts came into the Delian Confederacy, bringing the number of cities up to about two hundred. Next came the revolt of Thasos, the cause of which was Revolt of a quarrel between the Athenians and the Thasians as to Thasos, 465 B.C. certain gold mines of Thrace, in which both had an inter- est. Thasos was one of the strongest of the allies. It had a fleet of thirty-three ships, valuable possessions in Thrace, and a foreign policy of its own. After a siege of two years 463 b.c Cimon reduced the island, and punished it just as he had Naxos. Athens was now reaching a high degree of prosperity. Earthquake while Sparta was declining. Through jealousy of the at Sparta. growing power of their rival, the Lacedaemonians began to Thuc i, loi. interfere in the affairs of the Confederacy. They had se- cretly encouraged the Thasians to hold out against Athens 154 ^'^^ ^S^ of Cimon by promising to invade Attica. Tliis agreement, however, they were prevented from fulfilling by a terrible earthquake, Piut. Cimon. which nearly destroyed Sparta. Only a few houses were left standing, and thousands of lives were lost. Many of the helots had recently been slain on suspicion of having P. 149- intrigued with Pausanias. The authorities at Sparta had even dragged some away from sanctuaries and put them to death. Hence the earthquake was regarded by the lower classes in Laconia as a divine punishment visited upon Revolt of the Lacedaemon for her sin. The helots revolted, and in the ^ °^^' general confusion caused by earthquake and superstition they nearly captured Sparta by surprise. But most of the perioeci remained loyal, and the shattered city was saved p. 148. by the promptness of King Archidamus. The insurgents, P. 57. who were mostly Messenians, seized and fortified, in their own country. Mount Ithome, one of the strongest military Thuc.i, loif. positions in Peloponnese. As the Lacedaemonians could accomplish nothing against them single-handed, they asked help of their allies, including the Athenians. When the envoys reached Athens, a hot debate ensued as to whether aid should be sent. After the banishment of Themistocles, the democratic party, believing that Sparta was a dead weight attached to Athens, continued to uphold his policy Ephiaites. of cutting loose from Peloponnese. Its leader was now Themistocles' friend, Ephiaites, a good citizen and an upright statesman. He vehemently opposed the resolution to send assistance to the Lacedaemonians and advised that "the pride and arrogance of Sparta be trodden under." Cimon, who was present, was of the opposite opinion. He was only a half-Athenian by birth, ^ and his natural charac- ter led him to sympathize with the Lacedaemonians. In Piut. Cimon. the debate with Ephiaites, he urged the Athenians "not to 1 His mother was the daughter of a Thracian tribal chief. Sparta and Athe^is 155 suffer Greece to be lamed or Athens to be deprived of her yoke-mate," meaning that the alliance between these two states should be preserved by every means. His public policy was war with the Persians and close union with Sparta. Thus Cimon had come to be a great representative of the principle of Hellenic unity. The ideal was grand, and if attained would have proved the salvation of Greece. But unfortunately it was impracticable. Sparta and Athens Sparta and were growing so unlike in character that they could no * ^'^^' longer work in harmony. The rigid discipline of the Spar- P. 57 f. tans was making them hard, narrow, and ignorant; on the other hand, the Athenian taste was growing more intellectual and refined; the Athenians were fast becoming a commu- nity of public men quick to plan and ready in action, " the only people who succeed to the full extent of their hope, Thuc i, 70. because they undertake forthwith whatever they have re- solved to do." Union with Sparta meant submission to Sparta — the slavery of mind to muscle. The mission of Athens was moral, intellectual, and artistic as well as polit- ical; and if she was to achieve her utmost for the world, it was necessary for her to be free from all external re- straints. Cimon' s Laconian policy was, therefore, proba- 462 b.c. bly a mistake. Nevertheless he prevailed, and led a force of Athenians against Ithome. Cimon left his party without a leader at a very critical Council of time. Since the war with Persia democratic ideas had *^^ Areopagus been gaming ground at Athens. Influenced by Aristeides, the government had begun to pay for public service, in order that the poor might stand on an equality with the rich in their relations with the state. Thus Aristeides in- troduced a radical democratic principle into the constitu- tion. The only important conservative element remaining in it was the Council of the Areopagus. As the Areopagites 156 The Age of Cimon 462 B.C. A list. Ath. Cofist. 25; Plut. Pericles. Cimon and Pericles. P. 123. Plut. Cimon. Pay for jury service. 462 B.C. (?) held office for life, they were usually a generation behind time in the questions of the day. In Cimon' s absence Ephialtes directed an attack upon this body, and carried a measure which deprived it of all political authority. It remained little more than a court with jurisdiction in cases of murder. Ephialtes was supported in this measure by Pericles, son of Xanthippus. Though a young man, Pericles was already recognized as a prominent leader of the democrats against the conservative Cimon. The antagonism of these two men was all the keener from the fact that they were heredi- tary opponents. Cimon, who had acquired enormous wealth through his victories, spent it liberally on the state and the citizens. He was a noble of the old stamp in an age when men of his class were rare. His attitude towards the people of his township was that of a great lord towards his retainers; he had the fences pulled down from about his orchards that his neighbors might freely enjoy the fruit; his table was plain, but all his townsmen were welcome to eat with him. Those who were thus maintained at his expense supported him in political life. Cimon was not dangerous to the state, though a man in his position might easily become so. The idea of Pericles was to enlist the citizens in the service of the state, that they might" be at- tached to it rather than to individuals like Cimon. His chief means to this end was the passage of an act to pay jurors a small fee, probably two obols (six cents) a day, for their service. Thus he and Ephialtes finished the work which Aristeides had begun, and Athens became a pure democracy. Ephialtes was soon afterward assassinated, probably by political enemies. Meantime the Athenian troops at Ithome failed to carry the insurgents' position; and the Lacedaemonian authori- Athenian Culture 157 ties, suspecting them of treachery, insolently dismissed Alliance be- them. Cimon returned to Athens an unpopular man. In ^^^" ^ ^ and Sparta trying to check the rising tide of democracy, he was met dissolved, with taunts of over-fondness for Sparta and of immorality 462 b.c. in his private life. Athens abandoned his policy, broke loose from Sparta, and began to form an alliance of her own wholly independent of the Peloponnesian League. Cimon' s resistance to these new movements led to his ostracism in 461 b.c. Before the war with Persia the highest Greek culture was Athens on the circumference of Hellas: the colonists had out- i^^dsm civilization. Stripped the mother country. And for a time after the war Syracuse remained the most brilliant city of Greece, though it declined on the death of Hieron. Greek civili- zation now gravitated towards Athens. Selecting the best elements of Hellenic culture it could find, this city brought them to perfection. When the Persians destroyed Athens, they had left the cimon Acropolis strewn with the wrecks of temples and sculpture. ^[io'""s the city. Themistocles had begun the restoration of the Acropolis; Cimon continued the work and, with the proceeds from the spoils of Eurymedon, made a great substructure on the P. 153. south slope of the Acropolis to prepare a level site for a Parthenon, or temple of Athena. But the building of the temple itself was left to Pericles. Cimon adorned the city in various ways. He planted shade trees in the Academy, The beneath whose sacred olives the modest boys of Athens used Academy, to run races " crowned with white reeds, smelling of yew, Aristoph. of careless hours, and of the leaf -shedding poplar, rejoic- Clouds, 1 r -111 1 • 1005 ff- mg in the fragrant spring, when the plane tree whispers to the elm." The older people, too, found it a delightful refuge from the crowded population and the barren rocks of the city. In going to the Academy, the Athenian left 158 The Age of Cimon The Cerameicus. "The Pain ted Porch." the city by the Dipylon gate and passed through the Cera- meicus, a national cemetery which Cimon set apart for those of his countrymen who had fallen in battle. One of Cimon's kinsmen built a colonnade in the market- place, in a newly planted grove of plane trees, and Polyg- Polygnotus. Pausanias, i, 15. An Athenian Gravestone (From the Cerameicus. National Museum, Athens.) notus of Thasos and other famous painters of the age adorned the interior with mural pictures. Among these were scenes from the mythical past and others from recent history. The most noted of the pictures was the " Battle of Marathon," in which the figures of Miltiades, Callimachus (the polemarch), and ^Eschylus were prominent. The artists selected this subject in honor of the family of their patron, Cimon. The style of Polygnotus was heroic and Sculpture and Poetry 159 simple, expressing the spirit of the age. To him man was the absorbing theme, which permitted but a dim suggestion of nature in the background. The great sculptor of the time was Myron of Athens, the predecessor of Pheidias. He was the artist of the moment; his "crouching Dis- cobolus is like an arrow sped from a bow." For the first time art had so de- veloped that the story of the whole action could be read from the momentary atti- tude of the figure. This probably came through the influence of the drama. Athens was now distinctly taking the lead in art ; her only rival was the friendly city of Argos. Lyric poetry was still represented by Pindar, whose spirit and ideas belong to the preceding period, and by Simoni- des, who was older in years than Pindar, though more modern in style and thought. These men, belonging to no city, were thoroughly national in spirit. The poet of the age, however, was ^Eschylus, the first of the great Attic dramatists. He fought in the battles of Marathon and Salamis, and from them he drew his inspiration^ To the Discobolus (After Myron. Vatican Museum, Rome.) Myron. Holm, ii, p. 169. Lyric poetry — Pindar and Simoni- des, pp. 90 f., 141. Dramatic poetry — .^schylus. i6o The Age of Cimoii He died at Gela in Sicily. His religion. day of his death he remained a warrior in spirit, as is indi- cated by the epitaph composed, it is believed, by himself : This tomb the dust of ^schylus doth hid© — Euphorion's son and fruitful Gala's pride; How famed his valor Marathon may tell, And long-haired Medes, who knew it all too well. But not a word is said of his poetry. ^schylus was a man of gigantic mind and emotions; he set before himself the task of solving the problems of the universe. Although he clung to the an- cient belief in all the gods as supernatural powers, yet, above all — above even the Zeus of popular con- ception — he placed a supreme being who, though perhaps name- less, permitted his worshippers to call him Zeus. The fol- lowing is a bold, grand conception of the power and wisdom of the God in whom he believed : — Zeus (Vatican Museum, It was formerly believed that this was copied after the Olympian Zeus of Pheidias; but the original is now known to be no older than the age of Alexander.) Suppliants, 85 ff. (Morshead.) Though the deep will of Zeus be hard to track, Yet doth it flame and glance, A beacon in the dark 'mid clouds of chance That wrap mankind. ^schylus i6i Yea, though the counsel fall, undone it shall not lie, Whate'er be shaped and fixed within Zeus' ruling mind — Dark as a solemn grove, with sombre leafage shaded His paths of purpose wind, A marvel to men's eye. Smitten by him, from towering hopes degraded. Mortals lie low and still; Tireless and effortless works forth its will The arm divine ! God from his holy seat, in calm of unarmed power, Brings forth the deed at its appointed hour ! As for men, their duty is piety towards the gods, kindliness to the weak and unfortunate, and strict observance of the eternal law of righteousness. The early Greeks were of the Doctrine of opinion that excessive prosperity brought upon a family ^^^^"^ ^"^y- the envy of the gods, which in the end caused its ruin, ^schylus was the first to teach that not prosperity itself, but the insolence and crime which excessive wealth tends to produce are the real cause of such a family's overthrow : — For wanton Pride from blossom grows to fruit, Pers. 821 f. The full corn in the ear of utter woe. And reaps a tear-fraught harvest. The most heinous of all crimes was the shedding of kindred blood: "Destiny is the armorer that forges the sword in readiness and causes one murder in a family to bring forth another. And in due time deep-minded Fury pays to the Ckoepkori, uttermost the guilt of former murders," by bringing the ^^^ff. guilt-stained house to a wretched end. But the gods are merciful and chasten men for their own salvation : " A god Sufifering it is who leads mortals on the way to wisdom, and who has *^^^^^^- "^ _ ^ Agamemnon, ordained that sufferings should convey instruction. For 176 ff. anxiety that is ever recalling past woes, presenting itself to the heart in sleep, instils obedience, and so it comes even to the unwilling : and perhaps this is a mercy of the gods who sit on their awful thrones with power to compel." M 1 62 The Age of Ciinon Sources Reading. Most valuable are the poets of the time, — ^schylus, Pindar, Simon- ides, and others, — whose works have in part come down to us; then Thuc. i; Aristotle, ^//^. Const. 2'^ i.; Plutarch, Themistocles^ Aristeides, and Cinion; Diodorus, xi. Modern Authorities The best continuous treatment of the subject is Holm, History of Greece, II, chs. vi-xii. (i) Western Greece : Holm, II, ch. vi; Yx^^vcLdiXi, History of Sicily, II, chs. vi, vii; Story of Sicily, ch. vi; Curtius, History of Greece, III, bk. iv, ch. iii; Grote, History of Greece, V, ch. xliii. (2) Eastern Greece: Holm, II, chs. vii-ix; Oman, History of Greece, ch. xxii, xxiii; Abbott, History of Greece, II, chs. vi-viii; Cur- tius, II, bk. iii, ch. ii; Grote, V, chs. xliv, xlv; Timayenis, History of Greece, I, pt. iv, chs. i-v; Cox, Athenian Empire, ch. i; Greek States- men,!: Aristeides, Themistocles, Pansanias; II: EpJiialtes, Kimon ; Botsford, Development of the Athenian Constitution, ch. xii. (3) Culture : Mahaffy, Survey of Greek Civilization, chs. iv, 7; Social Life in Greece, ch. v ff. (both of these books are interesting and suggestive); Holm, II, ch. xii; Murray, Ancient Greek Literature, chs. iv, ix; Jebb, Greek Literature (primer), pt. i, ch. iii; pt. ii, ch. i; Tarbell, History of Greek Art, ch. vii; E. A. Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture, ch. iii. Pericles (Copied after Cresilas, a Cretan artist of the fifth century B.C. British Museum.) CHAPTER IX THE AGE OF PERICLES — GROWING ANTAGONISM BE- TWEEN OLIGARCHY AND DEMOCRACY (461-431 B.C.) We left the history of Sicilian affairs in 461 B.C. at the Sicily, time of the establishment of the independent republics. 461-431 b.c. Two years later, Ducetius, a bold and able chief of the Sicel ^* ^^^^ tribes of the interior, united his people into a nation and proceeded to capture one Greek city after another. He evidently aimed to conquer the whole island. Although 453 ^.c Acragas and Syracuse, by combined effort, managed to overthrow him, he regained his leadership, made an alli- ance with Syracuse, and was progressing rapidly in reunit- ing the Sicels, when his death relieved Sicily of great 163 164 The Age of Pericles p. 246, Eastern Greece, 461-431 B.C. Pericles. 444 B.C. danger. Thereafter his people came rapidly under the influence of Greek civilization. The war with Ducetius was followed by a time of remarkable prosperity, in which the Greek cities of Sicily built many magnificent temples. Italy. Like the Sicels, the Samnites of the mountains in central Italy, joining their tribes in a strong federation, were pre- paring for a descent on the Greek settlements of the coast. This movement of the interior tribes against the coast cities was to continue for nearly two centuries and to affect the whole history of Italy and of the world. The history of eastern Greece during this period is crowded with events. With the assassination of Ephialtes and the ostracism of Cimon, Athens came under the leader- ship of Pericles. He was heir to the foreign policy of Themistocles and Ephialtes, to the constitutional principles of Aristeides, and to Cimon' s patronage of culture. For thirty years, chiefly through the office of general, which he often held, Pericles governed his city and its empire with almost autocratic power. Under his guidance Athens deserted the Peloponnesian League and allied itself with Argos and Thessaly, powers unfriendly to Lacedaemon. Megaris soon afterward came into alliance with Athens to protect itself against the encroachments of Corinth. With the consent of the Megarians, Athens occupied their two ports, Nisaea and Pegae, with troops. In this way the city of Pericles extended its commercial influence in the Saronic Gulf and opened a fine outlook westward through the Co- 459 B.C. (?) rinthian Gulf. A little later, the helots of Mount Ithome P. 154. surrendered on the condition that they should leave Pelo- ponnese forever. Athens settled them at Naupactus, near the mouth of the Corinthian Gulf. These helots were a brave people and proved as faithful allies as Athens ever had. The activity of the Athenians in these years was astonish- Plut. Pericles. 462 B.C. Thuc. i, 102. Thuc. i, 103. Athens Aggressive i6s ing. By sending two hundred triremes to Egypt to aid that country in its revolt from Persia, Athens aimed at once to strike a blow at her chief enemy and to secure an influ- ence over Egypt. As the Athenians were obliged now to import perhaps the greater part of their food material, they took an especial interest in the Nile valley because of its unrivalled productivity in grain. Soon after the departure of this great armament, war broke out between Athens on the one side and the ^ginetans, Corinthians, and some other Peloponnesians on the other. This was the first seri- ous disturbance of that peace among the Hellenes which their common resistance to Persia had brought about. The Athenians were victorious over their enemies by land and by sea — in Megaris and off yEgina. They then landed on Egyptian Expedition, 459 B.C. Thuc. i, 104. War with the Peloponne- sians, 458 B.C. Thuc. i, 105 £. ATHEN"S AND PEIRAEU SHOWING LONG WALLS 'BDrmay * Co.,J!T7^ * Explanation: It is uncertain whether the Phalerian Wall followed (i) or (2). that island and laid siege to the city. At the same time they began to build two long walls, — four and four and a " Long half miles in length, — one connecting Athens with Phale- ^ ^" rum, the other with Peirseus. Several years later they made Thuc. i, 107. a third wall parallel with the second mentioned, in order to 1 66 The Age of Pericles P. 157. Boeotian League restored, 457 B.C. P. 130. 457 B.C. Thuc. i, 107 f. have a fortified road to the sea. Their purpose was not only to secure communication between city and harbors in case of siege, but also to provide a place of safety for the country people with their movable property. They were right in thinking that as long as Athens maintained these walls and her naval supremacy, she was absolutely safe from every external enemy. The conservatives opposed this undertaking, as it indicated a willingness on the part of Athens to engage in war with her near neighbors; but their party had been so thoroughly disorganized by the ostracism of Cimon that it could make no open resistance. A few of their number intrigued with the Lacedaemonians, invit- ing them to interfere and stop the building of the walls. Because of their traitorous attachment to Sparta, the strong- hold of oligarchy, these Athenian conservatives were hence- forth called "oligarchs," a name odious to the patriots through its association with treason and conspiracy. It seems that the Lacedaemonians accepted the invitation of these oligarchs, for they immediately introduced a strong army into central Greece to check the progress of Athenian influence in that quarter. Since the war with Persia, Thebes had been in disgrace on account of her Medism, and had lost control of Boeotia. The Lacedaemonians, though opposed to all federations but their own, restored the Boeotian League, with Thebes at its head, as a counter- poise to Athens. The Athenians with their allies marched forth and engaged the Peloponnesians at Tanagra. This was the first actual battle ever fought between the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians. It was a bloody struggle, but the Athenians were worsted, partly because the Thessalian horse deserted to the enemy. The Lacedaemonians now returned home, leaving the Boeotians in the lurch. Two months later the Athenians The Continental Fedej-ation i6y under Myronides, an able general, again took the field and defeated the Boeotians at CEnophyta. Through this victory Thuc i, io8. Athens brought into her alliance all the towns of Bceotia -Athenian " Continental except Thebes, also Phocis, already friendly, and Locris. Federation." The Athenians expelled the oligarchs from the Boeotian towns and set up democratic governments favorable to themselves. This policy proved unwise. The banishment of an entire political party from so many towns created for Athens more enmity than friendship. But for a time every- thing went well, ^gina surrendered, dismantled her 456 b.c. walls, and entered the Delian Confederacy as a tributary state, paying thirty talents a year. About the same time Troezen and Achsea made an alliance with Athens. The Athenians were now at the height of their power. Their Continental Federation, which extended from the Isthmus to Thermopylae, included, in addition, not only Argos, Troezen, and Achsea in Peloponnese, but also Naupactus, an important station controlling the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf. If Athens could cement this great alliance, it would be in itself as strong as the Peloponnesian League. The ^gean Sea was now an Athenian lake. The maritime em- pire whose resources Pericles commanded extended from the Black Sea to Caria and thence to Euboea. The Pelopon- nesians had no effective way of assailing this great power, while their own coasts were everywhere exposed to Athenian attack. But Athens soon experienced a dreadful misfortune. Disaster in The two hundred triremes sent to Egypt were taken by the ^sypt. ^^ ^ ^ Thuc. i, 109 f. Persians. A reenforcement of fifty ships also came into their hands. This was the first great reverse of the 4548.0. Athenians. Their activity in recent years had been pro- digious; but they were now compelled from sheer ex- haustion to adopt a more friendly policy in relation to their neighbors. i68 The Age of Pericles Five years' truce with Lacedaemon, 451 B.C. Pericles. Thuc. i, 112. Cimon's death, 449 B.C. Fall of the Continental Federation, 447 B.C. The battle at Tanagra had its effect on Athenian politics. Through the mediation of Cimon's sister, Elpinice, — if we may trust a story told by Plutarch, — an agreement was en- tered into between Cimon and Pericles that 'the former should not interfere in internal politics, and that the latter should be willing to make peace with Sparta and allow the prosecution of the war with Persia. On these terms Peri- cles carried a decree recalling Cimon from banishment. The gallant conduct of Cimon's friends in the battle of Tanagra was the immediate occasion for this compromise. In 451-450 B.C. Cimon made for his city a five years' truce with Lacedaemon. At the same time Argos concluded peace with Sparta for thirty years. Cimon may have felt that a truce with Sparta, if even for a brief period, was very de- sirable, but he seems to have purchased it at too high a price. Athens should by all means have clung to her Argive alliance. However, the Hellenic peace left Cimon free to resume the war with Persia. In 449 b.c. he sailed with two hundred triremes to conquer Cyprus. But he died on the expedition, and though the fleet destroyed a strong Phoeni- cian armament, his project came to naught. His death was a great loss to the Athenians; he was thbir Nelson, the winner of more naval victories than any other Greek. In his lifetime Athens achieved her best in international poli- tics. After his death, the energies of his city were turned to internal improvement. The Athenian Continental Federation was short-lived. The oligarchic exiles invaded Boeotia, defeated the Athe- nians, and compelled them to evacuate the country. At the same time Athens lost control of Locris and Phocis. Then Euboea revolted, and a Peloponnesian army under King Pleistoanax invaded Attica. The Megarians massacred the Athenian garrison at Nisaea and joined the Peloponnesians. The Athenian Empire 169 Pericles induced Pleistoanax to withdraw, possibly by bribing him, and then quickly reduced Euboea. Thus by his energy and diplomacy he rescued his city from extreme peril. Athens was exhausted, and needed a breathing-time. In 445 B.C. a truce for thirty years was made between the Thirty Years' two hostile powers. Athens gave up all her continental Truce, 445 B.C. allies except Plataea and Naupactus. In other respects the xhuc. i, 115. status quo was preserved. Neither party was to interfere with the allies of the other, but alliances with strangers could be made at pleasure. All difficulties were to be settled by arbitration, yet unfortunately no means was pro- vided beforehand for this. Athens suffered most by the treaty, as she was not only excluded from Peloponnese but also lost control of the Corinthian Gulf and the Isthmus. She gained, on the other hand, an acknowledgment of her maritime supremacy. It is possible that a treaty was made about this date between Athens and Persia. At least, their relations with each other were peaceful from this time on for many years. We have seen in the preceding chapter how the allies of The Athens were gradually reduced to the condition of subjects. ^*^"i^^ ° ■' maritime The change from confederacy to empire was completed by Empire, the transfer of the treasury from Delos to Athens, probably 454-431 e.g. in 454 B.C. Athena now became the protecting deity of P. 152. the empire. Only the Lesbians, Chians, and Samians re- Greenidge, mained free and equal allies of Athens; these had whatever pP' ^^9-204. forms of government they desired. The other states were required to make new treaties with Athens by which they adopted democratic constitutions, and agreed to send their important law cases to Athens for trial. Later statesmen and writers were generally of the opinion that the greatness of Athens in war and in peace depended upon the tributes from her allies. These revenues enabled the city of Peri- i^o The Age of Pericles cles to make its enormous contribution to civilization, to beautify itself with public works, to provide the citizens with magnificent festivals, to give remunerative employ- ment to most of its people, to build and maintain powerful fleets and the impregnable defences of Athens and Peiraeus. p. 271. Pericles planted many colonies in the allied states, which, besides serving as garrisons for the protection of the empire, furnished the poorer Athenians with lands. Thus both city and citizens were benefited by the empire. The allies, too, enjoyed the advantages of peace. Never before or afterward did they have equal opportunity for commerce or Cf. Thuc. for quiet country life. The annual tribute was more than viii, 24. balanced by an increase in wealth and prosperity. The commons, everywhere protected by Athens from the inso- lence of their own oligarchs, remained faithful. The mer- chants also were loyal because of the commercial advantages which the empire brought. Only the families which had once ruled their communities and the market-place poli- ticians were actively engaged in fomenting opposition to Athenian rule. To find fault was easy. It must have been inconvenient and expensive to carry suits to Athens, and the ruling city may have been too severe in requiring it; but it conduced to the internal peace of the empire, and probably gave justice to those who could not have expected fair treatment in the local courts. The Athenian empire, though defective, was the highest political development Thuc. iii, 47. which the Greeks had yet reached; undoubtedly the great majority in all the states of the empire were satisfied with it to the end. Thucydides, These imperial ideas of Pericles met with opposition. son of Thucydides, son of Melesias, was a near kinsman of Cimon Melesias j 1 • {not the ^"d h^^^ ^o his conservative principles. He was no soldier, historian). but a far more skilful politician than Cimon, and an effec- Athens and the West 171 tive orator besides. Gathering up the shattered remnants Piut. /'v^ The oligarchs proceeded, nevertheless, to carry out their designs. As a part of the programme, their clubs at Athens, organized and united under the lead of Antiphon, a brilliant rhetorician and a bold, sagacious schemer, as- sassinated Androcles and other prominent democrats, and in this way terrorized the whole state. The people, over- estimating the extent of the conspiracy, feared to talk on the subject with one another, lest in so doing they might betray themselves to an enemy. This mutual distrust among the citizens made the oligarchs safe. These con- spirators carried a resolution through the assembly to ap- point a committee for drawing up a constitution on the basis of the Solonian and the Cleisthenean arrangements, The Four Hundred 231 with such modifications as might be thought good. The committee reported two constitutions, the first provisional, the second final, and both were adopted by the assembly. Under both constitutions public service was generally un- P. 155. paid, a reaction against Aristeides. According to the provisional arrangement the state was to be ruled by a Council of Four Hundred, like that of Solon. This body was empowered to appoint the magistrates and to manage the whole business of government, but had no authority to change the laws. It could bring the final constitution into force as soon as it saw fit. The final constitution restricted the franchise to five thousand citizens, the wealthiest in the state. Of this number, those above thirty years of age were to be divided equally into four councils, which were to rule the state by turns. These were the first written con- stitutions which Athens had; both of them were artificial, ill adapted to the character of the people. When organized, the Four Hundred entered the council- Rule of the house, accompanied by soldiers and assassins, and, dis- ^^^^ ^""" dred. missing the Council of Five Hundred, assumed the reins of government. The oligarchs ruled by force, assassinating, banishing, and imprisoning their opponents on mere sus- picion. They showed their lack of patriotism by their willingness to make peace with Lacedaemon at any price, and their weakness by yielding Euboea to the enemy. News of the violence and cruelty of the Four Hundred The army came to the Athenians at Samos. These soldiers assem- ^"^ Aicibi- ades are bled, declared that Athens had revolted, and that they democratic, themselves constituted the true government of the empire. They deposed their oligarchic officers and filled the vacant Thuc. viii, places with popular men; they prepared to carry on the 75.76. war with vigor, and hoped through Alcibiades to win Per- sia to their side. Thrasybulus, one of the new command- 232 The End of the War Thuc.viii,82. ers, brought the famous exile to their camp. A democrat once more, Alcibiades was immediately elected general and placed in chief command of the army. Having now reached the goal of his hopes, he was ready to use all the resources of his mind to save Athens from the ruin he had brought upon her. To the envoys from the Four Hundred, he replied that this new council must abdicate immediately in favor of the Five Thousand and of the old Council of Five Hundred. At the same time he prudently restrained the troops from going to Athens to punish the oligarchic usurpers. Failure of the The Four Hundred, threatened by the army and unable our un- ^^ make terms with Lacedsemon short of absolute submis- dred. sion, began to feel insecure. One of their chief difficulties P. 217. was lack of agreement among themselves. They were neither nobles nor experienced politicians, but for the most part men of the lower class, who had been educated in the New Learning and wished to experiment in political theory by setting up a government of the "enlightened." They soon split into two factions: the extreme oligarchs, led by Antiphon and Peisander, and the moderates, under Theramenes. With the moderates in their favor, the Athenians overthrew the Four Hundred, after a three months' rule, and extended the franchise to all who could equip themselves with full armor. This form of govern- ment soon gave way to the democracy. The attempt to restrict the franchise had proved unwise ; far better would P. 178. it have been to extend the citizenship to the best alien residents and to the most loyal allies. There was indeed some thought of this, but it was not carried out to any appreciable extent. Persistence The Four Hundred had brought only misfortune to ens. Athens. Under their slack rule the war had extended to Cyrus and Lysander 233 the Hellespont, and most of the cities in that region had revolted. The struggle continued seven years after their downfall. That Athens in her exhausted condition, with- out tributes or allies, could withstand for so long a time the combined strength of the rest of Greece, supported by Persian money, is one of the astonishing things in history, " and proves clearly that the mass of Athenians had not been weakened by culture. For a time they were cheered by news of victories, especially of that at Cyzicus, gained by Alcibiades in 410 B.C. "Ships gone, our admiral dead, the men starving, at our wits' end what to do," was the laconic message which reached Sparta from Cyzicus. Lacedaemon then offered peace on the basis of the status quo, but Cleophon, the democratic leader at this time, persuaded the Athenians to reject the terms. It appeared doubtful whether a lasting peace could be secured without the complete triumph of one of the contending parties. The Athenians feared, too, that peace with Sparta would bring them another tyrannical oligarchy in place of their free constitution; and they had not yet lost hope of success in the war. The two powers were still balanced when, in 408 b.c, Cyrus and Darius, king of Persia, who had resolved to throw the whole Lysander. weight of his wealth in favor of Lacedaemon, despatched Cyrus, the younger of his two sons, to take the satrapy of Sardis from Tissaphernes and to give all possible aid to the enemies of Athens. In the same year Lysander, a born leader of men, a general and diplomatist of surpassing ability, came from Sparta to the seat of war. He visited Cyrus and easily won his way to the heart of the ambitious young prince. In the summer Alcibiades sailed from Peiraeus for Ionia with one hundred well-equipped triremes. During his absence his lieutenant, Antiochus, risked a 234 The End of the War Athenians defeated, 407 B.C. Xenophon, Hellenic a, i. 5- The battle Arginusae, 406 B.C. Xen. Hell. i, 6. Afh. Const. 3f- battle and was defeated with the loss of fifteen ships. This was the first reverse which the Athenians had suffered since the time of the Four Hundred. As they held Alcibiades responsible for the misfortune, they failed to reelect him general for the following year. Fearing to return home, he retired to a castle on the Hellespont which he had pre- pared for such an occasion. Thus the Athenians cast away a man who might have saved them. Though working to the end for his own glory, he was wiser now than in his youth and would have served his country well; but the confidence of his fellow-citizens in one who had been so impious and so traitorous could not but be shaken by the slightest reverse, of The contending powers now put forth enormous efforts. In 406 B.C. the Athenians with a hundred and fifty tri- remes met a Peloponnesian fleet of a hundred and twenty triremes, under the Spartan admiral Callicratidas, near the islands of Arginusse, and gained a complete victory. Athens lost twenty-five ships; the. enemy seventy, with their commander and crews amounting to about fourteen thousand men. This was the severest battle of the war. The death of Callicratidas was a loss not to Sparta alone, but to all Hellas; for, besides being an able general, he was a man of exceptionally humane and noble character. He had regretted the war in which Greeks were engaged in killing their brethren, and had promised on his return to Sparta to do all in his power to make a general Hellenic peace. And indeed the Lacedaemonians, after hearing of their disaster, were willing for the sake of peace to leave Athens what she still possessed; but Cleophon again per- suaded the Athenians to reject the conditions. On this occasion, says Aristotle, Cleophon came into the assembly drunk, with breastplate on, and declared he would accept The Last Battle 235 no peace which involved the surrender of a single city of the empire. Possibly, however, his enthusiasm for war came not from wine, but from the recent victory; it may be, too, that the Peloponnesian congress would not have consented to the terms. It was a war in which Athens was contending not only for political principles, but even for freedom; and those Athenians were heroes who would rather die than sacrifice their principles or endanger the liberty of their children. But the Athenians disgraced themselves for all time by Condemna- puttiner to death six of the srenerals who had won the vie- *^°" ° / ^ ^ ^ ^ generals. tory at Arginusse on the ground that they had neglected to rescue the crews of the triremes wrecked in the battle. The commanders had ordered two ship-captains, Theram- Xen. Hell. enes and Thrasybulus, to attend to the work, but a sudden '' '7- storm had prevented the rescue of the unfortunate sailors. Theramenes, however, to clear himself of all possibility of blame, hounded on the citizens against his superiors. The iVthenians violated the constitution in condemning the generals collectively, and in refusing them a sufficient opportunity for defence. Soon repenting of their conduct, they prosecuted those who had persuaded them to the judicial murder. As it appeared that the war must continue, Cyrus and Battle of the Chians requested Lacedaemon to send them Lysander ^gospotami, 405 B.C. again, for they had implicit confidence in him. He came ^ „ „ not as admiral, for no one could hold this office a second ii, i. time, but as the admiral's secretary, yet with the under- standing that he should be the real commander. The op- posing fleets met in the Hellespont, — a hundred and eighty Athenian war-ships against two hundred from Pelo- ponnese, the Athenians on the European side at the mouth of the ^gospotami, the Peloponnesians on the opposite 236 The End of the War shore at Lampsacus. Lysander would not engage. For five days the Athenians sailed forth to offer battle, and for the fifth time retired with their challenge unaccepted. Leaving their ships along the shore, they dispersed as usual to gather food through the neighborhood. Lysander came with his whole fleet and found most of the enemy's triremes empty. The crews, returning hurriedly, fell into the hands of Lysander, who massacred three thousand Athenians to Effects of the defeat on Athens. THE HEI.I.ESPONT AND SURROUNDING TERRITORY Bj.ma, iCo.,N.r, punish them for having killed prisoners of war. In reality, Athens and Lacedsemon were equally to blame in this respect. It seems probable that the Athenians were be- trayed to Lysander by one or more of their generals. Conon alone of the commanders escaped with a few ships; and, sending the official galley Paralus to Athens with the news, he, though innocent, fled for his life with the rest of his ships to Cyprus. "It was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil tidings, on receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From Peiroeus, following the line of the The Terms of Peace 237 Long Walls up to the heart of the city, it swept and Xen. Hell. swelled, as each man passed the news to his neighbor. On "' ^' that night no man slept. There was mourning and sorrow for those who were lost, but the lamentation for the dead was merged in even deeper sor- row for themselves, as they pic- tured the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which they had inflicted upon the men of Melos," and upon many others. Ships and men were lost, and they were soon besieged by land and sea. But no man dared to speak of submission. Finally, when on the point of starvation, they sent Theramenes and others to Sparta with full powers to treat for peace. Thereupon a Peloponnesian congress was held in Sparta, in which the Corin- thians, the Thebans, and some others proposed to destroy Athens utterly, and to enslave the Athenians. But the Spartan ephors objected; they were unwilling, they said, that a city which had done such noble service for Greece in the perilous times of the Persian invasion should be enslaved. They would Xen. Hell. be content with milder conditions : that Athens should "• ^* demolish the fortifications of Peiraeus and the Long Walls, give up all her war-ships but twelve, follow Sparta in peace and in war, and permit the return of the politi- cal exiles. With these concessions, Athens might remain free and "under the constitution of the fathers." As the Athenian envoys entered their city, a great crowd gath- A Sepulchral Vase of Marble (National Museum, Athens.) The terms of peace, 404 B.C. 238 The End of the War ered about them trembling "lest their mission should have proved fruitless; " for many were already dying of starva- tion. A few still opposed the terms; but as Cleophon had been put out of the way by a judicial murder, the majority, . now free from his control, ratified the treaty. Lysander entered Peirseus with his fleet, the exiles were already re- turning, and the Peloponnesians began the demolition of the walls to the music of flutes, with the idea that they were celebrating the return of liberty to Hellas. Sources Reading. Thucydides, viii; Xenophon, Hellenica, i-ii; Aristophanes, Come- dies — Clouds (423 B.C.), Birds (414 B.c^ , Lysistrata and Thesmophori- azusae (411 B.C.), Frogs (405 B.C.); Euripides, Tragedies — Alcestis (438 B.C.), Medea (431 B.C.), Ion (425 B.C.), Suppliants (420 B.C. ?), Troades {Ofi^ B.C.?), Orestes {apZ'&.Q^; Diodorus, xiii. Modern Authorities (i) The New Learning: Holm, History of Greece, II, ch. xxvi; Allcroft, Peloponnesian War, ch. xii; Mayor, Ancient Greek Philoso- phy^ p. 17 ff.; Marshall, History of Greek Philosophy, chs. vii-xii; Murray, History of Ancient Greek Literature.^ chs. vii, viii, xii, xiii. (2) Military and Constitutional History: Holm, II, ch. xxviii; Oman, History of Greece, chs. xxxiii, xxxiv; Cox, Athenian Empire, chs. vi, vii; Allcroft, chs. ix-xi; Timayenis, History of Greece^ I, pt. v, chs. v-viii; Curtius, History of Greece^ III, bk. iv, ch. v; Grote, His- tory of Greece^ VII, ch, Ixi-VIII, ch. Ixv. Temple of Poseidon at P^estum (Posidonia) CHAPTER XII THE END OF FREEDOM IN SICILY AND IN ITALY (413-264 B.C.) In the year before the surrender of Athens to Sparta, Carthaginian Syracuse again fell under the tyranny. The events which ^"^^s'°" °^ led up to this revolution were as follows. For nearly seventy years the terror of the Athenian name had held the 479-413 i^-c. Carthaginians as well as the Persians at bay; but, on the overthrow of the Athenian naval supremacy, both Carthage and Persia again hoped to conquer parts of Greece. In 409 B.C., on the invitation of Segesta, which was still threatened by Selinus, Carthage sent over to Sicily a vast P. 208 f. fleet conveying an army of a hundred thousand men under King Hannibal, grandson of that Hamilcar who had met P. 138. 239 240 The End of Freedom in Sicily and Italy his death at Himera. This great armament laid siege to Selinusj on the ninth day it stormed the city and butchered the inhabitants. In the quarries a few miles from Selinus may still be seen the gigantic columns for a temple to Zeus or Apollo which the people were just then building; they remain as monuments of the fearful catastrophe which fell upon this city. After plundering and burning Selinus, Hannibal marched on to Himera, where the siege and the massacre were reenacted. Though a few Himeraeans es- caped, three thousand captives were led to the spot where Hamilcar had sacrificed himself, and there killed with horrid torture and mutilation. In this manner Hannibal sought to appease the hungry appetite of his grandfather's ghost. Siege of A fresh army of mercenaries next invested Acragas, now cragas, ^^ Wealthiest and most luxurious city in the Greek world. 406 B.C. ^ One of the citizens could put eight hundred chariots into his daughter's bridal procession, another had two hundred and seventy thousand gallons of wine in his cellar; exces- Hoim, ii, sive wealth had weakened the inhabitants. The Phoeni- ^" ^^^* cians pressed the siege, using for their walls and mounds even the gravestones from the cemetery outside the city. It was rumored that a thunderbolt saved the tomb of P. 138. Theron, victor of Himera, and that the Phoenician watch- men saw the ghosts of the disentombed dead flitting about them. A pestilence broke out which killed many of the besiegers, including Hannibal. Himilcon, the second in command, propitiated the angry gods with a multitude of sacrifices, among them a boy, — perhaps his own son. Finally, the people of Acragas, though reenforced by their neighbors, abandoned their city and settled in Leontini. Himilcon took up his winter quarters in deserted Acragas, and sent much of its wealth, including works of art, to Carthage. Dionysiiis I 241 The Sicilians felt that Acragas had been lost through the Dionysius treachery of Syracusan generals sent to defend it. A t>ecomes young Syracusan officer named Dionysius accused them in ^05 b.c. a public assembly. Though poor and of middle rank, he was supported by a few leading men of the city, with whose help he persuaded the people to depose the generals and to elect himself and others in their place. Then by bring- ing charges of treason against his colleagues, he soon had them deposed and himself made sole commander with abso- lute power. Immediately securing a body-guard of a thou- sand mercenaries, he made himself tyrant of his native city. The Syracusans, who had supposed him the soul of patriot- ism, were now bitterly disappointed ; but those SiciHans who were most exposed to the attacks of the enemy still looked to him for dehverance. They, too, were soon unde- ceived, for Dionysius compelled the people of Gela and of Camarina to abandon their cities to the invader and to retire to Syracuse. Great was the indignation of all classes against the usurper, who seemed to have proved his incom- petency by sacrificing two Hellenic cities to the foreigners. But through his mercenaries the tyrant maintained himself against every attempt to assassinate or to depose him. In 404 B.C. he concluded a treaty with the Carthaginians by Grote, x, which he yielded to them the whole island except the Sicels P* "^55 ^ of the interior and the Greek cities of the eastern coast. The Carthaginians, for their part, acknowledged him as the absolute ruler of Syracuse. This treaty filled the Sicihan Greeks with sadness and Preparations alarm. The tyrant and the foreigner had divided the ^Q"^^^'^"^- island between them, the foreigner receiving the lion's share. The enemy was gone, but no one knew how soon he would return, and the man on whom they had depended for protection had betrayed and enslaved them. But Dio- 242 The End of Freedom in Sicily and Italy nysius was a better and abler man than the SiciHans supposed, — he had no intention of yielding Sicily definitively to the foreigner. Seven years he busied himself with increasing his power and with preparing for war on a grand scale. He employed sixty thousand men in building a great wall about Syracuse ; he organized an army of eighty thousand infantry ; his engineers invented a new instrument, afterwards known as the ballista, for throwing large stones against the enemy's walls. Dionysius was the first of the Greeks to combine effectively a variety of troops, as heavy-armed, light-armed, cavalry, and artillery. He built a fleet of more than three hundred vessels, some of them quinqueremes, — huge gal- leys with five banks of oars, invented by his shipwrights. The armaments of eastern Greece were puny compared with his. Though utterly unscrupulous, though he ground down the rich with taxes and with confiscations, and violated nearly every sentiment dear to the Greek heart, yet he gained a certain degree of popularity by the military preparations which made him appear as the strong champion of Hellas against the barbarian. War with He began war upon Carthage in 397 B.C., and with his Carthage, ^^^j. aj-i^Qament nearly swept the Phoenicians from the island : 397-392 B.C. but in the following year Himilcon, landing in Sicily, re- gained everything which Carthage had lost and Messene in addition. Most of the Messenians escaped, but Himilcon ordered his men to burn the woodwork and to grind the stones to powder. This was done ; and a stranger in pass- ing the spot would never have suspected that a great and free Hellenic city had once flourished there. The invaders then defeated the fleet of Dionysius and besieged the tyrant in Syracuse by land and sea. The newly built ramparts saved the city. A pestilence demoralized the besiegers ; the Greeks, taking courage, set fire to the Conquests of Dioitysiiis I '2-AZ Phoenician fleet in the Great Harbor and from their walls watched the conflagration of two thousand hostile ships. The siege was raised and the enemy pushed back till he held but the extreme western end of the island. All the rest Dionysius secured by the treaty of 392 B.C. Hence- forth the tyrant was known officially as " Archon of Sicily." Even while waging war with Carthage, Dionysius had Conquests in begun to threaten the Greeks of Italy, and after conclud- Italy. KINGDOM OF DIOXYSIUS 367 B.C. formair Sc Co. , N. K ing peace he renewed his eflbrts to annex Magna Graecia p. 35- to his own dominion. As the Italian Greeks were assailed at the same time by the Lucanians, a strong Samnite tribe from the interior, they could do nothing but yield to Dio- nysius. In the year 387 B.C. we find his kingdom in Italy extending as far as Croton. Some of the Greeks he had removed to Syracuse, others he had sold into slavery. His method of unifying western Greece failed to commend 244 ^-^^ £";/ had they claimed him as their own, they might have imposed a wholesome check upon his ambition, and have reaped all the profit of his success. But the fault was not wholly with the Greeks ; the statesman who in the pursuit of lofty ideals makes no attempt to elevate the people to his own level of intelligence certainly lacks wisdom. So it was with Alexander. For a time he tried to win the Greeks by acts of kindness to men and states ; we shall see how he p. 317 f. aHenated them by his own unreasonableness. From Issus Alexander proceeded to Tyre. The capture siege of of this city by siege and storm was the most brilliant of all ^y^^- 33-2 ^-c. Arri3.Ti ii his military exploits. Though harassed by fire-ships on his 15-24. ' flanks and by sorties from the harbors, he succeeded in building a mole from the mainland to the isle on which the city stood. During the siege he collected a fleet of Greek and Phoenician vessels, and on the completion of the mole he made the attack at once by land and sea. Many thou- sand Tyrians were slain in the storming of their city, and thousands of captives were sold into slavery. The great emporium of the East was left a heap of ruins. Darius could no longer look for help from the Phoenician navy, or from cooperation with the Greeks. He now offered still more 314 Alexander s Einpire Alexandria. Arrian, iii, 1-5- P. 320 ff. The oracle of Ammon. Battle of Arbela, 331 B.C. Arrian, iii, 7-15; Plut. Alexander, favorable terms of peace, — Alexander should have all the country west of the Euphrates, and should become the son- m-law and ally of the kmg. "Were I Alexander," said Parmenion, the ablest Macedonian general, " I should accept the offer." " And so should I, if I were Parmenion," Alexander replied, and sent word to Darius that he would not content himself with the half, since the whole was already his, and that if he chose to marry his adversary's daughter, he would do so without asking the father's con- sent. Darius then began fresh preparations for war, and Alexander marched on to Egypt, which yielded to him without resistance. Near one of the mouths of the Nile he founded Alexandria to take the place of Tyre, and with its trade-routes to bind fast his new dominions to the throne of his fathers. It grew to be the greatest commercial city of the eastern Mediterranean ; in the following century it became famous for its library and its learning ; Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians, minghng in social life and in study, produced in it a type of culture unique in history. Before departing from Egypt Alexander paid a visit to the oracle of the god Ammon in an oasis of the Libyan desert, and received assurance from the deity who sat in this vast solitude that he, the conqueror of nations, was in reality a son of Zeus. So at least it was rumored ; but he kept the secret, and led his army from the Nile country to the heart of the Persian empire. Some sixty miles from Arbela, north of Babylon, he again met the enemy. On this occasion Darius had chosen a favorable position, a broad plain in which his force of a miUion men found ample room for movement. The two armies halted in view of each other. While Alexander's troops slept the night through, Darius, keeping his men under arms, re- viewed them by torchlight. Parmenion, beholding all the TJie Battle of Arbela 315 plain aglow with the lights and fires of the Asiatics, and hearing the uncertain and confused sound of voices from their camp like the distant roar of the vast ocean, was amazed at the multitude of the foe, and, hastening to the tent of Alexander, besought him to make a night attack that darkness might hide them from the enemy. " I will not steal a victory ! " the young king rephed. He knew Darius would lose all hope of resistance only when conquered by force of arms in a straightfor- ward battle. It was a fierce struggle which took place on the fol- lowing day ; but the steady advance of the bristling phalanx and the furious charge of the Macedonian cav- alry under the lead of their king won the day over the unorgan- ized, spiritless mass of Orientals. Many a Persian grandee's womanly face was marred on that day by the lance-points of Alexander's " companions." The long struggle between two continents which began with the earliest Persian attacks on Greece was decided in favor of Europe by the intelligent and robust manliness of the Westerners ; the clash of arms at Marathon found an echo at Arbela. Alexander in Battle (From the "Sarcophagus of Alexander" at Constantinople.) 3i6 Alexander' s Empire Alexander succeeds Darius, 330 B.C. Further con- quests and explorations, 330-325 B.C. Arrian, iii, i6-vi, 21. 325 B.C. Arrian, vi, 22-27. Plans for fur- ther con- quest, 323 B.C. Darius fled northward, but was murdered by an attendant on the way. Alexander as his successor was master of the empire. The pacification of the great country, the exten- sion of boundaries, the organization and administration, were matters of detail. Alexander's victorious marches into the remote northerly countries of Bactria and Sogdiana and eastward to the Hyphasis in India are interesting both as brilliant military achievements and as explorations of regions hitherto unknown to the Greeks. Science made enormous gains, for minute records of observations were kept, and materials were everywhere collected for classifica- tion by Aristotle and his school. The return from India through the Gedrosian desert was a marvellous feat of endurance. The men marched for sixty days, hungry and thirsty, through burning sands and under a lurid sky to gratify the ambition of their leader. Three-fourths of the army perished on the way ; but Alexander was now lord of Asia, and to such a despot human life is cheap. His admiral, Nearchus, who at the same time was voyaging from the mouth of the Indus to the Persian Gulf, opened a water- route to India and robbed the ocean of its supernatural terrors. Immediately after his return to Babylon, Alexander be- gan to settle the aftairs of his empire, which reached from the western limits of Greece to the Hyphasis River in India, and from the Jaxartes River to Ethiopia, — the greatest extent of country yet united under one govern- ment. He busied himself, too, with recruiting and reor- ganizing the army and with building an immense fleet ; for he was planning the conquest of Arabia, Africa, and western Europe. When ready to set out from Babylon on this expedition, he suddenly fell sick of a fever caused probably by excessive drinking. As he grew rapidly worse, Achievemeiits and Character 317 the soldiers forced their way in to see their beloved com- Death, mander once more, and the whole army passed in single ^^-^ ^'^* file by his bed. He was no longer able to speak, but his eyes and uplifted hand expressed his silent farewell. He was in his thirty-third year when he died, but the His achieve- work which he accomplished in his short career fills a larger "^^'^^^• space in the world's history perhaps than that of any other human being. His mission was to make Hellenic civiliza- tion the common property of mankind. This he accom- pHshed chiefly by means of his colonies. In every part of his empire he planted cities, more than seventy in all, each with a Greek nucleus, beginning usually with the worn-out soldiers of his army. These settlements held the empire in allegiance to their king, bound the several parts of it together by the ties of commerce, and spread Greek culture among the natives. He improved greatly the administration of the empire. The satrap had been a despot after the pattern of the king whom he served, uniting in himself all military, financial, and judicial authority ; but Alexander in organiz- ing a province assigned each of these functions to a distinct officer, so that the work of government could be done better than before, and there was far less opportunity for the abuse of power. Though the empire was broken after his death, his colonization and administration continued till the frag- ments of the empire with the policy of the founder came into the possession of Rome. Alexander's mind had expanded rapidly with the progress His charac- of his conquests. First king of Macedon, next captain- ^^'' general of Hellas, then emperor of Persia, he aspired finally to be lord of the whole earth, to unite Europe, Asia, and Africa into an organic unit, to blend the nationahties so completely that all men would become brothers in one great family. But the dizzy height of power to which he had 3i8 A lexander ' s Empire The succes- sion. The battle of Ipsus, 301 B.C. climbed disturbed his mental poise ; in an outburst of pas- sion he murdered his dearest friend ; his lust for worship grew upon him till he bade the manly Macedonians grovel before him like servile Asiatics, and sent an order to the Greeks to recognize him as a god. Although his errors were many, they were soon forgotten, while the good he did passed into history. When Alexander died the authority passed to his gener- als, trained tacticians indeed like Napoleon's marshals, yet none of them qualified to fill the place of the master. Only the genius which had created this great empire out of diverse nationalities would have been able to organize it and to make it permanent. As there were several claim- ants for the throne, — among them an imbecile and an infant, the son of xAlexander, — and as the generals, too, began to fight among themselves for the chief place, the ^mpire naturally fell to pieces. Perdiccas, to whom Alexander in the last moment had given his signet-ring to mark him as successor, ruled for a time as guardian of the infant heir; but when finally he was killed by his own troops, Antigonus, the ablest of Alex- ander's lieutenants, made himself master of Asia, and claimed sovereignty over the whole empire. The con- queror at the point of death had prophesied that a great funeral contest would be held over his body. The celebra- tion of his burial rites now began in dreadful earnest, as the larger part of the civilized world became involved in war. Four other generals, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, combined against Antigonus. Lysimachus and Seleucus with their armies defeated their mighty rival at Ipsus in Phrygia in 301 B.C. This was one of the most important battles of ancient times, as it determined the history of the empire till it fell under the power of Rome. successors of Alexander 319 The victors, no longer mere generals but kings, divided the Division of empire among themselves : Seleucus received Asia from *^ empire. Phrygia to India ; western Asia Minor and Thrace fell to Lysimachus. Ptolemy, who after the death of Alexander had gone as satrap to Egypt, retained that country as his kingdom ; and Cassander, already governor of Macedon, was now recognized as sovereign. In this way Alexander's empire broke up into four kingdoms. Somewhat later Lysimachus was slain and his realm divided. While most of his Asiatic possessions were annexed to the dominion of Seleucus, barbarous tribes, including many Gauls, seized the interior of Thrace and threatened the Greek cities along the coast. We shall now indicate briefly the character and the History of the historical importance of the three remaining kingdoms. kingdoms. Among the successors of Alexander the ablest adminis- The empire trator was Seleucus. Following the policy of his master, ° ! ^^ . , ° ^ -^ _ Seleucidae. he planted as many as seventy-five colonies in his realm. Among these was Seleucia on the Tigris, said to have con- tained six hundred thousand inhabitants and to have ri- valled Babylon in splendor. As a capital for his kingdom he founded Antioch in Syria not far from the sea, — a city which was to become notable in early Christian history. '' The new towns were all built on a large and Mahaffy, comfortable model : they were well paved : they had ample '^'y^ ^-^^ ' ^ ^ ' J i and Thought, arrangements for Hghting by night and for a good water- p. 307. supply ; they had police arrangements, and good thorough- fares secured to them by land and water. These were in themselves privileges enough to tempt all the surrounding peasants, all the people who lived in old-fashioned incom- modious villages, to settle in a fresh home." This is what the Greeks under the patronage of Seleucus were doing for Asia. Colonists from every part of Greece 320 Alexander' s Empire Egypt under the Ptole- mies. The Museum. Greeks and Jews. brought their industry and enterprise to every part of the Seleucid empire ; they furnished the intelligence and the skill by which the whole commercial business as well as the civil service of the empire was conducted. The new towns were Hellenic in language, in civihzation, and in their free local institutions. Through them Seleucus and his descendants, the Seleucidae, continued Alexander's work of Hellenizing the East, making the people in the great country over which they ruled one in language, in culture, and in sympathy, and preparing the way for the peaceful and rapid spread of Christianity. As the pro- moters of civilization, the Seleucidse were the most worthy among the successors of Alexander. The rule of Ptolemy and his successors, the Ptolemies, though an absolute monarchy, was mild ; the rulers con- sulted the interests of the people that their own revenues might be large and their power secure. Under them Alexandria became a great commercial city and a famous seat of culture. The chief institution of learning was the Museum, founded by the first Ptolemy and greatly enlarged by his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus. It was a collection of buildings on a piece of ground sacred to the Muses, — hence the name. The institution was thoroughly equipped with observatories, zoological gardens, and herbaria. The library, containing more than five hundred thousand manu- scripts, was the largest in ancient times. Learned men were attracted to the Museum by the great facilities for investigation and by the liberality of the government in providing them with a living during their residence there. Among the buildings were dwellings for the scholars and a dining-hall in which all ate together at public expense. The scholars of the Museum occupied themselves with editing and explaining Homer and other ancient poets, with Alexandria 321 mathematical and astronomical investigations, with comput- ing the size of the earth and arranging the events of the world's history in chronological order. The Jews, who had their quarter in Alexandria, enjoyed equal opportunities with the Greeks for trade and for culture. Under the patronage of the Ptolemies, learned Jews translated their Bible — the Old Testament — into Greek. This version is called the Sep- tuagint because of the number of men said to have been engaged in the work. The fact that such a translation was necessary proves that even the Jews, with all their love for the institutions of their fathers, had exchanged their own language for that of Hellas. It is worth noticing that, though the studies pursued at Alexandrian Alexandria were useful, most of them must have been pro- scholarship. saic. This peculiar flavor of culture under the Ptolemies came chiefly from the prosy situation of Alexandria, which contrasted with the natural beauty surrounding the cities of Hellas. " The grandeur of solemn mountains, the mystery of deep forests, the sweet homeliness of babbling rivers, the scent of deep meadows and fragrant shrubs, all this was famiUar even to the city people of Hellenic days. For their towns were small, and all surrounded by the greatest nat- ural beauty. But the din and dust of the new capital, Mahaffy, reaching over an extent as great as modern Paris, were ^'^^^^ ^^f^ afid Thoitght, relieved within by a few town-parks or gymnasia, and with- p^ 165. out by fashionable bathing suburbs, with luxuries of life replacing the sweets of nature ; and if there was retirement and leisure within the university, it was eminently the re- tirement among books — the natural home of pedants and grammarians. How much this city life weighed upon the spirits of men is proved ... by the general dryness and dulness of the literature it produced." No wonder then that these pedants welcomed among them the poet Theoc- Y 322 Alexander's Empire Macedon and Greece, 323-146 B.C. War, 322 B.C. ritus of Syracuse, a composer of pastoral idyls. As the Alexandrians saw nothing about them but houses, swamps, and water, they felt refreshed by reading poems of coun- try life. In the period following the death of Alexander, the his- tory of Macedon turns first on the efforts of her kings to subdue Greece and later on their unsuccessful struggle with Rome. On hearing that Alexander was dead the Greeks Tiie Lamian revolted; and under the lead of Leosthenes, an Athenian general, they defended Thermopylae against Antipater, gov- ernor of Macedon. Demosthenes, who had been heavily fined on a charge of embezzling public funds, was in exile. His sour, wrinkled face must have glowed again like a prophet's, now that he hoped once more to see his coun- try free. As he travelled through Peloponnese in com- pany with Athenian envoys, his eloquence awakened the communities to an Hellenic war of hberation. In rec- ognition of his loyal spirit and his service in the cause of freedom, the Athenians recalled him and appropriated fifty talents with which to pay his fine. Meantime Leosthenes had pushed Antipater back into Thessaly and was besieging him in Lamia, a fortress which gave its name to the war. Many states, chiefly the ^to- lians, supported the Hellenic cause. There was every pros- pect of success, when Leosthenes was killed in an assault upon Lamia, and thereafter everything went wrong. Finally the Hellenic League was dissolved, and Antipater made terms with the separate states. Athens was compelled to receive a Macedonian garrison at Munychia, to exclude her poorer citizens from the franchise, and to deliver up the orators who had opposed Macedon. Among these offenders was Demosthenes. He fled at once from Athens, and soon afterward took poison that he might not fall alive The end of Demos- thenes, 322 B.C. The Leagues 323 into the hands of his pursuers. Thus his mighty spirit ceased to contend against despotism. On the base of his statue his countrymen placed this epitaph : " Had your strength equalled your will, Demosthenes, the Macedonian War God would never have conquered Greece." The Greeks began to feel that in order to preserve their The ^tolian Uberties they must unite more closely. The first to put ^^^sue. this idea into practice were the ^tolians, the least civil- ized of the Greeks, yet among the foremost in poUtical capacity. The league of ^toHan tribes which had existed from early times enjoyed in the present period a remark- ably good form of government. Many communities outside of ^tolia — in Peloponnese, in the ^gean, and about the Hellespont — willingly joined it. Though others were forced to become members, yet all undoubtedly had equal rights and enjoyed fair representation in the council and the assembly. As the ^tohans had a good representative ^ system and in addition a strong magistracy, their state was a great improvement on the city-state such as Athens or Sparta ; it was a federal union somewhat like that of the United States. Had the ^tolians been more civiHzed, they would have proved a blessing to Greece ; but their appetite for plunder too often led them to side with the enemies of their race. Some Achaean cities, too, began to form a league modelled The Achaean apparently after that of ^tolia. From this small bedn- ^^S^e, ri" J ^ ° 280 B.C. ning a great federal union was to be built up, chiefly by Aratus, a noble of Sicyon. The father of Aratus had been killed by the tyrant of his city, and the lad who was one day to be the maker of a great state grew up an exile in Argos. While still a young man he expelled the tyrant from his native city and brought it into the Achaean League. " He was a true statesman, high-minded, and more intent Piut. Aratus. 324 A lexan der's Emp ii'e 2 ^5 B.C. Piut. op. cit. Aratus and Cleomenes, 235 B.C. Plut. Cleomenes. upon the public than his private concerns, a bitter hater of tyrants, making the common good the rule and law of his friendships and enmities." He advanced so rapidly in the esteem of the Achaeans that they elected him gen- eral when he was but twenty-seven years of age. Their confidence was by no means misplaced. Under his hfe- long guidance, the league extended itself till it came to include all Peloponnese with the exception of Lacedaemon. Nothing was so dear to him as the union he was fostering : '•' for he believed that the cities, weak individually, could be preserved by nothing else but a mutual assistance under the closest bond of the common interest." His jealousy of other leaders — his desire to remain sole general — seems pardonable when we think of this great state as the work of his hands. The further growth of the league was hindered on one side by Athens, too proud to act with other states, and on the other by Lacedaemon, now under an able king, Cleom- enes. Wishing to restore decayed Sparta to her ancient condition, Cleomenes abolished the ephorate and probably the council, cancelled debts, and redistributed property with a view to increasing the number of citizens and sol- diers. Sincere in his desire to benefit his city, he was perhaps the ablest statesman and the greatest hero of Greece after Alexander. Cleomenes applied for permis- sion to bring his state into the league and asked to be made general. The admission of Sparta on these terms would have assured the lasting success of the union, es- pecially as it would have provided an able, noble-hearted man to succeed Aratus. But the Achaean statesman re- fused. Such heroic self-sacrifice could hardly be expected of human nature ; and Aratus, though he lived for the glory of the union, was selfish. Cleomenes, who had al- Rome tJireatens 325 ready opened war upon the league, now assailed it so vig- orously that Aratus was induced to call upon Macedon for help. Antigonus, regent of that country, entered Pelo- 221 b.c, ponnese with his army and thoroughly defeated Cleomenes. When the Spartan king saw all his hopes shattered, he bade farewell to his ruined country and sailed away to Egypt, where he met a violent death. Greece was now in a wretched plight ; Sparta had lost her independence and the Achaean League had for the time being enslaved it- self to Macedon. Aratus, the mainstay of the union, was poisoned at the instigation of Phihp V, who had become king of Macedon in 220 b.c. We are approaching the conflict between Greece and Rome Rome. The city on the Tiber, through her genius for ^'"^^^^^"^• organization and her liberality in bestowing political privi- leges, had made herself supreme in Italy, and then in a long, 264-241 b.c. hard-fought war had wrested Sicily from Carthage and had made of it her first province. A second war with Car- 219-201 b.c. thage was now going on, and the Carthaginian Hannibal, one of the greatest commanders of all time, was in Italy annihilating Roman armies and marching wherever he willed. With intense interest the Macedonian king watched the contest, for he felt that the triumph of Italy would be a menace to himself. After the over- whelming defeat of the Romans at Cannae, he hastened 216 b.c. to ally himself with the victor ; but so far from affecting the issue of the struggle, he merely brought upon himself the wrath of Rome. When accordingly the Roman Scipio had conquered War with Hannibal and closed the war, Rome sent her consul Flam- ^°'"^- ininus into Greece to punish Philip. The Athenians, the ^tolians, and others joined the Italian invader, who had come, they thought, to deliver them from the insolence of 326 Alexander's Empire Macedon. The eyes of the world followed the movements of the Roman legion and the Macedonian phalanx, for now for the first time since Pyrrhus these two most efficient mihtary systems of ancient times came into conflict. The phalanx was a solid body of bronze-clad warriors bristling with twenty-four-foot pikes ; on level ground it was un« conquerable, but among the hills it could be easily broken. The legion, on the contrary, was light and flexible, devel- oped especially with a view to fighting the mountaineers of central Italy. At Cynoscephalae — Dog's Heads — a 197 E.G. low range of hills in Thessaly, the armies met, and after a sharp struggle the legion was victorious. This success was due not only to the Roman military organization, but quite as much to the nature of the ground, to the good generalship of Flamininus, and to the superiority of Roman soldiers over those of Greece. Flamininus compelled Philip to cede his Greek dependencies to Rome ; then at the Isthmian games in the following spring, amid the rejoi- cing of the multitude, the consul proclaimed all these states free, and assured to Greece the protection of the Western Republic. Some of the liberated states joined the ^tolian League, others the Achaean. In this struggle the Romans had proved themselves the champions of freedom against a despot. End of the The Romans next waged war upon the Seleucid empire and compelled it to give up a large part of Asia Minor. Instead of taking possession of this territory, Rome divided 190 B.C. it between Pergamum and Rhodes, both of which in con- sequence became important states. Some years after this war the insulting attempts of the Seleucid government to 163B.C. Hellenize Jerusalem drove the Jews to revolt. Under the lead of the able family of Maccabees they finally gained practical independence. Still later Parthia wrested from Seleucid empire TJie End 327 the Seleucidse all their possessions east of the Euphrates, and their great empire dwindled to the petty kingdom 139 b.c. of Syria. Meantime hostilities broke out again between Rome Conquest of and Macedon, now under Perseus, son of Philip V. In M^^^don. the fourth year of the war Lucius ^milius Paullus, a Roman of great ability and of noble character, took the field and defeated Perseus at Pydna. The last of the 168 b.c. Macedonian kings, carried a prisoner to Rome, followed in the triumphal procession of the conqueror. Macedon, at first divided into four republics under the protectorate of Rome, finally became a Roman province. 146 b.c. The end of Hellenic freedom was drawing near. When The end. the quarrels of the Greeks again brought a Roman army among them, Mummius, the commander, following the instructions given him by the senate, destroyed Corinth, 146 b.c. killed most of the men he captured, and sold the women and children into slavery. As the beautiful city, stripped of her wealth and her art, sank into ruin, the Greeks at length reahzed that while they still retained the form of liberty, the Roman senate was their master. Though com- pelled to submit to Rome, Greece through her arts led the conqueror captive and made him the bearer of her civiliza- tion to the nations of the West. Through many avenues that civiHzation has come down to us as one of the most precious inheritances we have received from the past. In comparing the achievements of the great races of antiquity it has been customary to attribute religion to the Hebrews, commerce to the Phoenicians, law and poHti- cal organization to the Romans, and to the Greeks ideal beauty in literature and in art. Though in general all this is true, yet to appreciate what the Hellenic race has actu- ally done, we must remember that the sense of symmetry 328 Alexander's Empire inherent in the soul of the Greek and expressing itself not only in literature and art, but in all the walks of life, led him to the achievement of the beautiful in every field of activity. It was this longing to realize the beautiful which moved the Greeks to codify their laws, to reform their constitutions, and freeing themselves from the bondage of traditional Choragic Monument of Lysicrates (Athens.) superstition, to live rational lives in private and in public — to be a law unto themselves — centuries before these great ideas occurred to other peoples. To the love of the beau- tiful, tending to arrangement and system, the Greeks owed the beginning of science in all its departments. The same impulse, in purifying their religion of the grotesque and Modem Greece 329 brutal elements which belong to all primitive worships, taught them by a slow and gradual process to conceive the heavenly powers as absolutely perfect in form and in spirit, and gave rise to the marvellously beautiful thoughts of ^schylus and of Plato. In the relations, too, between man and man, between nation and nation, it tended to sub- stitute for the barriers of local and racial prejudice bonds of kindliness and of peace based upon the beautiful senti- ments of humanity and of the common brotherhood of mankind. Thus it was beauty — yet in the largest and most liberal sense of the word — which controlled the development of Greek life. During the ages which separate us from the days of Flamininus and Mummius, Greece, after experiencing the varied fortunes of Roman, Byzantine, and Turkish rule, became, in the present century, a kingdom under the supervision of the powers of Europe. Though two thou- sand years have wrought great changes, — Yet are thy skies as blue, thy crags as wild; Sweet are thy groves and verdant are thy fields, Thine olive ripe as when Minerva smiled. And still his honied wealth Hymettus yields; There the bhthe bee his fragrant fortress builds, The free-born wanderer of thy mountain-air; Apollo still thy long, long summer gilds, Still in his beam Mendeli's marbles glare; Art, Glory, Freedom fail, but Nature still is fair. Where'er we tread 'tis haunted, holy ground. No earth of thine is lost in vulgar mould, But one vast realm of wonder spreads around, And all the Muse's tales seem truly told, Till the sense aches with gazing to behold The scenes our earliest dreams have dwelt upon : Each hill and dale, each deepening glen and wold Defies the power which crush'd thy temples gone : Age shakes Athena's tower, but spares gray Marathon. — Byron. 330 Alexander's Empire Sources Reading. For Alexander : Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander ; Plutarch, Demos- thenes, Alexander, Phocion ; Diodorus, xvii. For the period following Alexander : Diodorus, xviii ff.; Plutarch, Eumenes, Demetrius, Pyrrhus, Aratus, Agis, Cleomenes, Philopccmen ; Polybius (consult the index for the Italians and the Achaans^. Modern Authorities (1) To the death of Alexander: Holm, History of Greece, III, chs. xix-xxvii, xxix; Oman, History of Greece, ch. xliv; AUcroft, Decline of Hellas, chs. vii-xi ; Curteis, Rise of the Macedonian Empire, chs. viii-xvii; Hogarth, Philip and Alexander; Wheeler, Alexander; Dodge, Alexander ; Timayenis, History of Greece, II, pt. viii;- Grote, History of Greece, XII, chs. xci-xciv. (2) From the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest : Holm, iv; Mahaffy, Alexander'' s Empire ; Greek Life and Thought frojn the Age of Alexander to the Roman Conquest; Empire of the Ptolemies; Thirlwall, History of Greece, vii, viii; Timayenis, History of Greece, II, pts. viii, ix; Freeman, History of Federal Government in Greece and Italy, for the Leagues. CHAPTER XVII HELPS TO THE STUDY OF GREEK HISTORY Periods of the History I. The beginnings of the Greeks — the Prehistoric Age, extend- ing from some time ifi the remote past, which has not been even approximately determined, to about yoo B.C. This is the time in which the Greek race came into existence, and developed a character and institutions of its own. The ancestors of the Greeks, migrating from the north,^ occupied the peninsula now called Greece, then spread their settlements eastward over the ^gean Islands to the western coast of Asia Minor, and before the close of the period began to colonize Italy and Sicily. Meantime 1 A necessary inference from the view now generally accepted that the home of the Aryan, or Indo-European, group of races, to which the Greeks belong, was, before the migration of these races to their historic countries, mainly in Europe, probably in the region described on page i. The theory that they lived originally in central Asia is no longer held. The following is a classification of the principal races of this group : — Greeks ' European Indo-Europeans Asiatic Italians Celts Teutons . Slavs Iranians [ Hindoos Medes Persians 3Z^ 332 Helps to tJie Study of Greek History some of the Greeks — chiefly those along the east coast of the peninsula — progressed beyond the tribal condition, and, under Oriental influence, built cities and acquired the civili- zation which we call "Mycenaean." Somewhat later the colonists in the ^gean Islands and in Asia Minor, advan- cing beyond the mother country, produced the first European literature, — the Iliad and the Odyssey^ — representing a stage of civilization which we call " Epic," considerably higher than the Mycenaean. The Tribal, Mycenaean, and Epic ages correspond to the Stone, Bronze, and Iron ages respectively. The chief factor in Greek civihzation, — the determining institution in Greek history, — is the city- state formed with the founding of the first city in the Mycenaean Age. The government of the city-state was at first monarchical, but before the close of the period many monarchies became aristocracies. II. The awakening of the Greek mind and the growth of natiotial unityj aboiU 'joo-4'jg B.C. For about a hundred and fifty years from the beginning of this period, Greece continued to expand through coloni- zation in various directions, chiefly westward and northward ; then the limits of free Hellas on the east receded for a time, because of the advance of the Lydian, and afterward of the Persian, empire. In this period native industries and com- merce became important, and coined money was first used. In government many states passed from aristocracy to tyranny, and from tyranny to democracy, or to moderate, well-regulated oligarchy. Great intellectual progress took place : the Greeks made a beginning of science, geography, and philosophy ; lyric poetry flourished in all parts of Greece — a kind of poetry which shows that the Greeks were ac- tively thinking on all subjects suggested by their surround- Periods 333 ings and experiences. Thinking led to religious and moral progress ; the Greeks began to exercise self-restraint and moderation in life. Their sympathies widened with their intelligence ; they discovered that they were all of one blood, one speech, and one rehgion, and began to call themselves by the common name of Hellenes. They be- came aware, too, of the differences between themselves and foreigners, whom they called '•' barbarians," and of their own superiority to them. Conflicts with foreigners led the Greeks to sympathize further with each other, and to feel that they ought to combine for mutual defence. Towards the close of the period the Persian empire threatened to absorb all eastern Greece, while at the same time Carthage menaced the Greeks of the West. The pressure of this common danger created a strong movement in the direction of political unity. Many of the states of continental Greece united to resist the encroachment of the Persians ; and in the West there was a similar combination against the Car- thaginians. The Greeks were overwhelmingly successful both in the East and in the West ; Asiatic Greece was set free ; Greece was reheved of fear from foreigners ; Greek civiHzation was saved for the world ; Greece came out of the struggle strong, proud, self-conscious, — ready for great achievements in peace and in war. III. The most vigorous intellectual and political activity of the Greeks, 4^9-404 B.C. This is the period of dramatic poetry, of the noblest his- torical writing, and of the grand in art; in this time the Greeks made a beginning of written oratory and written philosophy. In the early part of the period there was comparative harmony between political parties and peace among the states. But the conflict with foreigners created 334 Helps to the Study of Greek History a strong tendency in the direction of popular government : democracies took the place of tyrannies and of aristocracies in western Greece, while in Athens, and, under her influ- ence, in other eastern states the democratic constitutions already existing became still more democratic. This move- ment met with opposition from the conservatives, who looked to Sparta for protection and guidance. Thus the general harmony gave way to a division into democracy and oligarchy under the lead of Athens and of Sparta respec- tively. Finally, between the two principles of government a rupture came in the Peloponnesian War, in which almost all the Greeks took part under the lead of Athens or of Sparta. The war ended with the temporary overthrow of democracy, and the establishment of oligarchy in most of the eastern Greek states under the despotic rule of Sparta, while in the West another Carthaginian invasion led to the forcible cen- tralization of a large part of Sicily, and of some states of Magna Grsecia under a despot, Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, IV. The ripening of the Greek intellect, and the decline of the city-state, 404-338 B.C. The ripening of the intellect is indicated. by the dechne of poetic literature and the development of prose. This was the great age of oratory and of philosophy, of refine- ment in literature and in art ; thought prevailed over action and strength was to some extent sacrificed to beauty and finish. The growing refinement and love of peace is indi- cated by the fact that the citizens of the city-states shirked military service, so that war came into the hands of mer- cenaries drawn largely from the less civilized territorial states. In the beginning of this period all eastern Greece was united under the rule of Sparta and nearly all western Periods 335 Greece under Dionysius, while Sparta and Dionysius were in sympathy with each other. This was the nearest ap- proach of Greece to poHtical unity ; but as neither Sparta nor Dio- nysius was equal to the task of rul- ing a free people, the two great po- litical units soon crumbled. Thebes under Epaminon- das attempted in vain to take the place of Sparta on the continent, while the ^gean states formed a loose, short-lived federation under Athens. The power of Thebes fell with the death of Epaminondas ; the Phocians by the use of the Delphic treasury came for a brief season into great prominence ; and Athens, though disinclined to a vigor- ous foreign policy, became the intellectual and moral centre of Greece. Among all the city-states there was a tendency to political disintegration ; everywhere old leagues were giving way to new combinations. But the crumbHng of the city- state system, with the breaking down of local prejudices, prepared the way for broader and more liberal sympathies, — the mill of the gods was grinding Hellenism to humanism. Meantime Macedon, a territorial state under King Philip, taking advantage of the political disunion and mutual jeal- ousies of the city republics, began to encroach upon free Corinthian Capital (From Epidaurus.) ^^6 Helps to the Stiidy of Greek History Hellas. The crisis came at Chseroneia, where Philip de- feated the combined forces of Athens and Thebes ; the era of the city-state and of the city leadership ended, and the gromid was ready for new and larger experiments in poHtics. V. Alexander's empire and the federal unions^ and the spread of Hellenic civilization over the world, jj 8-146 B.C. The states of western Greece, after varied experiences of free government, tyranny, and foreign rule — Carthaginian and native ItaHan — fell under the power of Rome ; those of eastern Greece, still nominally retaining their republican constitutions, were but a part of the great Macedonian empire which Alexander formed chiefly of the Persian empire, but which after his death divided into independent kingdoms. Later, many Greek states, mostly of the conti- nent, joined in two federal unions — the ^tolian and the Achaean — for the protection of their liberties against Macedon. The federal union, which united the strength of the states, and at the same time left each a large measure of independence, was the noblest political creation of the Greeks, and might have been a means of preserving their liberties, had it not come too late. For Rome, after sub- duing western Greece and Carthage, interfered in the affairs of the eastern Greeks, and finally annexed their whole country to her empire. In this period Alexander and his successors spread Hel- lenic civilization over the East. The Romans, on the other hand, who from the time of their contact with Greece — first the western colonies and afterward the mother country — had begun to enrich their lives with the Hellenic culture, gradually brought that culture in a modified form to the nations of western Europe. Among those treasures of Examples of Outlines 337 Hellas, possessed as heirlooms by the world of to-day, there are perhaps none which we should prize so highly as the ideas of intellectual and political liberty which the Greeks were the first to conceive and to make real. Examples of Outlines I. THE IONIC REVOLT I. Causes. 1 . Oppression by the Persians in — a. Religion. b. Tyrannies. c. Tributes. d. Military service, as in — (i) Conquest of Egypt. (2) Scythian expedition. 2. Character of the Asiatic Greeks. a. Intelligent and liberty-loving. b. Increasing nationalism. c. Influence of individual leaders, as — (i) Miltiades. (2) Aristagoras. 3. Immediate occasion — Failure of Aristagoras to conquer Naxos. II. Extent of the Revolt, The Greeks of Asia Minor, of some of the islands, of the Hellespont, of Thrace, of Macedon, and of Chalcidice (see Map, p. 127). III. Chief Events of the Revolt. 1. The overthrow of tyrannies in Ionia. 2. Visit of Aristagoras to Sparta and Athens ; Athens and Eretria send help. 3. The burning of Sardis ; the defeat of the Greeks at Ephesus ; results of these events. 4. Battle at Lade, 497 B.C. a. Conduct of the Greeks ; the light which this conduct throws upon their character. b. Results, z 338 Helps to the Sttidy of Greek Histojy 5. Capture of Miletus, 494 B.C. a. Effect on the city itself. b. Effect on the Athenians. c. Importance for Europe. IV. Results of the War. 1 . Political enslavement of the Asiatic Greeks ; their grad- ual deterioration. 2. Effect on Europe — a blow to civilization ; cf. what is said of the capture of Miletus, p. 115. 3. Effect on the Greeks — made them feel that Persia was irresistible. 4. Effect on the Persians — led them to invade European Greece, — so caused the war between Greece and Persia. V. Sources of Information. a. Original. b. Modern. 2. THE DELIAN CONFEDERACY AND THE ATHE- NIAN EMPIRE A. The Delian Confederacy I. Origin. 1. Historical precedents. a. The Delian Amphictyony. b. The Peloponnesian League. 2. General causes. a. Growing feeling of nationality among the Greeks, which created a tendency to political unity. b. Desire on the part of those Greeks who inhabited Asia Minor and the ^gean Islands of maintain- ing their liberty against Persia. 3. Events leading to it. a. The war with Persia, which resulted in the liberation of the Greeks of Asia Minor and of the -^gean Islands. b. The building of the Athenian navy, on the proposi- tion of Themistocles, 483 B.C., which enabled Athens to offer protection to these Greeks. Examples of Outlines 339 c. The Athenian alliance with some of the Asiatic Greeks after the battle of Mycale, 479 B.C. Rea- sons for this alliance, (i) The Peloponnesians, feeling unable to protect these Greeks in their homes, proposed to transplant them to the European side of the iEgean. (2) Athens, powerful at sea and ambitious for leader- ship, regarding these Greeks as her colo- nists, offered them the desired protection. d. Transfer of the naval leadership from Lacedaemon to Athens. (i) Why the Lacedaemonians yielded the leadership. (a) They saw no advantage to themselves in continuing the war with Persia. (b) They could not trust their commanders abroad — Pausanias, their regent, had brought them into danger and disgrace by his conduct. (c) They believed that by controlling the policy of Athens they could still enjoy virtual supremacy by sea as well as by land. (2) Why Athens accepted the naval leadership, (a) Her ambition for leadership and her power- ful navy. (b) Her close relations, through commerce and kinship, with the Asiatic Greeks. (c) The request of the Asiatic Greeks, who pre- ferred Aristeides and Cimon to Pausa- nias, and who felt that they would be safer under the protection of a naval power (Athens) than under a mere land power (Lacedaemon) . n. Object of the Confederacy. 1 . Protection from Persia. 2. Plunder of Persian territory. III. Organization. I. Themistocles probably the. chief organizer ; see Timo- creon in Plutarch, Themistocles . 340 Helps to the Study of Greek History 2. Based upon the older Delian Amphictyony in — a. Religion — the worship of Apollo. b. Kinship — the nucleus of the Confederacy was Ionic. c. Seat of government — the island of Delos. 3. Patterned after the Peloponnesian League in — a. Congress of deputies from the allies under presidency of deputies from the leading city. b. Forces of the allies commanded by generals from the leading city. c. Independence of the allies guaranteed. (i) They could have whatever constitutions they wished. (2) They could enter into relations of war and peace with other states. 4. Advance beyond the Peloponnesian League. a. Permanent force — a navy for the security of the ^gean waters. b. Regular revenues : — Assessment of Aristeides. (i) Generally the larger states furnished ships and crews; the smaller paid taxes. (2) Total assessment — 460 talents a year. IV. Transition from Confederacy to Empire. 1 . Opposition to the Confederacy, which compelled Athens to use force in holding it together. a. Desire of the Greeks for the absolute independence of their towns, arising from — (i) The character of the city-state. (2) The individuality of the Greeks. (3) The ambition of leading families, who hoped to gain control of their states if the latter should be free from Athenian influence. b. Rapid expansion of the Confederacy, which — (i) Removed all fear of Persian attack. (2) Aroused the jealousy of the Peloponnesians. 2. Political incapacity of the allies. a. Inability to combine among themselves for the pro- tection of their liberties against Athens. Such a combination of two hundred cities which were Examples of OiU lines ^ 341 widely separated and had few common interests demanded a political experience possessed by no people in the world at that time. It was inevitable, therefore, that the Confederacy fall to pieces, unless held together by force. b. Indisposition of the allies to military service, lead- ing to — (i) The commutation of personal service for money payments, and the consequent — (2) Degradation of the allies to the condition of protected subjects. 3. Character of Athens as leader. a. Her power relatively so great as to leave no scope for equality between herself and her allies. b. Growth of democracy (from Aristeides to Pericles), which aimed at equalizing the citizens by enhst- ing as many of them as possible in the paid ser\dce of the state, which demanded — (i) Large revenues. (2) A vast amount of public work. Athens supplied this work by assuming a stricter control of the affairs of the allies, — by converting the Confederacy into an Empire. 4. Events of the transition, a. Revolt of Naxos, 469 B.C. b. Battle of Eurymedon, 468 B.C. c. Revolt of Thasos ; interference of Lacedaemon, 465 B.C. d. Rupture between Athens and Lacedaemon. 462 B.C. e. War between Athens and some of the Peloponne- sians, 458 B.C. /. History of the Athenian Continental Federation, 456-447 B.C. g. Transfer of the treasury from Delos to Athens, 454 B.C. (or earlier). B. The Athenian Empire I. Origin; see A, IV. II. Organization and Government. I. Two classes of allies. 342 Helps to the Stitdy of Greek History a. Independent — Chians, Lesbians, and Samians — enjoying all the original privileges of the allies ; see A, III, 3, c. b. Dependent — all the rest : allies from the point of view of state law ; in reality, subjects. z. Treaties imposed by Athens upon the dependent allies, which — a. Deprived them of the privileges mentioned in A, III, 3 c. b. Assured them democratic governments. c. Required them to send their more important law cases to be tried before Athenian courts. 3. Tributes. (Gilbert, p. 420 ff. ; Greenidge, p. 196 ff.). a. Division into tribute-districts. b. Quadrennial assessments. c. Hellenic treasurers ; payments and forced collections. d. Substitution of export and import duties, 413/12 B.C. 4. Jurisdiction. (Gilbert, p. 429 ff. ; Greenidge, p. 196 f.). a. Cases brought to Athens. b. Judicial officers. c. Limitation of the independence of the allies. 5. Religion. a. Athena takes the place of Apollo ; allies participate in the Panathenaea. b. The Eleusinian w^orship. 6. Athenian colonies (cleruchies). a. Object. (i) To provide the poorer Athenians with land. (2) To garrison the Empire. b. Effect. (i) Assimilation of the allies to Athens in language, customs, etc. (2) Resented by the allies as an encroachment upon their property. III. Condition of the Allies. 1. Very prosperous — the Empire advantageous to them. 2. The majority contented; dissatisfaction of a few. IV. Place of the Empire in history. I. The highest political development yet reached by the Greeks. Studies 343 2. It gave the Romans models of municipal organization and administration. 3. It enabled Athens to make her enormous contribution to civilization. 4. It did much towards making the Attic dialect, literature, and civilization the common property of Greece. V. Causes of its Overthrow. 1. Sources of weakness within. a. The love of the allies for town independence — the schemes of ambitious pohticians (oligarchs) . b. The narrowness of the Athenian policy in relation to the allies. 2. The fear and jealousy of the Athenian power on the part of the Peloponnesians, which led to — 3. The Peloponnesian War, which ended in the dissolution of the Empire. VI. Sources of Information. a. Original. b. Modem. Studies CHAPTER I 1. Compare the migration of the Angles and Saxons into England with the migration of the Greeks into Greece. How are the Greeks and the English related ? See p. 331, n. I. 2. Compare the life of the early Greeks (i) with the life of the earliest European settlers in America; (2) with the life of the North American Indians. 3. Had the harbors been mostly on the west coast of Greece, what would have been the effect on the character and history of the Greeks ? 4. Why did the Greeks improve more by contact with the Phoenicians than the North American Indians did by contact with the Europeans ? 5. Why were the earliest kingdoms in the deltas? What are the differences between these kingdoms and those of modern Europe ? 344 Helps to the Study of Greek History 6. What do we learn of life in the palace from the passage of the Odyssey quoted on p. 5 ff. ? How much progress had the Greeks made since they came into Greece ? 7. Describe from the map the area of the Mycenaean civiliza- tion. 8. Why did the earhest Greek colonists go east rather than west? 9. Draw a map of the ^gean coasts and islands, and place on it the lonians, the ^^olians, and the Dorians. 10. In what respects was the civilization of Ionia in advance of that of Mycenae? 11. If the government under which we live should cease to pro- tect our lives, who would undertake this duty? Why did not the Greek government of the Epic Age protect the lives of the citizens ? 12. Were the Greeks of the Epic Age more hospitable than the moderns are? If so, why? 13. Did the Greeks of the Epic Age have a single standard of value ? 14. Compare the government of the Epic Age with any modern government with which you are acquainted. 15. What is the difference between the town-meeting of the Greeks in the Epic Age and that which we now find in the United States? 16. Why did not the Greeks abolish the office of king? Why have not the English done so? 17. Was there more good than evil in the religion of the Epic Age ? What are the reasons for your opinion ? 18. Compare the Mycenaean Age with the Epic Age. 19. Write a short paper on " Life in the Mycenaean Age " (Tsountas and Manatt, Gardner, Holm) ; on " Govern- ment in the Epic Age " (Grote, Holm, etc.) . 20. Make an outline analysis of this chapter; see model out- lines, p. 337 ff. CHAPTER II 1. How much of the story of the Phaeacians (p. 20) is true? 2. Were there families, brotherhoods, and tribes before there were cities? Studies 345 3. What are the differences between a Greek state and a modern state ? 4. Trace the development of the large Greek state (Athens or Sparta) from the tribal organization of society. 5. Why did not Thebes become in early times as strong as Athens or Sparta? 6 Why did the Plain have the advantage over the Hills in early Greek warfare ? 7. If you were to live in the city of Athens or of Sparta, which would you prefer, and why ? If you were to live in the suburbs of Athens or of Sparta, which would you prefer ? 8. Compare Attica with Thessaly in the seventh century B.C. Which was the further developed state at the time ? 9. What were the chief attractions for colonists in Italy and Sicily ? 10. Why should the laws of Zaleucus be more severe than those of our country ? What great service did the Greeks do for the world in lawmaking ? 1 1 . What were the principal motives for colonization ? 12. Mention some Dorian cities which were commercial. Men- tion one which was agricultural. Were the Dorians chiefly agricultural, or chiefly commercial ? What were the principal occupations of the lonians ? Which were more enterprising, Dorians or lonians? 13. Compare Sparta with Locri ; with Tarentum. 14. Did the colonies or the mother country advance more rapidly in civilization? How did the colonies benefit the mother country? Compare the Greek colonies with the modern European colonies in various parts of the world. What were the boundaries of Greece in the middle of the sixth century B.C. ? Did Greece always have the same boundaries ? 15. Write a paper on " Theseus" ; on " The Dorian Migration" ; on " Colonization in the West." For bibHography, p. 40. 16. Make an outline of the subjects treated in this chapter. CHAPTER III I . Compare the decline of kingship at Athens with the decline of kingship in Ionia (Ch. I). 34^ Helps to the Study of Greek History 2. Make an outline of the history of the office of king from the Tribal Age to its overthrow at Athens. Dis- tinguish periods of growth and decline. 3. Compare Draco with Zaleucus. 4. Was Solon's currency reform honest? Was it beneficial? Compare the present agitation for currency reform in the United States. 5. Which altered the government more, Draco or Solon? 6. What changes did Solon make in the four census classes ? 7. What power did Solon transfer from the Council of the Areopagus to the popular supreme court ? 8. Should we speak of "Solon's Constitution"? In referring to recent English history, would it be right to say " Gladstone's Constitution " ? 9. Trace the development of the following institutions from the earliest times to the end of Solon's legislation : ( i ) Coun- cil of the Areopagus ; (2) assembly ; (3) archons ; (4) census classes. 10. Compare Solon with Draco; with Cylon; with Zaleucus. 1 1 . Was Lycurgus a man or a god ? 12. Compare the Spartans and the Athenians of the seventh cen- tury B.C. in culture and in military power. 13. Compare the Laconian helots with the poor tenants of Attica. Would it be right to say " Spartan helots " ? 14. Was the life of a Spartan preferable to that of a perioecus? 15. At what time did the government of Athens and of Lace- daemon most nearly resemble each other? Compare them at this time. 16. Write a paper on Solon ; on Lycurgus. 17. Make an outline of the subjects of this chapter. CHAPTER IV 1. What was the difference between a king and a tyrant? 2. What reasons are there for believing that Cleisthenes of Sicyon was a wise and able ruler? What indications are there of his wealth and power? Which was the more powerful state in his time, Sicyon or Athens, and why? Why did Athens gain control of a larger territory than Sicyon did ? Studies 347 3. Which was preferable, a tyranny or an oligarchy ? Which did the common people prefer, and why ? Why did the fami- lies of tyrants degenerate rapidly ? Compare the tyrants of Corinth with those of Sicyon ; with those of Athens. 4. Compare Arcadia with Laconia in respect to country, people, and government. 5 . Compare the Peloponnesian League with the United States (i) in general government; (2) in the relations of the states to each other and to the central government. 6. Compare Isagoras and Cleisthenes of Athens in character and in policy. Which was the more admirable man? Why did the Council of Four Hundred resist Isagoras? 7. Compare the Athenian government of 590 B.C. with that of 500 B.C. What changes had taken place between Solon and Cleisthenes ? Which one of these men made the greater change in the constitution ? Make a compara- tive table of their reforms. 8. Why did the Corinthians favor Athens ? Did the Corinthian speaker tell the whole truth about tyranny ? 9. Make an outline of the separate histories of Athens, Sparta, and Argos to 500 B.C., dividing into periods and giving the characteristics of each period (Holm, Abbott, etc.). 10. Compare Greece in 500 B.C. with Greece in 600 B.C. How much progress was made in this century? 1 1 . Write a paper on " The Tyrants " ; on " The Alcmeonidae " ; on "The Development of the Athenian Constitution from Solon to Cleisthenes." CHAPTER V 1 . Would you prefer to read the poems of Homer or of Hesiod? Which were the more useful ? 2. Judging from the map, which country do you think was bet- ter situated for commerce, Attica or Boeotia? Why was not Boeotia a commercial country? 3. How does personal poetry differ from epic poetry? 4. What were the early Greek philosophers aiming to discover? 5. What progress did the Greeks make in morals and religion from the Tribal Age to the end of the period covered by this chapter? 348 Helps to the Study of Greek History 6. Did the oracle of Apollo benefit the Greeks more than it injured them? 7. Compare Pindar's idea of the future life with that of Homer. 8. Write a paper on "The Great National Games"; on "The Religion of the Greeks " ; on " Pindar" ; on " Sappho." 9. Make an outline of the subject of this chapter. CHAPTER VI 1. Why did Croesus admire the Greeks ? 2. Write a connected history of Ionia, with especial reference to civilization from the time of its colonization to the beginning of the war with Persia (Chs. I, V, VI) . 3. Compare the lonians with the Spartans ; with the Athenians. 4. Were the Cohans and the Dorians of Asia Minor in any respect better than the lonians? 5. Who was the abler ruler, Croesus or Cyrus? 6. What did Cyrus mean by the fable of the piper and fishes? 7. Why were the lonians unwilling to unite in one state? 8. What objection had the Spartans to purple robes? How do you suppose they dressed? 9. What was the religious feeling of the Greeks with reference to digging channels ? 10. Why should the thorough organization of the Persian em- pire make the government rest more heavily upon the lonians? 11. What seems improbable in the story of the message of His- tiaeus to his son-in-law? 12. In what respect were the Spartans kinsmen of the lonians? Were they as near as the Athenians in kinship? 13. Did the Athenians act justly towards Phrynichus? 14. Should we praise the Athenians and the Spartans for their treatment of the king's heralds? CHAPTER VII 1. What were the causes of the war with Persia? 2. Did the Lacedaemonians have any especial reason for not wishing to help the Athenians at the time of the battle of Marathon? Studies 349 3. With what object was Hippias guiding the Persians in their invasion of Attica? Give the previous history of Hip- pias. 4. Compare the Persian mode of fighting with that of the Greeks (cf. Ch. VI). 5. To what poUticai party did Miltiades belong? Why did the republicans oppose him? 6. Was ostracism of advantage to Athens in the years imme- diately following the battle of Marathon? 7. Give the history of the archons and of the Council of the Areopagus, from the earliest times to the year 487 B.C. What was the previous history of the office of general? 8. Which seems to have served his country better, Themistocles or Aristeides ? 9. What was the chief fault of Sparta in conducting the war for the defence of Greece against Persia? 10. What city deserved most credit for the victory at Salamis? at Plataea? 11. Did the Delphic oracle help the Greeks in the war with Per- sia? (cf. Ch. V). 12. From i^schylus' account of the battle of Salamis, describe the manoeuvres of the Greek ships. 13. Could the Greeks have been successful in the war without the help of Sparta and of the Peloponnesian League? 14. What were the causes of the war with Carthage? 15. Compare the Carthaginian invasion with that of the Persians. 16. Make an outline of the war with Persia and Carthage, includ- ing causes, principal events, general character, and re- sults. 17. Compare the Persian war with the American Revolution. CHAPTER Vin 1. Compare Hieron with Pisistratus. 2. Give the history of Syracuse from the earliest times to the overthrow of tyranny. How does the history of Syra- cuse compare with that of Athens ? 3. What were the principal peoples of Italy in the time of Hieron? Describe the character and civilization of the Etruscans. (Consult some history of Rome, as Momm- sen, Ihne, or How and Leigh.) 350 Helps to the Study of Greek History 4. What had the principal Greek states sacrificed, and what had each achieved, in the war with Persia? 5. What might have happened, had not Themistocles outwitted the Lacedaemonians with reference to the fortifications of Athens? Had Athens remained unfortified, what would probably have been her relations with Sparta? Is Themistocles to be blamed for the trick? 6. Why were the Lacedaemonian commanders untrustworthy? 7. Write an account of the life and character of Themistocles ; of Aristeides ; of Pausanias. Compare these men with each other. 8. Write the history of the Delian Confederacy, following the outline on p. 338. 9. Is the Athenian policy of holding the Confederacy together by force justifiable? What would have happened to the allied states if the Confederacy had been dissolved ? 10. Give a brief sketch of Greek culture, from the earliest times to the end of the Age of Cimon. Give a similar sketch of Greek religion. 1 1 . Compare the religious ideas of ^schylus with those of the Christians. 12. Give the history of the Council of the Areopagus, from the earliest times to the year 462 B.C. 13. Draw a parallel between the histories of eastern and west- ern Greece during the Age of Cimon. 14. Write a paper on "Cimon"" (see especially Curtius). CHAPTER IX 1. Write a brief biography of Ducetius (Freeman, Holm, Grote). 2. Give an account of the Samnites (Histories of Rome by Mommsen, Ihne, Duruy, How and Leigh, etc.). 3. How long was Athens in the Peloponnesian League? Give a sketch of her relations with the League to 462 B.C. 4. Discuss the character and social position of the helots. 5. Why did the conservatives of Athens oppose war between their city and her neighbors? 6. Give briefly the history of Boeotia, from the earliest times to the year 457 B.C. Studies 351 7. Compare Athens and Lacedaemon in 456 B.C., with respect to their miHtary power and the extent of territory which they respectively controlled. 8. Compare Cimon and Pericles with respect to character and policy. 9. Show how the Confederacy of Delos was converted into the Athenian empire. How did the rise of democracy at Athens contribute to this change ? How did this change contribute to the rise of democracy at Athens and among the allies ? 10. Read Thucydides on the revolt of the Samians, with a view to determining whether they had sufficient cause for revolt. 1 1 . Give the history of the popular supreme court, of the archon- ship, and of the relations between these two institutions, from Solon to 457 B.C. Why should the rise of the court and the decline of the archonship go hand in hand? 12. Compare the Athenian jury system with that of our own time. Which is preferable? 13. Compare the process of legislation at Athens, after Pericles, with that in our own country. 14. Write a paper on " Slavery in Greece." 15. Write a paper on "Art in the Age of Pericles." 16. Contrast the Athenians with the Spartans in the Age of Pericles (see especially the Funeral Oration of Pericles in Thucydides). 17. Write an outline of the subjects treated in this chapter. CHAPTER X 1. Which was the stronger in 431 B.C., Athens or Lacedaemon? What are the reasons for your opinion? Which state was chiefly responsible for the war? Make an outline of the causes of the war. 2. Write an account of the plague at Athens (Thucydides, Grote, Curtius). 3. Write a biography of Pericles, with your estimate of his character and achievements. Compare him with The- mistocles. 352 Helps to the Study of Greek History 4. Was Cleon a demagogue or a statesman ? Write an argu- ment on this subject (Grote, Cox, Curtius, Holm, Whibley, Greenidge, etc.). 5. Compare Demosthenes and Nicias as commanders. Com- pare Demosthenes with Brasidas. 6. Would Pericles have advised the attempt to conquer Boeo- tia? Give reasons for your opinion. 7. Write a biography of Alcibiades, with a discussion of his character and ability. 8. Debate the question whether the Athenians were right in their treatment of the Melians. 9. What can be said in favor of the Athenian expedition to Sicily ? 10. Compare the Athenian disaster in Sicily, 413 B.C., with that in Egypt, 454 B.C. 11. Make an outline of the Peloponnesian War to the year 413 B.C. CHAPTER XI 1. Was there more evil than good in the New Learning ? Give reasons for your opinion. 2. What was the effect of the New Learning on the history of Athens ? Why is it necessary to study Greek philoso- phy in connection with Greek history? 3. Is it right for an orator in any sense " to make the worse cause appear the better " ? 4. Is there anything irreligious in Ion's address to Phoebus (p. 219)? 5. What is wrong with the argument of the youth mentioned on p. 220? 6. Which was the more truly religious, Euripides or Aristoph- anes? Which did more for the improvement of his countrymen ? 7. Write a biography of Socrates. 8. Which was the better historian, Herodotus or Thucydides? 9. Why was the Persian king pleased with the defeat of Athens in Sicily? Does his conduct towards the Greeks help us to appreciate the service which Athens had been performing for her allies ? 10. Why did not the educated men of Athens make good rulers ? Studies 353 1 1 . Compare the rule of the Four Hundred with the Knightly Aristocracy of Athens, 750-650 B.C. ; with the govern- ment of Athens in the time of Draco. 12. Were the Athenians wise in refusing the terms of peace offered by Lacedaemon after the battle of Arginusae and after that of Cyzicus ? 13. Make an outline of the subjects of this chapter. CHAPTER XII 1. Give an account of Sicily from Gelon to Dionysius I. 2. Compare Dionysius I with Pisistratus. 3. Write an account of the wars which Dionysius I waged with the Carthaginians (Freeman, Holm). 4. Write a biography of Timoleon (Plutarch) . Compare him with Pyrrhus. 5. What were the advantages and disadvantages of Roman rule to the Greeks (Histories of Rome) ? 6. Make an outline of the subject of this chapter. CHAPTER XIII 1 . Compare the rule of Sparta with that of Athens. 2. Write an account of the rule of the "Thirty" (Grote, Curtius, Holm). 3. Compare the condition of Lacedaemon in the fourth century B.C. with her condition in the seventh. In this interval what changes had been made in the Lacedaemonian constitution? 4. Write a biography of Agesilaus (Xenophon, Plutarch). Compare him with Lysander. 5. Was the treaty of Antalcidas a disgrace to Greece? Who was responsible for it ? 6. Write a biography of Epaminondas (Grote, Curtius, Holm). 7. Write a paper on "The Character and Methods of the Oli- Sfarchic and Democratic Parties in Greece." 8. What were the defects in the Lacedaemonian system ? Did Greece gain anything from the Spartan supremacy? (cf. Ch. XIV). 9. Make an outline of the subject of this chapter. 2A 354 Helps to the Sttcdy of Greek History CHAPTER XIV 1. Were the Athenians wise in joining Lacedaemon against Thebes? Give the previous history of the relations between Athens and Lacedaemon. 2. Compare the rule of Thebes with that of Sparta. 3. In times of adversity, did the Spartans conduct themselves more admirably than the Athenians? 4. How have the English and the Americans learned selfrgovern- ment ? Give from Greek history examples of natural and artificial constitutions, and compare their merits. 5. Was Thebes more blameworthy than Sparta had been for inviting Persia to meddle in Greek affairs? 6. Write a biography of Pelopidas (Plutarch). 7. Write a history of the general Hellenic conventions in the fourth century B.C., comparing them with each other (Grote, Holm). 8. Compare the civilization of the fourth century B.C. with that of the fifth. 9. Compare the three great Greek historians. 10. Compare Praxiteles with Pheidias. 1 1 . Make an outline of the subjects of this chapter. CHAPTER XV 1. Why did not Thessaly and Macedon develop in civilization as rapidly as Attica? 2. Compare the Macedonians with the Homeric Greeks. 3. Write a biography of Philip (Grote, Holm, Hogarth). 4. Could we say that in the time of Philip the Athenians had declined from the fifth century B.C. ? 5. Was Demosthenes wise in constantly opposing Macedon? Debate this question. 6. Compare the Macedonian army under Philip and Alexander with that of Lacedaemon ; with that of Thebes under Epaminondas. 7. Was the rise of Macedon advantageous to Greece? 8. Make an outline of the subject of this chapter. CHAPTER XVI I. Can we say that under the rule of Philip and of Alexander Greece was still free ? Events 355 2. Write a biography of Alexander (Arrian, Plutarch). 3. Compare the career of Alexander with that of Hannibal, Caesar, or Napoleon. 4. Are there reasons for believing that without Philip and Alexander the Greeks would ever have conquered the Persian empire ? 5. Had Alexander lived to old age, what may we reasonably suppose he would have accomplished ? 6. Were the conquests of Alexander beneficial to the con- quered ? 7. Were the Greeks unwise in opposing Alexander? 8» Compare, with respect to quality, the Alexandrian literature with that of Greece in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. 9. Write a history of Greek federations (Freeman) . ID. Write a biography of Aratus ; of Cleomenes (Plutarch). 11. Is it to be regretted that Rome conquered Greece ? 12. What benefits do we derive from a study of Grecian history? Why should we pay more attention to the civilization of the Greeks than to the details of their campaigns and battles ? 13. Make an outline of the subjects of this chapter. Events in Chronological Order B.C. Remote past The Tribal Age. 1500-1000 (about) The Mycenaean Age. Colonization of the ^gean Islands and of Asia Minor. 1000 (about) Colonization of Cyprus. ._«oo-7oo (about) The beginnings of states and of leagues. 1^5-700 (about) The Epic Age. <*pj^ - . The First Olympiad. 753 (?) Institution of decennial kings at Athens. 750-550 (about) Colonization of Italy and Sicily, of the north vEgean coasts, of the Hellespont, the Propontis^ and the Black Sea coasts, Cyrene, etc. 753-650 (about) Period of the Knightly Aristocracy at Athens. 725 (about) The First Messenian War. 356 Helps to the Study of Greek History B.C. 713 (?) 700 (about) 683 683 (or later) 670- -560 (about) 655-582 650-594 650 (about) 640 628 (?) 621 610 (about) 594 594-590 (?) 582- -580 556-468 560- -527 560- -546 558- -529 553 550 (about) 546 529-522 527-510 525-456 522-485 522-448 514 510 510-508 The office of king at Athens thrown open to the nobles. Pheidon king of Argos. i,J-iie of Hesiod, the poet. Institution of annual offices at Athens. Institution of the thesmothetae at Athens. The Orthagoridae (family of Cleisthenes) rule Sicyon. The Cypselidas rule Corinth. Period of the Timocracy of the Heavy-armed Infantry at Athens. The Second Messenian War. Cylon of Athens winner in the Olympic games. Cylon's conspiracy. Draco's legislation. Solon takes Salamis for Athens. Solon Archon and thesmothete — his legislation. The First Sacred War. Damasias Archon of Athens. / TJfp of Simonides. Pisistratus tyrant of Athens. Croesus king of Lydia. Cyrus king of Persia. Cyrus throws off the Median yoke. War between Lacedaemon and Argos for the possession of Cynuria. The Peloponnesian League well developed. Sparta the head of Peloponnese. Cyrus begins to conquer the Greeks of Asia Minor. Cambyses king of Persia. Hippias tyrant of Athens. -^JLife of ^schylus. Darius king of Persia. ife of Pindar. Darius invades Europe (Scythian expedition). Sybaris destroyed by the men of Croton. Trouble between Isagoras and Cleisthenes of Athens. Events 357 B.C. 508 Cleisthenes reforms the government of Athens. 499-494 The Ionic revolt. 499-498 Aristagoras at Sparta and at Athens. 498 Burning of Sardis ; defeat of the Greeks at Ephesus. 497 Battle of Lade. 496-406 i — Life of Sophocles. 494 Capture of Miletus. Miltiades flees to Athens. 493 Archonship of Themistocles ; improvement of the harbors of Peiraeus. Mardonius invades Europe. 490-479 War with Persia and with Carthage. 490 Battle of Marathon. Expedition of Miltiades to Paros ; his condem- nation. 487 Change in the mode of filling the archonship at Athens — the government becomes more democratic. 485 Gelon becomes tyrant of Syracuse. 484 (?)-425 (?) l^J^io. of Herodotus. 483 Ostracism of Aristeides. 482 Themistocles' naval decree passes. 480-406 ^'^tife of Euripides. 480 Battle of Thermopylae ; battle of Artemi- sium. The Athenians withdraw from Athens. Battle of Salamis. Battle of Himera. 479 Battles of Plataea and Mycale. Alliance- between the Athenians and some of the Asiatic Greeks. 478 Siege of Byzantium ; the Athenians gain the naval leadership of the Greeks. Themistocles fortifies Athens. 477-454 (?) The Delian Confederacy. 477 Organization of the Confederacy. 476 Themistocles fortifies Peiraeus; attends the Olympic games. V 353 Helps to the Study of Greek History B.C. 476-475 The expedition of Leotychidas to Thessaly. 475 Themistocles in the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi ; his trial for treason. 474 Battle off Cumae. 472-465 Revolution in Sicily. 472 ( ?) Ostracism of Themistocles. 472-471 Death of Pausanias ; flight of Themisto- cles. 470-400 (about) i^'lljfe of Thucydides. 469-339 iJ-ife of Socrates. 469 Revolt of Naxos. 468 The battle of the Eurymedon. 464 Themistocles goes to the court of the Persian king. Earthquake at Sparta ; revolt of the helots. 463 Cimon reduces Thasos. 462 Cimon leads a force to the aid of the Lace- daemonians against the helots. The Council of the Areopagus deprived of its political functions ; introduction of pay for jury service. Rupture in the alliance between Athens and Lacedaemon. (?) Assassination of Ephialtes. 461 The Sicilian republics firmly established. The ostracism of Cimon. 461-431 The Age of Pericles. 459 Expedition to Egypt. (?) Surrender of Mount Ithome. 458 Battle in Megaris ; battle off ^Egina. The Long Walls begun. 457 The Boeotian League restored. Battle of Tanagra. The Zeugitae admitted to the archonship at Athens. 456 (?) Battlp of Oenophyta. 456-447 Athenian Continental Federation. 456 Conquest of ^gina. 454 Athenian disaster in Egypt. Events 359 B.C. (?) Transfer of the confederate treasury from Delos to Athens ; the Delian Confederacy becomes the Athenian Empire. 451 The Five Years' Truce between Athens and Lacedaemon. 450-385 (about) /-Life-of Aristophanes. 450-380 (about)^Iife of Lysias. 449 Death of Cimon. 447 The Athenians compelled to evacuate Boeotia. 446 Euboea and Megaris revolt against Athens. 445 The Thirty Years' Truce between Athens and Lacedaemon. 443 Founding of Thurii. 442 Ostracism of Thucydides, son of Melesias. 440 The revolt of Samos. 438 / . Th e Parthenon completed. 437~432 The building of the Propylaea. 436-338 (about)" — Life of Isocrates. 435 Corinth defeated by Corcyra. 434-354 (about) '^—fcife of Xenophon. 432 Battle off Sybota. The Peloponnesian Congress declares war upon Athens. 431-404 The Peloponnesian War. 431 The Thebans surprise Plataea. The Peloponnesians invade Attica ; Pericles ravages the Peloponnesian coast. Pericles delivers his funeral oration. 430 The plague at Athens. 429 Death of Pericles. Phormion gains two naval victories for Athens. 428 Revolt of Lesbos. 427 Lesbos surrenders to Athens. Plataea surrenders to Lacedaemon. Sedition in Corcyra. 427-347 /-Life of Plato. 426 Demosthenes fails to conquer ^tolia for Athens ; wins a brilliant victory over the Ambraciots. 360 Helps to the Study of Greek History B.C. 425 Demosthenes seizes Pylos. Peace negotiations. 424 The Athenians capture Cythera and Nisaea. The expedition of Brasidas. Peace in Sicily. Battle of Delium. 423 Truce for a year. 422 Battle of Amphipolis. 421 Peace of Nicias 418 Battle at Mantineia. 417 Ostracism of Hyperbolus. 416 The conquest of Melos. 415-413 The Sicilian expedition. 414-413 The siege of Syracuse. 413 The Peloponnesians invade Attica. Ruin of the Athenian armament at Syracuse. 412 The Chians and other alhes of Athens revolt. Treaty of alliance between Persia and Lacedaemon ; Persia with her money supports the war against Athens. 411 Rule of the Four Hundred at Athens. Alcibiades recalled from banishment. 410 Athenian victory at Cyzicus. Peace negotiations. 409 The Carthaginians invade Sicily. 407 Lysander defeats the Athenians ; Alcibiades returns into exile. 406 The battle of Arginusae ; condemnation of the Athenian generals. Siege of Acragas. 405 The battle of -ffigospotami ; siege of Athens. Dionysius I becomes tyrant of Syracuse. 404 End of the Peloponnesian War. 404-371 The Supremacy of Sparta 404-403 Rule of the " Thirty " at Athens. 403 Return of Thrasybulus and the patriots. Lysander in trouble. 401 Expedition of Cyrus. 400 War between Lacedaemon and Persia begins. Events 361 B.C. 398-397 War between Lacedaemon and Elis. 397-392 War between Dionysius I and Carthage. 397 Accession of Agesiiaus. 396 Agesiiaus takes command of the Lacedaemonian army in Asia Minor. 395-387 The Corinthian War. 394 Battle off Cnidus. 393 The Long Walls rebuilt. 390 Iphicrates destroys a battalion of heavy-armed Spartans. 387 Treaty of Antalcidas. 383-379 The Lacedaemonians wage war upon the Chalcidic Federation. 383 The Lacedaemonians seize the citadel of Thebes. 382-322 Life of Demosthenes. 379 Fall of the Theban oligarcliy. 377 Athenian maritime confederacy reorganized. 371 Hellenic peace convention at Sparta. The battle of Leuctra ; end of the Spartan su- premacy. 371-362 Thebes attempts to gain the leadership in Greece. 371 Theban invasion of Peloponnese ; founding of Megalopolis and of Messene. 370 Jason of Pherae assassinated. 367-356 First tyranny of Dionysius IL 362 The battle of Mantineia ; death of Epaminondas and decline of Thebes. 359-336 Philip king of Macedon. 357-355 The Social War. 357-346 War between Athens and Macedon. 356-346 The Sacred War. 353 Onomarchus defeats Philip. 352 Philip defeats and kills Onomarchus. 352-349 Rapid development of Philip's power. 351 The First Philippic of Demosthenes. 350 (about) The Mausoleium built. 349-348 The three Olynthiac Orations of Demosthenes. 348 Fall of Chalcidice. 362 Helps to the Study of Gi''eek History B.C. 346 346-345 345-337 343-338 340 (about) 338 336 335 336-323 334 333 332 331 330-325 325 323 322 301 280 280-274 264-241 221 219-201 216 197 168 146 The Peace of Philocrates ; destruction of the Phocian towns. Second tyranny of Dionysius II. The career of Timoleon. Struggle between Philip and Demosthenes. The battle of the Cremisus. The battle of Chaeroneia. King Archidamus of Sparta defeated and slain in Italy. Hellenic League under Macedon. Philip assassinated. Thebes destroyed. Reign of Alexander the Great. Alexander invades Asia ; battle on the Grani- cus. Battle of Issus. Siege of Tyre ; Alexandria founded. Battle of Arbela. Alexander's further conquests and explora- tions. Alexander's march through the Gedrosian desert. Death of Alexander. The Lamian War; death of Demosthenes. The battle of Ipsus. The Achaean League renewed. Pyrrhus in Italy and Sicily; Magna Graecia falls under the power of Rome. The First Punic War ; Sicily falls under the power of Rome. Cleomenes of Sparta defeated by Antigonus of Macedon. The Second Punic War. The battle of Cannae. War between Rome and Macedon ; the battle of Cynoscephalas. The battle of Pydna. Macedon becomes a Roman province. The destruction of Corinth. Bibliography 363 Bibliography For the convenience of purchasers, the titles of works on Greek history with the publishers' prices are here arranged, according to their relative importance, in " libraries." Considerable reduc- tions from these prices can often be obtained. I. The Smallest Library Herodotus, translated by Macaulay, 2 vols. New York; Mac- millan. ($4.50.) Homer, Iliad, translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers. Macmillan. ($1.50.) Homer, Odyssey, translated by Butcher and Lang. Macmillan. ($1.50.) Or, translated by Palmer. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin. ($1.50, students' ed. $1.00.) Thucydides, translated by Jo wett. Boston: Lothrop. ($3.00.) Xenophon, translated by Dakyns, vols, i and ii. New York: Macmillan. ($5.00.) Holm, History of Greece, 4 vols. New York : Macmillan. ($10.00.) Jebb, Greek Literature (primer) . New York : American Book Co. ($.35.) Kiepert, Atlas Antiquus. New York: Macmillan. ($1.50.) Later edition. Boston: Leach, Shewell, Sanborn. ($2.00.) Mahaffy, Survey of Greek Civilization. Meadville : Flood and Vincent. ($1.00.) Murray, History of Ancietit Greek Literature. New York : Appleton. ($1.50.) Tarbell, History of Greek A?'t. Meadville : Flood and Vincent. ($1.00.) Tozer, Classical Geography (primer) . New York : American Book Co. ($.35-) n. A Good Library The books named above, and in addition, — ^schylus, translated by Plumptre (verse). New York: Rout- ledge. ($1.50.) Aristophanes (select plays), translated by Frere. New York: Routledge. ($.40-) 364 Helps to the Study of Greek History Aristotle, O71 the Constitution of Athens, translated by Kenyon. New York: Macmillan. ($1.10.) Euripides, translated by Coleridge (Bohn, prose), 2 vols. Mac- millan. ($3.00.) Single dramas, 14 vols. ($.30 each.) Pindar, translated by Myers. Macmillan. ($1.50.) Plutarch, Lives, translated by Stewart and Long (Bohn), 4 vols. Macmillan. ($4.00.) Sophocles, translated by Coleridge (Bohn, prose). Macmillan. ($1.50.) Single dramas, 7 vols. ($.30 each.) Or, trans- lated by Plumptre (verse). New York : Routledge. ($1 .50.) Blumner, Home Life of the Ancient Greeks. New York : Cas- sell. ($2.00.) Cox, Tales of Ancient Greece. London: Kegan Paul. ($2.00.) Yx^^vi\2M, Story of Sicily . New York : Putnams. ($1.50.) Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History. New York: Macmillan. ($1.25.) Marshall, Short History of Greek Philosophy . Macmillan. ($1.10.) in. A Larger Library The books named above, and in addition, — Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, translated by Chinnock (Bohn). New York: Macmillan. ($1.50.) Demosthenes, Olyfithiacs, Philippics, etc., translated by Kennedy (Bohn). Macmillan. (|i.oo.) Demosthenes, On the Crowjt, translated by Kennedy (Bohn Select Library). Macmillan. ($.50.) Abbott, History of Greece, 2 vols. New York : Putnams. ($4.50.) Ahho\.i, Pericles . Putnams. ($1.50.) Curtius, History of Greece, 5 vols. New York: Scribners. ($10.00.) Gayley, Classical Myths in English Literature. Boston : Ginn. ($1.65.) Gardner, Handbook of Greek Sculpture. New York : Macmillan. ($2.50.) Gilbert, Handbook of Greek Constitutional Antiquities. Mac- millan. ($3.00.) Grote, History of Greece, 12 vols. New York : Harpers. ($18.00.) YiogSirih, Philip ajid Alexander of Macedon. New York: Scrib- ners. ($2.50.) Bibliography 365 Jebb, Classical Greek Poetry. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin. ($1.50.) Isl3\rdi^y, Alexander's Ejnpire. New York : Putnams. ($1.50.) MahafFy, Social Life iji Greece. New York : Macmillan. ($2.50.) IV. The following books also are valuable : — yEschylus, Suppliants^ translated by Morshead. London : Ke- gan Paul. (3^-. 6d.^ Aristophanes, translated by Hickie, 2 vols. (Bohn.) New York: Macmillan. ($3.00.) Demosthenes, translated by Kennedy, 5 vols. (Bohn.) Macmil- lan. ($5.00.) Herodotus, translated by Rawlinsonwith notes, 4 vols. New York : Scribners. ($24.00.) Text of the same, with notes abridged by A. J. Grant, 2 vols. Scribners. ($3-50.) Pausanias, translated by Shilleto, 2 vols. (Bohn.) New York: Macmillan. ($3.00.) Or, translated by Frazer, with ex- tensive commentary. Macmillan. ($30.00.) Plato, translated by Jowett (third edition), 5 vols. Oxford University Press. ($20.00.) Earlier edition of the same, 4 vols. New York: Scribners. ($8.00.) Thucydides, translated by Jowett, with commentary, 2 vols. Oxford University Press. ($8.00.) Xenophon, translated by Dakyns, vol. iii, pt. i ($2.50) ; pt. ii ($1.25); vol. iii (preparing). New York : Macmillan. AUcroft and Masom, Early Greciaji History ; The Making of Athens ,- The Peloponnesian War ; Sparta and Thebes ; The Decline of Hellas ; History of Sicily. New York : Hinds and Noble. ($.70 each.) V>%^tx, Charicles. New York : Longmans. ($1.25.) Botsford, Development of the Athejiian Constitution. Boston: Ginn. ($1.50.) Church., Story of the Iliad. New York : Macmillan. (Illustrated, $1.00; school edition, $.50.) Story of the Odyssey. Mac- millan. (Illustrated, $1.00; school edition, $.50.) Stories from the Greek Tragedians. Dodd, Mead. ($1.00.) Cox, Lives of the Greek Statesmen, 2 vols. New York : Har- pers. ($-75 each.) The Greeks and the Persians. New York: Scribners. ($1.00.) The Athenian Empire. Scrib- ners. ($1.00.) 366 Helps to the Study of Greek History Cunningham, Western Civilizatio7i in its Economic Aspects. New York: Macmillan. ($1.50.) Curtius, Rise of the Macedonian Empire. New York : Scribners. ($1.00.) Engelmann-Anderson, Pictorial Atlas to Homer''s Iliad and Odyssey. New York : Lemcke, Buechner. ($3.00.) Fowler, The City-State of the Greeks and Romans. New York : Macmillan. ($1.00.) Freeman, History of Federal Government in Greece and Italy. New York: Macmillan. ($3.75.) History of Sicily ^ /^Noh,. Oxford University Press. ($21.25.) Gardner, P., New Chapters in Greek History. New York : Put- nams. ($5.00.) Goodrich, Topics on Greek and Roman History. New York : Macmillan. ($.60.) Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles. New York : Scribners. ($1.25.) Guerber, Myth^ of Greece and Rome. New York : American Book Co. ($1.50.) Harrison and Verrall, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens. New York : Macmillan. ($4.00.) Hawthorne, Tanglewood Tales. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin. ($1.00.) Wonder Book. Houghton, Mifflin. ($1.00.) MahafFy, History of Classical Greek Literature, 2 vols. New York : Macmillan. ($4.50.) Rambles and Studies in Greece. Macmillan. ($3.00.) Greek Life and Thought from the Age of Alexander to the Roman Cofiquest. Macmillan. ($3.50.) Mz-yor, Sketch of Ancient Philosophy. Macmillan. ($.90.) Om2iV\, History of Greece. New York: Longmans. ($1.50.) Sankey, Spartan and Theban Supremacies. New York : Scrib- ners. ($1.00.) '^yvsxoviA^, Studies in the Greek Poets, 2 vols. New York: Mac- millan. ($6.00.) Timayenis, History of Greece, 2 vols. New York: Appleton. ($3-50.) Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycencsan Age. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin. ($6.00.) Warr, The Greek Epic. New York: E. & J. B. Young. ($1.25.) Whibley, Political Parties at Athens durijig the Peloponnesian War. New York : Macmillan. ($.90.) INDEX Academy. 73, 157, 291. A-car-na'ni-a, 277. A-chae'a, 31, 78, 167, 201, 281, 323. Achagan League, 323-325. Achaeans, 32, 78, 103, 143. A-chel-o'us, 225. Ach'e-ron, 221. A-chil'Ies, 10, 11, 14, 311. Ac'ra-gas, 35, 137, 141, 163, 240. A-crop'o-lis of Athens, 25, 45, 71, 73, 132, 157, 179-183, 252. Admiral, 129, 132 ; Spartan (nau'- arch),235, 258. ^-ge'an Sea, 8, 9, 30, 36, 136, 167, 203, 207, 251, 300. ^-gi'na, 48, 126, 183; submits to Persia, 118 ; war with Athens, 85, 165, 167. ^-gos-pot'a-mi, battle of, 235, 279. ^-o'li-ans, 9, 23. ^s'chy-lus, 133, 141, 158, 159-162, 172, 186, 222, 304. A-e'tion, 68. ^t'na. Mount, 246. ^-to'li-a, 200, 293, 307, 322, 323. ^-to'li-an League, 323, 325. Af'ri-ca, 136, 316. Ag-a-ris'te, 64. A-gath'o-cles, 248. A-ges-i-la'us, 257-262, 264, 268, 271, 272, 287. A'gis, king of Lacedaemon, 214, 229, 257- Ag-ri-gen'tum, see Acragas. Al-cse'us, 90. Al-ces'tis, 221. Al-ci-bi'a-des, 207-216, 225, 228, 229- 234- Al-cin'o-us, 5, 20. Alc'man, 63, 90. Alc'me-on, 67. Alc-me-on'i-dae, 46, 80, 149. Al-ex-an'der, of Epeirus, 249; son of Amyntas, 299. Alexander the Great, 249, 262; em- pire of, 310-330; character of, 311, 317; invades Asia, 312; founds Alexandria, 314 ; succeeds Darius, 316; death of, 317; successors of, 318. Al-ex-an'dri-a, 314, 320-322. Aliens, 209; resident, in Attica (metics), 178, 253. Alliances, 75, 192, 205, 206, 271, 304; see also Allies, Treaties. Allies, 113; of Athens, 145-153, 169- 172, 178, 184, 194, 203, 204, 208, 300 ; of Lacedaemon, 85, 128, 135, 195, 202, 203, 250-274 ; of Thebes, 24, 166, 277-283; in Peloponnesian War, 194, 202, 203, 204. Al-phei'us River, 102. Al-yat'tes, 105. Am-bra'ci-ots, 195, 200. America, 36. Am'mon, oracle of, 256, 314. Am-om-phar'e-tus, 136. Am-phic'ty-on-y, see Leagues, reli- gious. Am-phi-lo'chi-ans, 194. Am-phi'on, 24. Am-phip'o-lis, 203, 204, 300. A-myn'tas, king of Macedon, 299. A-nab'a-sis of Xenophon, 262. A-na'cre-on, 74. An-ax-ag'o-ras, 187, 188. A-nax'i-las, tyrant of Rhegium, 137. An'dro-cles, 229, 230. An-tal'ci-das, treaty of. 265, 272, 280. An-tig'o-nus, successor of Alexander, 318 ; regent of Macedon, 325, An'ti-och, 319. 367 368 Index An-ti'o-chus (an Athenian), 233. An'ti-phon, 230, 232, 286, 289. Aph-ro-di'te of Cnidus, 289, 294. A-pol'lo, Phoebus, 13, 219 ; father of Ion, 21 ; shrines of, 22, 47, 62, 77, 80, 246, 307; Delian, 22, 77, 140, 152; Delphic, 39, 76, 99-101, 106, 109, 127, 131, 172, 184, 257, 301, 306, 307 ; Belvedere, 100, 295. A-ra'bi-a, 316. Ar'al Sea, i. A-ra'tus, 323-325. Ar-be'la, battle of, 314. Arbitration, 114, 221, 266. Ar-ca'di-a, 77, 149, 276. Archaeology, value of, for history, 294. Ar-chi-da'mus, grandson of Leo- tychidas, 148, 154, 194, 196; son of Agesilaus, 248. Ar-chil'o-chus, 89. Architects, 74, 141, 180. Architecture, 164, 179-184, 293-295. Archons, Archonship, at Athens, 42, 43. 5°. 54-70. 75, 81, 82, 124, 173. A-re-op'a-gus, council of, 47, 54, 124, 149. 155. 173- Ar-gi-nu'sse, battle of, 234. Ar'go-lis, Ar'gos, 7, 24, 27, 28, 29, 32, 66, 128, 149, 164, 167, 183, 323; medizes, 118; in art, 159; peace with Sparta, 168 ; humbled, 268. A-ri'on, 69. Ar-is-tag'o-ras, 111-113. Ar-is-tei'des, 124-126, 136, 144, 146, 148, 151, 155, 164. Aristocracy, Aristocrats, 15, 24, 136, 178, 253 ; knightly, at Athens, 43. Ar-is-to-de'mus, 61. Ar-is-toph'a-nes, 206, 210, 220, 222. Ar'is-tot-le, 311, 316. Armies, standing, 29, 68; heavy- armed, 77; of Xerxes, 127; of Dionysius I, 241 ; mercenary, 264 ; of Philip, 305, Armor, 28, 115, 129, 265, 299, 305. Art, Mycenaean, 4-8; at Sicyon, 66; under the tyrants, 67, 74 ; in Sicily, 141 ; of the Acropolis, 180-183 ; literary, 186, see also Literature; patronized by Pericles, 187; de- cline in Athens, 292; serves the individual, 293. Ar-ta-pher'nes, 113, 120, Ar-tax-erx'es, 261, 266, 280. Ar'te-mis, 23, 105, 148, 256. Ar-te-mis'i-um, battle of, 129, Artisans in Attica, 74. Asia, Asiatics, 109, 132, 261, 312, 315. Asia Minor, colonization of, 8; im- ports from, 13 ; civilization of, 29 ; decline of, 36, 115 ; architecture of, 181 ; war with Persia, 261. Asiatic Greeks, 8-19, 105-119, 133, 262 ; character of, 106 ; Cyrus con- quers, 108; yielded to Persia, 266^ and Alexander, 312 ; see word above. A-so'pus River, 66. As-pa'si-a, 188. As'pho-del, 16. Assembly, in Epic Age, 14, 15 ; Lo- crian, 32; Athenian, 43, 44, 54, 82, 126, 176, 177, 184, 192, 201, 202, 209 ; Lacedaemonian, 61, 193 ; Theban, 300; ^tolian, 323. As-syr'i-a, 38. A-the'na, 13, 26, 73, 150, 157, 169, 179-183. Ath'ens, early history of, 25-27, 29, 37, 41-50; under Solon, 50-56; under the Pisistratidae, 70-77 ; in time of Cleisthenes, 80-86; and the Ionic Revolt, 113, 115; in the war with Persia, 120-136 ; fortifi- cation of, 143-145 ; and the Delian Confederacy, 145-153 ; and Sparta, 153-157; under Cimon, 157-162; under Pericles, 164-189; in Pelo- ponnesian War, 190-238; New Learning in, 217-227 ; under the Thirty, 251-255; in Corinthian War, 264; new confederacy of, 271 ; ally of Sparta, 278, 281 ; condition of, in fourth century, 284-286; literature of, in fourth century, 286-293; wars of, with Macedon, 300-306, 308, (Lamian) 322 ; submits to Macedon, 322. Athlete, Athletics, 73, 102, 220. A'thos, Mount, 118; Isthmus of, 127. At'las, 93, 94. Index 369 A-tos'sa, 116, 133. A'treus, treasury of, 7, 8. At'ti-ca, 109, 178 ; colonies of, 8 ; early history of, 25-29; local fac- tions of, 45, 70; commerce and industries of, 49; see Athens. Atticans become Athenians, 27. Attic-Ionic race, 9, 22. Attic school of art, 295. Bab'y-lon, Bab-y-lo'ni-a, 107, 261, 314, 316. Bac'chus, 206 ; see Dionysus. Bac-chyl'i-des, 91, 92. Bac'tri-a, 316. Bas-i-leus', see King. Better class, 197, 227, 254 ; see Aris- tocracy. Bi'as, 109. Bible, translated into Greek, 321. Bibliography, general, 362; special, see ends of chapters. Black Sea (Euxine), i, 36, 37, 52,75, no, 167, 261. Boe'o-tarchs, 270. Boe-o'ti-a, 23, 29, 76, 87, 88, 134, 166, 203, 266, 281, 301. Boeotians, 75, 205, 273. Bos'po-rus, 36. Bras'i-das, 203-205. Bridge of boats, no, 127. British Museum, 181. Brotherhoods (phratries), 21, 39. Brut'ti-ans, 246, 249. Bu-ceph'a-lus, 311. By-zan'ti-um, 37, 171, 301, 329; siege of, 146. Cad-mei'a, 268-270. Cad'mus, 24. Cal-lib'i-us, 252. Cal-lic'ra-tes, 180. Cal-li-crat'i-das, 234. Cal-lim'a-chus, 158. Cal-li'nus, 89. Cal-Iip'pus, 245. Cam-a-ri'na, 241. Cam-by'ses, no. Cam-pa'ni-a, 142. Can'nae, 276, 325. Capitoline Museum, 294. 2B Captives, treatment of, 96, 196, 199, 215- 236. Ca'ri-a, 38, 153, 167, 294. Car-nei'a, 129, 221. Car'thage, 35, 53, 128, 171, 325 ; wars of, with Greece, 136-139, 239-244. Ca-ry'a-tids, 182. Caspian Sea, i. Cas-san'der, 318. Caste, Athenians a closed, 178 ; in Plato's RepubliCy 292. Cat'a-na, 213. Cavalry, 43, 105, 274, 315. Ce-cro'pi-a, 25. Ce'crops, myth of, 25, 131. Census, 44 ; Solon's, 53. Ce'os, 90. Ceph'a-lus, 288. Ceph-i-sod'o-tus, 285, 294. Ce-phi'sus, 25. Cer-a-mei'cus, 158. Chae-ro-nei'a, battle of, 308. Chal-cid'i-ce, 36, 52, 193, 203, 205, 209, 266-268, 300, 302, 305. Chal-cid'ic League, 266-268, 300. Chal'cis, 33, 84; colonies of, 36; commerce of, 49. Cha'ron, 270. Chei-ris'o-phus, 261. Cher-so-nese', 76, no, 113, 116. Chiefs of tribes, i, 3, 13. Chi'os, 8, 169, 301 ; revolt of, 228. Chorus, i86, 222, 275. Christianity, 320. Cic'e-ro, 290. Ci-li'ci-a, 40, 312. Cim-mer'i-ans, 89. Ci'mon, 123, 146, 152, 153. 155, 180, 183,200; Age of, 140-162; leader of conservatives, 148 ; and Delian Confederacy, 152; Hellenic ideal of, 155, 205 ; and Pericles, 156, 168 ; Ostracism of, 157, 164, 166 ; patron- age of culture, 157-162, 164. Cin'a-don, 258-261. Cir'rha, 66. Citadel, see Acropolis, Cadmeia. Ci-thre'ron, 132. Citizenship, Athenian, 176-179; law restricting, 178, 188, 256. City-state, 20, 21, 283, 297, 323. 370 hidex Civilization, Mycenaean, 4-8 ; Epic, 9-19 ; from Homer to the war with Persia, 87-104 ; of the Asiatic Greeks, 9-19, 105, 140 ; of Greeks and Asiatics contrasted, 115 ; influ- enced by war with Persia, 139 ; in Italy and Sicily, 140-142; culmi- nates in Athens, 157-162, 179-189, 286-296 ; extends over Greece, 297 ; extends over western Asia and western Europe, 319, 327 ; in Alex- andria, 320. Cla-zom'e-nae, 187, 266. Cle-ar'i-das, 205. Cleisth'e-nes, of Sicyon, 64-67, 68 ; of Athens, 65, 80-84. Cle-om'bro-tus, 274. Cle-om'e-nes, king of Lacedaemon, earlier, 81, 84, 112, 113; later, 324, 325. Cle'on, 197-204. Cle'o-phon, 233, 234, 238. Clouds of Aristophanes, 223. Cni'dus, 109, 271, 294; battle off, 262. Coasts of Greece, 3, 27. Co-cy'tus, 221. Co'drus, myth of, 41, 50. Colonies, earhest, 8-17 ; in western Greece, 30-36; in Chalcidice, on the Hellespont and the Black Sea, 36-38 ; in Cyprus and Egypt, 38 ; organization of, 39; of Athens, 170, 271 ; of Corinth, 69 ; of Alex- ander, 317 ; of Seleucus, 319. CoFo-phon, 95, 97. Comedy, 141, 286. Commerce, 43, 48, 49, 52, 106. Confederacy, Athenian Maritime, 270; Delian, see Delian. Congress, Peloponnesian, 85, 194, 237 ; at Athens, 271 ; Hellenic, 310. Co'non, 236, 262. Conservatives in Athens, 124, 148, 202, 204. Con-stan-ti-no'ple, 37. Constitution, written, for Athens, 230 ; " of the fathers," 252 ; see Govern- ment. Con'sul, 326. Convention, peace, 272, 280. Co'rax of Syracuse, 218. Cor-cy'ra, 128, 211; and Corinth, 192; sedition in, 199. Cor'inth, 29, 78, 84, 164, 165, 183, 191, 205, 246; early greatness of, 34; founds Potidaea, 36 ; relations with Megara, 37 ; sea power of, 68 ; and Corcyra, 192; and Potidaea, 193; and Sparta, 263, 268 ; destroyed, 327. Corinthian Gulf, 32, 164, 167,- 198, Corinthian War, 263-265. Cos, 301. Council, 109, 126, 127, 323 ; in Epic Age, 13, 15 ; deprives king of power, 42; of Four Hundred and One, 44 ; of Areopagus, 48, 82, 124, 149; of Four Hundred, 54, 81, 82; Spartan, 56, 62 ; of Five Hundred, 82, 174, 176, 184, 252; Amphicty- onic, 99, 108, 298, 301, 310; Pelo- ponnesian, 202. Court, popular supreme (Heliaea), 54, 82, 173-175, 219 ; local, 170 ; of inquiry, 211. Craftsmen in Epic Age, 13. Crete, 56. Cri-mi'sus River, battle of the, 247. Cri'sa, 66. Crit'i-as, 225, 251-254. Croe'sus, 55, 105-107, no. Cro'ton, 32, 95, 143, 172. Culture, see Civilization. Cu'mae, 33 ; battle off, 142. Cu-nax'a, battle of, 261. Cur'ti-us, 181. Cyc'la-des, colonization of, 8. Cy-clo'pes, 20, 30. Cy'lon, conspiracy of, 45, 65, 67. Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae, battle of, 326. Cy-nu'ri-a, 78, 108. Cy'prus, 38, 55, 168, 236, 266. Cyp-sel'i-dae, 68-70, 117. Cyp'se-lus, 69. Cy'rus, king of Persia, 107-110, 116; the Younger, 233, 235, 256, 261, 287. Cy-the'ra, 78, 202, 206. Cyz'i-cus, battle of, 233. Da-ma'si-as, 70. Danube, no. Index 371 Da-ri'us I, 110-119, 114, 116, 118, 126, 127 ; Nothus, 212, 233 ; Codo- mannus, war of, with Alexander, 312-316. Da'tis, 120. Debts, abolition of, in Athens, 51. Dec'arch-ies, 251. Dec-el-ei'a, 214. Delian Confederacy, old religious league, 22, 77; political under Athens, 145, 151-154, 338-341; changes to Athenian empire, 169. De'li-um, 204; battle of, 203, 273. De'los, 76; festival in, 22; treasury of, 169; see Delian Confederacy, Del'phi, 29, 56, 99, loi, 130, 298, 301, 307- Delphic Amphictyony, see Amphic- tyony, Del-phin'i-um, 47. Demes, see Townships. De-me'ter, 92, 97, 184, 246, Democracy, 55, 112, 206; in western Greece, 142 ; in Peloponnese, 149 ; in Athens, 154, 178, 255 ; in Thebes, 270 ; in cities conquered by Alex- ander, 312. Democrats, 188, 208, 230, De-mos'then-es, the general, 200-202, 215 ; the orator, 303, 307, 322. De'mus, 197. Despot, III, 112; see Tyrant. Dialectic, 186. Dialogues, 186; of Plato, 291. Di-cas-te'ri-um, see Court. Di-od'o-tus, 198. Di'on, 245. Di-o-nys'i-us I, 241-245, 269, 289; II, 245-247. Di-o-ny'sus, 69, 72, 75, 97, 185, 206. Diplomacy, Athenian, 75. Dip'y-lon Gate, 158. Dis-cob'o-lus of Myron, 159. Do-do'na, oracle of, 99. Do-lon'ci, 76. Do'ri-ans, 9, 32, 34, 41; leagues of, 23; rulers of, 28 ; myth of invasion, 28, 61 ; tribes of, 66 ; Asiatic, 109. Doric style of architecture, 181. Do'ris, 28, 301. Dra'co, 47, 96; Solon improves on, 52. Drama, germ of, 69 ; democratic, 75 ; historical, 133 ; at Athens, 159-162, 185, 220-223. Du-ce'ti-us, 163. Education, Spartan, 57-59; under Pericles, 179; New Learning, 217- 227 ; in Alexandria, 320. E'gypt, 107, 110, 127, 314; Athenian expedition to, 165, 167 ; Alexander invades, 314; under Ptolemies, 320. Ei-re'ne and Plu'tus, 285. El-a-tei'a, 308. E'le-a, 95. Eleatic school of philosophy, 95, 186. Elegy, 89. El-eu-sin'i-an mysteries, 184, 211. E-leu'sis, 84, 97, 184, 270. E'lis, 78, 102, 149, 206, 287. El-pi-ni'ce, 168. E-lys'i-um, 98. Empires, 106, no; Persian, 107, 112, 116; Lydian, 105-107, 116; Athe- nian maritime, 126, 169-172, 177, 184, 191, 194, 203, 338-343; Alex- ander's, 310-330; Seleucid, 320. Ep-am-i-non'das, 269-283; in peace convention, 272 ; invades Laconia, 277 ; aids Messenians, 278 ; as ad- miral, 280; last invasion of Pelo- ponnese, 281. E-pei'rus, 30, 99, 103, 248, 297, 307, 310. Eph'e-sus, 95, 105, 113, 256, 312. Eph-i-al'tes, 154-156, 164. Eph'ors, 56, 61, 128, 135, 143, 150, 237. 253. 256, 258, 275, 324. Epic Age, 11-17; poetry, 105. Ep-i-char'mus, 141. Ep-i-dam'nus, 192. Ep-i-dau'rus, theatre at, 293. Er-a-tos'the-nes. 289. Er-ech-thei'um, 181. E-rech'theus, 181. E-re'tri-a, 49, 113, 120. Ethics, 219, 224, E-thi-o'pi-n, 316. E^tru'ri-a, 53, 139, 14a. 372 hzdex Eu-boe'a, 8, 33, 52, 167, 231 ; revolt of, 168. Eu-phra'tes River, 314, 327. Eu-rip'i-des, 220-222, 286. Eu-ro'pa, 24. Europe, 32, 36, 126, 132, 135, 136, 315, 316. Eu-ro'tas River, 28, 57, 58. Eu-ry-bi'a-des, 129. Eu-rym'e-don, 157 ; battle of, 153. Eu-rys'theus, 27. Euxine, see Black Sea. Events in chronological order, 355- 362. Explorer in the West, 30. Factions, local, in Attica, 45, 70. Family, 11, 12, 96. Federation, see Confederacy, League. Fisheries, purple, 33; in Hellespont, 36, 52. Flam-i-ni'nus, 325. Fleet, see Navy. Four Hundred, rule of, at Athens, 231. Franchise, Hmited at Athens, 178, 209, 253, 256, 323. Funeral oration of Pericles, 187, 196. Fury, 46, 161. Games, great national, 101-103 \ Isth- mian, 247; Pythian, 298. Ge-dro'si-an Desert, 316. Ge'la, 136, 241. Ge'lon, 128, 136-141. Generals, 54, 83, 124, 176-178, 203; at Marathon, 121 ; at Plataea, 136; in Sicilian expedition, 212, 217; condemned after battle of Arginusae, 235 ; Syracusan, 241 ; Theban, 299; of Alexander, 318. Gentlemen, rule of, 227. Ge-ru'si-a, 62. Gods, see Religion. Gold, 105, 112, 301. Gor'gi-as, 290. Gor'go, 113. Government in the Epic Age, 13-15 ; Athenian, 47, 52-55, 75, 125, 172- I79i 231, 252, 322; Lacedaemonian, 61, 256-258. Governor, military (Harmost), 251, 257. 263. Grammarians, 321. Gra-ni'cus, battle of the, 312. Greece (Hellas), primitive condition of, 2; defined, 9; western, 36, 208, 249; continental, 75, 136, 263; Asiatic, 105 ; disunion of, 118 ; Xerxes in, 130; European, 181; eastern, 250 ; under Macedon, 310 ; under Rome, 327. - Greek history, helps to the study of, 331-366 ; periods of, 331-337 ; value of. 327-329- Greeks, origin of, i ; height of civili- zation, 40; Asiatic, 105, 109, 113; contrasted with Orientals, 115, 122; union of, 127; western, 212; in Alexandria, 321 ; after Alexander, 322 ; achievements of, 327-329. Guests in the Epic Age, 12. Gy-lip'pus, 213. Gym-no-pae'di-se, 275. Ha'des, 92, 98, 221 ; realm of, 16, 20. Ha'dri-an, 74. Hal-i-car-nas'sus, 185, 294. Ha'lys River, 107. Ha-miKcar, 138, 239. Han'ni-bal, king of Carthage, 239; general of Carthage, 325. Har'most, see Governor. Har'pa-gus, 108, 109, no. Hearth, sacred, 39. Hec-a-tae'us, in, 112. Hec-a-tom'pe-don, 73. Hec-a-tom'pe-dos, 180. Helen of Argos, 12. Hel-i-ae'a, see Court, popular su- preme. He'li-os, 180. HeKlas, see Greece. Hel-le'nes, origin of name, 103; see Greeks. Hellenic, 37; language, 38, 320; states, 127 ; civilization, 262 ; peace convention, 280 ; state system, 297 ; cities, 298; freedom, end of, 327. Hel-len'i-ca of Xenophon, 287. Hellenic Leagues, 308, 310, 322. Hel'les-pont, 36, 75, 116, 127, 302. Index 373 He'lots, 59, ']'], 150, 154, 164, 201, 203, 251, 258, 278. Helps to the study of Greek history, 331-366. He-phaes'tus, 5, 183. He'ra, 27 ; temple of, 294. Her-a-clei'dae, 28. Her-a-clei'tus, 95, 217, 219. Her'a-cles, 27 ; Pillars of, 40. He-rae'a, 256. Heralds of Darius in Greece, 118, 127. Herbaria in Alexandria, 320. Her'mae, mutilation of, 210. Her'mes of Praxiteles, 294. Her-moc'ra-tes, 229. He-rod'o-tus, 55, 85, iii, 127, 136, 185, 226, 286. Hes'i-od, 87-89. Hic'e-tas, 246. Hi'e-ron, 137, 157, 140-142. Highlands of Macedon, 299. Him'e-ra, battle of, 137; siege of, 240. Hi-mil'con, 240, 242. Hip-par'chus, 71. Hip'pi-as, 71, 80, 85, 113, 121. Hip-po-clei'des, 65. His-ti-3e'us, no, in. Historians, see Herodotus, Thucyd- ides, Xenophon ; the modern, 226. Holland, 299. Holy Month, 22. Homer, 10-19, 28, 87, 96-98, 185, 320. Homicide, in the Epic Age, 14 ; laws of, 47. Hoplites, see Infantry, heavy-armed. Hy-a-cin'thi-a, 135. Hy-met'tus, Mount, 72, 329. Hy-per'bo-lus, 206, 207. Hy-per-ei'a, 20. Hyph'a-sis River, 316. Iambic poetry, 89, I-a-pyg'i-a, 212. Ic-ti'nus, 180. Iliad, 10, 311. I-lis'sus River, 73, 225. Il-lyr'i-ans, 300. Im'bros, 266. Imperiahsm of Athens, 185. In'di-a, 292, 316. Inductive reasoning, 224. In'dus, 316. Industries, in the Epic Age, 12, 13 ; in Draco's time, 48, 49 ; in Solon's time, 52, 53 ; in fourth century, 286 ; in Seleucid empire, 320. Infantry, heavy-armed, Athenian, 43- 45, 83, 121 ; Lacedaemonian, 28, 57, 61 ; Theban, 273 ; Macedo- nian, 305 ; light-armed, 264. Inferiors in Lacedaemon, 258. I'on, 21. I-o'ni-a, colonization of, 9 ; civiliza- tion of, 10, 89, 105, 140 ; twelve cities of, 22; conquered by Persia, 107-110; revolt of, 111-115, 337; deterioration of, 115 ; in Delian Confederacy, 145-153. Ionian Sea, 30, 212; school of phi- losophy, 95. Ionic style of architecture, 181. I-phic'ra-tes, 264, 279, 305. Ip'sus, battle of, 318. I-sae'us, 303. I-sag'o-ras, 80, 84. I-soc'ra-tes, 251, 289, 304. Is'sus, battle of, 312. Isthmian Wall, 134; games, loi, 326. Isthmus, of Corintii, loi, 128; of Athos, 127. Italy, 143, 164, 171 ; colonization of, 30-36; end of freedom in, 239- 249. I-tho'me, Mount, 154, 164, 278. Ja'son, tyrant of Pherae, 298, 305. Jax-ar'tes River, 316. Je-ru'sa-lem, attempt to Hellenize, 326. Jews, 314, 320, 326. Jove, 132; see Zeus. Jurors, Jury, see Court. King (Basileus), the Mycenaean, 4; in the Epic Age, 14, 15 ; Argive, 29; decennial at Athens, 42; be- comes mere priest at Athens, 43 ; Lacedaemonian, 61, 113, 258; of Dolonci, 76; Persian, no, 230; Macedonian, 327. 374 Index Kingdoms, earliest Greek, 3, 4; formed from Alexander's empire, 319- Knightly aristocracy at Athens, 43. Knights, see Cavalry. Lab'da, 68. La-bo'tas, 56. Lac-e-dae'mon, early history, 27-29, 56-63 ; in Peloponnesian League, 77-86; head of Greece, 118, 266; in war with Persia, 121, 127-136; attempts to govern Athens, 143- 145 ; yields naval leadership to Athens, 145, 146; and Themisto- cles, 147-149 ; at war with Athens, 190-237; at war with Persia, 262- 264 ; supremacy of, in Greece, 250- 274 ; climax of prosperity, 268 ; ruined, 276 ; revival under Cleom- enes, 324. La-co'ni-a, see Lacedaemon. La'de, battle off, 114. La-er'tes, estate of, 12. Lam'a-chus, 210, 212, 213. La'mi-a, Lamian War, 322. Lamp'sa-cus, 236. Lau-rei'um, 125. Law, Lacedaemonian, 130 ; Hellenic, 208; and the sophists, 220; inter- state, 271 ; against runaways, 276 ; Athenian, 288. Law-making at Athens, 83, 174. Laws of Draco, 46-48 ; of Solon, 51-56. Leagues, Achaean, 323; ^tolian, 323 ; Arcadian, 277 ; Athenian maritime (second), 271; Boeotian, 24, 166, 195 ; Chalcidic, 266-268 ; Delian, 22, -jt, 145-153, 338-341; Delphic, 66, 80, 148 ; Hellenic, 308, 310, 322; Pan-Ionian, 22, 108, 109; Peloponnesian, 77-80, 118, 149, 151, 191, 195; political, 23; religious (amphictyonic), 21, 22, 62, 99, 100, 106 ; Samnite, 164. Legislation, see Law-making. Legislators (Thesmothetae, nomoth- etoe), 43, 47, 50, 83. Lem'nos, 266. Le-o-bo'tes, 149. Le'on, Athenian ambassador, 28a Le-on'i-das, 128. Le-on-ti'a-des, 270. Le-on-ti'ni, 194, 208, 246. Le-os'the-nes, 322. i Le-o-tych'i-das, king of Lacedaemon, 147; rightful heir of Agis, 257. Les'bos, 92, 169 ; revolt of, 198. Le'to, 23. Leuc'tra, battle of, 273. Library in Alexandria, 320. Lib'y-a, 256. Libyan Desert, 40, 314. Lil-y-bae'um, 248. Literature, Epic, 10; Spartan, 62; under the Cypselidae, 69 ; under the Pisistratidae, 74 ; of the Lyric Age, 87-96; in Ionia, 105; in Age of Cimon, 140-142, 159-162; in Age of Pericles, 185-187 ; New Learning, 217-227 ; in fourth cen- tury, 286-292 ; in Alexandria, 321. Lo'cri, Locrians, 32, 143. Lo'cris, 167, 168, 301. Long Walls, 165, 237, 263. Lowland of Macedon, 299. Lu-ca'ni-ans, 243, 246, 249. Ly-cam'bes, 89. Ly-cei'um, 73. Lyc'i-a, 153. Ly-cur'gus, myth of, 56, 59. Lyd'i-a, 36, 55, 105, 106, 107, no; empire of, 116. Lyric poetry, 50, 88-92, 105, 222; Lyric Age, 88. Ly-san'der, 233, 235, 238, 254, 261; holds the destiny of Greece, 250; influence at Sparta and in the em- pire, 256-258 ; death of, 264. Ly-san'dri-a, 256. Lys'i-as, 244, 253, 288, 304. Ly-sim'a-chus, 318. Mac'ca-bees, 326. Mac'e-don, 116-118, 203, 267; rise of, 297-309; under Alexander, 312- 330 ; and Greece, 322 ; allies her- self with Hannibal, 325 ; becomes a Roman province, 327. Mae-an'der River, 36. Mag'na Grae'ci-a, 35, 243, 248. Index 375 Ma'go, 137. Man-ti-nei'a, 206, 266, 277 ; first bat- tle of, 207; second battle of, 281, 283. Mar'a-thon, battle of, 120-122, 127, j 158, 315 ; spoils of, 183. Marble quarries, 53. Mar-do'ni-us, 118, 134. Market-place, 108, 259, 300. Mau-so-lei'um, 294. Mau-so'lus, king of Caria, 294. Medes, see Persians. Median Empire, 107. Mediterranean, 38, 262, 314. Me'don, 42. Me-don'ti-dae, 42. Meg-a-ba'zus, 116. Meg'a-cles I, 46; II, 65, 67. Meg-a-lop'o-lis, 277. Meg'a-ra, 37, 45, 50, 75, 79, 168, 193, 203, 205. Meg'a-ris, 164. Me-le-a'ger, 293. Me'los, 207. Memoirs of Socrates, 287. Mercenaries, 261, 265, 301. Mess, Spartan (Syssitia), 58, Mes-se'ne, in Sicily, 137, 242; in Messenia, 278. Mes-se'ni-a, 28, 57, 'j'] ; revolt of, 154, 278. Messenian Wars, 57, 62, 154, 278. Metaphysics, 311. Me-thym'na, 198. Met'ics, see Aliens, resident. Middle class at Athens, 252. Migration of the primitive Greek tribes, 2 ; myth of the Dorian, 28. Mi-le'sians, 36, 108. Mi-le'tus, 36, 94, 105, 111-113; capt- ure of, 114. Mil-ti'a-des I, 76; II, 76, no, 116, 121-123, 158. Mining in Chalcidice, 36. Minstrel, see Poet. Mnes'i-cles, 182. Monarch, see King. Monarchy, decline of the early, 15 ; return of, 294 ; see King. Money, 49, 51, 106, 125. Morals, improvement in, 96 ; of par- ties, 200 ; of Euripides, 221 ; of Spartans, 256. Mum'mi-us, 327. Mu-nych'i-a, 322. Muses, 221, 320. Museum in Athens, 7 ; in Alexan- dria, 320. Music, contests in, 184. Myc'a-le, 22; battle of, 136, 145. My-ce'nae, 7. Mycenaean Age, 7-9, 294. My'ron, 159. My-ron'i-des, 167. Mysteries, Orphic and Eleusinian, 97. Myt-i-le'ne, revolt of, 198. Naples, Bay of, 33. Napoleon, 273, 298. Nau'arch, see Admiral. Nau'crar-ies, see Townships. Nau'cra-tis, 38. Nau-pac'tus, 164, 167. Nau-sic'a-a, 13. Nau-sith'o-iis, 20. Navy, 75, no, 126, 128, 177; Athe- nian, 117, 133, 136, 201; Asiatic, 134, 210; Syracusan, 214; of Dio- nysius I, 241 ; of Agesilaus, 262 ; Phoenician, 262, 313 ; Greek, coop- erates with Persia, 313; of Alex- ander, 316. Nax'os, III, 153. Ne-ap'o-lis, 194. Ne-ar'chus, 316. Ne'me-a, loi. Ne-o-bu'le, 89. New Learning, 217-227, 252. Nic'i-as, 207, 209, 212 ; leader of con- servatives, 202 ; captures Cythera, 202 ; Peace of, 204 ; at Syracuse, 214; death of, 215. Nile River, 10, 38, 165, 312, 314. Ni-sse'a, 164, i68, 201, 203. Nobles, in Epic Age, 12, 13, 42 ; founders of citieS; 39; publish laws, 47; of Sparta, 61; Athenian, 47, 79, 80, 83; Boeotian, 88; in Mace- donian army, 305. No-moth'e-tre, see Legislators. Nymphs, 31, 225. 376 Index Observatories in Alexandria, 320. O-ce'a-nus, streams of, 16. Occupations in Epic Age, 12. Ode, the choral, 90. O-dei'um, 183. O-dys'seus, 5, 12. Od'ys-sey, composition of, 11. CEd'i-pus Ty-ran'nus, 186. CE-noph'y-ta, battle of, 167. Offices, annual, at Athens, 42; under Solon, 54. Old Testament, translated into Greek, 321. Ol'i-garchs, 75, 166, 168, 170, 188, 191, 198, 312; conspiracy of, at Athens, 229-232 ; in time of Lysander, 251 ; Samian, 256. Ol'i-gar-chy, 15, 79, 206, 251, 269; fails at Athens, 255 ; fall of Theban, 270. O-lym'pi-a, 69, loi, 294; oracle at, 62. O-lym'pi-as, 310. Olympic games, 45, 64, 101-103, 129 ; Olympic runner, 311. O-lym-pi-ei'um, 73. O-lym'pus, Mount, 92. 0-lyn'thl-ac Orations of Demosthe- nes, 304. O-lyn'thus, 267, 270, 302. On-o-mar'chus, 301. Oracle, Delphic, 68, 77, 99-101, 109, 131; of Olympia, 62; of Dodona, 98, 99; of Ammon, 256, 314. Oratory, 141, 177, 289, 303 ; improve- ment in, 288. Or-chom'e-nus, 24, 279. Orient, imports from, 13, 38. Orientals, 129, 315. Or'pheus, 97. Or-tyg'i-a, 34. Ostracism, 83, 124, 149, 171. Outlines, examples of, 337-343. Patches, 198. Painters, 74, 158, 220. Palace of the Mycenaean Age, 5-7 ; in fourth century, 294. Pal-la'di-um, 47. Pal'Jas, 131 ; see Athena. Pam-phyl'i-a, 153. Pan, 225. Pan-ath-e-nae'a, 181, 184. Pan-e-gyr'i-cus of Isocrates, 290. Pan-gae'us, Mount, 301. Pan-Hel-len'ic, 184. Pan-I-o'ni-an League, 22; shrine, 108 ; council, 109. Pa-nor'mus, 138. Par'a-lus, 236. Par-men'i-des, 95. Par-me'ni-on, 314, Par-nas'sus, Mount, 130. Par'nes, Mount, 254, 270. Par'non, Mount, 78. Pa'ros, 89, 122, 293. Par'the-non, 157, 180; frieze of, 64, 177, 181 ; pediment of, 180. Par'thi-a, 326, Parties at Athens, tyrant's, 113, 124; republican, 117, 123, 124; demo- cratic, 124; conservative, 124, 148, 202, 204; "better class" and people, 255. Paul'lus, Lucius ^milius, 327. Pau-sa'ni-as, regent of Lacedaemon, 135,146,149; kingof Lacedaemon, 254,264; Philip's assassin, 310. Pay for public services, 155, 174-176. Peace, after Peloponnesian War, 237; among the Sicilian cities, 203; of Nicias, 204; failure of, 205 ; of Antalcidas, 266 ; conven- tion, 271 ; nursing Wealth, 285. Pediment of Parthenon, 180. Peers, Spartan, 258. Pe'gae, 164, 201. Pei-rae'us, 165, 171, 183, 192, 202, 210, 211, 254, 288; harbor of, 117, 263; fortification of, 146; Lace- daemonians attempt to seize, 270. Pei-san'der, 230, 232. Pe-las'gi-ans, 103. Pe-lop'i-das, 269, 270, 299; goes to Susa, 280 ; death of, 282. Pel-o-pon-nese', 25, 29, 32, 192, 322; earliest settlements in, 4-8 ; tyran- nies in, 64-70; citadel of Greece, 143 ; ravaged, 196 ; anarchy in, 276 ; and Hellenic League, 308. Peloponnesian League, 77-79, 118, 167 ; Athens joins, 85 ; enlarge- i Index ?>77 ment of, 127; and Delian Con- federacy, 151 ; members of, 203 ; threatens to dissolve, 204, 206. Peloponnesians, 131 ; army of, 134 ; allies of, 136, 195; invade Attica, 196 ; celebrate peace, 238. Peioponnesian War, 190-238, 250 ; causes of, 190-194 ; change in char- acter, 200; to Sicilian Expedition, 190-208 ; Sicilian Expedition, 208- 216 ; closing years, 227-238 ; terms of peace, 237. Per-dic'cas, earlier king of Macedon, 203 ; later king, 299, 300; successor of Alexander, 318. Per'ga-mum, 326. Per-i-an'der, 69. Per'i-cles, 183, 210; and Cimon, 156, 164, 168; Age of, 163-189; saves Athens, 169 ; his colonization, 170, 172; his democracy, 172-179; as general, 177 ; his internal improve- ments, 179-185 ; and the Athenian religion, 184 ; his friends, 186 ; his estimate of Athenian character, 187 ; his troubles, 187 ; and Peio- ponnesian War, 192, 195 ; death of, 197. Periods of Greek history, 331-337. Per-i-oe'ci, 60, 135, 251, 257, 278. Per-seph'o-ne, 92, 97, 184. Per'seus, son of Philip V, 327. Per'si-a, 106, 107, 113, 126, 132, 136, 169, 185, 289, 298 ; policy of con- quest, 116; weakness of, 280; at war with Alexander, 311-316. Persian Empire, 107, 112, 116, 314. Persian Gulf, 316, Persians, 80, 85, 91, 105, 108, 110, iii, 125, 183; contrasted witli Greeks, 115 ; invade Greece, 120 ; at Mara- thon, 121 ; at Thermopylae, 128, 129; at Mycale, 136; feared by Greeks, 143 ; Lacedaemon at war with, 263-266 ; and Alexander, 312. Persians, drama of ^schylus, 116, 133- Peter the Great, 299. Pettifoggers, 252, Phae-a'ci-ans, 5, 6, 20. Pha'ianx, 203, 273. ' Pha-le'rum, 47, 117, 165. Phar-na-ba'zus, 228. Phei'di-as, 159, 180, 183, 188, 294. Phei-dip'pi-des, 121. Phei'don, 25. Phe'rae, 298. Phil-a-deKphus, 320. Philip, son of Amyntas, 299-310; in Thebes, 300 ; ambitious policy, 300 ; and the Sacred War, 301 ; defeats Onomarchus, 302; character of, 305 ; makes peace with Athens, 306; greatest of Hellenes, 307; death of, 310. Philip V, 325. Philippic, First, of Demosthenes, 304. Phi-loc'ra-tes, peace of, 306. Philosophy, 105, 108, 186,292; early, 92-96 ; New Learning, 217-227 ; of Plato, 290-292, Phi-lox'e-nus, 244. Pho'cis, 76, 167, 168, 301, 307. Phoeb'i-das, 268, 269. Phce'bus, see Apollo. Phoe-nic'i-ans, bring civilization, 3, 8 ; in Sicily, 35 ; in service of Per- sia, 114, 116, 127, 229,262; of Car- thage, 138. Phor'mi-on, 198. Phryg'i-a, 318. Phryn'i-chus, dramatic poet, 115. Phy'le, a place in Attica, 254. Phyl'li-das, 270. Pin'dar, 35, 91, 159; in Sicily, 141; home of, 311. Pi-sis-trat'i-dae, tyranny of, 70-77; government of, 75. Pi-sis'tra-tus, 70, 105 ; tyranny of, 70- 77 ; character of, 71 ; founder of Athenian diplomacy, 75. Plague at Athens, 196. Plane tree, golden, 280. Pla-tce'a, battle of, 136, 139 ; attacked by Thebans, 195 ; surrenders to Lacedaemonians, 199. Platoeans at Marathon, 122. Pla'to, 244, 290-292. Pleis-to'a-nax, 168. Plu'tarch, 26. Poetry, epic, 10; elegiac, 89; iambic, 89; lyric, 90-92, 159; dramatic. 378 Index 159-162, 185 ; comic, 222, 286 ; pas- toral, 322; decline of, 286. Poets, Alcasus, 90; Alcman, 63; ^schylus, 159-162 ; Anacreon,74; Archilochus, 89 ; Aristophanes, 222 ; Bacchylides, 91 ; Callinus, 89 ; Euripides, 220-222 ; Hesiod, 87 ; Homer, 10; Pindar, 91; Phryni- chus, 115 ; Sappho, 90 ; Simonides, 91, 159 ; Solon, 50 ; Sophocles, 186 ; Theocritus, 322 ; Thespis, 74; Tyr- taeus, 62. PoFe-march, 83, 158; in battle of Marathon, 121 ; at Thebes, 269, 270. Po'li-as, Athena, 181. ■ Pol'is, see City. Political Theory, 227, 232; of.Critias, 252. Politics, interstate, 281. Po-lyc'ra-tes of Samos, 75. Pol-yg-no'tus, 158. Po-sei'don, 22, 25, 70, 181, 182. Pot-i-dse'a, 36 ; revolt of, 193. Pottery, 53. Prax-it'e-les, 294. Priestess of Apollo (Pythia), 56, 76, 99. Priests of Apollo, loi, 130. Prom'a-chus, 183. Prophet, 13, 98, 202, 307. Pro-py-lae'a, 182. Prose, three departments of, 286. Pro-tag'o-ras, 218, 219. Provinces of the Persian empire (satrapies), 110. Pryt'a-ny, 176. Psam-met'i-chus, 38. PtoKe-my, 318, 320. Pyd'na, battle of, 327. Py'los, 201, 202, 206. Pyr'rhus, 248, 326. Py-thag'o-ras, 95, 291. Py-thag-o-re'ans, 95, 143, 292. Pyth'i-a, see Priestess of Apollo. Pythian chair, 307. Ranks, social, in Attica, 70, Religion, of Mycenaean Age, 7; of Epic Age, 15-17; of the colonies, i 39 ; deepening, 97 ; of Lyric Age, j 97-101 ; future life, 98 ; of ^schy- lus, 160; of Athens under Pericles, 184; of Sophocles, 186; attitude of the sophists toward, 219; of Euripides, 221 ; of Aristophanes, 222. Rents in early Attica, 49 ; under the Pisistratidas, 75, Republic of Plato, 292. Republican party in Athens, 117, 123, 124. Rhe'gi-um, 137, 212. Rhetoric, 124, 141, 218, 288. Rhodes, 301,326. Rome, 34, 37, 53, 136, 142, 317 ; war with Greece, 325. Russia, I, 40. Sacred Band, 274. Sacred War, 66, 100, 301. Sacrifices by Lacedaemonian king, 258. Sages, Seven, 50, 94. SaKa-mis, 50, 126, 132, 183; Greek fleet at, 130 ; battle of, 133. Sa'mi-ans, 136, 256. Sam'nites, 164, 243. Sa'mos, 75, 169, 228, 256 ; revolt of, 171. Sap'pho, 87, 90. Sar-din'i-a, 109. Sar'dis, 113, 127, 261, 266. Sa-ron'ic Gulf, 49, 164, 183. Sa'trap, no, 280, 317. Sa'tyrs, 185, 225 ; of Praxiteles, 294. Sche'ri-a, 20. Schlie'mann, Dr., 5, 7. Science, 106 ; medical, 197 ; military, 273; in time of Alexander, 316; in Alexandria, 321. Scip'i-o, 325. Sco'pas, 293. Sculpture, 66, 74, 159, 285 ; under Pericles, 179-181; in fourth cen- tury, 293-296. Scy'ros, 183, 266. Scyth'i-ans, no, 113. Sedition, Solon's law as to, 55, 83. Se-ges'ta, 194, 208, 212, 239. Se-le'ne, 180. Se-leu'ci-dae, 319, 320, 326. Index 379 Se-leu'cus, 318, 319. Se-li'nus, 208. Sep'tu-a-gint, 321. Shipbuilding, 36, 53, 126, 228, 301. Sic'els, 163, 241. Sicilian Expedition, 208-216; plans of commanders, 212; failure of, 215 ; effects of, 227. Sic'i-Iy, 30, 34, 136, 208 ; prosperity of colonies, 35 ; wars of, with Car- thage, 136-139, 239-244; civiliza- tion of, 140; revolution in, 142; in Age of Pericles, 163, 171 ; Athens invades, 208-216 ; home of rheto- ric, 218. Sicily and Italy, end of freedom in, 239-249. Sic'y-on (sish'i-on), 29, 64-67, 78, 191. 323- Si-gei'um, 75, 80, 85, 113. Silver mines, 125. Si-mon'i-des, 90, 130, 159. Slavery, attitude of the sophists toward, 219, 220. Slaves, in Epic Age, 12, 13 ; for debt, 49 ; emancipated, 82, 256 ; in Attica, 178, 183. Soc'ra-tes, 223-226, 287, 290. Sog-di-a'na, 316. So'lon, 50-56, 63, 70, 72, 150, 252. Soothsayer, see Prophet. Sophists, 218 ; effects of their teach- ings, 219 ; and Socrates, 224. Soph'o-cles, 186, 222. Spar'ta, founding of, 27 ; and Taren- tum, 34 ; early history of, 56-63 ; and Peloponnesian League, 77-80, 84-86; head of Greece, 119, 139, 191 ; earthquake at, 154 ; con- trasted with Athens, 155 ; strong- hold of oligarchy, i66 ; supremacy of, 250-274 ; crisis at, 256 ; revo- lution threatening,. 258 ; in Co- rinthian War, 263-266; opposes federations, 266, 272 ; defeated at Leuctra, 273 ; becomes a second- rate power, 278; art in, 293; and Macedon, 310; loses indepen- dence, 325; see Lacedaemon. Spartans, first use heavy armor, 28 ; army of, 29, 60; found colony in Italy, 34 ; early conquests of, 57 ; education of, 57-59; culture of, 58,62; women of, 58,59; govern- ment of, see Lacedaemon; and Croesus, 106 ; the Three Hundred, 129; at Thermopylae, 129; at Plataea, 136 ; on Sphacteria, 205 ; and Syracusans, 213; see Lace- daemon, Sparta. Sphac-te'ri-a, 201, 205. Spho'dri-as, 270. Spies in camp of Xerxes, 127. States, and leagues, 20-30; city and territorial, 297. Ste-sag'o-ras, 76. Sthen-i-la'i-das, 194. Studies in Greek history, 343-355. Su'sa, III, 171, 280. Syb'a-ris, 32, 171. Syb'o-ta, battle of, 193. Syr-a-cuse', 128, 250, 288, 322; founding of, 34 ; under Gelon and Hieron, 136-143 ; and Ducetius, 163 ; attacked by Athens, 208-216 ; joins Lacedaemon against Athens, 229 ; under tyranny again, 239-247 ; under Timoleon, 247 ; under Agathocles, 248. Syr'i-a, 319, 327. Sys-si'ti-a, see Mess. Tactics, at Marathon, 121 ; at Delium, 204 ; at Leuctra, 273 ; of Rome and Macedon, 326. Tan'a-gra, battle of, 166, 168. Ta-ren'tum, 34, 248. Te'ge-a, ^-j, 148. Tei-san'der, 65. Tei'si-as, 218. Tem'pe, vale of, 128. Temple, 105, 130, 179, 293. Tenants in early Attica, 49. • Ten Thousand, journey of the, 262, 287. Te'os, 109. Ter-il'lus, 137. Ter-pan'der, 62. Tha'les, 94, 108, 109, 217. Tha'sos, 153. The-ag'e-nes, 45. Theatre, 275, 286, 293. 38o hidex Thebes, i86, 199, 270, 299; leader- ship of, 24, 166, 266; extent of territory, 29 ; harbors exiles from Athens, 253, 254 ; and Sparta, 263 ; free from Sparta, 270; subdues Boeotian towns, 271 ; and peace convention, 273; attempts to gain supremacy, 275-283; defects in policy of, 279 ; calls Persia in, 280 ; enters Hellenic League against Philip, 308; destroyed by Alex- ander, 311, The-mis'to-cles, 131, 164,200; arch- onship of, 117; genius of, 125; naval decree of, 126; compels Greeks to fight at Salamis, 132; outwits Lacedaemon, 144; forti- fies Peiraeus, 146 ; in Amphicty- onic Council, 148 ; ostracism of, 149 ; end of, 150. The-oc'ri-tus, 321. The-og^o-ny of Hesiod, 87. The-ram'e-nes, and the Four Hun- dred, 232 ; and the generals, 235 ; and the franchise, 253; death of, 253- Ther-mop'y-lae, 128, 301, 307, 308, 322 ; battle of, 129, 278. The'ron, 137, 142, 240. The-sei'um, 183. The'seus, myth of, 26, 181, 183. Thes-moth'e-tae, see Legislators. Thes'pi-as, 279. Thes'pis, 74, 185. Thes'sa-ly, 28, 66, 75, 128, 134, 147, 164, 322, 326; under Jason of Pherae, 297 ; under Philip of Mace- don, 298, 302. The'tes in Attica, 44, 45, 54. Thirty, the, at Athens, 251-254, 289. Thrace, 53, 116, 118, 153, 302. Thras-y-bu'lus, 231, 235, 269 ; against the Thirty, 254 ; and the franchise, 255- Thu-cyd'i-des, the historian, 187, 203, 226, 286, 287, 304 ; son of Melesias, 170. Thu'ri-i, 172, 185, 212. Ti'ber, 325. Ti'gris, 319. Ti-moc'ra-cy at Athens, 43-50, 54. Ti-mo'le-on, 245-248. Tir-a-ba'zus, 266. Tir'yns, 4-7. Tis-sa-pher'nes, 228, 229, 261, 262. Tombs at Mycenae, 7. Townships (naucraries), 44 ; (demes), 81, 82. Treasurers, 54, 106. Treaty, early, 67, 78, 96; for Five Years, 168 ; for Thirty Years, 169, 191, 193-195, 204; between Athens and Persia, 169; between Athens and Lacedaemon, 201, 206; for One Year, 204 ; in Sicily, 208 ; ended on ten days' notice, 209 ; between Lacedaemon and Persia, 228 ; between Dionysius I and Carthage, 241 ; of Antalcidas, 265, (renewed) 272 ; of Philocrates, 306. Trial in Epic Age, 14; see Court, Tribal Age, 3. Tribes, i, 39, 99, 297 ; the four Ionic, 21 ; leaders of, 42 ; early Attic, 44 ; Dorian, 66 ; of Cleisthenes, 81 ; of Sicels, 163 ; of Samnites, 164 ; Thessalian, 29, 298; Macedonian, 299. Tributes, Athenian, 169, 194, 202, 208 ; Lacedaemonian, 79, 256; Lydian, 106, no; Persian, no, 228. Tri'remes, 133 ; see Navy. Trce'zen, 167, 201. Tro'jan War, 221. Troy 'land, 312. Truce, see Treaty. Turkish rule, 329. Tyranny, character of, 67, 85 ; decline of, 68; of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 64-67; of the Cypselidce, 68-70; of the Pisistratidae, 70-80 ; of Pol- ycrates, 75; of Miltiades, 116; of Gelon, 136-141 ; of Hieron, 140- 142; of the Thirty, 251-254; of Sparta rouses resistance, 268. Tyrants, 45, no, 113, 128, 136. Tyre, siege of, 313. Tyr-tae'us, 57, 62, 89. Unity, movement toward national, 87, 104, 118; after Peloponnesian War, 250, 267. Index 381 University in Alexandria, 321. Victory, Wingless, 183. Village, primitive, 2, 21. Voters in Attica, number of, 178. Walls, Long, see Long Walls. War, Sacred, 66, 100, 301 ; between Sparta and Argolis, 78, 108 ; be- tween Athens and her neighbors, 84, 85; with Persia, 91, loi, 112, 120-136, 191, 261 ; of Asiatic Greeks with Lydians and Persians, 105- 115; between Europe and Asia, 115; with Carthage, 136-139; Pelo- ponnesian, 190-238 ; between Athens and Sicily, 208-216; Co- rinthian, 263-266; between Lace- daemon and Thebes, 273 ; between Athens and Philip, 300; Social, 301 ; between Alexander and Darius, 311-316; Lamian, 322; between Greece and Rome, 325, 327. Wingless Victory, 183. Women, in Mycenaean Age, 7 ; in Epic Age, 12; in Solon's time, 53; Spartan, 59 ; in time of the tyrants, 74; attitude of Euripides toward, 220. Wooden Wall, 132. Works and Days of Hesiod, 87. Xan-thip'pus, 123. Xe-noph'a-nes, 95, 97, Xen'o-phon, 261, 286-288. Xerx'es, 126-134, 138. Za-cyn'thus, 194. Za-leu'cus, 32. Ze'no, 186. Ze^hus, 24. Zeu-gi'tae, 44, 173. Zeus, II, 12, 16, 27, 30, 98, 109, 180; temple of, 73; of ^schylus, 160; Alexander son of, 314. Zoological gardens in Alexandria, 320. L3JL 'C5 Lb D /4 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS "^ ^ ■-'• ' ''.Its .*♦ JU*.'?* '•• ry