Glass L4iX Book__ - ,_ — ; THE GEEAT CA.TTs:m AJsriD ctt;r,:e THE REBELLION EMBRACING PHRENOLOGICAL CHARACTERS AND PEN-.'. NIWNK PORTRAITS OF THE PRESIDENT, HIS LEADING GKNERA 1.8 AND CABINET OFFICERS ; TOOETHEE WITH AN APPENDIX ON TIIE BLAVE V CONTROVERSY, IN WHICH IS SUBMITTED A NOVEL PLAN FOR TI1K FULL AND K1XAL ADJUSTMENT OF THIS VEXED QUESTION. BY L. M. SMITH PRACTICAL PHRENOLOGIST. CINCINNATI, O. JOHNSON, STEPHENS 4 CO., STEAM PRINTERS, 1862. EXPLANATION OF THE DIAGRAMS. 1. Perceptive Intellect small. 2. Reflective intellect large. 3. Veneration very large. 4. — 5. Firmness and Self-Esteem very small. This form of head manufactures and grinds out ideas ; the other is simply the storehouse of facts and knowledge. All are reversed in this head. The organs of Causality and Com- parison, called the reflective, are nearly wanting here, and but for the large perceptives in the lower part of the forehead, the mind would border on idiocy. The dotted line shows a well-balanced brain, with all the organs on the middle line of the head largely devoloped. 1. Combativeness aud Destruetive- ne.ss comparatively small. 2. Cautiousness very large. 3. Conscientiousness very large. All arc reversed in this one. Entered according to act of Co-nsress, in the year 1862, by L. M. Smith, in tho Clerk's Offlca of the District Court of theUnifad St.-tfe-s in and for the Southern District ot On'O. 'Q$ INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, Tii first part of the following essay was originally written for publica- tion in the Cincinnati Daily Gazette, Chicago Tribune, and St. Louis Democrat, prior to the issuing of the President's famous emancipation proclamation, and partly with a design of bringing about that result. It was fmi.-hed and ready for the press on the very morning of the re- ception of the "glorious news" from Washington; but as the chief object for which it. was more particularly designed was already accom- plished, it was not handed in. Several literary gentlemen, however, v* whom I had previously read it, and who recommended its publication, sugge-ied that the greater portion of it would still be interesting as a magazine article, and advised me to send it to the Atlantic Monthly. Ac- cordingly I sent a copy of it, through Messrs. White ovei the perceptive intellect, then the individual will show more proficiency in planning, originating and generalizing new ideas ; while he will be lacking in details, and be de- ficient in reducing what he knows to practical application. The former will be your sharp, practical business man ; a perfect master of facts and details, but will not possess a reputation for originality of conception. The latter will be your sedate, meditative, plodding thinking man — a man capable, perhaps, of originating bold and even brilliant ideas, but will lack the ability to make practical application thereof; hence he will be regarded, especially by the more superficial, as a mere dull theorizer. Now it is plain that the most favorable organi- zation to render the individual equally capable of planning and execu- ting, or in other words of being a universal genius or great man, would be a perfect balance between these two classes of faculties, or a large development of both; though this alone, does not, by any means, constitute a great mind. In addition to a large and active brain, with a large development of both the perceptive and reflective intellect, the individual should possess large Firmness to give him perseverance in the pursuit of his object until attained; large Concentrativeness to enable him to concentrate his mental power- upon a single object at a time; large Self-Esteem to give him confidence in his own ability ; large Combat - iveness and Destructivencss to give him motive power and force of Character to overcome all obstacles in his path, and, it is hardly necessary to add, large moral organs, as without these he would be only a gigantic machine for evil instead of good. Without these lat- ter qualifications, however great the intellect, the possesser would be like a noble ship at sea without a rudder to steer her, or a Pilot with Chart and Compass to bring her to the desired haven — liable to be tossed about by the watery billows, till wrecked upon the breakers. With these preliminary illustrations, I presume the reader will now be able to comprehend what would be necessary to constitute a Great General, capable of leading his armed hosts to mortal combat — of knowing when to fight and when to retreat, and when he does pay his respects to the enemy, of knowing just when, where and bow to strike to the best advantage. He should possess a large brain with an active vivacious temperament ; large intellectual faculties all round ; large Firmness, Self-Esteem, Hope, Cautiousness, Comhativeness, and Des- tructivencss. Hope, Cautiousness and Comhativeness particularly., should be as nearly balanced as possible; as any great predominance either way, might, in many instances, prove fatally disastrous. Large Comhativeness and Hope with Cautiousness small, would render the individual not merely brave, but bold, venturesome and, at times, even reckless ; while the reverse of this Combination would render its possessor timid, desponding, cowardly. He should also pos- sess large Secretiveness, or he will be neither capable of retaining his own secrets, nor of ferreting out those of the enemy. Now when we consider that nature in the bestowment of her gifts, is rarely so munificent as to lavish all these upon any one individual, it does not, after all, appear so strange that among so many leaders we should find so few who even approximate to our ideal of a Great Mili- tary Chieftain. No one individual on our side,* so far as I have been *We have no generals who will compare with the ltebel General Lee for strategy and natural military genius. I pointed him out as the strongest man on either side, long before he was brought, out, and wondered why a man with such a giant intellect should be kept back in obscurity. All of his intellectual faculties are immensely developed, but his moral organization is decidely 5a I. Stonewall Jackson's brain is abl e ,0 discover from th, <*^*£$gfiZ££t£& entirely to the standard of th F ieno loglst to S determ ine to have already tr,edt„e,r1.ands at the h In ..^un, ^ whom to give the preference. Although He y ^.^ military man m {"""V"* *»*£*,*, md ,. allows his opp „r. rest of mankind, that lie is a utue tunitias to ^P-" j calibre) p03sess ing a large and Halleck is a man ot large ro flectinf faculties. But he active brain ?**.» Pf/^Xpmeut tf Self Cm (indicated by the P«^~» n i^^™™ l S,^ed,^ the hid thrown hack- respects. , h u u hig own j u dg- dare approach htm with a foes Hon iin ^ sea ^rfou^Ta1^™t ft& he is excessive* cantious ; " S" TEtZZZ te kdSS hSSKL particulars ; yet I have Burnside ecems to be lau n i f he WM a8 . signea a separate c-jmiudiK , acquiremeats as a jtK sooner tLt him than MoO .Han H e possess^, hgtam. Sfp^rirC^yt^So^^L^tive, - SS L^sTis -meed by the great hight -*j*-£ Xer Jalion, and' is seldom mistaken in his first impressions. '"S. org... o. th, religion. M.*** » ™„ .*»»* »»* P-"-* hCnC ° he " n praying as well as ifightiny g* ne, " Jl ^ _ pnt .,i Calibre He has an active brain 9 He possesses an intuitive perception of human nature, and can almost read the thoughts of those with whom he comes in contact. He has a keen, penetrating-, and expressive eye ; and, to use a common phrase, •• looks as though he could almosl look through a mill-stone !" The eye, as a general thing, is a pretty correct index to the mind; and whatever you find there expressed, yen will find, within the mind, '.he fountain-source from which (hose expressions come. All the portraits which I h.i een of McClellan are taken from a front view, so that it is somewhat difficuil to determine from the brain alone, the exact men- tal calibre ; but [ have looked in vain for any physiognomical signs which would indicate any thing like a profound and comprehensive mind. There appeals, in all of them, a sort of vacant, wild, inexpres- sive gaze, as though there were no concentration of mental power or deep thought seated there — indispensable qualifications in a successful commander. He is thoroughly posted in military science, but is sadly deficient in originality and resources — hence his peculiar forte is in engineering, preparing fortifications, and in organizing and fitting men for service, and not in planning comprehensive campaigns for the maneuvering of large armies in the field.* With a more comprehen- sive mind to direct and control, he might execute and handle his men to tolerablv good advantage. His brain appears to be large at the base, but does not rise high enough to take an elevated and comprehensive view of things. He lacks a high moral tone, and is rather deficienl in the liner sensibilities ; though, by no means, coarse and vulgar. Banks is a good man, and perfectly reliable under all circumstances. f So is Dix. Butler possese> greater energy and executive ability than any other gen era! in the service. This is owing to a very large and active brain, with great breadth through the base in the region of Combativeness and Des- tructiveness ; great hight on top in the region of Firmness and Self-Es- teem, and an enormously large perceptive intellect ; as is evinced by the great prominence of the organs in the lower part of the forehead. He is, emphatically, " the right man in the right place." Owing to his large Combativeness and Destructiveness, Self-Esteem and Firmness, with the moral organs, particularly Benevolence and Yen eration, only moderately developed, he would, under ordinary circumstan- ces, be rather too severe and exacting ; but is just the man to hold a tight rein over rebels. Wish we had more of the same sort. Pope seems to possess considerable intellectual force with a good deal of energy, but I think he is deficient in many other respects, as the head does not appear * He is like that class of physician? who, having a great amonnt of " book learn- ing," and but few ideas, practice according to regular " routine." The organs of Causality being small in their heads they have no resources of their own, and hence are totally wanting in expedients. Whenever they have a patient they must go according to the " books," instead of adapting themselves to new exigencies as they arise. They talk very learned!}' in regard to the case, and, by completely astonish- ing and overwhelming you with a volubility of words, destitute of all ideas, make you believe that they know all about it, and thus manage to preserve your confidence up to the very hour that death supervenes, when, of course, it ia too late iu call a sensible physician, Now Dr. McClellan thoroughly understands the anatomy and physiology of the ease, but has utterly failed to diagnose the disease, and to com- prehend its pathology : so the people had better look out or the patient will not long survive under his treatment . f Banks ought to be the Sec. of State. His organs of Causality are largely devel- oped, and he is a man of cxcellenlty good judgment. 10 to be well balanced. Fremont is a bold, resolute, energetic and deter- mined character ; being more of a dashing, adventuresome nature than of a cool, calculating statesman. He is perfectly honest and highly pa- triotic, but lacks a little in sound discretion. The intellect appears to be tolerably well developed, but 1 think, from the physiognomy, i.kal he lacks concentration of mental power ; besides which he is quite vain, and ambitious in the highest degree. His organs of ideality and Sublimity are very large, which make him fond of the poetic in nature, and a great admirer of the sublime and romantic — hence his desire lor travel in the unexplored wilds oi the West, amid the lofty peaks and gorgeous nights of snow-capped mountains, and o'er extended plains and valleys with meandering rivers ami dashing cataracts.* His humanitary organs — Conscientiousness and Benevolence — being large, his impulses and svm- pathies are alwa) r s in i he right direction. This, together with his large Approbativeness, which would make him ambitious to take the initiative in a popular movement, and his large Self- E teem, which would cause him to assume responsibilities, accounts tor his great haste in " pitching into " slavery unauthorized from headquarters. Ili head rises high along the middle line on top, and lie is, in most ot whal i have said of him, the opposite of McClellan. To come down to McDowell, no phrenologist would hesitate a moment, in saying that he ought to be at once dismissed from the service. This opinion is not based upon any prejudice growing out of his bad management, but was expressed to the same effect, Ion-- before he had shown his hand at all. In running my eye over the first map thai was published, containing mil- itary portraits, and passing my opinion upon each, L al last came to thai of McDowell ; which I distinctly stated was the poorest head of all, and totally unfit to till any important position. No man with a plegmatic tem- perament, round head, up-turned, pug nose, sunken or hollow at the center, a- his portraits all represent him. ever made his mark in the world, or ever will. 1 never doubted his loyalty, but his mind is too slow and lethargic to act with promptness and decision under any circumstances, which fact has been construed, by many, into sympathy for (he enemy. There is no seutimeut, no emotion, no pathos in such a sluggish mind to call out en- thusiasm upon an\ subject ; which accounts for Ids apparent apathy in behalf of (he Union. Oh, lor the want of a little science on the part of s One great and serious mistake in the American people, is in supposing that be- cause an individual lias shown certain praiseworthy qualities in some prominent and conspicuous manner to challenge our admiration, he is necessarily a tit person to fill any position, however high, in military or civil life. Indeed, so great has become the passion to bestow unmerited reward upon individuals who have thus gained notoriety, that we seem t<> be actuated more by blind impulse, than guided by cool judgment. An Old Military Hero, crowned with laurels won from the bloody field oi battle, is elevated to the highest civil office within the gift of the people, merely to be shown how weak he is when out of his element! Au enterprising individual, " boiling over" with energy and an insatiable desire for romantic life, makes a break, tor the wilderness to pursue Indian trails through unbroken forests, guided by an " Old Moun- taineer," and the people are struck with admiration for the intrepid " Path-finder," and tenth with proclaim him a candidate for the Presidency! A comparative youth shows greal proficiency in the m< n rudimente of generalship, and without knowing fully what he is, oi waiting to see what time will bring forth, he is at once christened a •' Voting Napoleon," and assigned the highest position in the army I So perfectly infatuated have we become in this respect, that 1 believe if some en- terprising yankee tar were to make his way to the north pole,»ud perform the daring feat of ascending to the top and standing on his head, we should so greatly admire, that we should want to make hi in the next President. the Government, in selecting the propei persons to fill important and trust- worthy stations. How my heart has been wrung in anguish at the al- most certain prospeci of disaster, which 1 well kne 1 * would follow such stupid blunders. An incompetent officer, who is fit only for " a hewer of wood andadrawerof water," is given an important command, and a whole army thereby placed in jeopardy, and, perhaps, sacrificed as a con- sequence ! Such tilings might he tolerated with a little more complacency were the proper steps promptly taken to correct such mistakes as -non as dis- covered ; hut by some apparently unaccountable and insane policy, the Administration does not seem to profit by experience; but madly in- sists upon retaining such persons in command, till they are completely "played out" by constant repetitions of failure Having disposed oi the leading generals, let ns now pay our respects to the President and hi- Cabinet. There is a very old and correct adage which says. " as a man thinketh so is he." Now this rule is capable of being greatly en- larged, ami should read somewhat a- follows : As a man look.-,, art.-, works, walks, 'writes and talks, so is he. The build of the body, the manner of the walk, the oral and written expressions, whether forcible or otherwise, are, ill indicative of the character. If the body he too tall and slim, the organs of the brain will partake of the same character ; and all those situated on the middle line, running from the root of the nose over the top of the head backward, will be generally large, while those on the side of the head, in the region of Combativeness, Destruc- tiveness, etc., will, as a general thing, he small, and vice versa. The possessor of this form of brain, although the mind may he active, will, owing to the deficiency of the animal organs, in the base of the brain, lack energy and force of character. There may he intellect, hut no propelling power to set it in motion. If an individual be firm, resolute, energetic and business-like, he walks erect, takes long steps ami brings the foot down with a hearty good will as though he meant something. If in writing or speaking, lie uses strong, emphatic and forcible expressions, it is a sure sign that they come from a mind in which those qualities reside. Now the policy of the President, ami his Chief Premier. Mr. Seward, in the conduct of the war. was clearly foreshadowed in their respective writings and speeches prior to the breaking out of the contest. i'hc\ were mere dry intellectual productions, calculated, perhaps, to feast the rea on, but not to vibrate a single chord of spmpathy or emotion. Take the speech of' .Mr. Seward, delivered in Congress during the troublous session of 1860-1. when all eyes were turned to him as the champion of our cause, and what a wishy-washy affair so tar as the issue was concerned ! ' Tis true that it was splended as a mere intellectual production : but where was that heroic bravery, and true manliness to meet the issue fairly and squarely on its merits ? So fearful was he of offending his masters of the South, and so great the desire to conciliate, that he dared not even pronounce the words slavery and freedom; hut it was "Capital States," " Laboi States,'" etc., The same tone was distinctly observable in all of Mr. Lincoln's Campaign speeches of 1858. He presented his antagonist, Mr. Douglas, with finely-spun theories and ingeniously-woven arguments in the meshes of which to entrap him; but there was no vehement de- 12 nunciations o\ a corrupt Democracy, which for years, had been preying upon the vitals of the government : no stirring appeals made to" the people to arouse from their lethargy and shake off the moral incubus which held them spell-bound to their impending fate, ere it be too late ! Nothing that betokened that indomitable energy and determined resolution, which plants its foot firmly upon the wrong and cruhses it to earth to rise no m It may he said that this would be out of character in debate ; but it was the same in all his speeches under all circumstances. So it appears that the men who inaugurated the doctrine of the "Irrepressible Conflict," and were the first to proclaim that "a house divided against itself cannot stand.** have not the energy and moral courage to meet the issue fairly and squarely when thrust upon them. This being the constitutional eharac'er oi the two men whom we have elevated to the highest offices within the gift of the people, we ought not to be surprised at their handling rebels with gloves on for fear of hurting them. But are we to blame them for so doing ? By no means. We have chosen them as our agents — directly and indirectly — with just such natural qualifications as nature saw tit to give them, and they are doing the best they know how. Both are unfortunate in their organizations, so far as ability to meet the present crisis is concerned. Both are deficient in snap and energy, and both have the same type of intellectual faculties — the perceptives predominating over the refieetives, so that they fail to take a compre- hensive \ iew of the present crisis, and to make provision accordingly. Their bodies are too tall and slender, the base of their brains too narrow, and the upper part oi their foreheads too receding. The physiognomy of Mr. Lincoln shows us a mild, placid and be- nign countenance, with a philosophic cast of mind, without sufficient force and energy. That of Mr. Seward shows a free and easy expres- sion — a mind perfectly self-poised, and not liable to be thrown off* its. balance, or disturbed from its usual equanimity under any emergencv.* Compare their heads with the bust of Webster, or ever that of Mr. Douglas and see the contrast ! They are. in most respects, the antipodes of each other. I voted for Mr. Lincoln in preference fco Mr. D., be- cause I believed (and still do) him to be an honest man, and liked his politics better. But Mr. Douglas would have shown far greater energy,, and decidedly more ability in crushing out this rebellion. He would have brought the entire strength of the Government down upon it at once and "wiped it out.'* because that would have been his forcible, energetic way of doing business. Mr. Lincoln being naturally conservative and constitutionally too tame and passive, would, in the selection of his Cabinet, naturally choose those whose minds were in unison with his own ; accordingly we find the majority of its members made up of just such material as himself. The only ones whose heads indicate anvthing like that degree of energy requisite for the occasion, are Att'y-General Bates. Secretary Stanton and the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, f The rest all * Mr. Seward has a Roman nose, and it were well to bear in mind Napoleon's opinion of men with Roman noses. t The las: named Individual net only possesses energy and enterprise, but he has a large development of the reflecting organs — Causality and Comparison — which 13 - i i i - - _ " " - aamt be dome at all haze A. word now _ - g - - - - « rfof • i -&T*f tf «27, it wiQ be a k " - " ' - " ' !:..-.:'.-? -..: :. T-~ ersia ia :- _ • - i . [ will not i - - - - . - : ■-■ ! - - . - . :;k-i._-. 14 individuals, communities, and hence nations, are demoralized by the sin of human slavery. Suffice it to say that it tends to blunt, nay, brutalize all the higher feelings and finer sensibilities of the mind. The young child reared under the influence of slavery soon learns to imitate the words, actions and gestures of its parent, master and overseer, and becomes proud, haughty, domineering and dictatorial in its intercourse with the young slaves : and thus the work of demoralization commence? in childhood to be continued to the grave. The organ- of the animal, passions in the base of the brain, are stimulated and cultivated at the expense of the moral sentiments ; and this continues to increase, by the laws of hereditary descent, from generation to generation, till ii finally culminates in a of aristocratic tyrants who imagine that they were created especially in rule, and every body else to obey. This has been the case with our un- fortunate brethren of the South. Now then, in what manner have we, as a Nation, been a party to the crime "? In the first place slavery was forced upon us by the Mother Country, while in a state of colonial vassal- l . and after we had revolutionized and thrown off the parental voke, we were too much in the same condition we now are to attend to it, so it was postponed for a more convenient season. We had just emerged from a long, bloody, and sanguinary war, and every thing was unsettled and in a state of feverish commotion as to ihe future. If the politicians and statesmen of the day had undertaken to dispose of it then, the question of " vested rights of property " would have arisen as now, to create still further discords and schism- : so they patched it up in the Constitution as best they could, and gave it a legacy to posterity. Its history from that down to the present time is soon told. It has not only continued to increase in area and numerical strength, but its super- cilious overbearing impudence has kept equal place, demanding new guarantee after guarantee, and compromise after compromise, till there was nothing left to compromise but the Constitution; and when ihev demanded that and were refused, then, like a spoiled and petted child, the)- rebelled against parental authority. Now behold the legitimate fruits of a weak and vacillating policv in dealing with so great a wrong ! Now will our rulers be wise, and, profiling by the experience of the past, improve the present favorable opportunity t<> sever this moral fungus ticm the otherwise bright escutcheon of the Nation? Or will thej imitate the unwise policy of our forefathers, and again saddle it upon posterity to run indefinitely, till it tinalU culminates in a catastro- phe so great as to be irremediable ? Fovthem there was some little excuse; for us, with the experience oi' the past and present, there i- none. Not only does the cause <>f humanity demand thai we should act promptly and fearlessly in this matter, but if we design to bring the war to a speedy and successful termination, not a day should be lost. While we are mar- shaling our armed hosts of freedom to the scene of conflict for the com- mencement of a new campaign, the people of the South are by no means in stive. With the decimated ranks of the old re-imeuts, and the ne e\ ies, we shall have an army numbering, in the aggregate, not far j'm a million of men. Against these the Snub will be capable of rafceag at least a million and a half, between the ages of seventeen and forty-five. If she do this — as she undoubtedly will, if she be able 15 to arm and equip them — then ii is plain, taking the past as a criterion, that before Ave can contend successfully against iheni, we shall have to make another rail for new levies. When we do this, and again out- number them, then there will he a requisition from the Rebel Govern- ment for every able-bodied wdiite male citizen of the South, irrespec- tive of age or condition. If this be done, and the prize of victory be contended lor with the same tenacity on both sides that has character- ized its so far, it is impossible to tell when and wdiere it will end, and wliai will lie the final result. If foreign nations should continue to re- main idle spectators, and see as devouring each other by the million witlm.it interference, (a thing quite Improhahle) then, of course, num- bers would in the end, tell, and the victory would be ours. But sup- posing the South should, in her de perationand determination to throw off the yoke of the Yankee Government at all hazards, forestall us in the emancipation movement, and thereby enlist the sympathies of Eu- rope in her behalf '.' This would place us in the false position of contending, not for prin- ciple, bin merely for dominion ami empire, while the South would be- come the champion of liberty in the eyes of European Nations, who would interfere in Iter behalf, and, of course, we should have to suc- cumb. Now the people of flu- South are not onl\ prepared to do this, but they have become so embittered against us, that they would rather see their territory divided up among all the monarchies of Kurope, thereby becoming mere appendages of their governments, than submit to Yankee rule. A reconstruction of the Union as it was,* is a thing * Would a Union as it wa» be desirable? Have we nut suffered enough already to not desire any further fellowship with an institution which will not even tolerate free-thinking, much less free-speech? As I now write a gentleman sits by my side who is a refugee from Texas, having recently run the gauntlet, barely escaping with his life, from thence to New Orleans. He was born and raised in South Carolina, and has spent all of his days in the Southern States, except a few years devoted to tru\ el in the free States — enough to con- vince him of the superiority of free society over that of Slavery. lie is well known by several prominent business men, and one or two clergymen in this community, who can vouch for his being a gentleman of truth and veracity. Now his only crime for which he was sought to bo scourged, and (,• escape which he had io run the gauntlet of these infernal hell-hounds "I slavery, was simply this : Before the breaking out of the war, he took particular pains to correct their mistaken ideas about free society whenever he heard them making invidious comparisons. As soon as the war broke out all of these things were r< llected and raked upagainst him, and when coupled with his ominous silence, and his refusal losing peans to Jeff. Davis, and to utter bitter imprecations against his good Old Uncle, it ol course w&s prima facia evidence of his unsoundness on the "goose." Although all of his friends resided there, many of whom were slaveholders, it was not a sufficient guarantee for his safety, unless he would bow down to the Moloch of Slavery. Be says that they com- menced hanging Northern men for a year before the war broke out, and that the people here have no idea of tin- number that were thus put out of the way. If a pedlar or any other itinerant \ ankee was barely Buspected, it was enough. He was taken before a vigilance committee, where he would undergo a mock trial, and the next morning his corpse would Ik- found hanging to a. black -jack in some neighbor- ing ravine tor the crows and the buzzards to feed upon, and thus hundreds were dis- posed of. I- thi the kind of re-union that the free and intelligent people of the North want '.' Howmuchsoevei thej may desire any other, it is the on' kind they will get if they ever stop short of completely subduing the huugb' \d over- bearing spirit of Slavery, and eradicating the institution root and Inane; Freemen of the North 1 which do you prefer? Should you grow weai >f fight- ing in the holy cause of liberty, and begin to relax your efforts, let the re, rbrance of your skeleton friend, dangling in the air from the limb of a tree in .. far-off South, with carnivorous birds picking the flesh from its bones, and plucking the eyes from their sockets, nerve you on to victory ! 13 impossible ; and the only question now to be determined, is whether the territory within the seceded States shall be a separate and indepen- dent Confederacy, or, for the present, a military province of the United States. This is a foregone conclusion, and the sooner the Government wakes up to the fact, and shapes its course accordingly, the better it will be for it. The only way the South can be brought back into the sisterhood of States, will be by re-peopling it with a different element, and re-con- structing her institutions ; and this can not be done, till the old be done away. I do not mean by this that we are to exterminate the people of the South, but simply that if conquered, they will take no part in the government ; and that before our own citizens will intersperse and fill up the vacancies throughout the South, so as to represent her people in the different branches of the government, slavery will first have to be exterminated. This will certainly be the result if the Avar be as protracted as it now promises. I will not sav but what some unforeseen casualty may transpire to crown our arms with speedy success, and bring the war to an unexpected close. The fate of armies and the destinies of nations, like the lives of indi- viduals, frequently hang upon very slight and brittle threads. The failure of one of Napoleon's Marshalls to re-enforce him at the appointed time, lost him the battle of Waterloo, sealed his own fate for 1 fe, and changed the destinies of Europe Had a similar casualty happened to the Re- bel General Johnston with his re -enforcements at the first battle of Bull Run, the day would have been ours, and the rebellion nipped in the bud ; in which event the annals of war never would have been stained with the bloody record of the past. Had the rebels succeeded in crush- ing our army before Richmond, as they boldly designed and calculated, and as they might have done in case of certain contingencies which did not transpire, then the Southern Confederacy would now be a fixed fact, and we should be the mere fragment of a broken and dissevered Union, — the disintegrated part of a ence glorious and powerful Re- public. Not knowing what the future may bring forth, it is always best to be prepared for the worst. Now as it is conceded on all sides, ihat the institution of slavery is an element of strength to the south in pros- ecuting the Avar, Avhy should AA T e any longer delay to strike a blow where it will be the most severely felt ? I know the difficulties to be encountered in such a course ; but the fact must be kept in vieAV that Ave are in the midst of the greatest revolutionary crisis the -world has ever been called upon to pass through, and that the remedy must be also desperate and equal to the emergency. It, perhaps, was well enough for the President to resist all emancipation schemes at the com- mencement of the outbreak. So long as the people of the North and South lived together peaceably under the old Constitution, unamended and unabolished, mutually recognizing its provisions as of supreme authority, Ave were in duty bound, however great our repugnance to slavery, to respect it in the States where it already existed ; and if an j portion of our uninformed brethren of the South enlisted under the ban- 17 Hers of their lying hypocritical leaders, with the impression that they were doing so in defense of their homes and institutions, then it was right that the President should, by his acts and deeds, undeceive their minds, and give them an opportunity to discover their mistake and de- sist. But when they saw that be countermanded the emancipation edicts of his generals, returned them their fugitive slaves and stationed Union guards over their property from the Potomac to the Mississippi ; and still persisted in throttling the government which had always prote to their rights under all circumstances, then, most assuredly, one long year of grace was all that any sane man should have thought of granting Now, as it is proverbial that the administration is a little weak in tin' spinal column, I would suggest that we proceed to treat the case the same as we would any other case of spinal weakness, namely : by the application of artificial stays and supports.* This, 1 would suggest, should be done in the form of a petition, to be circulated throughout the entire North-West, for (lie signature of every loyal citizen, which should read somewhat as follows : To his Exccllcnrii, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : We, the undersigned, loyal citizens of the North -Western States, In view of the gigantic and terribly-desperate struggle for National exist- ence, in which we, as a Nation, are at present engaged, do hereby I" seech you to grant us audience while we call your attention to the following facts concerning the deplorable condition of our unhappy and distracted country. We have now been engaged in a civil and fratrit war for nearly a year and a half, conducted on a gigantic scale unpar alleled in the annals of modern warfare ; and, notwithstanding thou- sands and tens of thousands of valuable lives, including (he b of the Nation, and millions and hundreds of millions of treasure, have been offered a willing sacrifice on the altar of our country, we, appa- rently, to-day, are no nearer the end than when we began. Noblj unsparingly has the country responded to the call of its Chief Execu- tive, in furnishing both men and means to crash out this hydra-headed monster, Rebellion, yet it has continued to gain strength day by day, iii! it now not only threatens the existence of the Government,, but actually menaces, by invasion, our domestic sanctuaries upon the sacre I the Free States. And while we are still unfaltering in our determinate n to crush out this wicked and unholy rebellion, at all hazards, cast what it may, yet we, as a people, to whom all rightful authority belongs, and fom whom all Governmental powers emanate, have a right to demand that it be done in the most direct and expeditious manner possible with the least loss of life and bloodshed on both sides of tin belligerents. If, as we believe, and as the rebels themselves have always declared from the commencement of this contest, their peculiar institutions be a *Mr. Lincoln is not, by any means, deficient in the organ of Firm highly conscientious and extremely cautious, ivitb only a moderate endowment ■>! Self- Esteem, he is so averse to assuming responsibilities, and so feat ful of tii false step, that be is, at times, too undecided and vacillating; but rhei makes up his mind both as to the right and expediency of a measure firm and immovable as the Reck of Gibraltar. His intuitions invariably p I in tin right direction; but when he would take the first step the influence of the eon servative party intervenes, and, by partly persuading and partly intimidating, ma to keep him completely'poised or oscillating between two opposite!} a trai ing forces; and thus, what energies be does possess, are nearly paralyzed for good. 18 bulwark of strength to them iu prosecuting this unnatural (warfare, bv enabling them to bring into the field all their able bodied men, while their slaves remain at home to raise the only means of sustenance tor their armies and families ; then we most clearly are recreant to onr duty, and actuated by a suicidal policy, if we any longer delay w strike a death-blow to the Rebellion by attacking it m its most vulnerable and vita] point. We believe that if a proclamation of emancipation to all 5 throughout the Insurrectionary Stales were to emanate from you, aud the necessary machinery set in motion to carry it into practical ould have the effect to disperse their armies in the field an d to render them practically inefficient ; as they could no longer hold together after this great artery, which is the life and nutritive system of r e Rebellion, shall have been sundered in twain. The other and only alternative lefi us Lo bring the war to a final termination, is to put man aaainst man for the one and a half millions which they will be capable of bringing into the held, and continue the death-struggle for victory nil one-ha ; h armies become annihilated, and the. one or the other finallv* worried into submission. Takina this view of the question, we humbly pray that you will forthwiih place a competent leader at the head of our Westem Army, arm him with a proclamation of emancipation to a 1 slaves in the Ke- ,,- States and let him march immediately to the heart of the Ke- bellio ■ otv it into j ractical execution.* Will you grant us this our hnmble petition, and thereby bring the war to aspeedy and successful termination, by removing its producing cause? Or will ^J™™*° other course, and thereby prolong the war indefinitely, till the heartb- ,t ne of every family throughout' the land he draped in ^'^ everv toot ot the sacred soil of Columbia's once happy land be drenched in fraternal blood, and till our posterity, tor all coming generations, shall be burdened with an enormous debt, which no time will >ene tolLidate? The cause of humanity, both North and South forbid the latter course, if it can be accomplished by the former. And your itioneers will ever pray, etc. j otann ; nw i Now, .hen, il may be asked, supposing this course to be determined vvhaj womd be the proper programme for .carrying * «g 9 IwiH give my views, but they may not be the best. 1 would the entire° Army of the West, which including the new levies ; probably number not far from 200,000 men. and clean the rebel, out of Kentucky first. . , ,, Then I would march for East Tennessee, and "wipe them out there-freeing all their sla.es M I proceeded. From thence would pis into Geo^a, not only liberating all slaves as I progressed, but I .ddeiUouMletachmcm, to abolish all other institutions that might be of service to the enemy; such as all foundries and machine .hop, sary let the anlitia be called out to protect ^•^^^.^ e w dwindle away call fur new levies. : . . - - "".'.-■: - ■• - _ J - _ • reac - - \ - : _ - - T " - r '. " ". : r '. "_--"-: j" : ■ - : _•- - - - - . - - — ?; e; : - _• i :;: :i.:::^ *.i.: i i,'. r. i — ~ : - - _ j -- - • _-.- t : »i . - • - r. . r i; : : . -t _ where :he attack ln» b* awfe, ir ... st ; . :;; :-..". trill « » .- -t " "._?.": il . - ' ! '_ ~ ~ r . >; - "~ ~-" . '-;'.▼ 20 "he universal reign of terror which would everywhere prevail ; and thus the war would be brought to a speedy and successful termination with comparatively small loss on both sides, from this time out. This would make a right nice Winter's campaign for our Western boys, and let it be announced as a programme for future operations, and 50,000 addi- tional volunteers from the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, would throw up their hats to be " counted in." Now r let us see what will be the probable result of the course likely to be pursued by those in com- mand. It is already announced that 40,000 negroes are engaged in throwing up entrenchments, and otherwise fortifying on the Rappa- hannock. The Rebels will retreat behind these works, and make a stand to dis- pute the onward march of our pursuing Army. To storm these fortifi- cations, and take them by hard fighting, would cost us, probably, from 30,000 to 50,000 men. By the time this difficulty shall have been sur- mounted, we shall be so exhausted with the fatigue of battle that we shall want at least a few weeks, if not months, to recuperate and repair damages. In the mean time the Rebels will fall back for the same pur- pose, and while also resting will be filling up their decimated ranks with new conscripts from the South, and have their negroes throwing up new fortifications ; and thus they will be prepared to contest every inch of ground from Virginia to the Gulf of Mexico.* Now then let me ask you gents of the " Butternut Democracy," who will probably throw up your hands in holy horror at the course which 1 have chalked out ; which is the most valuable and sacred ? the so-called right of these infernal traitors (who have raised the standard of rebellion against one of the best Governments that ever existed, thereby forfeiting all right and claims of its protection to both life and property,) to continue in bondage four millions of human beings, with the still further design of making them unwilling instru- ments in their hands to continue this wide spread desolation? or the lives of the thousands and tens of thousands of our fathers, sons and brothers, who will yet be called upon to offer themselves a sacrifice upon the altar of our country? If you area "war democrat," and say ^Although it may now be too late to carry out the military part of this pro- gramme, it is not too late, however, to throw large forces in the rear of Richmond to tap the railroads leading from thence South, so as to cut off their supplies — the most important move that can be made on the military chess-board. There is no use in- trying to conquer a foe by pursuing him into the mountain fastnesses of a wilder- ness country, and giving him battle on ground of his own selection, where advan- tage is in his favor. The enemy being well acquainted with the topography of the country, will, of course, select the best position to fortify, and thus he will be prepared to defend him- self against an attack by greatly superior numbers, so that we should have to out- number bini, probably three to one, in order to insure success. And even in the event of dislodging him, it, probably, would be at a sacrifice so great that we should be unable to follow up the victory; so that nothing, in reality, would be gained but an immense slaughter on both sides. Now the loss of men and horses, and the enormous expense attending transporta- tion overland in such a country, would soon exhaust the government; while we would be doing but comparatively little to weaken the strength of fhe enemy. Again, as the Rebels are fitting out a large fleet of iron steamers in England, and as there is a good deal of speculation about foreign intervention — which should not be tol- erated under any pretext whatever — the government should lose no time in re- possessing itself of the ports of Mobile, Savannah and Charleston, 7 21 let the negro alone and prosecute the war unto subjugation, we will put your patriotism and sincerity to the test. If you are a true patriot, and love your country above all things earthly, and consider no sacri- fice too great to secure its perpetuity, you, of course, would not refuse to send your only son to battle for the cause of freedom. Now if among the thousands of additional lives that will be required to put down the rebellion by pursuing the latter course, you actually knew your darling boy would be included, would you make the sacrifice for all the "niggers'" and "nigger drivers" on the other side of Mason and Dixon's line? That's the question, gentlemen, and we insist upon holding all honest men to it. For traitors, and their sympathizers, we have no arguments but a hempen cord with a noose at one end of it. Besides these considerations, there is another phase of the subject to be taken into the account. Four- fifths, if not nine-tenths, of I Ik? men who compose the rank and file of the Southern Army are non-slaveholders, and not at all interested in the institution except so far as its abolition would be an incalculable benefit to them. They are poor men whose families depend upon their daily toil for their only support, and who have been forced to take up arms in behalf of a cause in which they have no direct or remote interest. Their lives are just as dear and precious to their families, as are our own to ours. Now if the war be allowed to drag along as heretofore, the entire South will be bankrupted in any event, so that they will be incapable of looking after the thousands of widows and orphans which they are daily (inning out ; and the amount and extent of suffering and misery throughout the entire land, will beggar all description. The widow's wail of distress and the orphan's cry for bread, which will go up daily from the altars of thousands of impoverished and starving families, will be truly awful ! If for no other consideration than as a mission of mercv to the people of the South, we ought to pm a stop to ibis war by extirpating its cause. The cause of Humanity, the cause of Christianity, and every other consideration, human and Divine, demand that we should do it as speedily as possible. The time has opportunely arrived, and I think the masses of the people are ready for it, but the Adminis- tration stands in the way. Now I would further suggest, that the clergy of the various religious denominations throughout the land, should take hold of this matter, and, by a united concert of action, in getting up petitions to be circulated by the ladies, set the ball in motion. They, as a class, a'-e exempt from military duty, and less burdened with the care and responsibility of the war, and can best afford the time ; besides being better fitted, from their avocations, to take the lead in a matter of such grave importance. The ladies would be the proper persons to circulate it, as they would be indefatigable in their efforts to see that no one be slighted ; besides who, but a man with a head of wood and a heart of stone, could resist their eloquent appeals in behalf or their fathers, sweethearts and brothers, now enrolled under the banners of freedom in defense of their country's liberties ? APPENDIX ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION Emancipation Gradual and Compensated, vs. Emancipation Immediate and Unconditional. A New Plan Submitted for the Final Disposition of the "Negro" CoNTROVERSV. Since the foregoing was written, the President has at last " taken the bull by the horns ;" and all that is now wanted on the part of tho people, is a hearty co-operation in sustaining a measure which should have been adopted at least six months sooner, but better late than never. As was to have been expected, it has met with a hearty response from one party, and decided opposition from another. Whether the large Democratic gains in the recent elections of some of the States, are to be taken as a manifestation of displeasure against this measure, or as an indication of a want of confidence in the present Administration to put down the Rebellion — thinking that no change can be for the worse — I am unable to say ; but one thing is certain, namely : that the leaders of that party, particularly those of the Yallaudigham wing, are determined to oppose it by every obstacle they can throw in its way. The basest and most selfish passions of the people are ap- pealed to, to engender opposition to the measure ; and nothing that hu- man ingenuity can devise will be left undone to defeat the object of the proclamation, and prevent its being carried into practical operation. They tell them that the North will be overrun with free negroes, and that white labor will not only be degraded, but will be reduced to a mere nominal value, than which nothing is more fallacious. In the first place, the Torrid Zone is the natural birth-place and home of the Ethiopian ; and he is as naturally attracted to the Tropics, as is the magnetic needle to the Poles. Were all the slaves of the South- ern States liberated, instead of their coming North, nearly all the blacks now here would emigrate to the South, where they would be attracted by both congeniality of climate and society. I have talked w r ith many a fugitive from slavery upon this subiect, and they are all unanimous in their preferences for the South, were it not for their system of human chattelhood. So we see that instead of its being an objection to the laboring classes in the Free States, it would operate in their favor ; as it would tend to diminish the supply, and, of course, enhance the value of labor just in proportion to the diminution in the number of laborers. The next objection urged by these gents of the " Butternut Democ- racy " is, "That it is unconstitutional!" How wonderfully squeamish and sensitive they are upon conststutional matters ! It is not uncon- stitutional for a portion of the people to rebel, without cause or provo- cation, against the Federal authority ; seize upon forts, arsenals, arms, and ordnance, to the amount of millions of dollars, and turn them 23 against the Government to destroy its very existence ! It is not uncon- stitutional to incite insurrection in the midst of a happy and prosperous people ; to develop intestine war throughout the entire length and breadth of the land — converting the quiet citizens of a docile and hith- erto peaceable Nation into armed battalliona of marauding soldiers, to deluge the country with fraternal blood, and carry war, carnage, desola- tion and death wherever they go ! It is no! unconstitutional to rob and plunder quiet and inoffensive citizens of their property, lay waste their homes, hang and shoo! men by the Bcores, and -end their families adrift, d< si bute and penniless, foi no other ■•rime than fidelity to their Govern- ment! It is no( unconstitutional to roam the high seas with piratical crafts, manned with worse than heathen pirates, to prey upon the com- merce of the world, and to destroy the property of non-combatants to the amount of millions of dollars ! It is not unconstitutional to force loyal citizen- unwillingly from their homes, compelling them to tight in the infernal ranks of Secession, to be shol down by their friends, thereby creating widows and orphans by the hundred- and thousands, to bemoan their untimely deaths ' No! we hear nothing from these gentlemen about the illegitimacy of these high-handed acts : but all their invectives and vials of wrath are reserved to be poured oul upon the devoted head of poor Mr. Lincoln, for making use of about one-fourth of the mean- to which he is legit- imately entitled to put a stop to these outrage-. Stop to quibble about constitutional matters when the very life and existence of the Govern- ment i- at stake ! A- if a man were to hesitate about trespassing upon his neighbor's well for a bucket of water when his house is on tire ; or to parley with the burglarious assassin about legal form-, when he is about to drive the dagger to your heart. What nonsense ! Put out the fire of your domicil first, and settle with your neighbor for the trespass afterward. The first and most important duty of the chief Executive, is to pre- serve the government— •cotistitittionally if he can, and if uot in that way, to do it iimj ! 1 might quote from the two Adam-' Story, and hosts of other emi- nent authorities to show the right of a nation at war with any other belligerent power, to confiscate their slaves, or do any other act necessary to preserve its own existence, and to cripple the power of the enemy ; but it is not for precedents and authorities that they seek. but only for some flimsy and shallow pretext to defeat our arms, and turn the country, body and soul, overto the copartnership firm of JefE Davis, the Devil & < !o. I claim that the President has not only the right, us a war measure, to free all slave- in the insurrectionary states, but that he also has the right, under existing circumstances, to tree all slaves — and that too. without compensation — throughou! the Tinted States. This, 1 claim, he has a right to Ao as a sanitary measure to purge the moral, political and so :ial atmosphere of a noxious miasm which has poisoned and polluted, with its pestilential breath, the very Fountains of Justice and Liberty from which our institutions flow. Of the right of even civil authorities to commit similar acts, under much less urgent circumstance-, we have an abundance of precedents. A man constructs a mill-dam at great expense, and rears expensive u buildings upon the site to carry on the manufacture of flour — a per- fectly legitimate business. The dam causes the water to overflow a large area of country, causing the water to stand in stagnant pools, from which a miasm is engendered that endangers the health of the community, and, as a sanitary measure, the authorities decide that it must come down ; thereby involving the owner in a loss of all his outlay of capital, without compensation. A stilbhouse is erected within the limits of some corporation, or perhaps upon some isolated vacancy, which is afterward built up, and, the health of the community being endangered, the authorities decide that it must be removed or torn down at the expense of the owners. An immense conflagration is raging with great violence in a large and populous city ; and in order U> stop the progress of the flames and save asmuch property as possible, certain buildings in the line of its progress are blown up — whether the owner will cr no — when it is not positively certain that the devouring element will reach thus far. All of these examples are contingencies which are provided for in no constitutions, and in the laws of no country ; yet the people ac- quiesce in them as necessities upon the principle that the convenience of the few, must always be subordinate to the good of the many. Now since it is conceded that the dominating and aggressive spirit of slavery has been the fermenting cause of our national difficulties ; costing ns thousands and hundreds of thousands of valuable lives, and hundreds of millions of treasure ; why have we not the same right to insist upon its immediate and unconditional suppression? upon the principle that the peace and quiet of the Nation inexorably de- mand it. Like causes, under like circumstances, invariably produce like re- sults in the moral as well as in the physical world ; and the system ol human Slavery tends to foster pride, vanity and all the baser elements of human nature, as much as the stagnant water tends to engender noxious and miasmatic exhalations ; and it is just as absurd and un- philosophical to talk about the gradual abolition of the one, as it is of the other. What would we say of the sanity of that man who should suggest the gradual abatement of the nuisance caused by the mill-pond, so as to give the owner a chance to make a fortune while his neighbors were being stricken down with disease caused by the continuance of his business? Or of the man who, seeing a strong athletic fellow in the act of soundly thrashing a man greatly his inferior in physical strength, should say to him, do n't stop too soon, but let him off gradually or you will hurt- him? \>>w if slavery be an evil to both the black and whit aces, no time is too soon to abolish it ; and the sooner the better for a 1 parties interested. As to compensating the so-called owner, let me ask from whom did he obtain his title that he has a right to demand compensa- tion? Let him show a bill of sale from the joint maker of all man- kind, or cease to urge his claims. But it has been urged that it would be unjust to rob him of all his property at once, and thereby deprive him of his accustomed means of support. To this, I reply that it is taking no portion of his proper- ty, but simply placing him on an equal footing with the agricultural classes of the North. In the firs! place few men at tl ~ own slaves who do not at the same time own land, hordes, mule-, farming implements and all other species of property appertain' srricultural pursuits, and necessary to cany on the operations of farming ; and instead of living upon the unrequited toil of forced labor, they would have to go to work themselves, or else pay the laborer a reasonable compensation for h : and sporl something less expensive than gold-headed canes, and chronometer watches, and make shorter tshionable watering place Take all the slaves from theii the planters the South would be far wealthier than an equal number of fanners at the North ; because their farms would average several times larger, and the animals and farming implements necessary to work them, would be as much in proportion. Then again, there is this advantage in I te people nth : All persons there en- gaged in agricultural pursuits, are the owners of the land which they till ; while a large proportion of the people who I in the same pursuits in the North, are renl have to pav from one- third to one-half of the products of their labor to the owners as rent. Now wh^re ' in taxing these poor men, who don't own a foot of mother earth in the world, to help till the farms of these rich nabobs down South, who own their thousands of acres of land, and their thoti worth of personal property? Ye hard-working yeomanry of the North, are you willing to sub- mit to it? Methinks I hear a universal acclamation of NO! Forced emancipation, though it be gradual and compensated, is just as unconstitutional "ate and unconditional ; and if it be adopted by the President as a war measure, why not go the whole figure at once and done with it ? The infernal institution has already cost us enough now, without paying out additional hundreds of mil- lions to those who have brought the difficulty upon us. Before the war, it would have been a measure of policy and economv for the Government to 1 ight up all the -laves at a fair valua- tion, and set them I very has forced the war upon us, already costing an expenditure of treasure sufficiently large to have bought up all the slaves in the country — * i ay nothing of the loss of life, and happy homes made desolate and miserable forever — let us now meet the issue manfully, and fight it out to the bitter end. if In addition to compensated emancipation in the border or non-sece- ded States, Mr. Lincoln pro; the additional expense upon the country of colonization to Liberia or Central America — enough of it- self to bankrupt the Nation without the additional burden of the war debt. Now let me sugge ible plan ( them out of the way, provided it be deemed better, for both races to be separated — an opinion in which I concur. The State of Texas is situated in the extreme South- Western pari the Unite with the Gulf of Mexico on the South, the Mexican States on the West, and the Indian Territory on the North — bein^- almost isolated from the balance of the States. In extent it has an area of 237,504 square miles, being nearly six times as large a; the State of Ohio, with a warm and genial climate* and 26 a rich arid fertile soil, well adapted to the raising of all the leading staple productions of the South, such as cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco, etc., etc. Now let this State be set aside especially for the Negro and his posterity. Let the Government divide up the public domain into ten- acre lots, and make a deed of one tract to each male over twenty-one years of age, who will emigrate there and live upon it. When the slaves are liberated let them understand that they must remain where they are and work for wages till they can earn enough to remove to their new homes, at their own expense, and set up business for themselves. This plan would involve the Government in no very great expense, and would prevent any great and sudden revolution in the (now) -laveholding States ; as many of them would have to remain a long time before getting means enough for an outfit, and to open their small farms. Of course, some would do this much sooner than others, and the change would be so gradual that the tanners would have ample time to introduce white laborers, and thus prevent any great and sudden shook. This would hold out an inducement to the blacks to be industrious and put in all their time ; besides, by this plan, none of the producing classes would be withdrawn from the United States, as it would be only a change from one State to another. Of course, they should be nurtured aud looked after by the Government till they become able to take care of themselves. Let the jurisdiction of the United States remain over this Territory as now ; but if represented in Congress, let it be by white men. As soon as they become sufficiently settled to assume some form of order and organization, let them have the privilege, the same as their In- dian neighbors, of regulating their domestic matters in their own way, so long as they conform to the usages of civilized society. This Territory would be capable of supporting a population of forty or fifty millions ; and, as they inert ise so a- to require new territory to which to emigrate, let them go Southward, among the Mexicans and mixed races of Central America, with whom they more naturally affiliate. Almost completely isolated from the balance of the United States, they would give us no trouble, and we should know but little more of their existence than we do of their red-skin neighbors in the Indian Territory. How much more humane and just would be this plan, than to send them adrift in some foreign country. They are just as much natives of this country as we are. Their forefathers came from Africa, and ours from Europe ; that is the only difference. Now the next question that arises is, What is to be done with the white population already there ? This is very easily disposed of. Pay the few loyal citizens for their land, and let them go where they please;* confiscate the land of the Rebels and let them go back to the States from whence they emigrated, and take the places of the liberated slaves as white laborers. Ten acres of land, cultivated in any of the leading staples of the South, are as many as one hand can cultivate ; and the product of tins ^Should the loyal whites object to removing, kr fchem remain, as there is more than enough of the Public Dominion to settle i very Negro in the United States. -7 w...uld be sufn to - fcble man- ner, -gin and pre* - ghborkood, and - i do — be tiled :.' their b-.- g ...led. A- theii (amities increa S 1 by the G _ 3 ia bet The -'-•■ • develop>ed. an .: and e them. :': their ind\> - from the:. them, than the] .mu- - Pe - but I have traveled neat 3 . :. .inta- iromp er- - • •. • - me amov. Eatigne 1 the slave will. I have known them halt f the nig _ -mall - 3 are kind • _ email _ - - and :ed to reader :.'rmed that the slaves s - - « and their 3 and get to the £ - — main , go . and • them. sides, is he prepaid thii he H _ Where - class of the - sngar plan : - s - - ■ ■ -half of the nig and - - f Perhaps During v; 1 of 28 But it is objected that the Negro has no intelligence, and that his labor would be unproductive unless guided by intelligent white men. This is an assumption which is not confirmed by the tads in the case. In many instances the labor on the smaller plantations is conducted exclu- sively by the blacks — the overseer himself being also a slave. I have known of many instances in the South where the slaves ha\e hired their time of their masters, and, by working on their "own hook," or by sub-letting themselves to others who would pay them an advance, manage in this way to lay up enough to finally pay for themselves, and subsequently become very wealthy. I have known of many instances where men make it a point to buy up all good mechanics and hire them out by the day — thus subsisting ex- clusively upon the profits of their labor. So we see that the intelligence of the slaves supports themselves and their masters too — the latter in the most extravagant style at that. It is true that in certain districts where they are kept and worked like beasts of burden, never being allowed the privilege of going beyond the limits of the plantation upon which they Avere born and raised, we find many of them in a very low degree of intelligence. But is this to be wondered at when we consider that their brains are totally robbed of the exercise necessary for the development of their moral and intellectual natures, and their muscles overtasked and strained to their utmost ten- sion, to add to the already overflowing coffers of their selfish, avaricious masters ? How long would the most highly-developed of the Anglo- Saxons remain what they are under the same treatment ? Place the most stringent laws upon your statute-books to starve his intellectual nature ; rob his God-given faculties of their proper food and stimulus, degrade your fellow-man to a level with the brute creation, and then stigmatize him as a brute in human form with no soul ! ! Christianity, where is thy shame ? Humanity, where is thy blush ? Again, it is urged that white laborers can not endure the climate of the South so as to take the places of the slaves. This is another assumption which also needs confirmation. The most unhealthy local- ity I know of in the whole South, is in the vicinity of New Orleans ; nearly four years, a good field hand, on a cotton or sugar plantation, would aver- age from four hundred to five hundre d dollars per annum ; while he would earn from five to six hundred in cultivating tobacco. Now as an equivalent for this gain to his master, he received two suits of clothes, made of the very coarsest and cheapest material, and two pairs of coarse brogans (costing then $1 pr pair,) per annum, besides his weekly rations— consisting of one peck of corn meal, three pounds of bacon, and one quart of sirup, with no condiments, (except a little salt,) tea or coffee. In fact nothing else unless pur- chased by himself from the earnings of extra labor performed out of seasonable hours. What outrage upon humanity ! One individual being allow ed to thus amass wealth from the brains and muscles of one thousand or more of his fellow-beings — ifheboable to own that many, as many of them do— lor his profligate children, who know not its value, to squander in debauchery, and riotous licentious living ! Humanitarians of the North ! shall these things be longer endured in a civilized and christian community ? .... Under ordinary circumstances, or the reigD of peace, we could not, constitutionally, and without violating a breach of contract, meddle with it ; but since the people of the South have, themselves, broken down and repudiated all constitutional barriers, let us now break asunder the accursed chains of slavery, and let the bondman go free! 29 yet it is a well known fact that the bulk of the labor performed on the levee is done by white men. Even in the Southern part of Florida 1 have known while men who would go into the cypress swamps and get out as many staves in a day as the most stalwart Negro. In fact, I know of no part oi the South — and 1 have traveled in nearly all parts — where every variety of work is not performed by the poor whites with as much ease and facility as by the blacks. But in the plan which I have proposed for the final settlement of the Negro ques- tion, this objection would be of no force, admitting it to be true, as none of the labor devoted to the production of the staple articles of the South, so necessary to the convenience and industry of the world, would be withdrawn from the United States. In this event the planters of the South could either employ laborers from the overstocked portions of Europe, where they have so great a surplus as to be unable to find remunerative employment, or divide up their plantations into small farms, and each man till his own soil, and earn his bread by the sweat of his brow, the same as the "small- fisted farmers,"' " greasy mechanics," and " filthy operatives " of the North do. Until Slavery be completely eradicated we can have no peace on a firm and durable basis, no matter in what manner the war may finally terminate. So long as it be allowed to exist and increase in numerical strength, the more important it becomes, and the greater the difficulty in removing it. I have not now the data at hand upon which to base a calculation as to its increase in the future ; but it is easy to perceive from the rapid multiplication of their numbers during the past, that at the end of half a century they would number many millions, probably nol far from eighteen or twenty — a beautiful legacy to transmit to posterity ! A ser- vile population of eighteen or twenty millions, kept in a semi-savage state, with wild and untamed passions, ready to burst forth at any moment and overwhelm the whites in their midst, like the sudden eruption of a huge volcano, burying all beneath its ruins ! Owing to the indolence of the whites in the South, and their unnat- ural practices of intermarrying with blood relations to keep the property in the familv, the natural tendency is for them to degenerate and run out, while the negroes are encouraged to breed to an indefinite degree for the profits of the increase. Now with a knowledge of this state of things, it requires no great stretch of prophecy to divine that not many years will elapse before the blacks will commence a war of extermination against, their oppressors — the whites. With a knowledge of these facts staring him full in the face, the pro-slavery man is not satisfied with the natural increase of the evil ; but with a brain frenzied with an unquenchable thirst for gold, and an abnormal passion for lust and power, he madly insists upon importing still greater numbers from the land of their nativity, as if the evil would not of itself increase so as to bring about his destruction soon enough. Notwithstanding this is,' confessedly, the chief Corner- Stone upon which the people of the South have reared their so-called Confederacy, the Democrats have the impudence and effrontery to call us the " Negro 30 Party !" " Negro Worshipers !" " Wooly Heads !" etc. The " Wool," peoraan, and "worship ," too, is all on the other side. This naturally brings ns to the consideration of the next and last great '■ bug-aboo " with which the Democracy pretend to be horrified, and with which they try to frighten people out of their senses when- ever the subject of emancipation is broached, namely : "social equali- ty" and "amalgamation." This is a question of science, governed exclusively by the laws of affinity — mutual attraction and repulsion — which are just as fixed and immutable as is the law of gravitation, or any other law pertaining to the physical Universe ; and, therefore, need not give us any trouble. Wherever there is a wide and marked difference in the plane of development of two individuals, whether they be of the same nationality or no, there is no affinity or attraction, but rather a mutual repulsion. We see this law exemplified in society wherever we go, and under all circumstances. The intelligent seek the society of the intelligent, and the low and undeveloped seek the society of those for whom they have a natual affinity ; and thus " the character of an andividual is known from the company he keeps. " The loafing gambler, whenever he goes to a new place, soon finds his natural level in the numerous gambling-hells which infest all civilized communities ; and he would be just as much out of his element in more refined society, as would be the wise and intelligent in his. Now as it is an undeniable fact that the Negroes, as a race, are on a lower plane of development than the more highly favored races of the Earth, there is no danger of the more intelligent portion of the white race mixing up with them, and thus placing themselves on the same plane of social equality. This they do not, with the same class of persons of their own color ; much less with the blacks, where their wooly hair, black skins, coarse and uncouth features, make them still more repulsive. It is only wilh that class of whites who are degraded below the negro, where we find social equality and amalgamation practically carried out; and judging from the number of " yaller " ones annually turned out in the Southern States, we should say that they have some white people there who are on a rather low plane of devel- opment. So, in these instances, the negro is equal to the white man, and the white man is on a dead level with the negro. But because the Negro is inferior, in many respects, to the Anglo- Saxon white man, is this any reason why he should be degraded still lower, and robbed of his natural rights, " The right to Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness. " In these respects, all men, of all col ors, and of all nationalities, are by nature, free and equal. * *If men would consult their consciences — the God-priuciple within them — in- stead of the musty records of a semi-barbarous age, they would find no authority for human slavery. The greatest difficulty, however, is, that the apologists of slavery have no consciences, or if they have a piece of one, it is like India-rubber— rather stretchy. I have never seen a pro-slavery man, in principle, who had the or- gans of Conscientiousness and Benevolence both largely developed. I have occa- sionally met with such persons in the South who were practically slaveholders ; but I always found them perfectly approachable upon the subject, and free to admit, as well as to deplore, the existence of the evil. In many of the slaveholding States their Statute Laws prohibit their citizen from emancipating their slaves, were they ever so much disposed so to do; thus preventing men from acting according to their conscientious convictions of right and wrong. There are many persons, no doubt, who sincerely believe that slavery 31 If we are to make a distinction in favor of intellectual superiority and social condition, then the more advanced in this respect, would suhjugate and reduce to servitude all of those below themselves, and thus the majority of us would stand a pretty good chance to be en- slaved by our superiors ; and this is just what the people of the South have been advocating for the last ten years. And allow me, right here, to add a few appropriate extracts from some of their leading journals to show the laboring classes, particularly the " mud-sills, " of Democracy, what is in store for them in case the hellish designs of these Infernal Southern Traitors should be successful. ^ A leading and influential paper in South Carolina said : " Slave- ry is the natural and moral condition of the laboring man, whether white or black. " " The great evil of Northern free society is that it is burdened with a servile class of mechanics and laborers unfit for self-government, yet clothed with the attributes and powers of citizens. " " Master and Slave is a relation in society as necessary as that of parent and child, and the Northern States will yet have to introduce it. Their theory of free government is a delusion From the Richmond Enquirer : " Repeatedly we have asked the North, has not the experiment of universal Liberty failed ? Are not the evils of free society insufferable ? And do not most thinking men among you propose to subvert or reconstruct ? still no answer. " "This gloomy silence is another conclusive evidence we have fur- uished, that tree society in the long run, is an impractical form of so- ciety ; it is everywhere, starving, demoralizing and insurrectionary. " We repeat then, that humanity and policy alike forbid the existence of the evils of free society to new and coming generations. " " Two opposite and conflicting forms of society cannot, among civilized men co-exist and endure. " " The one must give way, and cease to exist, and the other become universal." " If free society be unnatural, im- moral, unchristian, it must fall and give place to slave society, a so- cial system as old as the world, as universal as man. '•While it is far more obvious that Negroes should be slaves than is right; but it is upon the same principle that a man deficient in the organs of Time and Tune would say thai a jargon of discordant sound? were good music. He being radically deficient in these organs, in consequence of which he is unable to distinguish one note from another, all sounds, however harsh, and discordant, are alike muscial to his uncultivated ear. So wilh regard to persons who arc deficient in the organs of Conscientiousness; they nre incapable of making nice discrimina- tions between right and wrong, and hence all acts are alike rights to them, so long as their private interests are not affected. If a man be capable of earning live hundred dollars per annum, and it costs only one-fifth of that amount to feed and clothe him, what greater right have you to forcibly appropriate his services, and reserve the additional four hundred for your oicn use, then you would have to knock him down on the highway and take it from him after he had earned it from some one else? Although the legal forms of society may protect you in the former act, there is no difference in the principle; as both the motive and the effect are the same. In either ease, you obtain a considera- tion for which you render m. equivalent. There is this difference, however, in favor of highway robbery: The latter takes hia purse only, leaving him free in mind and body, free in his domestic relations with the privilege of calling his wife and children his own; while slavery robs bis muscles of their elasticity by overtasking them, cramps and dwarfs his mora] and intellectual powers, reduces his manhood to a mere chattle, and sells his wife and children into perpetual bondage to be degraded to a level with the brute creation. 32 whites — for they are only lit for labor and not to direct — yet the 'prin- ciple of slavery is itself right, and does tint depend on difference of com- plexion. " " From the Muscogee (Ala.) Herald. "Free Society! we sicken at the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operatives, small fisted farmers, and moon-struck theorists ?" '' All the Northern and especially the New-England States are de- void of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen. " " The prevailing class one meets with, is that of mechanics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers who do their own drudging, and who are hardly fit for association with a gentleman's body servant. " From the South Side ( Va.) Democrat : " We have got to hating every thing free, from free negroes, down and up, through the whole catalogue — free farms, free labor, free society, free thinking, free chil- dren, free schools, and all belonging to the same school of damnable Isms." " But the worst of all these abominations is the modern system of free schools. The New England system of free schools has been the cause and prolific source of the infidelities and treason that have turned all her deities into Sodom and Gomorrahs, and her land into the common nestling-place of howling bedlamites. We abominate the sys- tem because the schools are free." Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina, said: "All society settles down into capitalists and laborers, the former will own the latter." Here we find the cause and vitalizing principle of the Rebellion pub- lished to the world before the first blow was struck, namely : a firm and settled determination on the part of its originators to overthrow free society and popular government, and substitute in its place a monarchial one, based upon a Lordly Aristocracy and universal Slavery, without distinction of color. They not only propose to overturn and sweep out of existence at one fell swoop our Government and free institutions — "free schools," "free children,'" " free farms," and everything attached to the prefix free — but they also propose to cany us back to the feudal system of kings and barons, with a land monopoly and hereditary aris- tocracy, entailed by laws of primogeniture. While nearly all the monarchies of Europe are abolishing human slavery and liberalizing their institutions — while the autocrat of all the Russias is manumitting millions of serfs and giving freedom to the oppressed of humanity, it remains alone for the chivalrous sons of the South, here in this boasted land of liberty — the once-acknowledged pioneer of human rights throughout the world — to raise the BLACK ENSIGN OF SLAVE PIRACY, and endeavor to roll back the scroll of civilization and reinstate the reign of ignorance and terror which prevailed during the Dark or Middle Ages. This design is the more apparent from more recent confessions coming from the same source since the breaking out of the war. I quote from Be Bow's Beview, the organ of Southern Aristocracy : " The real civilization of a country is in its aristocracv The masses are moulded into soldiers and atisans by intellect, just as matter and the elements of nature are made into telegraphs and steam engines. The poor, who labor all day, are too tired at night to study books. If you make them learned they soon forget all that is not necessary in the com- mon transactions of life." 33 " To make an aristocrat in the future, we must sacrifice a th&usand paupers. Yet we -would by all means make them — make them prom- inent, too, by laws of entail and primogeniture." " Nobodv feels degraded by paying respect and admiration to a no- bleman." " The right to govern resides in a very small minority ; the duty to obey is inherent in the great mass of mankind." " All government begins with usurpation, and is continued by force." " An aristocracy is patriarchal, parental, and representative. The feudal Barons of England were next to the fathers the most perfect rep- resentative government. The King and Barons represented everybody, because everybody belonged to them." " There is nothing to which the South entertains so great a dislike as universal suffrage. Wherever foreigners eettle together in large num- bers, their universal suffrage will exist." " The source of all this infidelity, vice, and national demoralization is attributable, in a great measure, to (he looseness and latitude of the Declaration of Independence, and to the existence of its natural out- growth, the absurd doctrine of universal suffrage.'' "The real contest of to-day is not simply between the North and S utb ; but to determine whether for ages to come our Government shall partake more of the form of monarchies or of moral liberal gov- ernment-. Here we have, in tins last sentence, the whole issue comprised in a nutshell. It is, truly, "to determine whether for ages to come our Government shall partake move of the form of monarchies, or of moral liberal governments." This is the issue which a pro-slavery aristocracy has forced upon us, and there is no other alternative than to accept the challenge and continue the contest till the one or the other of these rep- resentative principles gain the ascendency and prevail. There can be no half-way business about it, it must be either the one thing or the other. But it requires no prophetic vision to tell which will finally tri- umph. The principle of darkness, which is negative, must sooner or !ater yield to the positive principle of light. The Richmond Enquirer hath truly and philosophically said, that " two opposite, and conflicting forms of society can not, among civilized men, co-exist and endure." Never did his Satanic majesty — the Prince of Darkness — utter a profounder and more significant truth. No ! two opposite and antagonistic forms of society can not "co-exist and en- dure " side by side. Talk about the Abolitionists being the cause of the war ! As well might we think of putting an alkali and an acid together without creating an effervescence, or of bringing the antagonistic forces of nature together in the thunder-cloud without a clashing of the electrical elements ! Nature is eternally at war, as it were, with herself in her efforts to throw off the inferior and assume the superior. The law of eternal progress is indellibly stamped upon every atom of matter throughout the vast domain- of Creation, and we can no more resist the onward march of intellect than we can arrest yon Ponderous Globe in its orbitual circuit through the heavens, or bring the fiery comet to a halt as it is carried along its exceutric course through space on the chariot wings of Lightning. Impious mau ! thinkest that thou canst chauge the immutable decrees of Omnipotent Power, and, with thy puny 34 ward and upward is the motto of Universal Nature. Hav^ £ trriedly passed over the ground of the Slavery question, as conn S^ the Resent crisis, let us ™^^Sk£S£- a subject, at present, of the most momentous and vita) impoitance, n *\ iti f*l v * «* VMOEOUS PROSECUTION- OK THR «K TO A SUCCESSFUL TERM1KAT.OX. The people seem to be getting tired and impatient at the , slow : and unwtiatV tory manner in which the war has been allowed to diag 2T* and be"ln to manifest a disposition to have it brought to a close, ahnough it be° fa a manner not tery creditable to the d.gmty of our fhr ughouMh^hole 'civilized wo/d, they would « J ^ fight under the banner of freedom, till the last ^germg , , bfrism be purged from among the people, and the country ^be restored to a fixm and^lasdng peace to>nowotwn s g ^ exorably demand the outpouring of additwnal rivers , the additional sacrifice of thousand 3 ot mdhons of ^; c » fi(je fo prize worth the consideration ? Is it not *««* » S™ d]i U) .,.,. the tree of liberty, after having nurtured it torn a seeai r0W n maturity, and partaken oi ite fruits, as i cos ; to l X> : ions 'and health-giving qualities were then untasted comparatively unknown-? , burden- of w< We. ' "V ; 11( Bnd Go wherever you will throughout the «d jou busir, >nes of mdustrj cai - >■ . distu, S the daily bulletins which ' m T '^i..' , id-, iioi- military matters, • keep - I to army movemen • Should know nothin oma^io murmurmgs from the peop le au me R "t:Z "^o? r Nation, undeveloped in res— ; poor 35 in everything that tends to make a nation great and wealthy, and al- most destitute of everything pertaining to warfare except brave hearts and willing hands, with no mean- of transportation for troops but to march them on foot for hundreds of miles through unbroken forests, and over rugged mountain^, steep declivities and unbridged Rivers ; poorly fed and worse clad, contending, with all these disadvantages, for a series of years with one of the most powerful Nations of Europe on the one hand, and the merciless Indians on the other ! Behold that half.starved and half-naked army at Valley Forge, nearly hurried beneath the snows of a rigorous and inclement winter, with its Noble Commander's head bowed in sorraw and weeping bitter tears of an- guish for the distresses of the young and budding Nation ! How pa- tiently and enduringly that Noble Band of Patriots, leagued together apparantly in a forlorn hope against the aggressions of British tyran- ny, undergo the toils and fatigues of campaign after campaign, sub- mitting to every species of hardship incident to a soldiers life, that you and I might enjoy the blessings of liberty ! 0, then reflect upon the history of the past, and let it not be said that we are the degener- ate sons of such noble sires. Let not our children rise up in judgment against us, and say that we have proved recreant to the trust which our forefathers committed to our keeping. It was to bequeath to their posterity the priceless boon of Liberty, that they so valiantly fought and bled! Shall we do less to transmit the munificent gift unimpaired to ours ? 0. Americans i let me entreat you, then, in the name of Justice and humanity — in the name of Universal Free lorn throughout the World — by the cherished memories of the Past, and the fond hopes of the Future — in behalf of the respect which we owe to our Ancestors, and the love which we bear to our children and our children's children, not to betray the sacred cause in which we are engaged, by yielding to the insolent de- mands of a liberty-hating and unscrupulou- What though il still demand the sacrifice of those whom we fondly cherish and hold Dearest in our affections ? They are uot lost to us, but aro simply changed t > a condition wherein they are still with us in rht and affection, ready I ■ embrace us when we pas.- through the dark portals of death's £> s to i V. [mmortality, and a few short s of time are but a dro the Demi. W tire land with the b of d and leaving us expo el to the i g but the broad canopy of 1 1 We could g ing hand, and ■ them; but le Universal Liberty, which now -com-, to be tottering from tiu , once come down with a c whelming would be the [uire centuries to exhume the broken merits and timbers from the chaotic ruins, and once more rear aloft S >ble Edifice, fully restored to its pristine glory ! But no such sacrifice is required at our hands. All that is now wanted is a union at home, and a vigorous prosecution of the war according to the programme of the President's late Proclamation. It may cost a lew more hundreds of millions yet, but. what of that ? 36 We had better bequeath to posterity a debt of ten times the amount w$ the Union unimpaired, than the mere fragment of a Country shorn of t strength and glory, but unincumbered with a National debt S to er 1 ' migU> m ^ * Hquidated ' but the Utter could ",'; be LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 012 028 275 A