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ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 PEN AND VOICE 
 
 BEING A COMPLETE COMPILATION OF HIS 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 CIVIL, FOLITIC^SlL, A.NL> ]yLILIT,A.RY 
 
 ALSO 
 
 HIS PUBLIC ADDRESSES, MESSAGES TO CONGRESS 
 
 INAUGURALS AND OTHERS 
 
 AS WELL AS 
 
 PROCLAMATIONS UPON VARIOUS PUBLIC CONCERNS, SHOWING HIM 
 
 TO HAVE BEEN THE GREATEST CONSTITUTIONAL STUDENT 
 
 OF THE AGE, AND THE NOBLEST PATTERN FOR FUTURE 
 
 GENERATIONS AMERICA HAS EVER KNOWN 
 
 BY 
 
 G. M. VAN imREN 
 
 Late Colonel U. • Vols. 
 WITH A FIXE STEEL PORTRAIT 
 
 CINCINNATI 
 
 ROBERT CLARKE & CO 
 
 1890 
 
 04^ 
 
£74-57 
 
 Copyright, 1890, 
 By C. M. VAN BUREN. 
 
OF 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 GRANDSON' OF THE 
 
 By his lamented death the ancestral name becomes extinct. 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 which opened to ns the promise of a glorious peace 
 and a happy country in the future. 
 
 These flags now the token of mourning, were then 
 raised in gladness. To-day, in a short hour, Abra- 
 ham Lincoln has been struck down by the hand of 
 an assassin, and we assemble to mingle our grief with 
 that of the loved ones at home, who mourn the hon- 
 est man, the incorruptible patriot, the great states- 
 man, the savior of his country in its crisis. 
 
 [From a Speech by Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson] 
 
 It is not merely the death of Abraham Lincoln — 
 great, good, patient, faithful, sincere as he was — but it 
 is the great nation that has been wounded in her 
 Chief Magistrate, that she had, with great and un- 
 usual eclat, continued in the position, and said, " "Well 
 done, good and faitliful servant." 
 
 [From a Sermon by Rev. Henry W. Bellows.] 
 
 Our beloved president, who had enshrined himself 
 not merely in the coniidence, the respect, and the 
 gratitude of the people, but in their very hearts, as 
 their true friend, adviser, representative, and brother; 
 whom the nation loved as much as it revered, who 
 had soothed our angry impatience in this fearful 
 struggle with his gentle moderation and passionless 
 calm ; who had been the head of the nation, and not 
 the chief of a successful party; and had treated our 
 enemies like rebellious children, and not as foreign 
 foes, providing even in their chastisement for mercy 
 and penitent restoration; our prudent, firm, humble, 
 reverential. God-fearing president is dead. 
 
PREFACE. VU 
 
 [Archbishop McClosky, at St. Patrick's Cathedral, in New York.) 
 
 We pray that those sentiments of mercy, of clem- 
 ency, and of conciliation, that filled the heart of the 
 beloved president we have just lost, may animate the 
 heart and guide the actions of him who in this most 
 trying hour is called to till his j^lace. 
 
 [From a Sermon by his Pastor, Rev. I). Gurley.] 
 
 I have said that the people confided in the late 
 lamented president witli a full and a loving confidence. 
 Probably no man, since the days of Washington, was 
 ever so deeply and firmly imbedded and enshrined in 
 the very hearts of the people as Abraham Linc.oln. 
 Nor was it a mistaken confidence and love. He de- 
 served it, deserved it well, deserved it all. He mer- 
 ited it by his character, by his acts, and by the whole 
 tenor, and tone and spirit of his life. He was simple 
 and sincere, plain and honest, truthful and just, 
 benevolent and kind. His perceptions were quick 
 and clear, his judgments were calm and accurate, 
 and his purposes were good and pure beyond a ques- 
 tion. Always and every-where he aimed, and en- 
 deavored to be and to do right. His integrity was 
 thorough, all-pervading, all-controlling, and incor- 
 ruptible. 
 
 [Public Address by Ralph Waldo Emerson.] 
 
 The president stood before us as a man of the peo- 
 ple. Pie was thoroughly American, had never crossed 
 the sea, had never been spoiled by English insularity 
 or French dissipation ; a quiet, native, aboriginal 
 man, as an acorn from the oak; no aping of foreign- 
 ers, no frivolous accomplishments, Keutuckian born, 
 working on a farm, a flatboatman, a captain in the 
 
Vm PREFACE. 
 
 Blackhawk war, a country lawj^er, a representative 
 in the rural legislature of Illinois — on such- modest 
 foundation the broad structure of his fame was laid. 
 
 How slowly, and yet by happily prepared steps, he 
 came to his place. . . . There, by his courage, 
 his justice, his even temper, his fertile counsel, his 
 humanity, he stood an heroic figure in the center of 
 an heroic epoch. He is the true history of the 
 American people in his time. 
 
 Step by step he walked before them ; slow with 
 their slowness, quickening his march by theirs ; the 
 true representative of the continent ; an entirely 
 public man ; father of his country, the pulse of 
 twenty millions throbbing in his heart, the thought 
 of their minds articulated l)y his tongue. 
 
 IGeneral Banks, at New 0"leans.J 
 
 There is not a man on the continent or globe that 
 will, or can, say that Abraham Lincoln was his 
 enemy ; or that he deserved punishment or death for 
 his individual acts. No, Mr. President, it was because 
 he represented us that he died, and it is for our good 
 and the glory of our nation that God, in his inscru- 
 table providence, has been pleased to do this, while 
 for the late President it is the great crowning act and 
 security of his career. 
 
 [By George Bancroft.] 
 
 But after every allowance, it will remain that mem- 
 bers of the government which preceded the adminis- 
 tration opened the gates to treason, and he closed 
 them ; that when he went to Washington the ground 
 on which he trod shook under his feet, and he left 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 the republic on a solid foandation ; that traitors had 
 seized public forts and arsenals, and he recovered 
 them for the United States, to whom they belonged ; 
 that the Capital which he found the abode of slaves, 
 is now only the home of the free ; that the boundless 
 public domain which was grasped at, and, in a great 
 measure, held for the diftusion of slavery, is now irre- 
 vocably devoted to freedom. 
 
 [From Bishop Simpson's Funeral Oration.] 
 
 But the great cause of the mourning is to be found 
 in the man himself. Mr. Lincoln was no ordinar}^ 
 man, and I believe the conviction has been growing 
 on the nation's mind, as it certainly has been on my 
 own, especially in the last years of his administra- 
 tion. 
 
 By the hand of God he was especially singled out 
 to guide our government in these troublous times, 
 and it seems to me that the hand of God may be 
 traced in many events connected with his history. 
 
 [From a Sermon by Rev. Henry Wnrd Beecher.] 
 
 Who shall recount our martyr's suti'erings for the 
 people? Since the November of 1860, his horizon 
 has been black with storms. By day and by night 
 he trod a way of danger and darkness. 
 
 On his shoulders rested a government, dearer to 
 him than his own life. At its life millions were 
 striking at home ; upon it foreign eyes were lowered, 
 and it stood like a lone island in a sea full of storms, 
 and every tide and wave seemed eager to devour it. 
 
 Upon thousands of hearts groat son-ows and anx- 
 ieties have rested, but upon not one such, and in such 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 were remarkable. He could, upon occasion, rise to 
 the most sublime flight of eloquence. 
 
 His little introductory speech at the Gettysburg 
 Cemetery dedication will outlive the elaborate and 
 eloquent oration delivered by Mr. Everett on the 
 same day. 
 
 I am indebted to J. C. Power, of Springfield, HI., 
 author of the " History of the Attempt to Steal the 
 Body of Lincoln," for the use of the plates of the 
 two views of the " Lincoln 3fonumentJ' 
 
 Excavation for the monument commenced Septem- 
 ber 9, 1869. H is built of granite from quarries at 
 Biddeford, Maine. The rough ashlars were shipped 
 to Quincy, Mass., where they were dressed to perfect 
 ashlars and numbered, thence shipped by railroad to 
 Springfleld. It is 72| feet from east to west, 119J 
 feet from north to south, and 100 feet high. The 
 total cost is about $230,000, to May 1, 1888." All the 
 statuary is orange-colored bronze. The whole monu- 
 ment was designed by Larkin G. Mead, the statuary 
 was modeled in plaster by him in Florence, Haly, and 
 cast by the Ames Manufacturing Co., of Chicopee, 
 Mass. The statue of Lincoln and coat of arms were 
 first placed on the monument; the statue was un- 
 veiled and the monument dedicated October 15, 1874. 
 The infantry and naval groups were j)ut on in Sep- 
 tember, 1877, the artillery group, April 13, 1882, and 
 the cavalry group, March 13, 1883. 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 PEN AND VOICE. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's Verbal Reply to Committee Notifying 
 HIM OF HIS Nomination to the Presidency. 
 
 Af Sprwgfield, III, 31 ay 18, 1860. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: — 
 I tender to you, and tliroiigli you to the Republican 
 National Convention, and all the pe(^])le represented 
 in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done 
 me, which you now formally announce. 
 
 Deeply, and even painfully sensihlc of the great 
 responsil)ility wliicli is inseparable from the high 
 honor, a responsibility which I could ahnost wish had 
 fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men 
 and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names 
 were before the convention, I shall, by your leave, 
 consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, 
 denominated the platform, and without any unneces- 
 sary or unreasonable delay, report to you, Mr. Chair- 
 man, in wanting, not doubting that.the platform will 
 bo fonnd satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully 
 accepted. And now 1 will no longer defer the ])leas- 
 ure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand. 
 
 U3j 
 
14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Springfield, III, May 23, 1860. 
 
 Sir: — I accept the nomination tendered me by the 
 convention over which you presided, of which 1 am 
 formally appraised in a letter of yourself and others 
 acting as a committee of the convention for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 The declaration of principles and sentiments which 
 accompanies your letter meets my approval, and it 
 shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard if in 
 any part. Imi>loring the assistance of Divine Provi- 
 dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings 
 of all who w^ere represented in the convention, to the 
 rights of all the states and territories and people ot 
 the nation, to tlie inviolability of the constitution, 
 and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of 
 all ; I am most happy to co-operate for the practical 
 success of the principles declared by the convention. 
 
 Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 Hon. George Ashmun, Prest. Republican Convention. 
 
 Springfield, III., August 15, 1860. 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — Yours of the 9th, enclosing the 
 letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. 
 The latter is herewith returned according to your re- 
 quest. It contains one of the many assurances I re- 
 ceive from the South, that in no probable event will 
 there be any very.formidable effort to break up the 
 Union. The people of the South have too much 
 of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of 
 the government rather than see it administered as it 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 15 
 
 was administered by the men -who made it. At least, 
 so I hope and beheve. 
 
 I thank yon both for your own letter and a sight of 
 that of Mr. Botts. Yours very truly, 
 John B. Fry, Esq. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln to Thurlow Weed. 
 
 Springfield^ III., August 17, 1860. 
 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — Yours of the loth was received 
 this morning. Douglas is managing the Bell ele- 
 ment with great adroitness. He had his men in 
 Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a 
 result which has badlv alarmed and damaared Breck- 
 enridge, and at the same time has induced the Bell 
 men to suppose that Bell will certainly l)c President, 
 if they can keep a few of the northern states away 
 from us by throwing them to Douglas. But you, 
 better than I, can understand all this. 
 
 I think there will be the most extraordinary eflbrt 
 ever made to carry 'New York for Douglas. 
 
 Y^ou and all others who write me from your state 
 think the effort can not succeed, and I hope you are 
 right. Still it will require close watcliing and great 
 efforts on the other side. Herewith I send you a copy 
 of a letter written at Xew York, which sufficiently 
 ex})!ains itself, and which may or may not give you a 
 valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have 
 been put on the track both here and in Indiana. In 
 both cases the object has been, I think, tlic same as 
 the Hunt movement in Xcw York — to throw states 
 to Douglas. 
 
 In our state we know the thing is engineered by 
 
16 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Douglas men, and we do not believe they can make a 
 great deal oat of it. Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 The President Elect to Tiiuklow Weed. 
 
 Springjield, III., December 17, 1860. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — Yours of the eleventh was received 
 two days ago. Should the convention of governors 
 of which you speak seem desirous to know my views 
 on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge 
 from my speeches that I will be inflexible on the ter- 
 ritorial question; tliat I probably think either the 
 Missouri line extended, or Douglas's or Eli Thayer's 
 popular sovereignty would lose us every thing we 
 gain by the election ; that filibustering for all the 
 South of us, and making slave states of it would fol- 
 low, in spite of us in either case; also, that I proba- 
 bly think all opposition, real and apparent, to the 
 fugitive slave clause of the constitution ought to be 
 withdrawn. 
 
 I believe you can pretend to lind Init little, if any 
 thing, in my speeches, about secession. But my 
 opinion is that no state can in any way lawfully get 
 out of the Union without the consent of the others; 
 and that it is the duty of the president and other gov- 
 ernment functionaries to run the machine as it is. 
 Truly yours, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Interview Published in Kew York Tribune, January 
 30, 1861. 
 I will sufl:er death before I will consent or advise 
 my friends to consent to any concession or compro- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 17 
 
 mise which looks like Imying the privilege of taking 
 possession of the government to which we have a 
 constitutional right; because, whatever I might think 
 of the merit of the various propositions before Con- 
 gress, I should regard any concession in the face of 
 menace as the destruction of the government itself, 
 and a consent on all hands that our system shall be 
 brought down to a level with the existing disorgan- 
 ized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will 
 hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people, 
 and if they desire to call a convention to remove any 
 grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees 
 for the permanence of vested rights, it is not mine to 
 oppose. 
 
 The President Elect to Thurlow Weed. 
 
 Springjield, III., February 4, 1861. 
 
 Dear Sir : — I have both your letter to myself, and 
 that to Judge Davis, in relation to a certain gentle- 
 man of your state, claiming to dispense patronage in 
 my name, and also to be authorized to use my name 
 to advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election 
 to the United States Senate. 
 
 It is very strange that such things should be said 
 by any one. The gentleman you mention did speak 
 to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with the sena- 
 torial election, and I rei>lied in terms of kindness 
 towards Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always 
 with an expressed protest that my name must not be 
 used in the senatorial election in favor of or against 
 any one. Any other representation of me is a mis- 
 representation. 
 2 
 
18 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it will 
 perhaps surprise you to learn that I have information 
 that you claim to have my authority to arrange that 
 matter in J^ew York. I do not believe you have so 
 claimed, hut still so some men say. On that subject 
 you know all I have said to you is "justice to all," 
 and I have said nothing more particular to any one. 
 I say this to reassure you that I have not changed my 
 position. 
 
 In the ho[ie, liowcvcr, that you will not use my 
 name in the matter, I am, yours trul}', 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's Speech at Springfield, February 11, 
 1861, ON Leaving for Washington, to be Inau- 
 gurated AS President. 
 
 Friends : — l^o one who has never been placed in a 
 like position can understand my feeling at this hour, 
 nor the oppressive sadness I feel at this parting. 
 
 For more than a quarter of a century I have lived 
 among 3'ou, and during all that time I have received 
 nothing but kindness at your hands. Here I have 
 lived from my youth, until now I am an old man. 
 Here the most sacred ties of earth were assumed. 
 Here all my children were born; and here one of 
 them lies buried. To you, dear friends, I owe all that 
 I have, all that I am. All the strange, checkered past 
 seems to crowd now ujjon my mind. To-day I leave 
 you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that 
 which devolved upon Washington. Unless the great 
 God, who assisted him, shall be with and aid me, I 
 must fail; but if the same omniscient mind and al- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 19 
 
 mighty arm that directed and protected him shall 
 guide and support me, 1 shall not fail — I shall succeed. 
 Let us all pray that the God of our fathers may not 
 forsake us now. To Him I commend you all. Per- 
 mit me to ask, that, with equal security and faith, 
 you will invoke His wisdom and guidance for me. 
 With these few words I must leave you, for how long 
 I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now hid 
 you an affectionate farewell, 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's Speech at Indianapolis, February 11, 
 
 1861. 
 
 Governor 3Iorfon and Fellow -citizens of the State of 
 Indiana: — Most heartily do I thank you for this mag- 
 nificent reception, and while I can not take to myself 
 any share of the compliment thus paid, more than 
 that which pertains to a mere instrument, an acci- 
 dental instrument, perhaps I should say, of a great 
 cause, I yet must look upon it as a most magnificent 
 reception, and as such, most heartily do thank you 
 for it. You have heen pleased to address 3'ourself to 
 me chiefly in hehalf of this glorious Union in which 
 we live, in all of which you have my hearty sympathy, 
 and, as far as may he within my power, will have, one 
 and inseparahly, my hearty consideration. While I do 
 not expect, upon this occasion, or until I got t<> 
 Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, I will 
 only say to the salvation of the Union, there 
 needs hut one single thing, the hearts of a people 
 like yours. 
 
 The })eople, when they rise in mass in hehalf of the 
 Union, and the liberties of their country, truly may 
 
20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 it be said, " The gates of hell can not prevail against 
 them." In all trying positions in which I shall he 
 placed, and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such, 
 my reliance will be placed upon you and the people 
 of the United States ; and I wish you to remember, 
 now and forever, that it is your business, and not 
 mine; that if the union of these states, and the lib- 
 erties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to 
 any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great 
 deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit 
 these United States, and to their posterity in all com- 
 ing time. 
 
 It is your business to rise up and preserve the 
 Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me, 
 
 I desire they should be constitutionally performed. 
 I, as already intimated, am but an accidental instru- 
 ment, temporary, and to serve but for a limited time, 
 and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind 
 that with you, and not with politicians, not with pres- 
 idents, not with office-seekers, but with you,- is the 
 question. Shall the Union, and shall the liberties of 
 this country be preserved to tlie latest generation ? 
 
 Continued at Indianapolis in the Evening, Before 
 THE Legislature, February 11, 1861. 
 
 Fellow -citizens of the State of Indiana : — I am here 
 to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and 
 still more for the generous support given by your 
 state to that political cause which I think is the true 
 and great cause of the whole country and the whole 
 world. 
 
 Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 21 
 
 when men wrangle by tlie mouth with no certainty 
 that they mean the same thing, while using the same 
 loord, it perhaps were as well if they would keep 
 silence. 
 
 Tlie words ''coercion" and "invasion" are much 
 used in these days, and often with some temper and 
 hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do 
 not misunderstand the meaning of tliose who use 
 tlfem. Let us get the exact definition of these words, 
 not from dictionaries, but from tlie men themselves, 
 who certainly depreciate the things they would repre- 
 sent by the use of the words. What, then, is "coer- 
 cion ? " What is " invasion ? " Would the marching 
 of an army into South Carolina, without the consent 
 of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, 
 be " invasion? " I certainly think it would; and it 
 would be "coercion" also if the South Carolinians 
 were forced to subinit. 
 
 But if the United States should merely hold and 
 retake its own forts and other property, and collect 
 the duties on foreign importations, and even with- 
 hold the mails from places where they were habitu- 
 ally violated, would any or all these things be " inva- 
 sion " or " coercion ? " Do our professed lovers of the 
 Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist 
 coercion and invasion, understand that such things as 
 these on the part of the United States, would be 
 coercion or invasion of a state? If so, their idea of, 
 means to preserve the object of their aflection would 
 seem exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little 
 pills of tlie homeopathists would be much too large 
 for it to swallow. In their view, the L^nion, as a 
 
90 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN S 
 
 family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, 
 but a sort of "free love" arrangement, to be main- 
 tained only on "passional attraction." 
 
 By tbe way, in what consists the special sacredness 
 of a state? I speak not of the position assigned to a 
 state in the Union, by the constitution; but that, by 
 the bond we all recognize. 
 
 That position, however, a state can not carry out 
 of the Union with it. I s[)eak of that assumed 
 primary riglit of a state to rule all which is less than 
 itself, and ruin all wliich is larger than itself. 
 
 If a state and a county in a given case, should be 
 equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of 
 inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the 
 state better than the county? Would an exchange 
 of names be an exchange of rights upon principle? 
 On what rightful i»rinciple may a state, being not 
 more than one-fiftieth part of the nation, in soil and 
 population, break up the nation, and then coerce a 
 proportionally larger subdivision of itself, in the 
 most arbitrary way ? What mysterious right to play 
 tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its 
 people, by merely calling it a state? 
 
 Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing ; I am 
 merely asking questions for you to consider. And 
 now allow me to bid you farewell. 
 
 Speech at Cincinnati, February 12, 1861. 
 Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen: — Twenty-four 
 hours ago, at the capital of Indiana, I said to myself, 
 *'I have never seen so many people assembled to- 
 gether in winter weather." I am no longer able to 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 23 
 
 Say that. But it is what might reasonably have been 
 expected — that this great city of Cincinnati would 
 thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, 
 I am entirely overwhelmed by the magniiicence of the 
 reception which has been given, I will not say to me, 
 but to the President-elect of the United States of 
 America. Most heartily do I thank 3^ou, one and all, 
 for it. I am reminded by the address of your worthy 
 Mayor, that this reception is given not by one politi- 
 cal party; and even if I had not been so reminded by 
 His Honor, I could not have failed to know the fact 
 by the extent of the multitude I see before me now. 
 I could not look upon this vast assemblage without 
 being made aware that all parties were united in this 
 reception. This is as it sliould be. It is as it should 
 have been if Senator Douglas had been elected; it is 
 as it should have been if Mr. Bell had been elected ; 
 as it should have been if Mr. Breckinridge had been 
 elected; as it should ever be when any citizen of the 
 United States is constitutionally elected President of 
 the United States. Allow me to say that I think 
 what has occurred here to-day could not have oc- 
 curred in any other country on the face of the glolie, 
 without the influence of the free institutions wliieli 
 we have unceasingly enjoyed for three-quarters of a 
 century. 
 
 There is no country where the people can turn out 
 and enjoy this day precisely as they please, save under 
 the benign influence of the free institutions of our 
 land. 
 
 I hope that, although we have some threatening 
 national diiflciilties now, while these free institutions 
 
24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 shall continue to be in the enjoyment of millions of 
 free people of the United States, we will see repeated 
 every four years what we now witness. 
 
 In a few short years I and every other individual 
 man who is now living will pass away. I hope that 
 our national difficulties will also pass away, and I 
 hope we shall see in the streets of Cincinnati — good 
 old Cincinnati — for centuries to come, once every four 
 years, the people give such a reception as this to the 
 constitutionally elected President of the whole United 
 States. I hope you will all join in that reception, 
 and that you shall also welcome your brethren across 
 the river to participate in it. We will welcome them 
 in every state in the Union, no matter where they are 
 from. From away South, we shall extend to them 
 a cordial good will, when our present differences 
 shall have been forgotten and blown to the winds 
 forever. 
 
 I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati. 
 That was a year previous to the late presidential elec- 
 tion. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with 
 sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the 
 Kentuckians. I gave as my opinion that we, as Re- 
 }>ublicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, 
 but that they could postpone that result longer by 
 nominating Senator Douglas for the presidency than 
 they could in any otlier way. They did not, in the 
 true sense of the word nominate Douglas, and the 
 result has come certainly as soon as I expected. I 
 also told them how I expected they would be. treated 
 after they should have been beaten ; and I now wish 
 to call or recall their attention to what I then said 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 25 
 
 Upon tliat subject, I tlitMi said : " When we do, as we 
 say, beat yon, you perhaps will want to know \\']iat 
 we will do witli you. We mean to treat you as near 
 as we possil)ly can as Washington, Jeti'erson and 
 Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, 
 and in no way to interfere with your institutions, to 
 abide by all and every compromise of the Constitu- 
 tion; and, in a word, coming back to the original 
 proposition to treat you as far as degenerated men, if 
 we have degenerated, may, according to the examples 
 of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson and 
 Madison. We mean to remember that you are as 
 good as we — that there is no difference between us — 
 other than the difference of circumstances. We mean 
 to recognize and bear in mind always that you have 
 as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as 
 good as we claim to have, and treat you accord- 
 ingly." 
 
 Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren : 
 may T call you such? In my new position I see no 
 occasion, and feel no inclination tc retract a word of 
 this. If it shall not lie nuide good, be assured that 
 the fault shall not be mine. 
 
 Speech at Columbus, February 13,1861. 
 J/r. President and 3Ir. Speaker^ and Gentlemen of the 
 General Assembly : — It is true, as has been said by the 
 president of the Senate, that very great responsibility 
 rests upon me in the position to which the votes of 
 the American people have called me, I am deeply 
 sensible of that weighty responsibility. I can not but 
 know what you all know, that without a name per- 
 
 3 
 
26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 haps Avithout a reason wliy I should have a name, 
 there lias fallen niion me a task such as did not rest 
 even upon the Father of his country, and so feeling I 
 can not l)ut turn and look for the support without 
 which it will be inijjossihle i'or me to perform that 
 great tusk. I turn, then, and look to the great 
 American people, and to that God who has never 
 forsaken them. 
 
 Allusion has been made to the interest felt in re- 
 lation to the policy of the new administration. In 
 this I have received from some a degree of credit for 
 having kept silence, and from others some deprecia- 
 tion. I still think that I was right. In the varying 
 and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and 
 without a precedent which could enable me to judge 
 by the past, it has seemed fitting that before speaking 
 upon the difiiculties of the eonntry, I sliould have 
 gained a view of the whole field so as to be sure after 
 all — at liberty to modify and change the course of 
 policy as future events may make a change necessary. 
 I have not maintained silence from any want of real 
 anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more 
 than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. 
 
 It is a consoling circumstance that when we look 
 out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We 
 entertain difl'erent views upon political questions, but 
 nobody is suifering any thing. This is a most con- 
 soling circumstance, and from it we may conclude 
 that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on 
 God, who has never forsaken this people. Fellow- 
 citizens, what I have said I have said altogether ex- 
 temporaneously, and will now come to a close. 
 
pen and voice. 27 
 
 Speech at Pittsburg, before the Mayor and Common 
 Council, February 15, 1801. 
 
 I most cordially tliank his Honor Maj'or Wilson 
 and the citizens of Pittsburg generally, lor their 
 tlattering reception, I am the more grateful because 
 1 know that it is not given to me alone, but to the 
 cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their 
 good will, and that sincere feeling is at tlie l)ottom of 
 it. And here I may remark, that in every short 
 address I have made to the people, in every crowd 
 through wliicli I have passed, of late, some allusion 
 lias been made to the distracted condition of the 
 countiy. It is natural to expect that I should say 
 something on tliis .subject; but to touch upon it at all 
 would involve an elaborate discussion of a great 
 many c^uestions and circumstances, requiring more 
 time than I can at present command, and would, 
 l»erhaps, commit me upon matters that have not yet 
 fully developed themselves. The condition (^f the 
 country is an extraordinary one, and fills tlic mind of 
 every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to 
 give this subject all the consideration I j»ossibly can, 
 before specially deciding in regard to it, so that when 
 I do speak it may be as nearly right as possilde- 
 When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in 
 opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary 
 to the integrity of the Union, or which will prove 
 inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace 
 of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the 
 time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I 
 hope I may say nothing to disappoint the people 
 
^S ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 generally throughout the country, especially if the 
 expectation has been based upon any thing which I 
 may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the 
 troubles across the river [the speaker pointing south- 
 wardly across the Monongahela, and smiling^, tliere 
 is no crisis but an artitical one. What is there uow 
 to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our 
 friends over the river? Take even their own view 
 of the questions involved, and tliere is nothing to 
 justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, 
 there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be 
 gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by de- 
 signing politicians. My advice to them, under such 
 circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American 
 people only keep their temper on both sides of the 
 line, the troubles will come to an end, and the ques- 
 tion which now distracts the country will be settled, 
 just as surely as all other ditRculties of a like char- 
 acter which have originated in this government have 
 been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep 
 their self-possession, and just as other clouds have 
 cleared away in due time, so will this great nation 
 continue to prosper as heretofore. But, fellow- 
 citizens, I-have spoken longer on this subject than I 
 intended at the outset. 
 
 It is often said that the tarift" is the specialty of 
 Pennsylvania. Assuming that direct taxation i« not 
 to be adopted, the tariff question must be as durable 
 as the government itself. It is a question of national 
 housekeeping. It is to the government what replen- 
 ishing the meal -tub is to the family. 
 
 Every varying circumstance will require frequent 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 29 
 
 modifications as to the amount needed, and the 
 sources of sui»]»Iy. So far tliei'c is little difference of 
 opinion among the jie<ipU'. It is only "whether, and 
 how far, the duties on imports shall be adjusted to 
 fa\'or home productions. In the home market that 
 controvt'i-sy l)eg'ins. One party insists that too much 
 protection oppresses one class for the advantage of 
 another, while the other party argues that with all its 
 incidents, in the long run, all classes are benefited. 
 In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon this 
 subject, which should be a general law to the incom- 
 ing administration. AVe should do neitlier more nor 
 less than we gave peo[)le reason to believe we would 
 when they gave us their votes. . . . 
 
 In regard to the }>lank from Chicago platform, Mr. 
 Lincoln resumed : As with all general pro})ositions, 
 doubtless there will be shades of difference in constru- 
 ing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured 
 judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; 
 some general ideas are about all. I have long tliought 
 to produce any necessary article at liome which can 
 be made of as good quality and with as little laljor at 
 liome as abroad, would be better policy, at .least liy 
 the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such 
 a case the carrying is demonstral)ly a dead loss of 
 labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of 
 value, is it not plain that if equal labor gets a bar of 
 railroad iron out of a mine in Englaiul, and another 
 out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can l»e laitl tlown 
 in a track at home chcajjer than they could exchange 
 ccuintries, at least by the cost of carriage. If there 
 be a present cause why one can be both made and 
 
30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 carried cheaper in money price than the other can he 
 made ■vvitliout carrying, that cause is an unnatural 
 and injurious one, and ought naturally, if not rapidly, 
 to he removed. The condition of the treasury at this 
 time would seem to render an early revision of the 
 tariff indispensahle. The Morrill Tariff hill, now 
 pending before Congress, may or may not become a 
 law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, 
 but if they are generally satisfactory and the bill shall 
 now pass, there will be an end of the matter for the 
 present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the 
 whole subject will be one of the most pressing 
 and important for the next Congress. By the Con- 
 stitution, the executive may recommend measures 
 which he may think proper, and he may veto those 
 lie thinks improper, and it is supposed that he may 
 add to these, certain indirect influences to affect the 
 action of Congress. My political education strongly 
 inclines me against a very free use of any of these 
 means by the executive to control the legislation of 
 tlie country. As a rule, I tliink it better that Con- 
 gress should originate as well as perfect its measures 
 without, external h»ias. I, therefore, would rather 
 recommend to every gentlenuin who knows he is to 
 be a member of the next Congress, to take an enlarged 
 view and inform himself thoroughly, so as to contrib- 
 ute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as 
 shall prove sufficient revenue, and in its other bear- 
 ings, so far as }iossible, be just and equal to all sections 
 of the country and all classes of the people. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 31 
 
 At Albany, X. Y., February 18, 1861, from the 
 Steps of the Capitol. 
 
 Mr. Gonrnor: — T was pleased to receive an invita- 
 tion to visit the capital of the great Empire State of 
 the nation, on my way to the Federal C''a[)ital, and I 
 now thank yon, Mr. (Jovei'nor, and the people of this 
 Capital, and the people of the State of New York, 
 for this most hearty and magniticent welcome. 
 
 If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this 
 time contains a greater population than did the United 
 States of America, at the time she achieved her 
 national independence. I am proud to be invited to 
 pass through your Capital and meet them, as I now 
 have the honor to do. 
 
 I am notified by your Governor that the reception 
 is given without distinction of party. I accept it the 
 more gladly because it is so. Almost all men in the • 
 country, and in any country where freedom of thought 
 is tolerated, attach themselves to political parties. It 
 is but ordinary charity to attribute this to the fact 
 that in so attaching himself to the party which his 
 judgment prefers, the citizen believes he thereby 
 promotes the Ijest interests of the whole country ; and 
 when an election is passed, it is altogether befitting a 
 free people that, until the next election, they should 
 1)0 as one people. The reception you have extended 
 to me to-day is not given to me personally. 
 
 It should not be so, but as the representative for 
 the time being of the majority of the nation. 
 
 If the election had resulted in the selection of either 
 of the other candidates, tlie same cordiality should 
 
32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 have been extended to him as is extended to me this 
 day, in testimony of the devotion of the whole people 
 to the Constitution and the whole Union, and of their 
 desire to perpetuate oar institutions, and to hand them 
 down in their perfection to succeeding generations. 
 I have neither the voice nor the strength to address 
 you at any greater length. I beg you will acce}>t my 
 most grateful thanks for the devotion, not to me, but 
 to this great and glorious free country. 
 
 Afterward in the Assembly Hall as follows, Feb- 
 ruary 18, 1861. 
 
 M7\ President and Gentlemen of the Legislature of Vie 
 State of New York: — It is with feelings of great dith- 
 dence, and, I may say, with feelings of awe, perha[»s 
 greater than I have recently experienced, that I meet 
 you here in this place. 
 
 The history of this great state, the renown of those 
 great men who have stood here, and spoke here, 
 and been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, 
 and incline me to shrink from any attemjit to address 
 you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the 
 generous manner in which you have invited me, and 
 by the still more generous manner in which you have 
 received me, to speak further. 
 
 You have invited and received me without distinc- 
 tion of party. I can not for a moment suppose that 
 this has been done in any considerable degree with 
 reference to my personal services, but that it is done 
 in so far as I am regarded at this time, as the repre- 
 sentative of the majesty of the great nation. I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 33 
 
 doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth, of 
 the ease, and tliis is as it should be. 
 
 It is mueh more gratifying to nie that this i-eeep- 
 tiou luis been given to nie as tlie representative of a 
 free people, than it eould possibly be if tendered as an 
 evidence of devotion to me, or to any one man per- 
 sonal 1}'. 
 
 And now T think it were more iitting that I should 
 close tliese hasty remarks. 
 
 It is true tliat, wliile I hold myself, without mock 
 modesty, the humblest of all individuals that liave 
 ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more 
 difficult task to perform than any one of them. 
 
 You liave generously tendert'd me the united sup- 
 port of the great Kmpire State. For this, in behalf 
 of the nation — in behalf of the present and future of 
 the nation — -in l»elialf of civil and religious lil)erty for 
 all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I 
 do not propose to enter into an explanation of any 
 particular line of itolicy, as to our present difficulties, 
 to be adopted liy the incoming administration. 
 
 I deem it just to you, to myself, and to all, tliat I 
 should see every thing, that I should hear every 
 thing, that I should have every light that can be 
 brought within my reach, in orch-r that when I do 
 so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to 
 take correct and true grounds; and for this reason I 
 don't propose to speak, at this time, of the policy of 
 the government. But when the time comes I shall 
 speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the 
 ]>resent and future of the country — for tlie good both 
 of the Xorth and the South of this country — for the 
 
34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 good of the one and the other, and of all sections of 
 the country. [Rounds of applause.] In the mean- 
 time, if we have patience, if we restrain ourselves, if 
 we allow ourselves not to run ofi" in a passion, I still 
 have confidence that the Almighty, the maker of the 
 universe, will, through the instrumentality of this 
 great and intelligent people, bring us through this as 
 He has through all the other difficulties of our country. 
 Relying on this, I again thank a-ou for this generous 
 reception. 
 
 The President elect en route from Albany to jSTeav 
 York. Speech at Troy, February 18, 18(31. 
 Mr. 3Iayor and Ladies and Gentlemen of {he city of 
 Troy: — I can not fail to remark to you here that, 
 since I entered upon this journey from my home to 
 the Federal Capital, I have never seen a meeting so 
 compact and yet so good-natured as the one before 
 which I now stand. I thank you for this rece}»tion. 
 I thank j'ou, because it is a demonstration made 
 without distinction of party. I appear before you 
 that I may see you and you see me; but with the 
 large attendance of the fair who face this vast assem- 
 blage, I must say I have the best of the bargain. 
 Having said this much in response to your cordial 
 greeting, I will now bid you farewell. 
 
 Speech at Hudson, IST. Y., February 19, 1861. 
 
 Fellow-citizens : — I see that you are providing a 
 
 platform for me. I shall have to decline standing 
 
 upon it, because the President of the companj' [Mr. 
 
 Sloane] tells me that I shall not have time to wait 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 85 
 
 until it is ])r(^u<i:lit (o iiio. As T saifl yosterclay under 
 similar cii'cuinstanccs to anodicr i::atli('i'inix, you niu.st 
 )i<)t draw any iid'orciH'c tliat I lia\e any intention ol" 
 drsi'i'tinu" any ]ilatl'oi'iu ol' wliidi I have any lei^'iti- 
 inate eonnec-tion because 1 do not staiul on yours. 
 Allow me to thank you ibr this sj)lendid reeeption, 
 and I now bid you farewell. 
 
 Speech at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., February 19, 18G1. 
 It is altogether impossible- that I- make myself 
 heard by any considerable pro}»ortion of this vast as- 
 send)lage. I am grateful for this cordial welcome, and 
 I am gratified that this immense multitude has come 
 together, not to meet the individual man, but the 
 man who, for the time being, will humbly but earn- 
 estly represent the majesty of the nation. These 
 recejitions have been given me at other places, and as 
 here, l)v men of different parties, and not l)y one 
 }»arty alone. It shows an earnest effort on the part 
 of all to save, not the country, for the country can 
 save itself, but to save the institutions of the country 
 — those institutions under which, for at least three- 
 quarters of a century, we have become the greatest, 
 the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the 
 world. These manifestations sho"w that we all make 
 common cause for these objects; that if some of them 
 are successful in an election and others "are beaten, 
 those who are beaten are not in favor of sinking the 
 shi[) in consequence of defeat, but are earnest in their 
 })nrpose to sail it safely through the voyage in hand, 
 and, in so far as they nuiv think there has been any 
 mistake in the election, satisfying themselves to take 
 
36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 their chance at setting the matter right the next 
 time. That course is entirely right. I am not sure — 
 I do not pretend to be sure — that in the selection of 
 the individual who has been elected this term, the 
 wisest choice has been made. I fear it lias not. 
 In the purposes and in the principles that have 
 been sustained, I have been the instrument selected 
 to carry forward the atiairs of this government. I 
 can rely upon you, and upon the people of the coun- 
 try; and with their sustaining hand I think that 
 even I shall not fail in carrying the ship of state 
 through the storm. I have only time, in conclu- 
 sion, to bid you an aflectionate farewell. 
 
 Speech at Fishkill Landing, N. Y., Feb. 19, 1861. 
 I appear before you not to make a speech. I have 
 no suiRcient time, if I had the strength, to repeat 
 speeches at every station where the people kindly 
 gather to welcome me as we go along. If I had the 
 strength and should take tlie time, I should not get 
 to Washington until after inauguration, which you 
 must be aware would not tit exactly. That such an 
 untoward eveat might not transpire, I know you will 
 readily forego any further remarks. 
 
 Speech at Peekskill, 'N. Y., February 19, 1861. 
 
 I have but a moment to stand before you and thank 
 you for this cordial reception tendered by your au- 
 thorities. In regard to the difficulties that lie before 
 me, and to whic^h your president has alluded, let me 
 say that if I shall only be as generously and unani- 
 mously sustained as this meeting would seem to indi- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. oi 
 
 cate I shall be, iu my management of public affairs, 
 I shall probably not fail ; but without that sustaining 
 arm T am quite sure that the difficulties that lie before 
 mo will not only be too great for my humble self, but 
 too great for any individual man. I thank you, then, 
 as I have thanked the assembled thousands u})on va- 
 rious occasions as I have passed along my route, for 
 such demonstrations, which, if they mean any thing, 
 mean that I shall be sup|)orted, not only by tlie party 
 who gave me the election, but by the free, intelligent 
 and earnest support of all the parties in the country. 
 
 Speech at New York City, February 20, 1861. 
 
 I am rather an old man to avail myself of such 
 excuses as I am now about to do; yet the truth is so 
 distinct and presses so distinctly upon me, that I can 
 not well avoid it — that is, that I did not understand, 
 when I was brought into this room, that I was to 
 make a speech. It was not intimated to me that I 
 was brought into a room where Daniel Webster 
 and Henry Clay had made speeches^ and where I, in 
 my position, am exi)ected to do something like those 
 men, or at least say something worthy of myself. 
 I, therefore, beg you to make allowance for the cir- 
 cumstances under which I have been by surprise 
 brought before you. I have been very much in the 
 habit of thinking and sometimes speaking on the 
 questions that have agitated the people. If I were 
 disposed to do so, and we were to take up some of the 
 issues, and I was called upon to make an argument, I 
 could do it without much deliberation. But that is 
 not Avhat you desire to have done here tonight. I 
 
38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 • 
 
 liave been occupyiiisj^ the position since election, of 
 silence — of avoiding public speaking. I have been 
 doing so because I thought, upon due consideration, 
 that Avas the proper course for me to take. I am 
 brought before you now to make a speech, while you 
 all approve, more than any thing else, that I have 
 been keej^ing silence. 
 
 It seems to me the response you give to that remark 
 ought to justify me in closing right here. 
 
 I have not kept silence since the presidential elec- 
 tion from any party craftiness or from any indift'er- 
 ence to anxieties that pervade the minds of men in 
 this country. I have kept silence for the reason that 
 it was peculiarly proper for me to wait until the time 
 should come when, according to the custom of the 
 country, I would speak otticially. I hear some one 
 say, " according to the custom of the country." I 
 allude to the custom, on the president's taking the 
 oath of office, of his declairing what course he thinks 
 should be pursued. That is what I mean. The 
 political drama acting before the country at this time 
 is rapidly shifting its scenes. It was eminently fitting 
 that I should wait till the last minute; so that I could 
 chose a position from which I should not be obliged 
 to deviate. 
 
 I have said several times on this journey, and now 
 repeat to you, I shall then take the ground that I 
 think is right — the ground that I shall then think 
 right for the North, the South, the East, the West, 
 and the whole country. And in doing so, I hope to 
 feel no necessity pressing upon me to say any thing in 
 conflict with the Constitution, in conflict with the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 39 
 
 continued union of these United States, in conflict 
 wilh the liljorty of tlie }»eople, nor any thing in con- 
 tliet with any thing whatever 1 have given you reason 
 to expect from me. Now, my friends, have I not said 
 enough ? Now, my friends, there is a ditterence of 
 opinion hetween you and me, aud 1 insist on deciding 
 the (picstion. 
 
 Speech at Trenton, N. J., February 21, 18G1, before 
 THE Senate. 
 
 3Ir. President, and Gentlemen of the Senate of the 
 State of New Jersey: — I am very grateful to. you for 
 the honoraljle recc})tion of which I liave heen the oh- 
 ject. I can not hut remem1)er tlie jjhice that New 
 Jersey hohls in oiir early history. In tlie early rev(j- 
 lutionary struggle, few of the states among the old 
 thirteen had more of the hattle iield of the country 
 within their limits than old New Jersey. May I he 
 l>ardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away 
 hack in my childhood, the earliest days of my heing 
 ahle to read, I got hold of a small hook, such a one 
 as few of the younger memhers have ever seen, 
 *' Weems's Life of Washington.^' I rememher all the 
 accounts then given of the Ijattle fields and struggles 
 for the liherties of the country, and none fixed them- 
 selves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle 
 here at Trenton, New Jersey. 
 
 The crossing of the river; the contest with the 
 Hessians; the great hardshi})S endured at that time, 
 all fixed themselves in my memory, more than any 
 single revolutionary event; and you all know, for you 
 have all heen boys, how these early impressions last 
 
40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, 
 boy even though I was, that there must have been 
 something more than common that these men strug- 
 gled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing 
 which they struggled for; that something even more 
 than national independence; that something that 
 held out a great promise to all the people of the 
 Avorld in all time to come — I am exceedingly anxious 
 that the Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of 
 the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with 
 the original idea for which that struggle was made, 
 and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be an 
 humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and 
 of these, his most chosen people, as the chosen instru- 
 ment — also in the hands of the Almighty — for per- 
 petuating the object of that great struggle. You 
 give me this reception, as I understand, without dis- 
 tinction of party. I learn that this body is composed 
 of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of 
 their best judgment in the choice of a chief magis- 
 trate, did not think I was the man. I understand, 
 nevertheless, that they came forward here to greet me 
 as the constitutional President of the United States 
 — as citizens of the United States, to meet the man 
 who, for the time being, is the representative man of 
 the nation — united by a purpose to perpetuate the 
 Union and liberties of the people. 
 
 As such, I accept the reception more gratefully 
 than I could do did I believe it was tendered to 
 me as an individual. 
 
pen and voice. 41 
 
 Speech at Philadelphia, Pa., February 22, 1861. 
 
 I am tillod with deep oiuotioii tit finding myself 
 standing liere, in this i)lac'0, where were collected the 
 wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to ]>i'iiic!]iK!, 
 from wliicli sprang the institution nndi'r which we 
 live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my 
 hands is the task of restoring peace to the }»resent 
 distracted condition of the country. I can say in re- 
 turn, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain 
 have been drawn, so far as I have been al)le to draw 
 them, from the sentiments which originated and were 
 given to the world from this hall. I have never had 
 a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the 
 Bcntiments embodied in the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. I have pondered over the toils that were en- 
 dured by the officers and soldiers of the army who 
 achieved that independence. I have often incpiired 
 of myself what great principle or idea it was that 
 kept this confederacy so long together. It was not 
 the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from 
 the mother-land, hut that sentiment in the Declaration 
 of Independence which gave liberty not alone to the 
 })eople of this country, but, I hope, to the world for 
 all future time. It was that which gave promise that 
 in due time the weight would be lifted from the 
 shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied 
 in the Declaration of Independence Xow, my 
 friends, can the country be saved upon this basis? If 
 it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men 
 in the world if I can help to save it. If it can not be 
 saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. 
 4 
 
42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 But if this country can not be saved without giving 
 up that principle, I was about to say I would rather 
 be assassinated ou this spot than surrender it. Now, 
 in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need 
 be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. 
 I am not in favor of such a course ; and I may say, in 
 advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it will 
 be forced upon the government, aud then it will be 
 compelled to act in self-defense. 
 
 Speech before the Legislature of Pennsylvania at 
 Harrisburg, Pa., February 22, 1861. 
 
 I appear before you only for a very few, brief re- 
 marks, in response to what has been said to me. I 
 thank you most sincerely for this reception and the 
 generous words in which support has been promised 
 me upon this occasion. I thank your great common- 
 wealth for the overwhelming support it recently 
 gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think 
 a great one, in the late election. Allusion has been 
 made to the fact — the interesting fact, perhaps, we 
 should say — that I for the first time appear at the 
 capital of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 
 upon the Ijirthday of the Father of this country, in 
 connection with that beloved anniversary connected 
 with the history of this country. 
 
 I have already gone through one exceedingly inter- 
 esting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 Under the high conduct of gentlemen, thus I was 
 for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in 
 old Independence Ilall [enthusiastic cheering] to 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 43 
 
 have a few words addressed to mo there, and opening 
 up to me an opportunity of expressing', witli much re- 
 gret, that 1 had not more time to express something 
 of my own feelings, excited by the occasion, some- 
 what to harmonize and give shape to the feelings that 
 had l)een really the feelings of my whole life. IJesides 
 tliis, my friends there had provided a magnificent flag 
 of the country. They had arranged it so that I was 
 given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. 
 And when it went up I was pleased that it went to its 
 place by the strength of my own feeble arm, when 
 according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, 
 and it floated gloriously to the wind, without an acci- 
 dent, in the light, glowing sunshine of the morning, 
 I could not hel[) hoj/mg that there was, in the entire 
 success of that beautiful ceremony, at least something 
 of an omen of what is to come. [Loud applause.] 
 How could I help feeling then as I often have felt? 
 In the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble 
 instrument. I had not provided the flag; I liad not 
 made the arrangement for elevating it to its place ; I 
 had applied but a very small portion of my feeble 
 strength in raising it. In the whole transaction I 
 was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, 
 and if I can have the same generous co-operation of 
 the people of the nation, I think the flag of our 
 countiy may still be kept flaunting gloriously. [Loud 
 enthusiastic and continued cheering.] I reci.r for a 
 moment but to repeat some words uttered at the 
 hotel, in rcgai'd to what has been said ahout the mili- 
 tary support which the general government may ex- 
 
44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 pect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a 
 proper emergency. 
 
 To guard against any possible mistake do I recur 
 to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contem- 
 phite the possibility that a necessity may arise in this 
 country for the use of the military arm. [Applause.] 
 AVhile I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifes- 
 tations ujaon your streets of your military force here, 
 and exceedingly gratified at your promises here to use 
 that force upon a proper emergency — while I make 
 these acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to 
 preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most 
 sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them. 
 [Applause.] That it will never become their duty to 
 shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal 
 blood, I promise that, so far as I may have wisdom to 
 direct, if so painful a result shall any wise be brought 
 about, it shall be through no fault of mine. [Cheers.] 
 
 Allusion has also been made by one of your honored 
 speakers to some remarks made by myself at Pitts- 
 burg, in regard to what is supposed to be the especial 
 interest of this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 
 
 I now wish only to say, in regard to that matter^ 
 that the few remarks which I uttered on that occa- 
 sion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that 
 they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to 
 add to them, or subtract from them. I leave them 
 precisely as they stand [ap[)lause] adding only now 
 that I am pleased to have an expression from you, 
 gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are 
 satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the 
 General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 45 
 
 vaiiia, allow lue to return you iiy-aiu my most Biucere 
 til auks. 
 
 Lincoln's Own Statement of How He Entered AVa.su- 
 INGTON, D. C, Fep.ruary 23, 1861. 
 
 I arrived at Pliiladelpliia on tlie 21st. I agreed to 
 stop over night, and on the foUowing morning to 
 hoist the ilag over Independence Hall. In the even- 
 ing there was a great crowd where I received my 
 friends, at the Continental Hotel. Mr. Judd, a warm 
 personal friend from Chicago, sent for me to eome to 
 his room. I went, and found there Air. Pinkerton, a 
 skillful poliee detective, also fnnn C-hicago, who had 
 been employed for some days in Baltimore, watehing 
 and searching for suspicious persons there. Pinker- 
 ton informed me that a plan had been laid for my as- 
 sassination, the exact time when I expected to go 
 through Baltimore being publicly known, lie was 
 well informed as to the plan, but did not know tliat 
 the conspirators would have pluck enough to execute 
 it. He urged me to go right through with him to 
 Washington that night. I didn't like tliat. I had 
 made engagements to visit Ilarrisburg, and go from 
 there to Baltimore, and I resolved to do so. I could 
 not believe that there was aplot to mni'dcr me. I made 
 arrangements, however, with Mr. Judd for my n-turu 
 to Philadelphia the next night, if I should be con- 
 vinced that there was danger in going through Balti- 
 more. I told him if I should meet at Ilarrisburg, as 
 I had at other places, a delegation to go with me to 
 the next }ilace (then Baltimore), I should feci safe and 
 go on. AVlien I was nuiking my way back to my 
 
46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 room, throng'li crowds of people, I met Frederick 
 Seward. We went together to my room, wlieii he 
 told me that he had been sent, at the instance of his 
 father and General Scott, to inform me that their de- 
 tectives in Baltimore had discovered a plot to assas- 
 sinate me. They knew nothing of Pinkerton's move- 
 ments. I nowhelieved snch a jilot to he in existence. 
 The next morning I raised the flag over Independence 
 Hall, and then went on to Harrishnrg with Mr. Sum- 
 ner, Major (now General) Hunter, Mr. Judd, Mr. La- 
 mon, and others. There I met the Legislature and 
 people, dined, and waited until the time appointed for 
 me to leave. In the meantime, Mr. Judd had so se- 
 cured the telegraph that no communication could 
 pass to Baltimore and give the conspirators knowl- 
 edge of a change in my plans. In New York some 
 friend had given me a new heaver hat in a box, and 
 in it had placed a soft wool luit. I had never worn 
 one of the latter in my life. I had this box in my 
 room. Having informed a very few friends of the 
 secret of my new movements, and the cause, I put on 
 an old overcoat I had with me, and putting the soft 
 hat in my pocket, I walked out of the house at a back 
 door, bareheaded, and without exciting any special 
 curiosity. Then I put on the soft hat and joined my 
 friends without being recognized by strangers, for I 
 was not the same man. Sumner and Hunter wished 
 to accompany me. I said no; you are known, and 
 your presence miglit betray me. I will only take La- 
 mon (now marshal of this district), whom nobody 
 knew, and Mr. Judd. Sumner and Hunter felt hurt. 
 We went back to Philadelphia, and found a message 
 
PEN AXlJ VOICE 47 
 
 there from Piukerton (wlio had returned to Balti- 
 more), tliat the conspirators had lu-ld their luial meet- 
 iiiij; that evening, and it was (h)uhtfiil whether they 
 had the nerve to attempt tlie execution of their pur- 
 pose. I went on, however, as the arrangement had 
 heeii made, in a special train. We were not long in 
 the station at Baltimore. I heard people talking 
 around, but no one particularly observed me. At an 
 early hour on Saturday morning, at about the time I 
 was expected to leave Harrisburg, I arrived in Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Speech at Washington, February 28, 1861, in Re- 
 sponse TO A Serenade by Republican Associations. 
 
 My friends: — I suppose that I may take this as a 
 compliment paid to me, and as such jilease acce})t my 
 thanks for it. I have reached this city of Washing- 
 ton under circumstances considerably dift'ering from 
 those under which any other man ever reached it. I 
 I am here for the purpose of taking an oiRcial posi- 
 tion amongst the people, almost all of whom were 
 ])olitically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, 
 as I suppose. 
 
 I propose no lengthy address to you. I only pro- 
 jiose to say, as I did yesterday, when your worthy 
 -Mayor and Board of Aldermen called upon me, that 
 I thoug-ht much of the ill-feelino: that has existed be- 
 tween you and the people of your surroundings, and 
 that people from among whom I came, has dc]»ended, 
 and now depends, u})on a misunderstanding. 
 
 I hope that if tilings shall go along as prosperously 
 as I believe we all desire they may, I may have it in 
 
48 ■ 
 
 ray power to remove something of the misunderstand- 
 ing; that I may he enahled to convince you, and the 
 people of your section of the country, that we regard 
 you as in all things our equals, and in all things en- 
 titled to the same respect and the same treatment that 
 we claim for ourselves ; that we are in no\\-ise dis- 
 posed, if it were in our power to oppress you, to de- 
 prive you of any of your rights under the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, or over-narrowly to split 
 hairs with you in regard to these rights, hut are de- 
 termined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, all 
 your rights under the Constitution — not grudgingly, 
 hut fully and fairly. (Applause). I hope that, by 
 thus dealing with you, we will hecome better ac- 
 quainted, and be better friends. 
 
 And now, with these few remarks, and again re- 
 turning my thanks for this compliment, and express- 
 ing my desire to hear a little more of your good music, 
 I bid you good-night. 
 
 Inaugural Address at Washington, D. C, 
 March 4, 1861. 
 
 Fellow Citizens of the United States: — In compli- 
 ance with a custom as old as the government itself, I 
 appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, 
 in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, to be taken by the presi- 
 dent before he enters on the execution of his office. 
 
 I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to 
 discuss those matters of administration about which 
 there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehen- 
 sion seems to exist among the people of the Southern 
 
PEN AND VUICE. 49 
 
 States, that bv tliG accession of a Republican adminis- 
 tration, their property and tlieir peace and personal 
 sociirity are to be endangered. There has never been 
 any reasonable canse for such apprehension. Indeed, 
 the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
 while existed, and been open to their inspection. It 
 is found in nearly all the published speeches of him 
 who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of 
 those speeches, when I declare that "I have no pur 
 })0ses directly or indirectly, to interfere with the in- 
 stitution of slavery, in the states where it exists." I 
 believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have 
 no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and 
 elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had 
 made this and many similar declarations, and liad 
 never recanted them. And, more than this, they 
 placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law 
 to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic reso- 
 lution which I now read: — 
 
 ^^Hcsolced, that the maintainance inviolate of the 
 rights of the states, and especially the right of each 
 state to order and control its own domestic institu- 
 tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is 
 essential to that balance of power on which the per- 
 fection and enduram-e of our political fabric depend; 
 and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force 
 of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under 
 what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." 
 
 I now reiterate these sentiments, and, in doing so, I 
 only press upon the public attention the most conclu- 
 sive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the 
 propert}', peace and security of no section are to 
 5 
 
50 ABRAHAM LIXCOLX's 
 
 be in any wise endangered by tbe now incoming 
 administration. 
 
 I add, too, tbat all tlie protection wbich, consis- 
 tently with the Constitution and the laws, can be 
 given, will be cheerfully given to all the states, when 
 lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully 
 to one section as to another. There is much contro- 
 versy about the delivering up of fugitives from serv- 
 ice or labor. The clause I now read is as phainly 
 written in the Constitution as any other of its pro- 
 visions: 
 
 "No person held to service or labor in one state 
 under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, 
 in consequence of any law or regulation therein, bo 
 discharged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
 livered up on claim of the party to whom such service 
 or labor may be due." 
 
 It is scarcely questioned that this provision was in- 
 tended by those who made it for the reclaiming of 
 what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the 
 law-giver is the law. 
 
 All members of Congress swear their support to the 
 whole Constitution, — to this provision as well as any 
 other. To the proposition then that slaves whose 
 cases come within the terms of this clause, " shall be 
 delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if 
 they would make the effort in good temper, could 
 they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and 
 pass a law by means of which to keep good that 
 unanimous oath ? 
 
 There is some difference of opinion whether this 
 clause should be enforced by national or by state au- 
 
PEX AND VOICE. 51 
 
 tliority ; but surely that ditterence is uot a very ma- 
 terial one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be 
 of but little consequence to him or to others by which 
 authority it is done, and should any one in any ease 
 be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely 
 unsubstantial controversy, as to how it shall be kept? 
 
 Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all 
 the safe-guards ot liberty known in civilized and hu- 
 mane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free 
 man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And 
 might it not be well at the same time to provide by 
 law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti- 
 tution which guarantees that " the citizens of each 
 state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immu- 
 nities of citizens in the several states? " 
 
 I take the official oath to-day with no mental reser- 
 vations, and with no purpose to construe the Consti- 
 tution or laws by any hypercritical rules ; and, while 
 I do not chose now to specify particular acts of Con- 
 gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that 
 it will be much safer for all, both in official and pri- 
 vate stations, to conform to and abide by all those 
 acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of 
 them, trusting to find impunity in having them lield 
 to be unconstitutional. 
 
 It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration 
 of a president under our national Constitution. Dur- 
 ing that period, fifteen different and very distinguished 
 citizens have in succession administered the executive 
 branch of the government. They have conducted it 
 through many perils, and generally with great suc- 
 cess. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now 
 
52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 enter upon tlie same task, for the brief constitutional 
 term of four years, under great and peculiar difficul- 
 ties. 
 
 A disni}»tion of the Federal Union, heretofore only 
 menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold, that, 
 in the contemplation of universal law and the Con- 
 stitution, the union of these states is perpetual. Per- 
 ])etuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental 
 law of all luitional governments. It is safe to assert 
 that no government proper ever had a provision in its 
 orga'^iic law for its own termination. Continue to 
 execute all the oxpress provisions of our national 
 Constitution, and the Union will endure forever; it 
 being impossible to destroy it, except by some action 
 not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if 
 the United States be not a government proper, but 
 an association of states in the nature of a contract 
 merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by 
 less than all the parties who made it ? One party to 
 a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but 
 does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? De- 
 scending from these general principles, we find the 
 proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is 
 perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union in 
 itself 
 
 The Union is much older than the Constitution. 
 It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association 
 in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Decla- 
 ration of Independence in 1776. It was further 
 matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states 
 expressly plighted and engaged that it should be 
 perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778; 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 53 
 
 and, finally, in ITi^T, one of the declared objects for 
 ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to 
 form a more perfect Union. But, if the destruction 
 wf the Union by one or by a part only of the states 
 be lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, 
 the Constitution having lost the vital element of 
 perpetuity. 
 
 It follows from these views that no state, upon its 
 own mere motion, can hnvfnlly get out of the Union; 
 that resolves and ordinances to that eftect are legally 
 Void; and that acts of violence within any state or 
 states against the authority of the United States, are 
 insurrectionary or revolutionary according to circum- 
 stances. I therefore consider, that, in view of the 
 Constitution and the laws, tlie Union is unbroken: 
 and, to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as 
 the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, 
 that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed 
 in all the states. Doing this, which I deem to be only 
 a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform 
 it so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, 
 the American people, shall withhold the requisite 
 power, or in some authoritative manner direct the 
 contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a 
 menace, but only as the declared purpose of the 
 Union that it will constitutionally defend and main- 
 tain itself. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed 
 nor violence ; and there shall be none unless it is 
 forced u[)on the national authority. The power con- 
 fided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the 
 propert)/ aiul places helonginff to the Government, and 
 collect the duties and imposts; but, beyond what may 
 
54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 be necessary for these objects, tbere will be no inva- 
 sion, no using of force against or among the people 
 anywhere. 
 
 Where hostility to the United States shall be so 
 great and so universal as to prevent competent resi- 
 dent citizens from holding the Federal offices, there 
 will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among 
 the people for that object. While the strict legal 
 right may exist of the Government to enforce the 
 exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would 
 be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, 
 that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses 
 of snch offices. 
 
 The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furn- 
 ished in all parts of the Union. 
 
 So far as possible, the people every-where shall have 
 that sense of perfect security wdiich is most fiivorable 
 to calm thought and reflection. 
 
 The course here indicated will be followed, unless 
 current events and experience shall show a modifica- 
 tion or change to be proper ; and in every case and 
 exigency my best discretion %vill be exercised accord- 
 ing to the circumstances actually existing, and Avith 
 a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the national 
 troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies 
 and atiections. That there are persons in one section 
 or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all 
 events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will 
 neither affirm nor deny. But, if there be such, I need 
 address no word to them. 
 
 To those, however, who really love the Union, may 
 I not speak? Before entering upon so grave a matter 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 55 
 
 as the dcstriu'tioii of our national fabric, witli all its 
 Itciiefits, its inoniories, and its hopes, would it not be 
 well to ascertain why we do it? Will you hazard so 
 desperate a step, while any portion of the ills you fly 
 from have no real existence ? Will you, while the 
 certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real 
 ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission of 
 so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in 
 the Union if all constitutional rights can be main- 
 tained. Is it true, then, that any right, j)lainly written 
 in the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. 
 Happily the human mind is so constituted, that no 
 party can reach to the audacity of doing this. 
 
 Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a 
 ]ilainly written provision of the Constitution has ever 
 been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a 
 majority should deprive a minority of any clearly 
 Avritten constitutional right, it might, in a moral point 
 of view, justify revolution ; it certainly would, if such 
 right were a vital one. But such is not our case. 
 
 All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals 
 are so plainly assured to them by afiirmations and 
 negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Con- 
 stitution, that controversies never arise concerning 
 them. But no organic law can ever be framed with 
 a provision Bpeeifieally applicable to every question 
 Avhich may occur in practical administration. No 
 foresight can antici[)ate, nor any document of reason- 
 able length contain, express provision for all possible 
 questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered 
 by Xational or by state authority ? The Constitution 
 does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery 
 
56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 in the territories? The Constitution does not ex- 
 pressly say. From questions of this class spring all 
 our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon 
 them into majorities and minorities. If the minority 
 will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the govern- 
 ment must cease. There is no alternative for con- 
 tinuing the government hut acquiescence on the one 
 side or the other. 
 
 If a minority, in such a case, will secede rather 
 than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn 
 will ruin and divide them; for a minority of their 
 own will secede from them, whenever a majority re- 
 fuses to he controlled by such a minority. For 
 instance, wdiy not any portion of a new confederacy, a 
 year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely 
 as portions of the present Union now claim to secede 
 from it ? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
 now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 
 Is there such perfect identity of interests among the 
 states to compose a new Union as to produce harmony 
 only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the 
 central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 
 
 A majority held in restraint by constitutional check 
 and limitation and always changing easily with delib- 
 erate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is 
 the only true sovereign of a free people. "Whoever 
 rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despot- 
 ism. Unanimity is impossible : the rule of a minority 
 as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible ^ 
 so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or 
 despotism in some form is all that is left. 
 
 I do not forget the position assumed by some, that 
 
PEN AND VOICK. 57 
 
 Constitutional questions are to l)C decidcMl by the 
 Supreme Court, nor do I deny that sucli decisions 
 must be binding in any case u[)on the parties to a 
 suit, as to tire object to that suit; while they are also 
 entitled to very high respect and consideration in all 
 parallel cases by otlier departments of the govern- 
 ment ; and, while it is obviously possible that such 
 decision may lie erroneous in any given case, still, the 
 evil effect following it, being limited to that particular 
 case, with the chance that it ma}" l)e overruled and 
 never become a precedent for other cases, can better 
 be borne than could tlie evils of a different practice. 
 
 At the same time, the candid citizen must confess 
 that, if the policy of the government upon the vital 
 questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevoc- 
 ably fixed by the decisions of the Su}»reme Court the 
 instant they are made, as in ordiiuiry litigation be- 
 tween parties in personal actions, the people will have 
 ceased to be their own masters, having to that extent 
 practically resigned their government into the hands 
 of that eminent tribunal. 
 
 Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court 
 or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not 
 slirink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; 
 and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their 
 decisions to political purposes. One section of our 
 countrv believes that slaverv is rifi^ht and ou£:ht to be 
 extended, while the otlier believes it is wrong, and 
 ought not to be extended; and this is the only sub- 
 stantial dispute. And the fugutive-slavc clause of the 
 Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the 
 foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, per- 
 
58 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 haps, as any law can ever be in a community where 
 the moral sense of the people imperfectly sujtports the 
 law itself. The great body of the people abide by the 
 dry, legal obligation in both cases, and a few break 
 over in each. 
 
 This, I think, can not be perfectly cured; and it 
 would be worse in both cases after the separation of 
 the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, 
 now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately re- 
 vived, without restriction, in one section ; while fugi- 
 tive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not 
 be surrendered at all by the other. 
 
 Physically speaking, we can not separate ; we can- 
 not move our respective sections from each other, nor 
 build an impassable wall between them. A husband 
 and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence 
 and beyond the reach of each other; but the different 
 parts of our country can not do this. They can not 
 but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amic- 
 able or hostile, must continue between them. Is it 
 possible, then, to make that intercourse more advan- 
 tageous or more satisfactory after separation than be- 
 fore ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
 can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully en- 
 forced between aliens than laws can among friends ? 
 Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always ; 
 and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain 
 on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions 
 as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. 
 
 This country, with its institutions, belongs to the 
 people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow 
 weary of the existing government, they can exercise 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 59 
 
 their constitutional right of iuiHMiding, or tlieir revo- 
 lutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. 1 ean 
 not be ignorant of the fact, that many worthy and 
 patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national 
 Constitution amended. While I make no reconimen- 
 dation of amendment, I fully recognize the full au- 
 thority of the people over the whole subject, to be 
 exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the 
 iuf^trument itself; and I should, under existing cir- 
 cumstances, favor rather than oj^pose a fair oppor- 
 tunity being afforded the people to act upon it. 
 
 I will venture to add, that to me the convention 
 mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments 
 to originate with the people themselves, instead of 
 only permitting them to take or reject propositions 
 originated by others not especially chosen for the pur- 
 pose, and which might not be precisely such as they 
 would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand 
 that a jtroposed amendment to the Constitution 
 [which amendment, however, I have not seen] has 
 passed Congress, to the efiect that the Federal govern- 
 ment shall never interfere with the domestic institu- 
 tions of states, including that of persons held to ser- 
 vice. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, 
 I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular 
 amendments so far as to say, that, holding such a pro- 
 vision to now be implied constitutional law, I have, 
 no objection to its being made express and irrevoc- 
 able. The chief magistrate derives all his authority 
 from the people, and they have conferred none upon 
 him to fix the terms for the separation of the states. 
 The people, themselves, also can do this if they 
 
60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do 
 with it. Ills duty is to administer the present govern- 
 ment as it came to liis liands, and to transmit it unim- 
 paired by him to his successor. 
 
 Why shouhl there not be a patient coniidence in 
 the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any 
 better or equal hope in the world? In our present 
 difierences, is either party without faith of being in 
 the right ? If the Almiglity Huler of Nations, with 
 his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the 
 x^Torth, or on yours of the South, that truth and that 
 justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this 
 great tribunal — the American people. By the frame 
 of the government under which we live, this same 
 people have wisely given their public servants but 
 little power for mischief, and have with equal wis- 
 dom provided for the return of that little to their own 
 hands at very short intervals. While the people re- 
 tain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by 
 any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously 
 injure the government in the short space of four years^ 
 
 My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well 
 upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be 
 lost by taking time. 
 
 If there be an object to hurry a!iy of you, in hot 
 haste, to a step which you would never take deliber- 
 ately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; 
 but no good object can be frustrated by it Such of 
 you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Consti- 
 tution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the 
 laws of your own framing under it ; while the new 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 61 
 
 administration will liavc no iinniediate power, if it 
 would, to change either. 
 
 If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied 
 liold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single 
 reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, 
 Christianity, and a firm reliance on Ilim who has 
 never yet forsaken this favored land, are still com- 
 petent to adjust, in the best wa^-, all our present diffi- 
 culties. 
 
 In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, 
 and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. 
 The government will not assail you. 
 
 You can have no conflict without being yourselves 
 the aggressors. You can have no oath registered in 
 Heaven to destroy the government; while I shall 
 have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect and 
 defend'' it. 
 
 I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but 
 friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion 
 may have strained, it must not break our bonds of 
 afiection. The mystic cords of mem(»ry, stretching 
 from every battle-field and patriot grave to every 
 living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, 
 will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again 
 touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels 
 of our nature. 
 
 OH : A\ nv SIIOULU THE SPIRIT OF MORTAL BE PROUD. 
 
 [The following poem, written by William Knox, a 
 Scottish poet of considerable talent, has been widely 
 
62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 published. It was a great favorite with President 
 Lincoln, by whom it was often recited.] 
 
 Oh, why should tlie spii'it of mortal be proud? 
 Like a swift, fleeting meteor, a fast-fiying cloud, 
 A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave, 
 He passeth from life to his rest in the grave. 
 
 The leaves of the oak and the willow shall fade, 
 Be scattered around and together be laid ; 
 And the young and the old, and the low and the high 
 Shall molder to dust, and together shall lie. 
 
 The infant a mother attended and loved; 
 The mother that infant's affection who proved; 
 The husband that mother and infant who blessed. 
 Each, all, are away to their dwellings of rest. 
 
 The hand of the king that the scepter hath born ; 
 The brow of the priest that the miter hath worn;* 
 The eye of the sage and the heart of the brave, 
 Are hidden and lost in the depths of the grave. 
 
 The peasant, whose lot was to sow and to reap ; 
 The herdsman, who climbed with liis goats up the steep ; 
 The beggar, who wandered in search of his bread. 
 Have faded away like the grass that we tread. 
 
 The maid on whose cheek, on whose brow, in whose eye 
 Shone beauty and pleasure — her triumphs are by; 
 And the memory of those who loved her and i^raised. 
 Are alike from the minds of the living erased. 
 
 The saint who enjoyed the communion of heaven. 
 The sinner who dared to remain unforgiven. 
 The wise and the foolish, the guilty and just. 
 Have quietly mingled their bones in the dust. 
 
 So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed 
 That withers away to let others succeed ; 
 So the multitude comes, even those we behold, 
 To repeat every tale that has often been told. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 63 
 
 For we are the same our fathers have been ; 
 We see the same sijihts our fathers have seen — 
 Wo drhik the same stream and view the same sun— 
 And run the same course our fathers have run. 
 
 The thoughts we are thinking our fathers would think; 
 From the death we are shrinking our fathers would shrink; 
 To the life we are clinging they also would cling; 
 But it speeds for us all, like a liird on the wing. 
 
 They loved, but the story we can not unfold; 
 They scorned, but tlic heart of the haughty is cold; 
 They grieved, but nu wail from their slumber will come; 
 They joyed, but the tongue of their gladness is dumb. 
 
 They died, aye! they died; we things that are now. 
 That walk on the turf that lies over their l)row, 
 And make in their dwellings a transient abode, 
 Meet the things tiuit they met on their pilgrimage road. 
 
 Yea! liope and despondency, pleasure and pain, 
 We mingle together in sunshine and rain; 
 And the smile ami tli<' tear, the song and the dirge, 
 ytill follow each uthcr, like surge upon surge. 
 
 'Tis the wink of an eye, 'tis the draught of a breath; 
 From the blossom of health to the i)aleness of death, 
 From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud — 
 Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud? 
 
 Lincoln's Letter to Senor Molina, March 17, IStiL 
 
 I am liappy to receive the letters you present, and 
 to recognize you, sir, as Envoy Extraordinary and 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of Nicaragua, near the U. 
 S. In conferring a higher rank upon you, as a token 
 of regard on the part of the Government and people 
 of Nicaragua toward this country, they have done 
 our Government and people an lionor, for which we 
 
64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 are duly grateful ; Avliile they liave also manifested an 
 increased contidence in you, which we can attest is 
 deserved, and thereby have done you a distinguished 
 honor, upon which we congratulate you. On behalf 
 of tlie United States I fully reciprocate toward 3'onr 
 government and people the kind wishes and friendly 
 l)urposes you so generously express toward ours. 
 Please communicate to his Excellency, the President 
 of Nicaragua, my higli esteem and consideration, and 
 my earnest wish for his health, happiness and long 
 life. Be assured, sir, I do not allow myself to donbt 
 that your public duties and social intercourse here 
 will be so conducted as to be entirely acceptable to 
 the government and people of the United States. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Lincoln's Reply to the Delegates frOxM A^iriiINia, 
 April 13, 1861. 
 
 Hon. Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph, Gentle- 
 men: — As a committee of the Virginia Convention, 
 now in session, you present me a preamble and reso- 
 lution in these words: 
 
 " Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the 
 uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to 
 the policy which the Federal executive intends to 
 pursue towards the seceded states is extremely inju- 
 rious to the industrial and commercial interests of 
 the country, tends to keep np an excitement which 
 is unfavorable to an adjustment of pending diffi- 
 culties, and threatens a disturbance of the public 
 peace : therefore, 
 
 '■'■Resolced, That a committee of three delegates be 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 65 
 
 appointed to wait on the President of the United 
 States, present to him this preamble and rcsohition, 
 and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Con- 
 vention the policy which the Federal executive in- 
 tends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." 
 
 In answer, I have to say that, liaving at the begin- 
 ning of my ofhcial term expressed my intended pol- 
 icy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and 
 some mortification that I now learn that there is 
 great and injurious nncertainty in the public mind as 
 to what that policy is, and what course I intend to 
 }>ursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, 
 it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked 
 out ill the inaugural address. I commend a careful 
 consideration of the whole document as the best ex- 
 pression I can give of my purposes. As I then and 
 therein said, I now rej^eat : 
 
 "The power confided to me will be used to hold, 
 occupy, and possess the jjroperty and places belong- 
 ing to the government, and to collect the duties and 
 impt)rts; but beyond wluit is necessary for these ob- 
 jects, tliere will be no invasion, no using of force 
 against or among the people anywhere." 
 
 By the words " jiroperty and places belonging to 
 the government," I chiefly allude to the military 
 })Osts and property which were in the possession of 
 the government when it came to my hands. But if, 
 as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to 
 drive the United States autliority from these places, 
 an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort 
 Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if 
 I can, like places whic-h had been seized before the 
 
 6 
 
66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 government was devolved upon me. And, in any 
 event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by 
 force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has 
 been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause 
 the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the 
 states which claim to have seceded, believing that 
 the commencement of actual war against the govern- 
 ment justifies and possibly demands it. 
 
 I scarcely need to say that I consider the military 
 posts and property situated within the states which 
 claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the govern- 
 ment of the United States as much as they did before 
 the supposed secession. 
 
 Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall 
 not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any 
 armed invasion of any part of the country — not 
 meaning by this, however, that I may not land a 
 force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the 
 border of the country. 
 
 From the fact that I have quoted a part of the 
 inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I re- 
 pudiate any other part, the whole of which I re- 
 affirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails 
 may be regarded as a modification. 
 
 Proclamation, April 15, 1861. 
 
 Whereas, the laws of tlie United States have 
 been for some time past and now are opposed, and 
 the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of 
 South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- 
 sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combination too pow- 
 erful to be surpassed by the ordinary course of judi- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 67 
 
 cial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the mar- 
 shals by hiw ; now, therefore, 1, Abraham Liucohi, 
 President of the United States, in virtue of the 
 power in me vested by the Constitution and tlie laws, 
 have thought fit to call forth and hereby do call forth, 
 the militia of the several states of the Union, to tlie 
 aggregate number of seventy-live thousand, in order 
 to suppress said combination, and to cause the laws 
 to be duly executed. 
 
 The details for the object will be immediately com- 
 municated to the state authorities through the "War 
 Department. I appeal to all local citizens to favor, 
 facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, 
 the integrity and existence of our National Union, 
 and the perpetuity of popular government, and to re- 
 dress laws already long enough endured. I deem it 
 proper to say, that the first service assigned to the 
 forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repos- 
 sess the forts, property, and places which have been 
 seized from the Union ; and in every event, the ut- 
 most care will be observed, consistently with the ol)- 
 jects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruc- 
 tion of, or interference w^ith, property, or any disturb- 
 ance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country ; 
 and I hereby command the persons composing the 
 combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peace- 
 ably to their respective abodes, w^ithin twenty days 
 from this date. 
 
 Deeming that the present condition of public aflairs 
 presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in 
 virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, 
 convene both houses of Congress. The senators and 
 
68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 representatives are, therefore, snmmoued to asseniVjle 
 at their respective chambers at twelve o'clock noon, 
 on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and 
 there to consider and determine such measures as, in 
 their wisdom, the public safety and interest may 
 seem to demand. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have liereunto set my hand, 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be af- 
 lixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day 
 of A[>ril, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of 
 the United States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 AbrahaiM Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln to Governor Hicks and Mayor 
 
 Brown. 
 
 Washington, April 20, 1861. 
 
 Gentlemen: — Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin 
 and Brune is received. I tender you both my sincere 
 thanks for your eflbrts to keep the peace in the try- 
 ing situation in which you are placed. For. the fu- 
 ture, troops 7nust be brought here, but I make no point 
 of bringing them through Baltimore. 
 
 Without any military knowledge myself, of course 
 I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said 
 this morning, in the presence of these gentlemen, 
 '' March them around Baltimore, and not through it."' 
 
 I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, 
 will consider this practical and proper, and that you 
 will not object to it. By this a collision of the people 
 of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 69 
 
 they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will 
 exert your influeiico to prevent this, Now and ever 
 I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with 
 the maintenance of the government. Your ohedient 
 servant, Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln's Keply to Frontier Guards, 
 April 28, 1861. 
 I have desired as sincerely as any man — I sometimes 
 think more than any other man — that our present 
 difficulties might be settled without the shedding of 
 blood. I will not say that all hope is yet gone. But 
 if the alternative is presented, whether the Union is 
 to be broken in -fragments, and the liUerties of the 
 people lost, or blood be shecb y<»ii ^\'ill ju-obaldy make 
 the choice, with which T shall not be dissatislicih 
 
 President Lincoln's Peply to a Baltimore Com- 
 mittee, April 28, 1801. 
 You, gentlemen, come here to me and ask for peace 
 on any terms, and yet have no word of condemnation 
 for those who are making war on us. You express 
 great horror of bloodshed, and yd would not lay 
 a straw in the way of those \\ho are organizing in 
 Virginia and elsewhere to capture this city. The 
 rebels attack Fort Sumter, and your citizens attack 
 troops sent to the defense of the government, and 
 the lives and property in Washington, and yet you 
 would have me break my oatli and surrender the 
 government without a blow. There is no Washing- 
 ton in that — no Jackson in that — there is no manhood 
 or honor in that. I have no desire to invade the 
 
70 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 South ; but I must have troops to defend this Capitah 
 Geographically it lies surrounded hy tlie soil of Mary- 
 land; and mathematically the necessity exists that 
 they should come over her territory. Our men are 
 not moles, and can't dig under the earth; they are 
 not birds, and can't fly through the air. There is no 
 way but to march across, and that they must do. 
 But in doing this, there is no need of collision. Keep 
 your rowdies in Baltimore, and there will be no blood- 
 shed. Go home and tell your people that if they 
 will not attack us, we will not attack them ; but if 
 they do attack us, we will return it, and that 
 severely. 
 
 Proclamation. 
 
 • 
 
 Washington, Friday, May 3, 18G1. 
 Whereas, existing exigencies demand immediate 
 and adequate measures for the protection of the Na- 
 tional Constitution and the preservation of the Na- 
 tional Union by the suppression of the insurrec- 
 tionary combination now existing in several states 
 for opposing the laws of the Union, and obstruct- 
 ing the execution thereof, to which end a mili- 
 tary force, in addition to that called forth by my 
 proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the 
 the present year, appears to be indispensably neces- 
 sary; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
 of the United States, and Commander-in-chief of the 
 Army and ISTavy thereof, and of the militia of the 
 several states wdien called into actual service, do 
 hereby call into the service of the United States forty- 
 two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for 
 a period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and 
 
PEN AND VOICIi;. 71 
 
 to he mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. 
 Tlio pro[)Oi'ti()iis of cacli arm, and llie details of en- 
 rollment, and organization, will be made known 
 through the Department of War; and I also direct 
 that the regular army of tlie United States be in- 
 creased by the addition of eight regiments of in- 
 fantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of 
 artillery, making altogether a maximum aggregate 
 increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the de- 
 tails of which increase will also be made known 
 through the War Department; and I farther direct 
 the enlistment, f«r not less than one, nor more than 
 three years, of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the 
 present force, for the naval service of the United 
 States. The details of the enlistment and organiza- 
 tion will be made known through the Department of 
 the Navy. The call for volunteers hereby made, and 
 the direction of the increase of the regular army, and 
 for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together 
 with the plan of organization adopted for the volun- 
 teers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, 
 will be submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. 
 
 In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co-operation 
 of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted 
 for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for 
 the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and 
 for the speediest possible restoration of peace and 
 order, and with those of happiness and prosperity 
 throughout our country. 
 
 In testimony whereof, T have hereunto set my hand, 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Pone at the city of Washington, this third day of 
 
72 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 May, ill tlie year of our Lord, one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of 
 the United States the eighty-fifth. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To THE Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 Executive 31ansion, 3Iay 11, 1861. 
 Sir : — Lieutenant D. D. Porter was phiced in com- 
 mand of tlie steamer Powhatan, and Captain Samuel 
 Mercer was detached therefrom by my special order, 
 and neither of them is responsible for any apparent 
 or real irregularity on their part in connection with 
 that vessel. 
 
 Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that 
 special service and placed under the direction of the 
 Navy Department, from which he will receive instruc- 
 tions and to which he will report. 
 
 A-^ery respectfully, A. Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln's First Message to Congress, 
 July 4, 1861. 
 
 Having been convened on an extraordinary occa- 
 sion, as authorized by the Constitution, your atten- 
 tion is not called to any ordinary subject of legis- 
 lation. 
 
 At the beginning of the present presidential term, 
 four months ago, the functions of the Federal govern- 
 ment were found to be generally suspended within 
 the several states of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
 bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting 
 only those of the Post-office Department. 
 
 Within these states, all the forts, arsenals, dock- 
 yards, custom-houses, and the like, including the 
 
PEX AND VOICE. 73 
 
 movable and stationary property in and abont them, 
 had been seized, and were held in open hostility to 
 this government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Tay- 
 lor, and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and 
 Fort Sumter m the Charleston JIarbor, South Caro- 
 lina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved 
 eondition ; new ones had been built, and armed forces 
 had been organized, and were organizinii', all avowedly 
 with the same hostile purpose. 
 
 The forts remaining in the ])Ossession of the Fed- 
 eral government in and near these states were either 
 besieged or menaced by war-like preparations, and 
 especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by 
 well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in 
 quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the 
 hitter as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate 
 share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow 
 found their way into these states, and been seized to 
 be used against the government. Accumulations of 
 tlie }iublie revenue, lying within them, had been seized 
 for the same object. The navy was scattered in dis- 
 tant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within 
 the immediate reach of the government. OfHcers of 
 1 he Federal army and navy had resigned in great 
 numbers ; and of those resigning a large proportion 
 had, taken up arms against the government. Simul- 
 taneously, and 111 connection with all this, the purpose 
 to sever the Federal Union was 0})enly avowed. In 
 accordance with this purpose an ordinance had been 
 adopted in each of these states, declaring the states, 
 respectively, to be separated from the national Union. 
 
 A formula for instituting a combined government 
 7 
 
74 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 of these states had been promulgated ; and this ilk-gal 
 organization, in the character of Confederate States, 
 was already invoking recognition, aid and interven- 
 tion from foreign powers. 
 
 Finding this condition of things, and believing it to 
 be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive 
 to ])revent, if possible, the consummation of such at- 
 tempt to destroy the Federal Union, a clioice of 
 means to that end l)ccame indispensable. This choice 
 was made, and was declared in the inaugural address. 
 The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all 
 peaceful measures, before a resort to any stronger 
 ones. It sought onl}' to hold the public places and 
 property not already wrested from the government, 
 and to collect the revenue; relying for the rest on 
 time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a 
 continuance of the mails, at government expense, to 
 the very people who were resisting the government ; 
 and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance 
 to any of the people, or any of their rigl.ts. Of all 
 that which a President might constitutionally and 
 justifiably do in such a case, every thing was forborne, 
 without which it was believed possible to keep the 
 government on foot. 
 
 On the 5th of March [the present incumbent's first 
 full day in office] a letter of Major Anderson, com- 
 manding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of Feb- 
 ruary, and received at the War Department on the 
 4th of March, was, by that Department, placed in his 
 hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion 
 of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown 
 into the fort within the time for his relief, rendered 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 75 
 
 iiecossarv by the limited su}t})ly of provisions, and 
 with a view of holding possession of the same, with 
 a force of less tlian twenty thonsand good and well- 
 disciplined men. This o})inion was concnrred in by 
 all the officers of his command, and their iiuinornndii 
 on the subject were made inclosures of Major A^ider- 
 son's letter. The whole was immediately laid before 
 Lieut. -General Scott, who at once concurred with 
 Major Anderson in o])ini()n. On reflection, however, 
 lie took full time, consulting with other officers, both 
 of the army and the navy, and, at the end of four days, 
 came reluctantly, but decidedly to the same conclu- 
 sion as before. He also stated at the same time that 
 no such sufficient force was then at the control of the 
 government, or could be raised and brought to the 
 ground within the time when the provisions in the 
 fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point 
 of view this reduced the duty of the administration 
 in the case to mere matter of getting the garrison 
 safely out of the fort. 
 
 It was believed, however, that to so abandon that 
 ]tosition, under the circumstances, would be utterly 
 ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to be 
 done would not be fully understood; that by many 
 it would be construed as a part of a colniitanj policy; 
 that at home it would discourage the friends of the 
 Union, embolden its advei'saries, and go far to insure 
 to the latter a recognition abroa<l ; that in fact it 
 would be our national destruction consummated. 
 This would not be allowed. Starvation was not yet 
 upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort 
 Pickens mi^ht be re-inforced. 
 
76 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 This last would be a clear indication of policy, and 
 would better enable the country to accept the evacu- 
 ation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order 
 was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the 
 troops from the steamship Brookljii into Fort Pick- 
 ens, This oi'der could not go by land, but must take 
 the longer and slower route by sea. The first return 
 news from the order was received just one week be- 
 fore the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was 
 that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which 
 vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brook- 
 lyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late ad- 
 ministration (and of the existence of which the 
 present administration, up to the time the order Avas 
 dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumoi-s 
 to fix attention), luid refused to land the troops. To 
 now reinforce Fort Pickens, before a crisis would be 
 reached at Fort Sumter, was impossible, rendered so 
 by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter 
 named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture 
 the government had, a few days before, commenced 
 preparing an expedition, as well adapated as might 
 be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was in- 
 tended to be ultimately used, or not, according to 
 circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for 
 using it was now presented; and it was resolved to 
 send it forward. As had been intended in this con- 
 tingency, it was resolved to notify the governor of 
 South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would 
 be made to provision the fort; and that if the attempt 
 should not be resisted there would be no eftbrt to throw 
 in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 77 
 
 or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice 
 was accor(liii2;ly given; whereupon tlio fort was at- 
 tacked and l)()nd)arded to its fall, without even await- 
 ing the arrival of the provisioning expedition. 
 
 It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction 
 of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-de- 
 fense on the part of the assailants. 
 
 They knew well that the garrison in the fort could, 
 by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. 
 They knew — they were expressly notified — that the 
 giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of 
 the garrison was all which would on that occasion be 
 attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, 
 should provoke more. They knew that this govern- 
 ment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to 
 assail them, but merely to maintain in visible posses- 
 sion, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and 
 immediate dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated, 
 to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjust- 
 ment ; and they assailed and reduced the fort for pre- 
 cisely the reverse object, to drive out the visible 
 authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to 
 iiumediate dissolution. That this was their object 
 the Executive well understood; and having said to 
 tlicm, in the inaugural address, "You can have no 
 conflict without l)eing yourselves the aggressors," he 
 took pains not (uily to keep this declaration good, 
 but also to keep the case so free from the power of 
 ingenious sophistry, as that the world should not be 
 able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sum- 
 ter, with its surroun<rnig circumstances, that ]»()int 
 was reached. Then and there, by the assailants of the 
 
78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 government, began the conflict of arms, without a gun 
 in sight or in expectancy to return tlieir fire, save 
 only the few in the fort Sent to that harbor years be- 
 fore for their own protection, and still ready to give 
 that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, 
 discarding all else, they have forced upon the coun- 
 try, the distinct issue, "Immediate dissolution or 
 blood." 
 
 And this issue embraces more that the fate of these 
 United States. It presents to the whole family of 
 man the question whether a constitutional republic or 
 democracy — ^a government of the people, by the same 
 people — can or can not maintain its territorial integ- 
 rity against its own domestic foes. It presents the 
 question whether discontented individuals, too few in 
 numbers to control administration according to or- 
 ganic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses 
 made in this case, or on any other pretenses, or arbi- 
 trarily without any pretense, break up their govern- 
 ment, and thus practically put an end to free govern- 
 ment upon the earth. It forces us to ask, " Is there, in 
 all republics, this inherent and fatal weakness ?" 
 " Must a government of necessity be too strong for the 
 liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its 
 own existence ?'.' 
 
 So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call 
 out the w^ar power of the government ; and so to re- 
 sist force, employed for its destruction, by force for 
 its })reservation. 
 
 Ths call was made, and the response of the country 
 was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and 
 spirit the most sanguine expectations. Yet none 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 70 
 
 of the states commonly called sliive states, except 
 Delaware, gave a regiment through regular state 
 organization, A few regiments liave been organized 
 within some otliers of those states hy individual en- 
 terprise, and received into the government service. 
 Of course, the seceded states, so called (aud to which 
 Texas had been joined about the time of the inaugu- 
 ration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The 
 Border States, so called, were not uniform in their 
 action ; some of them being almost for the Union, 
 while in others — as Virginia. North Carolina, Tennes- 
 see and Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly 
 repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia 
 was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. 
 A convention, elected by the peo})le of that state to 
 consider this very question of disrupting the Federal 
 Union, was in session at the Capital of Virginia when 
 Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen 
 a large majority oi professed Union men. 
 
 Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many 
 members of that majority went over to the original 
 disuni(jn minority, and, with them, adopted an ordi- 
 dancc for withdrawing the state from the Union. 
 Whether this change was wrought by their great 
 approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great 
 resentment at the government's resistance to that 
 assault, is not definitely known. Although they sub- 
 mitted the ordinance, for ratification, to a vote of the 
 people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more 
 than a month distant, the convention, and the legis- 
 lature (which was also in session at the same time and 
 place), with leading men of the state, not members of 
 
80 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 either, immediately commenced acting as if the state 
 were ah-eadj out of the Union. They pushed mili- 
 tary preparations vigorously forward all over the 
 state. They seized the United States armory at 
 Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near 
 jSTorfolk, They received, perhaps invited, into their 
 state large bodies of troops, with their warlike ap- 
 pointments, from the so-called seceded states. They 
 formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance 
 and co-operation with the so-called •' Confederate 
 states," and sent members to their congress at Mont- 
 gomery. And, linally, tliey permitted the insurrec- 
 tionary government to be transferred to their capital 
 at Richmond. 
 
 Tlie people of Virginia have thus allowed this 
 giant insurrection to make its nest within her bor- 
 ders ; and this government has nb choice left but to 
 deal with it loherc it finds it. And it has the less re- 
 gret, as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed 
 its protection. Those loyal citizens this government 
 is bound to recognize and protect, as l^eing Virginia. 
 
 In the Border States, so called — in fact, the Middle 
 States— there are those who favor a policy which they 
 call "armed neutrality;" that is, an arming of those 
 states to prevent the Union forces passing one way, 
 or the disunion the other, over their soil. This w^ould 
 be^ disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it 
 would be the building of an impassable wall along 
 the line of separation ; and yet not quite an impassa- 
 ble one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would 
 tie the liands of the Union men, and freely pass sup- 
 plies from among them to the insurrectionists, which 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 81 
 
 it could not do as an opo!i enemy. At a stroke, it 
 would take all the trouble ofi' the hands of secession, 
 except only what }»roceeds tVom tlie external bhjck- 
 ade. It would do tor the disunionists that wjiich, of 
 all things, they most desire — feed them well, and give 
 them disunion without a struggle of their owni. It 
 recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obliga- 
 tion to maintain the Union ; and while very many 
 who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, 
 nevertheless, very injurious in effect. 
 
 Recurring to the action of the government, it may 
 be stated that, at first, a call was made for seventy- 
 five thousand militia; and rai)idly following this, a 
 proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the 
 insurrectionary districts by ]>roceedings in the nature 
 of blockade. So far, all was believed to be strictly 
 legal. At this point, the insurrectionsts announced 
 their purpose to enter upon the practice of priva- 
 teering. 
 
 Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three 
 years, unless sooner discharged, and also for large ad- 
 •ditioDS to the regular army and navy. These meas- 
 ures, w^hether strictly legal or not, were ventured 
 upon under what appeared to be a [»o})ular demand 
 and a public necessity; trusting then, as now, that 
 Congress would readily ratify them. It is believed 
 that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional 
 competency of Congress. 
 
 Soon after the first call for militia, it was consid- 
 ered a duty to authorize the commanding general, in 
 proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend 
 the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in 
 
82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to 
 the ordinary processes and forms of law, such indi- 
 viduals as he might deem dangerous to the public 
 safety. .This authority has purposely been exercised 
 but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and 
 propriety of what has been done under it are ques- 
 tioned, and the attention of the country has been 
 called to the proposition that one who is sworn to 
 "take care"' that the laws be faithfully executed 
 should not himself violate them. Of course, some 
 consideration was given to the questions of power 
 and propriety before this matter was acted upon. 
 The whole of the laws which were required to be 
 faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of 
 execution in nearly one-third of the states. Must 
 they be allowed to tinally fail of execution, even had 
 it been perfectly clear, that, by the use of the means 
 necessary to their execution, some single law, made 
 in such extreme tenderness of the citizens' liberty, 
 that practically it relieves more of the guilty than 
 of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be 
 violated ? 
 
 To state the question more directly, are all the 
 laws hut one to go unexecuted, and the government 
 itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated ? Even 
 in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, 
 if the government should be overthrown, when it was 
 believed that disregarding the single law would tend 
 to preserve it ? But it was not believed that this 
 question was presented. It was not believed that 
 any law was violated. The provision of the Consti- 
 tution that " the privilege of the writ of habeas 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 83 
 
 corpus shall not l)e susi»en(lo(l unless when, in cases 
 of i-ebellion or invasion, the ])nbru' safety may require 
 it," is equivalent to a })rovision, is a provision, that 
 such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of re- 
 bellion or invasion, the public safety Jors rc(juire it. 
 It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and 
 that the public safety does require the qualified sus- 
 pension of the privilege of the writ which was au- 
 thorized to be made. ISTow it is insisted that Con- 
 gress, and not the executive, is vested with this 
 power. 
 
 But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or 
 who is to exercise the power; and as the provision 
 was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it can 
 not ])e believed that the framers of the instrument in- 
 tended that in every case the danger should run its 
 course until Congress could be called together, the 
 very assembling of wliich might be prevented, as was 
 intended in this case, by the rebellion. 
 
 Xo more extended argument is now oflered, as an 
 o}>inion at some length will probably be presented by 
 the Attorney-General. AVhether there shall be any 
 legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is 
 submitted entirely to the better judgment of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The forbearance of this government has been so 
 extraordinary and so long continued as to lead some 
 foreign nations to shape their action as if they sup- 
 posed the early destruction of our Xational Union 
 was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the 
 executive some concern, he is now happy to say that 
 the sovereigntv and riy-hts of the United States are 
 
84 ABRAHAM LINCOLX'S 
 
 now every- where practically respected by foreign 
 powers, and a general sympathy with the country is 
 manifested throughout the world. 
 
 The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War 
 and the Navy, will give the information in detail 
 deemed necessary and convenient for 3'our delibera- 
 tion and action ; while the Executive, and all the 
 de[iartments, will stand ready to supply omissions, or 
 to communicate new facts considered important for 
 you to know. 
 
 It is now recommended that you give the legal 
 means for making this contest a short and a decisive 
 one ; that you place at the control of tlic government, 
 for the work, at least four hundred thousand men and 
 four hundred millions of dollars. That number of 
 men is about one-tenth of those of proper ages within 
 the regions where, apparently, all arc willing to en- 
 gage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part 
 of the money value owned by the men who seem 
 ready to devote the whole. A debt of six hundred 
 millions of dollars now, is a less sum per head than 
 was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of 
 that struggle; and the money value in the country 
 now bears even a greater proportion to what it was 
 then^ihan does the population Surely, each iiian has 
 as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as 
 each had then to establish them. A right result, at 
 this time, will be worth more to the world than ten 
 times the men and ten times the money. The evi- 
 dence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt 
 that the material for the work is abundant ; and that 
 it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal 
 
TEN AND VOICE. 85 
 
 RaiK'tidn, and tlio liand of the Kxenitive to give it 
 practical shape and etHcicncj. 
 
 One of tlic greatest perplexxitics of the government 
 is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide 
 for them. In a word, tlio people will save their gov- 
 ernment if the government itself will do its part only 
 indifierently Avell. 
 
 It mitcht seem, at iirst thono-ht, to he of little dif- 
 ference whether the present movement at the South 
 ])e called "secession" or " rehellion." The movers, 
 however, well nndcrstand the difference. At the l)e- 
 ginning, they knew they could never raise their 
 treason to any respectahle magnitude hy any name 
 whiih im[>lies violation of law. They knew their 
 })eople possessed as much of moral sense, as mucli of 
 devotion to law and order, and as much }»ride in, an<l 
 reverence for the liistory and government of their 
 common t-ountry, as any other civilized and patriotic 
 people. They knew they could make no advance- 
 ment directly in the teetli of these strong and nohle 
 sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced hy an in- 
 sidious dehauchingof the puhlic minch They invented 
 an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was fol- 
 lowed by perfectly logical steps, through all the inci- 
 dents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The 
 sophism itself is, that any state of the Union may, con- 
 sistently with the National Constitution, and there- 
 fore lawfully and peacefully withdraw from the Union 
 without the consent of the Union, or of any other 
 state. The little disguise that the supposed right is 
 to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the 
 sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. 
 
86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have been 
 drugging the pul>1ic mind of their section for more 
 than thirty years, and until at length they have 
 brought many good men to a willingness to take uj* 
 arms against the government the day after some as- 
 semblage of men have enacted tlie farcical pretense of 
 taking their state out of tlie Union, who could have 
 been brought to no such thing the day before. 
 
 This sophism derives much, pei'haps the whole, of 
 its current from the assumption that there is some 
 omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a 
 state — to each state of our Federal Union. Our 
 states have neither more nor less j»ower than that 
 reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution — 
 no one of them ever liaving l)een a state out of tlie 
 Union. The original ones jiassed into the Union 
 even before they cast off their British colonial depend- 
 ence; and the new ones each came into the Union 
 directly from a condition of dependence, excepting 
 Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary indepen- 
 dence, was never designated a state. The new ones 
 only took the designation of states on coming into 
 the Union, while that name was first adopted by the 
 old ones in and by the Dechii'ation of Independence. 
 Therein the " United Colonies " were declared to be 
 "free and independent states;" but, even then, their 
 object plainly was not to declare their independence 
 of one another, or of the Union, but directly the con- 
 trary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action 
 before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly shows. 
 
 The express plighting of faith by each and all of 
 the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 87 
 
 two years later, that tlie Union shall l)e [•erpetual, is 
 most conclusive. 
 
 Havina^ never been states, either in substance or in 
 name, outside of the Union, whence this ma_i::ical om- 
 nipotence of '' state rights," assertinu- a claim of power 
 to lawfully destroy the Union itself V Much is said 
 about the ''sovereignty" of the states; Imt the word 
 won is not in the National Constitution ; nor, as is 
 believed, in any of the state constitutions. What is 
 a "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? 
 Would it be far wrong to detine it "a political com- 
 munity without a political superior?" 
 
 Tested by this, no one of our states, except Texas, 
 ever was a sovereignty. * And even Texas gave up 
 the character on coming into the T'uion ; by whi<li 
 act she acknowledged the Constitution of the Ignited 
 States and the hiws and treaties of the United States 
 uuide in pursuance of the Constitution, to l)e for her 
 the supreme law of the land. The states have their 
 status in the Union, and they have no otliei- legal status. 
 If they break from this, they can only do so against 
 law and by revolution. The Union, and not them- 
 selves, separately, procured their independence and 
 their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union 
 gave each of them whatever of independence or lib- 
 erty it has. The Union is older than any of the 
 states, and, in fact, it created them as states. Ori^-i- 
 nally, some dependent colonies made the Union, and, 
 iu turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for 
 them, and made them states, such as they are. 
 
 !N"ot one of them ever had a state constitution inde- 
 pendent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten 
 
88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 that all tlie new states IVamed their c(.)iistitutiousbefore 
 they entered the Union — nevertheless dependent npon 
 and preparatory to coming into tlie Union. Unques- 
 tionably the states have the powers and rights re- 
 served to them in and by the National Constitution; 
 but among them, surely, are not included all conceiv- 
 able powers, however mischievous or destructive ; 
 but, at most, such only as were known in the world, 
 at the time, as governmental powers ; and, certainly, a 
 power to destroy the government itself had never 
 been known as a governmental — as a merely adminis- 
 trative power. This relative matter of national power 
 and state rights, as a principle, is no other than the 
 principle of generality and locality. Whatever con- 
 cerns the whole should be confided to the whole — to 
 the general government; while whatever concerns 
 only the state should be left exclusively to the state. 
 This is all there is of original principle about it. 
 Whether the jS'ational Constitution in defining boun- 
 daries between the two has api)lied the principle with 
 exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all 
 bound by that defining, without question. 
 
 What is now combated, is the position that seces- 
 sion is consistent with the CoiivStitution — is lawful and 
 peaceful. It is not contended that there is any ex- 
 [)ress law for it, and nothing should ever be implied 
 as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. 
 The nation purchased with money the countries out 
 of which several of these states were formed ; is it 
 just that they shall go oft' without leave and without 
 refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the 
 aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 89 
 
 relieve Florida of the aborii:;iiial Iribes; is it just that 
 she shall now Itc otf without consent, or without 
 nuiking any return ? The nation is now in debt for 
 money applied to the heneiit of these so-called se- 
 ceding states in common with the rest; is it just either 
 that creditors shall go unpaid, or tlie remaining states 
 pay the whole? A part of the present national debt 
 was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas ; is it just 
 that she shall leave and'pay no part of this herself? 
 
 Again, if one state may secede, so may another ; 
 and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay 
 the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we 
 notity them of this sage view of ours when we bor- 
 rowed their money? If we now recognize this doc- 
 trine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is 
 difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go, 
 or to extort terms upon wliich they will promise to 
 remain. 
 
 The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of 
 secession. They have assumed to make a national 
 constitution of their own, in which, of necessity, they 
 have either discarded or retained the right of seces- 
 sion, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have 
 discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it 
 ought not to exist in ours ; if they have retained it, by 
 their own construction of ours they show that, to be 
 consistent, they must secede from one another when- 
 ever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their 
 debts, or eft'ecting any other seltish or unjust object. 
 The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon 
 wliich no government can possibly endure. 
 
 If all the states save one should assert the power to 
 
90 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 drive that one out of tlio Union, it is presumed the 
 whole chiss of seceder polititjiaus would at once deny 
 the power, and denounce the act as the greatest out- 
 rage upon state rights. But suppose that precisely 
 the same act, instead of being called "driving the one 
 out," should be called " the seceding of the others from 
 that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim 
 to do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the 
 one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what 
 the others, because they are a majority, may not right- 
 fully do. These politician are subtle, and profound 
 on the rights of minorities. They are not partial to 
 that power which made the Constitution, and speaks 
 from the preamble, calling itself " We, the people." 
 
 It may well be questioned whether there is to-day 
 a majority of the legally qualitied voters of any state, 
 except perhaps South Carolina, in favor of disunion. 
 There is much reason to believe that the Union men 
 are the majority in many, if not in every other one, 
 of the so-called seceded states. The contrary has not 
 been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured 
 to affirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee; for 
 the results of an election, held in military camps, 
 where the bayonets are all on one side of the question 
 voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demon- 
 strating popular sentiment. At such an election, all 
 the large class who are, at once, for the Union, and 
 arjainst coercion, would be coerced to vote against 
 the Union. 
 
 It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the 
 free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers 
 and improved the condition of our whole people be- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 91 
 
 yond any example in the world. Ot* this we now have 
 a striking and an impressive illustration. So large an 
 army as the government has now on foot was never 
 before known, without a soldier in it but who had 
 taken his place there of his own free choice. But 
 more than this ; there are many single regiments 
 whose members, one and another, possess full practical 
 knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and 
 whatever else, whether nseful or elegant, is known in 
 the world ; and there is scarcely one from which there 
 could not be selected a president, ac abinet, a con- 
 gress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to 
 administer the government itself. Nor do I say that 
 this is not true also in the army of our late friends, 
 now adversaries, in this contest; but if it is so, so much 
 better the reason why the government, which has con- 
 ferred such benefits on both them and us, should not 
 be broken up. ^Vhoever, in any section, proposes to 
 abandon sncli a government would do well to con- 
 sider in deference to what principle it is that he does 
 it, what better he is likely to get in its stead, whetlier 
 the substitute will give or be intended to ijive so much 
 of good to the people. There are some fore-shadow- 
 ings on this subject. 
 
 Our adversaries have adopted some declaration of 
 independence, in which, unlike the good old one 
 penned by Jefferson, they omit the words '' all men 
 are created equal."' Why? They have adopted a 
 temporary national constitution, in the preamble of 
 which, nnlike our good old one signed by Washing- 
 ton, they omit " We, the people," and substitute "We, 
 the deputies of the sovereign and independent states." 
 
92 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Why? "Why this deliberate pressing out of view the 
 rights of men and the authority of the people? This 
 is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the 
 Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world 
 that form and substance of government whose lead- 
 ing object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift 
 artilicial weights from all shoulders, to clear the [taths 
 of laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered 
 start and a fair cliance in the race of life. 
 
 Yielding to partial and temporary departures from 
 necessity, this is the leading object of the government 
 for whose existence we contend. 
 
 I am most happy to believe that the plain people 
 understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note 
 that, while in this, the government's hour of trial, 
 large numbers of those in the army and navy who 
 have been favored with the offices liave resigned, 
 and proved fjilse to the hand wliich liad pampered 
 them, not one common soldier or common sailor is 
 known to liave deserted his flag. 
 
 Great honor is due to those officers who remained 
 true, despite the example of their treacherous associ- 
 ates ; but the greatest honor and most important fact 
 of all is the unanimous firmness of the common sol- 
 diers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as 
 known, they have successfully resisted the traitorous 
 efforts of those whose commands but an hour before 
 they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic in- 
 stinct of plain people. They understand, witliout an 
 argument, that the destroying the government which 
 was made by Washington means no good to them. 
 Our popular government has often been called an ex- 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 93 
 
 periment. Two points in it our people have already 
 settled — the successful cstablishuif/, and the suocesst'ul 
 administering of it. One still remains — its successful 
 maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to 
 overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to 
 the world that those who can fairly carry an election 
 can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the 
 rightful and peaceful successors of bullets; and that 
 when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, 
 there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that 
 there can l)e no successful appeal except to l)allots 
 themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a 
 great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they 
 can not take by an election, neither can they. take it 
 by a war; teaching all the folly of being beginners of 
 a war. 
 
 Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of can- 
 did men as to what is to be the course of the govern- 
 ment toward the Southern states after the rebellion 
 shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it 
 proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to 
 be guided by the constitution and t-he laws; and that 
 he will probably have no different understanding of 
 the powers and duties of the Federal government re- 
 latively to the rights of the states and the people, un- 
 der the Constitution, than that expressed in the in- 
 augural address. 
 
 He desires to preserve the government, that it may 
 be administered for all, as it was administered by the 
 men who made it. 
 
 Loyal citizens every-where have the right to claim 
 this of their government, and the government has no 
 
94 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived 
 that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conqnest, 
 or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. 
 
 The constitution provides, and all the states have 
 accepted the provision, that "the United States shall 
 guarantee to every state in this Union a republican 
 form of government." But, if a state may lawfully 
 go out of the Union, having done so, it may also dis- 
 card the republican form of government; so that to 
 prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the 
 end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned: and 
 when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispens- 
 able means to it are also lawful and obligatory. It 
 was with the deepest regret that the Executive found 
 the duty of employing the war power in defense of 
 the government forced upon liim. He could but per- 
 form this duty or surrender the existence of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 No compromise by public servants could in this case 
 be a cure ; not that compromises are not often proper, 
 but that no popular government can long survive a 
 marked precedent, that those who carry an election 
 can only save the government from immediate de- 
 struction by giving up the main point upon which the 
 people gave the election. The people themselves, and 
 not their servants, can safely reverse their own delib- 
 erate decisions. 
 
 As a private citizen, the Executive could not have 
 consented that these institutions shall perish; much 
 less could he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a 
 trust as these free people had confided to him. He 
 felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 9o 
 
 count lliG chances of his own life, in what might fol- 
 low. In full view of his great i-espousibility he has 
 so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will 
 now, according to your own judgnuMil, perform yours. 
 lie sincerely liopes that your views, and your action, 
 nuiy so accord with his as to assure all faitliful citi- 
 zens who have heen disturbed in tlieir rights, of a 
 ciM-tain and speedy restoration to tlieni under tlie 
 Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen 
 our course', without guile and with pure purpose, h-t 
 lis renew our trr.st in (Jod, and go forward without 
 fear and with manly hearts. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Jalij 4, 18G1. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's jMrmorandum of Military Programme. 
 
 July 23, 18t3L 
 
 1. Let the plan for making the blockade effective 
 be pushed forward with all possible dispatch. 
 
 2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and 
 vicinity, under General Butler, be constantly drilled, 
 disciplined, and instructed without more for the 
 present. 
 
 3. Let Baltimore l)e held as now, with a gentle 
 but firm and certain hand. 
 
 4. Let tlie force now under Patterson or Banks he 
 strengthened and made secure in its position. 
 
 5. Let the forces in western Virginia act till further 
 orders according to instruetions or orders from (liene- 
 ral MeClellan. 
 
 G. General Fremont push forward his oi'ganization 
 and operations in the AVest as rapidly as possible, 
 giving rather special attention to. Missouri. 
 
96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the 
 three months' men, be organized as rapidly as possible 
 in their camps, here and about Arlington. 
 
 8. Let the three months' forces who decline to enter 
 the longer service be discharged as rapidly as circum- 
 stances will permit. 
 
 9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward 
 as fast as possible ; and especially into the camps on 
 the tAvo sides of the river here. 
 
 July Ti, 186L 
 When the foregoing shall have been substantially 
 attended to — 
 
 1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or 
 the other of the railroads nearest it) and Strasburg be 
 seized, and permanently held, with an open line from 
 Washington to Manassas, and an open line from ILir- 
 per's Ferry to Strasburg, the military men to iindthe 
 way of doing these. 
 
 2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on 
 Memphis, and from Cincinnati on east Tennessee. 
 
 War Dejmrfmenf, Washington, Aug. 15, 186L 
 Major- General Fremont, St. Louis: — Been answering 
 your messages ever since day before yesterday. Do 
 you receive the answers ? The War Department has 
 notified all the governors yon designated to forward 
 all available force, and so telegraphed you. Have you 
 received these messages? Answer immediately. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
tEN AND VOICE. 97 
 
 Honorable Secretary op AV~ar. 
 
 Executive 3[ansion, Aiujust 17, 1861, 
 3Iy Dear Sir : — Unless there be reason to the contra- 
 ry, not knoAvn to me, make out a commission for Simon 
 (B.) Buekner, of Kentucky, as a brigadier-general of 
 volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General 
 Anderson, and delivered to General Buekner or not, 
 at the discretion of General Anderson. Of course it 
 is to remain a secret unless and until the commission 
 is delivered. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To His Excellency, B. Magoffin, Governor of Ken- 
 tucky. 
 Washington, D. C, August 24, 1861. 
 
 Sir: — Your letter of the 19th inst., in which you 
 urge the removal from the limits of Kentucky of the 
 military force now organized and in camp witliin that 
 state, is received. . I may not possess full and precisely 
 accurate knowledge upon the subject, but I believe it 
 is true that there is a military force in camp within 
 Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, 
 which force is not very large, and is not now being 
 augmented. 
 
 I also believe that some arms have been furnished 
 to this force h}' the United States. 
 
 I also believe this force consists exclusively of Ken- 
 tuekians, having their cam[) in the immediate vicinity 
 of their homes, and not assailing or menacing any of 
 the good people of Kentucky. In all I have done in 
 the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation 
 of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with all the 
 Union-l(jving people of Kentucky. 
 9 
 
98 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 While I have conversed on this subject with many 
 (»f tlie eminent men of Kentucky, including a large 
 majority of her members of Congress, I do not re- 
 member that any one of them, or any otlier person 
 except your excellency and the bearers of your excel- 
 lency's letter, has urged me to move the military force 
 from Kentucky, or to disband it. One very worthy 
 citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the aug- 
 menting of the force suspended for a time. 
 
 Taking all the means within my reach to form a 
 judgment, T do not believe it is the popular wish of 
 Kentucky that this force shall be removed beyond 
 her limits; and, with this impression I must respect- 
 fully decline to remove it. 
 
 I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in 
 the wish to preserve the peace of my own uative State 
 of Kentucky. It is with regret I search for, and can 
 not find, in your not very short letter, any declaration 
 or intimation that you entertain any desire for the 
 preservation of the Federal Union. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Pkivate Letter to Maj.-Gen. Fremont, Sept. 2, 186L 
 
 Two points in your proclamation of August SOtli, 
 give me some anxiety. First. — Should you shodt a 
 man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates 
 would very certainly shoot our best men in their 
 hands, in retaliation; and so, man for man, indefi- 
 nitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no 
 man to be shot, under the proclamation, without first 
 having my approbation and consent. 
 
 Second. — I think there is a great danger that the 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 99 
 
 closing puragM-apli in relation \o tlio confiscation of 
 property, and the liberating slaves of traitorons own- 
 ers, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn 
 tlu'Ri against us — perha})8 ruin our rather fair pros- 
 pect for Kentucky. Allow me, tlierefore, to ask that 
 you will, as of your own nioliou, uiodify that para- 
 graph so as to conform to tho first nwd fourth sections 
 of the Act of Congress entitled, " An Act to Conlis- 
 eate Property used for Insurrectionary Purposes," 
 approved August 6, 18(31, and a copy of which act I 
 liere\\ith send you. This letter is written in a spirit 
 of caution, and not of censure. I send it by special 
 messenger in order that it may certainly and speedily 
 reach you. Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Mrs. General Fremont. 
 
 Washingto}}, D. C, Sept. 12, 1861. 
 3Jy Dear Madam : — Your two notes of to-day are 
 before me. I answered the letter you bore me from 
 (iencral Fremont, on yesterday, and not hearing from 
 you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail, 
 ft is not exactly correct, as you say you were told by 
 the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I had sent Postmas- 
 ter-General P>lair to St. Louis to examine into the 
 de})artment and report. Postmaster-General Blair 
 did go with my approbation, to see and converse 
 with General Fremout as a friend. I do not feel au- 
 thorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my 
 possession without the consent of the writers. No 
 impression has been made upon my mind against the 
 honor or integrity of General Fremont, and 1 now 
 
100 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 enter my protest against being understood as acting 
 in any hostility toward liini. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Hon. Secretary of War. 
 
 Executice 3Iansion, Sepfotiber 18, 1861. 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — To guard against misunderstand- 
 ing, I think fit to say that the joint expedition of tlio 
 army and navy, agreed upon some time since, and in 
 which General W. T. Sherman was and is to bear a 
 conspicuous part, is in nowise to be abandoned, but 
 must be ready to move by the first of, or very early in 
 October. Let all preparations go forward accord- 
 ingly. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Major-General Fremont. 
 
 Washington, September 22, 1861. 
 Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: Colonel 
 Lane, just arrived by special tram, represents Owens- 
 borongh, forty miles above Evansville, in possession 
 of secessionists. Green river is navigable. Owens- 
 borough must be seized. We want a gun-boat sent 
 np from Paducah for that purpose. Send up the gun- 
 boat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Per- 
 haps you had better order those in charge of tlie Ohio 
 river, to guard it vigilantly at all points. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 Hon. O.'H. Browning. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept. 22, 1861. 
 My Dear Sir: — Yours of the seventeenth is just re- 
 ceived ; and coming from you, I confess it astonishes 
 me. That you should object to my adhering to a law, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 101 
 
 which you had assisted in making, and presenting to 
 me, less than a month hefore, is odd enough. But 
 this is a very small part. General Fremont's procla- 
 mation, as to confiscation of property, and the libera- 
 tion of slaves, is purely political, and not witliin the 
 range of military law or necessity. If a commanding 
 general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private 
 owner, for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, 
 he has the right to do so, and to so hold it, as long as 
 the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, 
 because within military necessity. But to say the 
 farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs 
 forever, and this, as well when the farm is not needed 
 for military purposes as when it is, is purely political, 
 without the savor of military law about it. And the 
 same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he 
 can seize them and use them, but when the need is 
 past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future 
 condition. That must be settled according to laws 
 made by law-makers, and not by military proclama- 
 tions. The proclamation in the point in question is 
 simi)ly " dictatorship." It assumes that the general 
 may do any thiny he pleases — confiscate the lands and 
 iVee the slaves of loy'tl [)e()})Ic, as well as disloyal 
 ones. 
 
 And going the whole figure', I have no doubt, 
 would be more po}>ular, with some thoughtless peo- 
 ple, than that which has been done. I>ut I can not 
 assume this reckless position, nor allow others to as- 
 sume it on my responsibility. 
 
 You speak of it as being the only means of saving 
 the government. On the contrary, it is itself the sur- 
 
102 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 render of the government. Can it be pretended that 
 it is any longer the government of the United States 
 — any government of Constitution and laws — wherein 
 a general or a }>rcsident may make permanent rules 
 of property Ly proclamation. 
 
 I do not say Congress might not, with propriety, 
 pass a law on the point, just such as General Fremont 
 proclaimed. I do not say I might not, as a member 
 of Congress, vote for it. What I object to is, that I, 
 as President, shall expressly and impliedly seize and 
 exercise the permanent legislative functions of the 
 government. 
 
 So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No 
 doubt the thing was popuhir in some cpiarters. and 
 would have been more so if it had been a general 
 declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky legisla- 
 ture would not budge till that proclamation was modi- 
 lied; and General Anderson telegraphed me that on 
 the news of General Fremont having actually issued 
 deeds of manumission, a whole company of our vol- 
 unteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I 
 was so assured as to think it probable that the very 
 arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned 
 against us. 
 
 I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to 
 lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we can not 
 hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all 
 against us, and the job on our hands is too large for 
 us. We would as well consent to separation at once, 
 including the surrender of this capital. On the con- 
 trary, if you will give up your restlessness for new 
 positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 103 
 
 which you and other kind friends gave me the elec- 
 tion, and have approved in my public documents, we 
 shall go through triumphantly. 
 
 You must not understand I took my course on the 
 proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same 
 ground in a private letter to General Fremont before 
 I heard from Kentucky. 
 
 You think I am inconsistent because I did not also 
 forbid General Fremont to shoot men under the procla- 
 mation. I understand that jiart to be within military 
 law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General 
 Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adver- 
 saries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, 
 to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs. 
 I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a 
 subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our 
 enemies. 
 
 There has been no thought of removing General 
 Fremont on any ground connected with his procla- 
 m.ition ; and if there has been any wish for his re- 
 moval on any ground, our mutual friend, Sam Glover, 
 can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real 
 necessity for it exists on any ground. Your friend, 
 as ever, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To THE Commander of the Department of the West. 
 Washinffton, D. C, October 24, 1861. 
 Sir: — The command of the Dei>artment of the 
 West having devolved upon you, I propose to offer 
 you a few suggestions. Knowing how hazardous it 
 is to bind down a distant commander in the field to 
 specific lines and operations, as so much always de- 
 
104 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 peiids upon a knowledge of localities and passing 
 events, it is intended, therefore, to leave a considerable 
 margin for the exercise of your judgment and 
 discretion. 
 
 The main rebel army (Price's) west of the Missis- 
 sippi is believed to have passed Dade county in full 
 retreat upon Xurth-western Arkansas, leavingMissouri 
 almost freed from the enemy, excepting in the south- 
 east of the state. Assuming this basis of fact, it seems 
 desirable, as you are not likely to overtake Price, 
 and are in danger of making too long a line from 
 your base of supplies and re-inforcements, that you 
 should give up the pursuit, halt your main army, 
 divide it into two corps of observation, one occupying 
 Sedalia and the other Rolla, the present termini of 
 railroad; then recruit the condition of both corps by 
 re-establishing and improving their discipline and in- 
 structions, perfecting their clothing and equipments, 
 and providing less uncomfortable quarters. 
 
 Of course, both railroads must be guarded and kept 
 open, judiciously employing just so much force as is 
 necessary for this. From these two points, Sedalia 
 and Rolla, and especially in judicious co-operation 
 with Lane on the Kansas border, it would be so easy 
 to concentrate and repel any army of the enemy re- 
 turning on Missouri, from the south-west, that it is not 
 probable any such attempt to return will be made 
 before or during the approaching cold weather. Be- 
 fore spring the people of Missouri will probably be m 
 no favorable mood to renew for the next year the 
 troubles which have so much afflicted and im- 
 proverished them during this. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. lOo 
 
 If you adopt this line of policy, and if, as I antici- 
 pate, you will see no enemy in great force approaching, 
 you will have a surplus of force, which you can with- 
 draw from these points and direct to others, as may 
 lie needed, the railroads furnishing ready means of 
 re-inforcing their main points if necessity requires. 
 Doubtless local uprisings wall for a time continue to 
 occur, but these can be met by detachments and local 
 forces of our own, and will ere long tire out of them 
 selves. 
 
 While, as stated in the beginning of the letter, a 
 large discretion must be and is left to yourself, I feel 
 sure that an indefinite pursuit of Price, or any attempt 
 by this long and circuitous route to reach Memphis, 
 will be exhaustive beyond endurance, and will end in 
 the loss of the whole force engaged in it. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter of the President on the occasion of the 
 Resignation of Gen. Scott. 
 On the first day of November, a. d. 1861, upon his 
 own application to the President of the United States, 
 Brevet Lieutenant-Gen. Winfield Scott is ordered to 
 be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired 
 officers of the army of the United States, without re- 
 duction in his current pay, subsistence or allowances. 
 The American people will hear with sadness and deep 
 emotion that Gen. Scott has withdrawn from the 
 active control of the army, while the President and 
 the unanimous cabinet express their own and the 
 nation's sympathy in his personal afflietion, and their 
 profound sense of the important public services reu- 
 
106 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 dered by him to his country during his long and 
 brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully 
 distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, 
 the Union, and the flag, when assailed by parricidal 
 rebellion. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Upon presenting the foregoing letter the President 
 added : — 
 
 General :— You will naturally feel solicitude about 
 the gentlemen of your staff, who have rendered 3^ou 
 and their country such faithful service. I have taken 
 that subject into consideration, I understand that 
 they go with you to New York. I shall desire them 
 at their earliest convenience, after their return, to 
 make their wishes known to me. I desire you now, 
 however, to be satislied tliat, exce[)t the unavoidable 
 privation of your counsel, and society, which they 
 have so long enjo3'ed, the provision which will be 
 made for them will be such as to render their situation 
 hereafter as agreeable as it has been heretofore. 
 
 Letter on Missouri Matters. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 5, 1861. 
 The governor of the State of Missouri, acting un- 
 der the direction of the convention of that state, j)ro- 
 poses to the government of the United States, that 
 he will raise a military force, to serve within the state 
 as state militia during the war there, to co-operate 
 with the troops in the service of the United States in 
 repelling the invasion of the state and suppressing 
 rebellion therein; the said state militia to be embod- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 107 
 
 icd and to be held in the camp and in the tield, drilled, 
 diseiplincd ami iji^overncd acc()r<ling to the army regu- 
 lations and sulijeet to the Articles of War; the said 
 state militia nut to be ordered out ot the state exeejit 
 for the immediate deiense of the State of Missouri, 
 but to eo-operate with the troops in the service of the 
 United State in military operations witliin the state 
 or necessary to its defense, and when officers of the 
 state militia act Avith officers in the service of the 
 United States of the same grade, the officers of the 
 United States shall command the combined force ; the 
 state militia to be armed, equipped, clothed, sul)sisted, 
 transported, and paid by the United States during 
 sucli time as they shall be actually engaged as an em- 
 bodied military force in the service in accordance 
 with regulations of the United States army or gen- 
 eral orders as issued from time to time. 
 
 In order that the Treasury of the United States 
 may not be burdened with the pay of unnecessary 
 officers, the governor proposes that, although the 
 state law i-e([uii'cs him to appoint ujion the general 
 statf an adjutatant-general, a commissary-general, an 
 inspector-general, a quartermaster-general, a pay- 
 master-general, and a surgeon-general, each with the 
 rank of colonel of cavalry, yet he proposes that the 
 government of the United States pay only the adju- 
 tant-general, the quartermaster-general, and the in- 
 si)ector-general, their services being necessary in the 
 relations which would exist between the state militia 
 and the United States. 
 
 The governor further proposes that, while he is 
 allowed by the state law to appoint aides-de-camp to 
 
108 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the governor at his discretion, with the rank of col- 
 onel, three only shall be reported to the United States 
 for payment. He also proposes that the state militia 
 shall be commanded by a single major-general, and 
 by such num])er of brigadier-generals as shall allow 
 one for a brigade of not less than four regmients, and 
 that no greater number of staff officers shall be ap- 
 pointed for regimental, brigade and division duties 
 than is }>rovided for in the act of Congress of the 
 22d of July, 1861, and that whatever be the rank of 
 such officers as fixed l)y the law of the state, the com- 
 pensation that they shall receive from the United 
 States shall only be that which belongs to the rank 
 given by said act of Congress to officers in the United 
 States service performing the same duties. 
 
 The field officers of a regiment in the state militia 
 are one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major, 
 and the company officers are a captain, a first lieuten- 
 ant, and a second lieutenant. 
 
 The governor proposes that, as the money to be 
 disbursed is the money of the United States, such 
 staff officers in the service of the United States as 
 may be necessary to act as disbursing officers for the 
 state militia shall be assigned by the War Department 
 for that duty; or, if such can not be spared from 
 their present duty, he will appoint such persons dis- 
 bursing officers for the state militia as the President 
 of the United States may designate. Such regula- 
 tions as may be required, in the judgment of the 
 president, to insure regularity of returns and to pro- 
 tect the United States from any fraudulent practices. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 100 
 
 shall be observed and ube^ed l)y all in otiicu in tlic 
 state militia. 
 
 The above propositions are accepted on the part of 
 United States, and the Secretary of War is directed 
 to make the necessary orders upon the ordnance, 
 commissary, pay and medical department to carry 
 this agreement into effect. He will cause the neces- 
 sary staff ofHcers in the United States service to be 
 detailed for duty in connection with the Missouri 
 state militia, and will order them to make the neces- 
 sary provision in their res[iective offices for fulfilling 
 this agreement. All requisitions upon tlie different 
 officers of the United States, under this agreement, 
 to be made in substance in the same mode for the 
 Missouri state militia, as similar requisitions are made 
 for troops in the service of the United States, and the 
 Secretary of War will cause any additional regula- 
 tions that may be necessary to insure regularity and 
 economy in carrj'ing this agreement into effect to be 
 adopted and communicated to the governor of Mis- 
 souri, for the government of the Missouri state 
 militia. 
 
 November 6, 1861. 
 
 This plan approved, with the uiodification that the 
 governor stipulates that when he commissions a ma- 
 jor-general of militia, it shall be the same person at 
 the time in command of the United States Depart- 
 ment of the West ; and in case the United States shall 
 change such commander of the department, he, the 
 Governor, will revoke the state commission given to 
 person relieved, and give one to the person substi- 
 
liO ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 tilted to the United States command of said depart- 
 ment. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major- General H. W. Halleck, Commanding in 
 THE Department of Missouri. 
 
 December 2, 1861. 
 
 General: — As an insurrection exists in the United 
 States and is in arms in the State of Missouri, jon 
 are hereby authorized and empowered to suspend the 
 writ of habeas corpus within the limits of the military 
 division under your command, and to exercise mar- 
 tial law as you find it necessary In your discretion, to 
 secure the public safety and the authority of the 
 United States. 
 
 In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
 and cause the seal of the United States to be afhxed, 
 tt Washington, this second day of December, a. d. 
 1861. A. Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln's First Annual Message, Decem- 
 ber 3, 1861. 
 
 Fellow -citizens of the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives : — In the midst of unprecedented political 
 troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God 
 for unusual good health and most abundant har- 
 vests. 
 
 You will not be surprised to learn that in the pecu- 
 liar exigencies of the times, our intercourse with for- 
 eign nations has been attended with profound solic- 
 itude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. 
 
 A disloyal portion of the American people have, 
 during the whole year, been engaged in an attempt 
 
PEN AND VOICE. Ill 
 
 to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which 
 endures factious domestic divisions, is exposed to dis- 
 respect abroad ; and one party, if not both, is sure, 
 sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention. 
 
 Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always 
 able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and 
 ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted un- 
 der such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and 
 injurious to those adopting them. 
 
 The disloyal citizens of the United States, who have 
 otiered the ruin of our country in return for the aid 
 and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have 
 received less patronage and encouragement than they 
 probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the 
 insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations 
 in this case, discarding all moral, social, and treaty 
 obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the 
 speedy restoration of commerce, including especially, 
 the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear, as 
 yet, not to have seen their way to their object more 
 directly or clearly through the destruction than 
 through the preservation of the Union. If we could 
 dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by 
 no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound 
 argument could be made to show them that they can 
 reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to 
 crush this rebeUion than by giving encouragement 
 to it. 
 
 The principal lever relied on by these insurgents 
 for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as 
 already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce. 
 Those nations, however, not improbably, saw from 
 
112 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the first that it was the Union which made as well 
 our foreign as our domestic commerce. They can 
 scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for dis- 
 union produces the existing difficulty ; and that one 
 strong nation promises more durable peace, and a 
 more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce, than 
 can the same nation broken into hostile fragments. 
 It is not my purpose to review our discussions with 
 foreign states, because whatever might be their wishes 
 or dispositions, the integrity of our country, and the 
 stability of our government, mainly depend not upon 
 them, but upon the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and 
 intelligence of the American people. The corre- 
 spondence itself, with the usual reservations, is here- 
 with submitted. I venture to hope it will appear 
 that we have practiced prudence and liberality to- 
 ward foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, 
 and, with firmness, maintaining our own rights and 
 honor. 
 
 Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every 
 other state, foreign dangers necessarily attend domes- 
 tic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample 
 measures be adopted for maintaining the public de- 
 fenses on every side. While, under this general recom- 
 mendation, provision for defending our sea-coast line 
 readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same con- 
 nection, ask the attention of Congress to our great 
 lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifica- 
 tions and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor 
 and navigation improvements, all at well selected 
 points upon these, would be of great importance to 
 the national defense and preservation. I ask atten- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 11 
 
 tion to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed 
 in his report, upon the same general subject. . . . 
 
 By tlic act of the 5th of August last, Congress au- 
 thorized the president to instruct the commanders of 
 suitable vessels to defend themselves against, and to 
 capture pirates. This authority has been exercised 
 in single instances only. For the more etiectual pro- 
 tection of our extensive and valuable commerce, in 
 the eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it 
 would also be advisable to authorize the commanders 
 of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates 
 may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, 
 and the consular courts, now established by law in 
 eastern countries, to adjudicate the case, in the event 
 that this should not be objected to by the local au- 
 thorities. 
 
 If any good reason exists why we should persevere 
 longer in withholding our recognition of the inde- 
 pendence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am 
 unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inau- 
 gurate a novel policy in regard to them without the 
 approbation of Congress, I submit for your consider- 
 ation the expediency of an appropriation for main- 
 taining a charge (Vaffaires near each of those new 
 states. It does not admit of doubt that important 
 commercial advantaefes mic^htbe secured bv favorable 
 treaties with them. . . . 
 
 The execution of the laws for the suppression of 
 the African slave-trade has been confided to the De- 
 partment of the Interior. It is a subject of gratula- 
 tion that the efforts which have been made for the 
 suppression of this inhuman traffic have been re- 
 10 
 
114 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 cently attended Avith unusual success. Five vessels 
 being fitted out for the slave-trade have been seized 
 and condemned. 
 
 Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade, and one 
 person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have been 
 convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and 
 imprisonment; and one captain, taken with a cargo 
 of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of 
 the highest grade of offense under our laws, the pun- 
 ishment of which is death. 
 
 The territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, 
 created by the last Congress, have been organized, 
 and civil administration has been inaugurated therein 
 under auspices especially gratifying, when it is con- 
 sidered that the leaven of treason was found existing 
 in some of these new countries when the Federal of- 
 ficers arrived there. The abundant natural resources 
 of these territories, with the security and protection 
 aftorded by organized government, will doubtless in- 
 vite to them a large immigration when peace shall 
 restore the business of the country to its accustomed 
 channels. I submit the resolutions of the legislature 
 of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the 
 people of the territory. So far the 'authority of the 
 United States has been upheld in all the territories, 
 as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend 
 their interests and defense to the enlightened and 
 generous care of Congress. 
 
 I recommend to the favorable consideration of Con- 
 gress the interests of the District of Columbia. The 
 insurrection has been the cause of much suffering and 
 sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no rex>- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 115 
 
 resentative in Congress, that body should not over- 
 look their just claims u]>on the Goveriuuent. . . . 
 
 The war continues. In considering the policy to 
 be adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have 
 been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict 
 for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent 
 and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have, 
 therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the 
 integrity of the Union prominent as the primary ob- 
 ject of the contest on our part, leaving all questions 
 which are not of vital importance to the more delib- 
 erate action of the legislature. 
 
 In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered 
 to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, 
 instead of putting in force, by proclamation, the law 
 of Congress enacted at the late session, for closing 
 those ports. 
 
 So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well 
 as the obligations of law, instead of transcending, I 
 have adhered to the act of Congress to confiscate 
 property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new 
 law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its 
 propriety will be duly considered. The Union must 
 be preserved ; and hence all indispensable means must 
 be employed. We should not be in haste to determine 
 that radical and extreme measures, which may reach 
 the loyal as well as the disloyal, are Indispensable. 
 
 The inaugural address at the beginning of the ad- 
 ministration, and the message to Congress at the late 
 special session, were both mainly devoted to the do- 
 mestic controversy out of which the insurrection and 
 consec|uent war have sprung. 
 
116 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Nothing now occurs to add or substract, to or from, 
 the priuci]3les or general purposes, stated and ex- 
 pressed in those documents. 
 
 The hist ray of hope for preserving the Union peace- 
 ably, expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter ; and a 
 general review of what has oecured since may not l)e 
 unprolitable. What was painfully uncertain then, is 
 much better defined and more distinct now; and the 
 progress of events is plainly in the right direction. 
 The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support 
 from north of Mason and Dixon's line ; and the friends 
 of the Union were not free from apprehension on the 
 point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and 
 on the right side. South of the line, noble little Del- 
 aware led off right from the first. Maryland was 
 made to seem against the Union. Oiir soldiers were 
 assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads were 
 torn up within her limits ; and we were many days, 
 at one time, without the ability to bring a single regi- 
 ment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges 
 and railroads are repaired and open to the Govern- 
 ment ; she already gives seven regiments to the cause 
 of the Union, and none to the enemy ; and her people, 
 at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a 
 larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than they 
 ever before gave to any candidate or any question. 
 Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now de- 
 cidedl}^ and I think, unchangeably ranged on the 
 side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, 
 and, I believe, can not again be overrun by the insur- 
 rectionists. These three states of Maryland, Kentucky 
 and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 117 
 
 soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less tlian 
 forty thousand in the field for the Union ; while of 
 their citizens, certainly not more than a third Of that 
 niinilKT. :iiid tlioy of doulitful whoreahoiits and doubt- 
 ful existence, are in arms against it. After a some- 
 what l)lo()dv struggle of months, winter closes on the 
 Union people of western Virginia, leaving them mas- 
 ters of their own countr}-. 
 
 An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for 
 months dominating the narrow peninsular region con- 
 stituting the counties of Accomac and Northampton, 
 and known as the eastern shore of Virginia, together 
 with Sdino contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid 
 down their arms; and the people tliere have renewed 
 their allegiance to, and a:*cepted the protection of the 
 old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north 
 of the Potomac, or east of the Chesapeake. 
 
 Also, we have obtained a footing at each of the 
 isolated points on the southern coast — of Ilatteras, 
 Port Poyal, Tybee Island near Savannah, and Ship 
 Island ; and we likewise have some general accounts 
 of popular movements in behalf of the Union in North 
 Carolina and Tennessee. 
 
 These things demonstrate that the cause of the 
 Union is advancing steadily and t-ertainly southward. 
 
 It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general ar- 
 gument should be made in favor of })Opular institutions; 
 but there is one point, with its connections, not so 
 hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief at- 
 tention. It is the eft'ort to place capital on an equal 
 footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of 
 
118 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the Government. It is assumed that labor is available 
 only in connection with capital; that nobody hibors 
 unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the 
 use of it induces him to labor. 
 
 This assumed, it is next considered whether it is 
 best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce 
 them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and 
 drive them to it without their consent. Having pro- 
 ceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers 
 are either hired laborers or what we call slaves. And 
 further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired 
 laborer, is fixed in that condition for life. 
 
 I^ow, there is no such relation between capital and 
 labor as assumed ; nor is there ajiy such thing as a 
 free man l)eing fixed for life in the condition of a hired 
 laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all 
 inferences from them arc groundless. Labor is prior 
 to and independent of capital — capital is only the fruit 
 of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not 
 first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and de- 
 serves much the higher consideration. Capital has 
 its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any 
 other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and prob- 
 ably always will be, a relation between labor and 
 capital, producing mutual benefits. The error is in 
 assuming that the whole labor of the community exists 
 within that relation. A few men own capital, and 
 those few avoid labor themselves, and with their cap- 
 ital, hii-e or buy anotlier few to labor for them. A 
 large majority belong to neither class — neither work 
 for others, nor have others working for them. In 
 most of the southern states, a majority of the whole 
 
I'KN AND VOICE. 119 
 
 people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters ; 
 while ill llu' northern, a largx' majority are neither 
 hirers nor hired. Men, with their families, wives, 
 sons and clanghtei's — work for themselves, on their 
 farms, in their honses, and in their shops, taking the 
 w4iole product to themselves, and asking no favors of 
 capital on the one hand, nor of hired hiborers or slaves 
 on the other. 
 
 It is not forgotten that a considerable numl)er of 
 persons mingle their own labor with capital — that is, 
 they lal)or ^\■ilh their own hands, and also buy or 
 hire others to hdjor for them ; but this is only a 
 mixed, and not a distinct class. No })rinciple stated 
 is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. 
 Again : as has already been said, there is not of neces- 
 sity any such thing as the free hired laborer being 
 iixed to that condition for life. Man}' independent 
 men every-where in these states, a few years back in 
 their lives, Avere hired laborers. The prudent, penni- 
 less beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, 
 saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for 
 himself, then labors on his own account another while, 
 and at length hires another new beginner to help him. 
 This is the just and generous and prosperous system, 
 which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, 
 and consequent energy and }irogress, and improve- 
 ment of condition to all. 
 
 No men living are more worthy to be trusted, than 
 those who toil up from poverty — none less inclined to 
 take or touch aught which they have not honestly 
 earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political 
 power wliieh they already possess, and which, if sur- 
 
120 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 rendered, will surely he used to close the door of ad- 
 vancement against such as they, and to tix new dis- 
 ahilities and hardens upon them, till all of liherty 
 shall he lost. 
 
 It continues to develop that the insurrection is 
 largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first prin- 
 ciple of popular government — the rights of the peo- 
 ple. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most 
 grave and maturely considered puhlic documents, as 
 well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those 
 documents we find the ahridgment of the existing 
 right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all 
 right to participate in the selection of public officers, 
 except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored 
 arguments to prove tliat large control of the people 
 in government is the source of all political evil. 
 Moiuirchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible 
 refuge from the power of the people. 
 
 In my present position, I could scarcely be justified 
 were I to omit raising a warning voice against this 
 approach of returning despotism. 
 
 From the first taking of our national census to the 
 last are seventy years; and we find our population at 
 the end of the period eight times as great as it was in 
 the beginning. The increase of those other things 
 which men deem desirable has been even greater. 
 We thus have, at one view, what the popular princi- 
 ple applied to government, through the machinery of 
 the states and the Union, has produced in a given 
 time, and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 121 
 
 for tlie future. There are already among us those 
 who, if tlie Union he preserved, will live to see it con- 
 tain two hundred and til'ty millions. The struggle of 
 to-day is not altogether /)>/• to-day — it is for a vast fu- 
 ture also. With a reliance on Providence, all the 
 moi'o tii'iii and earnest, let us proceed in the great 
 task which events have devolved upon us. 
 
 Washington^ December 3, 18G1. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, January 1, 1862. 
 31y Dear General Halleck: — General McClellan is 
 not dangerously ill, as I hope, hut would hetter not 
 he disturhed with business. I am very anxious that, 
 in case of (ireneral BuelTs moving toward Nashville, 
 the enemy shall not he greatly re-info reed, and I 
 think tliere is danger he will be from Columbus. 
 It seems to me that a real or feigned attack upon 
 Colundjus from up river at the same time, would 
 either prevent this or compensate for it, by throwing 
 Columbus into our hands." I wrote General Buell a 
 letter similar to this, meaning that he and you shall 
 communicate and act in concert, uidess it be your 
 judgment and his that there is no necessity for it. 
 Vou and he will understand much better than I how 
 to do it. Please do not lose time in this matter. 
 Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Brigadier-General Buell. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 6, 1862. 
 3Ty Dear Sir: — Your dispatch of yesterday has 
 been received, and it disappoints and distresses me. 
 I have shown it to General McClellan, who says he will 
 11 
 
122 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^S 
 
 write you to-day, I am not competent to criticise your 
 news, and therefore wliat I ofler is merely in justifi- 
 cation of myself. Of the two, I would rather have a 
 point on the railroad south of Cumberland Gap than 
 Nashville — tirst, because it cuts a great artery of the 
 enemy's communication, which Nasliville does not; 
 and, secondly, because it is in the midst of loyal peo- 
 ple, who would rally around it, while Nashville is 
 not. Again, I can not see why the movement on East 
 Tennessee would not be a diversion in your favor 
 rather than a disadvantage, assuming that a move- 
 ment toward Nashville is the main object. But my 
 distress is that our friends in East Tennessee are be- 
 ing hanged and driven to despair, and even now I 
 fear are thinkino; of takino; rebel arms for the sake of 
 personal protection. In tliis we lose the most valu- 
 able stake we have in the South. My dispatch, to 
 which yours is an answer, was sent with the knowl- 
 edge of Senator Johnson and Representative Maynard, 
 of East Tennessee, and they will be upon me to know 
 the answer, which I can not safely show them. They 
 would despair, possibly resign, to go and save their 
 families somehow or die with them. I do not intend 
 this to be an order in any sense, but merely as inti- 
 mated before, to show you the grounds of my anxiety. 
 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Brigadier-General D. C. Buell, Louisville. 
 Washington, January 7, 1862. 
 
 Please name as early a day as you safely can, on or 
 before which you can be ready to move northward in 
 concert with Major-General ILilleck. Delay is ruin- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 123 
 
 iiig ns, and it is indispensable for me to liave soine- 
 tliini;- (U'iinite. I send a like d.ispateli to Major-Gen- 
 eral Hal leek. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Brigadier-General Buell. 
 Executive Jfausiou, Washhigton, Jan. 13, 18G2. 
 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — Your dispatch of yesterday Is re- 
 ceived, ill wliicli you say, " I received your letter and 
 General McClellan's, and will at onee devote my 
 etlbrts to your views and his." In the midst of my 
 many cares I have not seen, nor asked to see. Gen- 
 eral McGlellan's letter to you. For my own views, I 
 luive not oiiered, and do not now offer them as or- 
 ders; and while I am g-lad to have them respectfully 
 considered, I would hiame you to follow them con- 
 trary to your own clear judgment, unless I should 
 put them in the form of orders. As to General Mc- 
 Clellan's views, you understand your duty in regard 
 to them better than I do. With this preliminary I 
 state my general idea of this war to be, that we have 
 the greater numbers and the eiiomy has the greater 
 facility of concentrating forces upon points of collis- 
 ion ; that we must fail unless we can hud some way 
 of nuikiug our advantage an overmatch for his ; and 
 that this can only be done by menacing him with 
 superior forces at different points at the same time, so 
 that we can safely attack one or both if he makes no 
 change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the 
 other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but 
 seize and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. 
 
 To illustrate: Suppose last summer when Win- 
 chester ran away to enforce Manassas, we had for- 
 
124 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 borne to attack Manassas, but had seized and lield 
 Winchester. I mention this to illustrate and not to 
 criticise. I did not lose confidence in McDowell, and 
 I think less harshly of Patterson than some others 
 seem to. Application of the general rule I am suggest- 
 ing, everv particular case will have its modifying 
 circumstances, among which the most constantly 
 present and most difficult to meet will be the want of 
 perfect knowledge of the enemy's movements. This 
 had its part in the Bull Run case ; Imt worse in tliat 
 case was the expiration of the terms of the three 
 months' men. 
 
 Ap[)lying the principle to your case, my idea is 
 that Ilalleck shall menace Columbus and ''down- 
 river" generally, while you menace Bowling Green 
 and East Tennessee. If the enemy shall concentrate 
 at Bowling Green do not retire from his front, yet do 
 not tight him there either, but seize Columbus and 
 East Tennessee, one or both, left exposed by the con- 
 centration at Bowling Green. 
 
 It is a matter of no small anxiety to me, and one 
 which I am sure you will not overlook, that the East 
 Tennessee is so long and over so bad a road. 
 
 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major- General IIalleck. 
 Executive Mansion, WasJtington, Jan. 15, 1862. 
 My Dear Sir: — The Germans are true and patri- 
 otic, and so far as they have got cross in Missouri it 
 is upon mistake and misunderstanding. 
 
 Without a knowledge of its contents Governor 
 Ivoerner, of Illinois, will hand you this letter. He is 
 
TEN AND VOICE. 125 
 
 an educated and talented Gernuui ,2:entleman, as truu 
 a man as lives. 
 
 With his assistance you can set every thing right 
 with the Germans. I write this without liis kno-wledge, 
 asking him at the same time, by letter, to deliver it. 
 My clear judgment is that, with reference to the 
 German element in your command, you should have 
 Governor Koerner with you ; and if agreeable to yon 
 and him, I will make him a brigadier-general, so that 
 he can aftbrd to so give his time. 
 
 lie does not wish to command in the held, though 
 he has more military knowledge than many who do. 
 If he goes into the place he will simply be an efficient, 
 zealous, and unselfish assistant to you. I say all this 
 uiion intimate personal acquaintance with Governor 
 Koerner. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To THE Secretary of War. 
 
 Executive 31ansion, Washington^ January 31, 1862. 
 
 My Dear Sir : — It is my wish that the expedition 
 commonly called the "Lane Expedition,'' shall be as 
 much as has been promised at the adjutant-generars 
 office under the supervision of General McClellan, 
 and not any more. I hiive not ijitended, and do not 
 now intend that it shall he a yrcat, cxhaustiti;/ affair, 
 but a snug, sober column of 10,000 or 15,000. Gen- 
 oral Lane has been told by me many times that he is 
 under the command of General Hunter, and assented 
 to it as often as told. It was the distinct agreement 
 between him and me when I appointed him, that 
 he was to be under Hunter. Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
126 abkaham lincoln's 
 
 Special War Order No. 1, January 31, 1862. 
 Ordered: That all the disposahle forces of the Army 
 of the Potomac, after ])rovidiiig safely for the defense 
 of Washington, be formed into an expedition for the 
 immediate object of seizing and occupying a point 
 upon the railroad southwestward of what is known 
 as Manassas Junction; all details to be in the direc- 
 tion of the general-in-chief, and the expedition to 
 move before or on the 22d day of February next. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General McClellan, February 3, 1862. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — You and I have distinct and difler- 
 ent plans for a movement of the Army of the Poto- 
 mac. Yours to be done by the Chesapeake, up the 
 Rappahannock to Urbanna, and across to the terminus 
 of the railroad on the York river; mine to move di- 
 rectly to a point on the railroad south-west of Man- 
 assas. 
 
 If yon will give me satisfactory answers to the 
 following questions, I shall gladly yield my plan 
 to yours : 
 
 1. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger ex- 
 penditure of time and money than mine? 
 
 2. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan 
 than mine? 
 
 8. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan 
 than mine ? 
 
 4. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this; 
 that it wouhl break no great line of the enemy's com- 
 munications, while mine would? 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 127 
 
 5. In case of disastcM-, would not a retreat be more 
 difficult by your plan than mine. Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-Genekal Hunter and Brigadier-General 
 Lane, Leavenworth, Kansas. 
 
 Executive 3Ja))sion, Washington , February 10, 1862. 
 
 My wish has been and is to avail the Government 
 of the services of both General Hunter and General 
 Lane, and, so far as possible, to personally oblige both. 
 
 General Hunter is the senior officer, and must com- 
 mand when they serve together; though in so far as 
 he can, consistently with the public service and his 
 own honor, oblige General Lane, he will also 
 oblige me. 
 
 If they can not come to an amiable understanding. 
 General Lane must report to General Hunter for 
 duty, according to rules, or decline the service. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Halleck, St. Louis Mo. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, February 16, 1862. 
 
 Von have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be 
 overwhelmed from outside; to prevent which latter 
 will, I think, require all the vigilance, energy and 
 skill of yourself and l>uell, acting in full co-opera- 
 tion. Columbus will not get at Grant, but the full 
 force from Bowling Green will. They hold the rail- 
 road from Bowling Green to within a few miles of 
 Fort Donelson, %vitli the bridge at Clarksville undis- 
 turbed. It is unsafe to rely that they will not dare to 
 expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of their' 
 
128 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 force can retire slowly toward iSTashville, breaking up 
 the railroad as they go, and keep Buell out of that 
 city twenty days. Meanwhile, Nashville will be 
 abundantly defended by forces from all south, and 
 perhaps from here at Manassas, Could not a cavalry 
 force from General Thomas on the upper Cumberland 
 dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad 
 at or near Knoxville, Tenn.? In the midst of a bom- 
 bardment at Fort Donelson, why could not a gun-boat 
 run up and destroy the bridge at Clarksville? Our 
 success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly impor- 
 tant, and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I 
 send a copy of this to Buell. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Recommendation to Congress, March 6, 1862. 
 
 I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by 
 your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as 
 follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the United States ought to co-oper- 
 ate with any state which may adopt gradual abolish- 
 ment of slavery, giving to such state pecuniary aid, 
 to be used by such state in its discretion, to compen- 
 sate for the inconvenience, both public and private, 
 produced by such change of system. 
 
 If the proposition contained in the resolution does 
 not meet the approval of Congress and the country, 
 there is the end ; but if it does command such ap- 
 proval, I deem it of importance that the states and 
 people immediately interested should be at once dis- 
 tinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to 
 consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal 
 government would find its highest interest in such a 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 129 
 
 moasnre, as one of tlic most effi(!ient means of solf- 
 jd'csiTvation. Tlic leaders of tlic existiii<>: insurrec- 
 tion entertain the hope that this governnient \\\]] ul- 
 timately he forced to acknowledge the independence 
 of some part of the disatfected region, and that all 
 the slave states north of such part will tlien say, 
 " the Union for which we have struggled heing already 
 gone, we now choose to go with the soutliern sec- 
 tion." To deprive them of tliis liope, suhstantially 
 ends the rebellion; and the initiation of emancipation 
 completely deprives them of it as to all the states 
 initiating it. Th'e point is not that all the states tol- 
 erating slavery, would very soon, if at all, initiate 
 emancipation; but that, while the offer is e<jually 
 made to all, the more northern shall, by such initia- 
 tion, make it certain to the more southern that in no 
 event will the former ever join the latter in their pro- 
 posed confederacy. I say "initiation," because, in 
 my judgment gradual, and not sudden emancipation, 
 is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary 
 view, any member of Congress, wMth the census tables 
 and treasury reports before him, can readily see for 
 himself how very soon the current exjienditures of 
 this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the 
 slaves in any named state. Such a proposition on the 
 part of the general government sets up no claim of a 
 right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery 
 within state limits, referring, as it does, the absolute 
 control of the subject in each case to the state and its 
 people immediately interested. It is proposed as a 
 matter of perfectly free choice with them. 
 
 In the annual message last December, I thought fit 
 
130 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 to say, "the Union must preserved ; and hence all in- 
 dispensable means must be employed." 1 said this 
 not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, 
 and continues to be an indispensable means to this 
 end. A practical re-acknowledgement of the national 
 authority would render the war unnecessary, and it 
 would at once cease. If, however, resistance contin- 
 ues, the war must also continue ; and it is impossible 
 to foresee all the incidents which may attend, and all 
 the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem in- 
 dispensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency 
 toward ending the strugle, must and will come. The 
 proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope 
 it may be esteemed no ofiense to ask whether the 
 pecuniary consideration tendered would not be of 
 more value to the states and private persons con- 
 cerned, than are the institution and property in it, in 
 the present aspect of affairs. 
 
 While it is true that the adoption of the proposed 
 resolution w^ould be merely initiatory, and not within 
 itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the 
 hope that it would soon lead to important practical 
 results. In full view of my great responsibility to 
 my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the at- 
 tention of Congress and the people to the subject. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 General War Order No. 3, March 8, 1862. 
 
 Ordered: That no change of the base of operations 
 
 of the Army of tiie Potomac shall be made without 
 
 leaving in and about Washington such a force as, in 
 
 the opinion of the general-iu-cMef and the command- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 131 
 
 ers of all the army corjis, sliall leave the said city en- 
 tirely secure. 
 
 That no more than two army corps (ahout 50,000 
 troops), of said Army of the Potomac shall be moved 
 en route for a ne.w base of operations until the navi- 
 gation of the Potomac from Washington to the 
 Chesapeake bay shall be freed from the enemy's bat- 
 teries and obstructions, or until the president shall 
 hi'reafter give express permission. 
 
 That any movement aforesaid en route for a new 
 base of operations, which may be ordered by the 
 general-in-chief, and which may be intended to move 
 upon the Chesapeake bay, shall begin to move upon 
 the bay as early as the 18th March inst., and the 
 general-in-chief shall be responsible that it so move 
 as early as that day. 
 
 Ordered: That the army and navy co-operate in an 
 immediate effort to capture the enemy's batteries 
 upon the Potomac between Washington and the 
 Chesapeake bay. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General D. C. Buell. 
 
 Washington, 31arch 10, 1862. 
 The evidence is very strong that the enemy in front 
 of us here is breaking up and moving of!'. General 
 McClellan is after him. Some part of the force may 
 be destined to meet you. Look out and be prepared. 
 I telegraphed Ilalleck, asking him to assist you, if 
 needed. A. Lincoln. 
 
 General War Orders, March 13, 18G2. 
 First. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as 
 
132 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 shall make it entirely certain that the enemy shall 
 not repossess himself of that position and line of 
 communication. 
 
 Second. Leave Washington secure. 
 
 Third. Move the remainder of the force down the 
 Potomac, choosing a new base at Fort Monroe, or 
 anywhere between here and there, or, at all events, 
 move such remainder of the army, at once, in pursuit 
 of the enemy, by some route. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Nomination. 
 
 3Iarch 22, 1862. 
 
 The President of the United Slates of America to all 
 irho shcdl see these presents, (jrceting : Know ye that, re- 
 posing special trust and coniidence in the patriotism, 
 valor, fidelity, and abilities of John Pope, I have 
 nominated, and by and with the advice and consent 
 of the senate, do appoint him major-general of vol- 
 unteers in the service of the United States, to rank 
 ' as such from the 21st day of March, 1862. He is, 
 therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the 
 duty of major-general, by doing and performing all 
 manner of things thereunto belonging. And I do 
 strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers 
 under his command to be obedient to his orders as 
 major-general. And he is to observe and follow such 
 orders and directions, from time to time, as he shall 
 receive from me, or the future President of the United 
 States of America, or the general or other superior 
 oflicers set over him, according to the rules and dis- 
 cipline of war. This commission to continue in force 
 
PEN AND VUICE. 133 
 
 during the pleasure of the President of the United 
 States for tlie time beinj]^. 
 
 Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, 
 this 22d day of March, in tlie yetir of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and in the 
 eighty-sixt]i year of the independence of the United 
 States. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Gen. McClellan, April 0, 1862. 
 
 3Iy Dear Sb\ — Your dispatches, complaining that 
 you are not properly sustained, while they do not 
 ofi^liMid me, do })ain me very much. 
 
 Blenker's division was withdrawn from you hefore 
 you left here, and you know the pressure under which 
 I did it, and, as I thought, acquiesced in it, certainly 
 not without reluctance. 
 
 After you left I ascertained that less than twenty 
 thousand unorganized men, without a single field 
 battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense 
 of Washington and Manassas Junction ; and part of 
 this even was to go to General Hooker's old position. 
 General Banks's corps, once designed for Manassas 
 Junction, was diverted and tied ujion the line ol 
 Winchester and Strasborg, and could not leave it 
 without again exposing the upper Potomac, and tlie 
 Baltimore and Ohio Pailroad. This presented (or 
 would present, when McDowell and Sumner should 
 be gone) a great temptation to the enemy to turn back 
 from the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My 
 explicit order that Washington should, by the judg- 
 ment of all the commanders of army corps, be left en- 
 
134 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 tirely secure, had been neglected. It was precisely 
 this that drove me to detain McDowell. 
 
 I do not forget that I was satisfied with your ar- 
 rangement to leave Banks at Manassas Junction ; 
 but when that arrangement was broken up, and noth'uKj 
 was substituted for it, of course, I was constrained to 
 substitute something for it myself. And allow me to 
 ask, do you really think I should pe.rmit the line from 
 Kichmond via Alanassas Junction to this city to be 
 entirely open, except what resistance could be pre- 
 sented by twenty thousand unorganized troops ? This 
 is a question which the country will not allow me 
 to evade. 
 
 There is a curious mystery about the number of the 
 troops now with you. When I telegraphed you on 
 the 6tli, saying you had over a hundred thousand 
 with you, I had just obtained from the secretary of 
 war a statement, taken, as he said, from your own 
 returns, making one hundred and eight thousand then 
 with you and en route to you. You now say you will 
 have but eighty-five thousand when all en route to you 
 shall have reached you. 
 
 IIow can the discrepancy of twenty-three thousand 
 be accounted for ? 
 
 As to General Wool's command, I understand it is 
 doing for you precisely what a like number of your 
 own would have to do if that command was away. 
 
 I suppose the whole force which has gone forward 
 for you is with you by this time, and if so, I think it 
 is the precise time to strike a blow. By delay the en- 
 emy will relatively gain upon you — that is, he will 
 
PEN AND VOICE. l-So 
 
 gain faster, by fort ijicai ions and rc-inforcements, than 
 you can by re-intbrconients alone. 
 
 And once more let nie tell yon it is indispensable 
 to you tliat you strike a blow. 1 am powerless to 
 help this. You will do me the justice to remend>er I 
 always insisted that goini;' down the hay in search of 
 a iu'ld, instead of tightini;' at or neai' Manassas, was 
 only shifting, and not surmounting, a dithculty ; that 
 we would find the same enemy, and the same or equal 
 intrenchments, at either place. The country will not 
 fail to note — is now noting — that the present hesita- 
 tion to move upon an intrenched enemy is but tlie 
 story of Manassas repeated. 
 
 I ])eg to assure you that I liave never written you, 
 or spoken to you, in greater kindness of feeling than 
 now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far 
 as in my most anxious judgment, T consistently can. 
 But you must act. Yours, very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Proclamation, April 10, 18G2. 
 
 It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal 
 victories to the land and naval forces engaged in sup- 
 pressing an internal rebellion, and at the same time 
 to avert from our country the dangers of foreign in- 
 tervention and invasion. 
 
 It is therefore recommended to the people of the 
 United States, that at their next weekly assemblages 
 in their accustomed places of pul)lic wcu'ship, which 
 shall occur after the notice of this proclamation shall 
 have been received, they especially acknowledge and 
 render thanks to our Heavenly Father for these in- 
 
136 ABKAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 estimable blessings ; that they then and tliere implore 
 spiritual consolation in behalf of all those who have 
 been brought into affliction by the casualties and 
 calamities of sedition and civil war ; and that they 
 reverently invoke the divine guidance for our national 
 councils, to the end that they may speedily result in 
 the restoration of peace, harmony, and unity through- 
 out our borders, and hasten the establishment of 
 fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth. 
 
 In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, the tenth day of 
 April, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of 
 the United States the eighty-sixth. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Message to Congkess, April 16, 1862. 
 
 The act entitled " An act for the release of certain 
 persons held to service or labor in the District of 
 Columbia," has this day been approved and signed. 
 
 I have never doubted tlie constitutional authority 
 of Congress to abolish slavery in this district; and I 
 have ever desired to see the national capital freed from 
 the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence, there 
 has never been in my mind any question upon the 
 subject except the one of expediency, arising in view of 
 all the circumstances. If there be matters within and 
 about this act which might have taken a course or 
 shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not at- 
 tempt to specify them. I am gratified that the two 
 principles of compensation and colonization, are both 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 137 
 
 recognized and practically applied in the act. In the 
 matterof compensation, it is provided that claims may 
 be presented within ninety days from the [)assage of 
 the act, " hut not thereafter; " and there is no saving 
 for minors, fcmmes covert, insane, or absent persons. I 
 prcsnme this is an omission by mere oversight, and I 
 recommend that it be snpplied hy an amendatory or 
 snpplemental act. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Governor Andrew Johnson, Nashville, Tenn. 
 War Department, April Tl, 1862. 
 
 Yonr dispatch of yesterday just received, as also, 
 in due course, was your former one. The former one 
 was sent to General Ilalleck, and we have his answer, 
 hy which I have no doubt he (General Ilalleck) is in 
 communication with you before this. General Ilal- 
 Icfk understands better than we can here, and he 
 must be allowed to control in that quarter. 
 
 If you are not in communication with Halleck, 
 telegraph him at once, freely and frankly. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Flag Officer Goldsborough. 
 
 Fort Monroe, Virginia, 3Iay 7, 1862. 
 Sir: — Major-General McClellan telegraphs that he 
 has ascertained, by a reconnaissance, that the battery 
 at Jamestown has been abandoned, and he again re- 
 quests that gun-boats may be ?ent up the James river. 
 If you have tolerable confidence that you can success- 
 fully contend with the Mcrriniac without the help of 
 the Galena and two accompanying gun-boats, send 
 12 
 
138 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the Galena and two gun-boats up the James river at 
 once. Please report your action on this to me at 
 once. I shall be found cither at General Wool's 
 headquarters or on board the Miami. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General McClellan, May 9, 1862. 
 31y Dear Sir: — I have just assisted the Secretary 
 of War in forming the part of a dispatch to you re- 
 lating to army corps, which dispatch, of course, will 
 have reached you long before this will. I wish to 
 say a few words to you privately on this subject. I 
 ordered the army corps organization not only on the 
 unanimous opinion of the twelve generals of division, but 
 also on the unanimous opinion of every military man 1 
 could get an opinion from, and every modern military 
 hook, yourself only excepted. Of course I did not, on 
 my own judgment, pretend to understand the sub- 
 ject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how 
 your struggle against it is received in quarters which we 
 can not entirely disregard. It is looked upon as- merely 
 cm effort to pamper one or two pets, and to persecute and 
 degrade their supposed rivals. I have had no word from 
 Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of 
 these corps are, of course, the three highest othcials 
 with you, but I am constantly told that you have no 
 consultation or communication with them, that you 
 consult and communicate with nobody but Fitz John 
 Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say 
 these complaints arc true or just, but, at all events, it 
 is proper that you should know of their existence. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 139 
 
 Do the comniaiulei's ot" corps disobey your orders in 
 any tiling? 
 
 When you relieved General Haniilton of his command 
 the other day you thereby lost the confidence of at least 
 one of your best friends in the senate. And here let me 
 say, not as applicable to you personally, that senators 
 and representatives speak of nic in their places as 
 they please without question; and that officers of the 
 army must cease addressing insulting letters to them 
 for taking no greater liberty with them. But to re- 
 turn, arc you strong enough, even with my help, to set 
 your foot upon the neck of Sumner, Heintzelman, cuid 
 Keycs, all at once? This is a -practical and very serious 
 question for you. Yours truly, A.Lincoln. 
 
 To Flag Officer Goldsborough. 
 
 Fort MoJiroe, Va., May 10, 1862. 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — I send you this copy of your report 
 of yesterday for the purpose of saying to you in writ- 
 ing, that you are quite right in sup})0sing the move- 
 ment made by you and therein reported was made in 
 accordance with my wishes, verbally expressed to 
 you in advance. I avail myself of the occasion to 
 thank you for your courtesy and all your conduct, so 
 far as known to me, during my brief visit here. 
 
 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 rROCLAMATION DECLARING MaJOR- GENERAL IIuXTER's 
 
 Emancipation Orders Xull and Void. 
 
 May 19, 1862. 
 J, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
 proclaim and declare that the government of the 
 
140 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 U nited States had no knowledge or belief of an inten- 
 tion on the part of General Hunter to issue such a 
 proclamation, nor has it yet any authentic informa- 
 tion that the document is genuine, and further, that 
 neither General Hunter, nor any other commander, 
 or person, has been authorized by the government of 
 the United States to make a proclamation declaring 
 the slaves of any state free, and that the supposed 
 proclamation now in question is altogether void, so 
 far as respects such declaration. 
 
 I further make known that whether it be compe- 
 tent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and 
 navy, to declare the slaves of any state or states free, 
 and whether at any time or in any case, it shall have 
 become a necessity, indispensable to the maintenance 
 of the government, to exercise such supposed power, 
 are questions w^hich, under my responsibility, I reserve 
 to myself, and wdiich I can not feel justified in leav- 
 ine: to the decision of commanders in the field. 
 These are totally different questions from those of 
 police regulations in armies and corps. 
 
 On the 6th day of March last, by a special message, 
 I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint 
 resolution, to be substantially as follows : 
 
 BesolDed, That the United States ought to co-op- 
 erate with any state which may adopt a gradual 
 abolishment of slavery, giving aid to such state, in its 
 discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, pub- 
 lic and private, produced by such change of system. 
 
 The resolution, in the language above quoted, was 
 adopted by large majorities in both branches of Con- 
 gress; and now stands an authentic, definite and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 141 
 
 solemn proposal of the nation to the states and peo- 
 ple most immediately interested in the snbject-matter. 
 To the people of these states I now earnestly appeal. 
 I do not argue, I beseech you to make the arguments 
 for yourselves. You can uot, if you would, be blind 
 to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and 
 enlarged consideration of them, i-anging, if it may be, 
 far above personal and partisan politics. 
 
 This proposal makes common cause for a common 
 object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not 
 tlie Pharisee. The change it contemplates would 
 come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or 
 wrecking any thing. Will you not eml)iace it? So 
 much good has not been done by one effort in all past 
 time, as in the providence of God it is now your high 
 privilege to do. May the vast future not have to la- 
 ment that yon have neglected it. 
 
 In witness whereof I have liereunto set my liand 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be aliixed. 
 
 Done at the city of \Yashington this 19th day of 
 May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eiglit 
 liundred and sixty-two^ and of the Independence of 
 the United States the eighty-sixth. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington City, May 21, 1862. 
 Your long dispatch of yesterday (to-day) just re- 
 ceived. You will have just sucli control of General 
 McDowell and his force an you therein indicate. Mc- 
 Dowell can reach you by land sooner than he could 
 get aboard of boats, if the boats were ready at Fred- 
 ericksburg, unless his march shall be resisted, in 
 
142 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 wliicli case the force resisting him will certainly not 
 be confronting you at Kiohmond. By land he can 
 reach you in five days after starting, whereas by 
 water he would not reacli you in two weeks, judging 
 by past experience. Franklin's single division did 
 not reach you in ten days after I ordered it. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 To General Saxton. 
 War Department, May 24, 1862, 1 P. M. 
 Geary reports Jackson with 20,000 moving from 
 Ashby's Gap, by the Little River Turnpike, througli 
 Aldie, toward Centreville. This he says is reliable. 
 He is also informed of large forces south of him. 
 We know of a force of some 15,000 broke up Satur- 
 day night from in front of Fredericksburg, and went 
 we know not where. Please inform us, if possible, 
 what has become of the force which pursued Banks 
 yesterday ; also any other information you have. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont, Franklin. 
 
 War Department, May 24, 1862, 4 P. M. 
 You are authorized to purchase 400 horses or take 
 them whenever and however you can get them. The 
 exposed condition of General Banks makes his im- 
 mediate relief a point of paramount importance. You 
 are therefore directed by the president to move 
 against Jackson at Harrisonburg, and operate against 
 the enemy in such way as to relieve Banks. The 
 movement must be made iiftmediately. 
 
 You will acknowledge the receipt of this order and 
 specify the hour it was received by you. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 143 
 
 To Major-General McDoavell. 
 
 Washwgfou, May 24, 18G2. 
 
 General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph 
 to move to FrankHn and Harrisonbnrg to relieve Gen- 
 eral Banks, and capture or destroy Jackson's and 
 Ewell's forces. 
 
 You are instructed, laying aside for the present 
 the movement on Kichmond, to put twenty thousand 
 men in motion at once for the Shenandoah, moving 
 on the line, or in advance of the line, of the Manas- 
 sas Gap Raih'oaih Your object will ])C to ca}tture 
 the forces of Jackson and Ewell, either in co-opera- 
 tion with General Fremont, or, in case want of sup- 
 plies or transportation has interfered with his move- 
 ment, it is believed that the force which you move 
 will be sufficient to accomplish the object alone. 
 The information thus far received here makes it 
 probable that, if the enemy operates actively against 
 (Jeneral Banks, you will not be able to count upon 
 much assistance from him, but may have even to re- 
 relieve him. 
 
 Reports received this morning are that Banks is 
 fighting with Ewell eight miles from Harper's Ferry. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont, Franklin, Ya. 
 War Department, 31ay 24, 1862, 7:15 P. 31. 
 Many thanks for the j»romptness with which you 
 have answered that you will execute the order. 
 Much — perhaps all — de[)ends upon the celerity with 
 which you can execute it. Put the utmost speed 
 into it. Do not lose a moment. A. Lincoln. 
 
144 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 To Major-General Halleck, near Corinth, Miss. 
 War Deimrtmciit, May 24, 1862. 
 
 Several dispatches from Assistant Secretary Scott, 
 and one from Governor Martin, asking reinforce- 
 ments for you, have been received. I beg you to be 
 assured we do the best we can. I mean to cast no 
 blame when I tell you each of our commanders along 
 our line from Richmond to Corinth supposes himself 
 to be confronted by numbers superior to his own. 
 
 Under this pressure, we thinned the line on the 
 Upper Potomac, until yesterday it was broken at 
 heavy loss to us, and General Banks put in great 
 peril, out of which he is not yet extricated, and may 
 be actually captured. We need men to repair this 
 breach, and have them not at hand. 
 
 My dear general, I feel justified to rely very much 
 on you. I believe you, and the brave officers and 
 men with you, can and will get the victory at Cor- 
 inth. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 
 War Department, 3Iay 25, 1862, 4:15 P. M. 
 If Banks reaches Martinsburg, is he any the better 
 for it? Will not the enemy cut him oft" from thence 
 to Harper's Ferry? Have you sent any thing to. 
 meet him, and assist him at Martinsburg? This is 
 an inquiry, not an order. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington, 31ay 25, 1862, 2 P. M. 
 The enemy is moving north in sufficient force to 
 drive General Banks before him, precisely in what 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 145 
 
 force Ave can not tell. He is also threatening Lees- 
 burg and Geary, on the Manassas Gap Railroad, from 
 both north and south — in precisely what force we 
 can not tell, I think the movement is a general and 
 concerted one, such as would not be if he was act- 
 ing upon the purpose of a very desperate defense 
 of Richmond. I think tlie time is near when you 
 must either attack Richmond, or give up the job, 
 and come to the defense of Washington. Let me 
 hear from you instantly. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington, May 25, 1862. 
 
 Your dispatch received. General Banks was at 
 Strasburg, with about 6,000' men, Shields having 
 taken from him to swell a column for McDowell to 
 aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scat- 
 tered at various places. On the 23d, a rebel force of 
 7,000 to 10,000 fell upon one regiment and two com- 
 panies, guarding the bridge at Front Royal, destroy- 
 ing it entirely, crossed the Shenandoah, and on tiie 
 24th (yesterday) pushed on to get north of Banks, 
 on the road to Winchester. General Banks ran a 
 race with them, beating them into Winchester yes- 
 terday evening. 
 
 This morning a battle ensued between the two 
 forces, in which General Banks was beaten back into 
 full retreat toward Martinsburg, and probably is 
 broken up into a total rout. Geary, on the Manassas 
 Gap Railroad, just now reports that Jackson is now 
 near Front Royal, with 10,000 troops, following up 
 13 
 
146 ABRAHAM LINCOLN*S 
 
 and supporting, as I understand, the force now pur- 
 suing Banks. Also that another force of 10,000 is 
 near Orleans, following on the same direction. Strip- 
 ped bare, as we are here, I will do all we can to 
 prevent them crossing the Potomac at Harper's 
 Ferry or above. McDowell has about 20,000 of his 
 forces moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal, 
 and Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to 
 '•Harrisonburg ; both these movements intended to get 
 in the enemy's rear. 
 
 One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered 
 through here to Harper's Ferry, the rest of his force 
 remain at present at Fredericksburg. We are send- 
 ing such regiments and dribs from here and Balti- 
 more as we can spare to Harper's Ferr}', supplying 
 their places in some sort, by calling in militia from 
 the adjacent states. We also have eighteen cannon 
 on the road to Harper's Ferry, of which arm there 
 is not a single one at that point. This is now our 
 situation. 
 
 If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach 
 we should be entirely helpless. Apprehensions of 
 something like this, and no unwillingness to sustain 
 you, have always been my reasons for withholding 
 McDowell's from you. Please understand this, and 
 do the best you can with the forces you have. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 
 
 War Department, May 25, 1862. 
 I fear you have mistaken me. I did not mean to 
 question the correctness of your conduct; on the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 147 
 
 contrary, 1 approve what yon have done. As the 
 2,500 reported by you seemed small to me, T feared 
 some had got to Banks and been cut ofl' witli liim. 
 Please tell me the exact number you have in hand. 
 
 A. Ll.NCnI.N. 
 
 To General Saxton, Harper's Ferry. 
 War Deparhncnl, 3Iay 25, 18G2, G:50 P. 31. 
 One good six-gun battery, complete in its mi'u- 
 and appoiutments, is now on its way to you from 
 JJaltimore. Eleven other guns, of different sorts, are 
 on their \Vay to you from liere. Hope tliey will all 
 reach you before morning. As you have 2,500 men 
 at Harper's Ferry, where are the rest which were in 
 that vicinity and which we have sent forward ? Have 
 any of them been cut off? A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Secretary Chase, Fredericksburg, Ya. 
 
 War Department, 3Iaij 25, 18G2. 
 It now appears that Banks got safely into Win- 
 chester last night, and is this morning retreating on 
 Harper's Ferry. This justified the inference that he 
 is pressed by numbers superior to his own. I think 
 it not improbable that Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson 
 are pouring through the gap they made day before 
 yesterday at Port Royal, niaking a dash northward. 
 It will be a very valuable and very honorable service 
 for General McDowell to cut them off. I hope he 
 will put all possible energy and speed into the effort. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
148 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To General McDowell, Manassas Junction. 
 Washingtov, May 28, 1862, 1 P. 31. 
 General McClellan, at 6:30 p. m, yesterday, tele- 
 graphed that Fitz John Porter's division had fought 
 and driven 13,000 of the enemy, under Genera] Brand, 
 from Hanover Court-IIonse, and was driving them 
 from a stand they had made on the raih'oad at the 
 time the messenger left. Two honrs later he tele- 
 graphed that Stoneman had captured an engine and 
 six cars on the Virginia Central, which he at once 
 sent to communicate with F. J. Porter. JSTothing 
 further from McClellan, 
 
 If Porter eiFects a lodgment on both railroads 
 near Hanover Court-IIouse, consider whether your 
 forces in front of Fredericksburg should not push 
 through and join him. A, Lincoln, 
 
 Letter to General McClellan, May 28, 1862, 
 I am very glad of General F. J, Porter's victory ; 
 still, if it was a total rout of the enemy, I am puz- 
 zled to know why the Richmond and Fredericksburg 
 Railroad was not seized again, as you say you have 
 all the railroads but the Richmond and Fredericks- 
 burg, I am puzzled to see how, lacking that, you 
 can have any, except the scrap from Richmond to 
 West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central, 
 from Richmond to Hanover Junction, without more, 
 is simply nothing. 
 
 That the whole of the enemy is concentrating on 
 Richmond, I think can not be certainly known to you 
 or me. Saxton, at Harper's Ferry, informs us that 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 149 
 
 large forces, supposed to be Jackson's and EwclTs, 
 forced his advance from Charlestown to-day. Gen- 
 eral King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that 
 contrabands give certain information that 15,000 left 
 Hanover Junction Monday morning to reinforce 
 Jackson. 
 
 I am [)aintully impressed with the inipoi'tauce of 
 the struggle before you, and shall aid you all 1 can 
 consistently with my view" of the due regard to all 
 [)oints. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont, Moorefield, Ya. 
 
 Washington, May 29, 1862, 12 31. 
 General McDowell's advance, if not checked by 
 the enemy, should, and probably will, be at Front 
 Royal at 12 (noon) to-morrow. His force, wdien up, 
 will be about 20,000. Please have your force at 
 Strasburg, or, if the route you are moving on does 
 not lead to that point, as near Strasburg as the en- 
 emy ma}' be by the same time. Your dispatch, No. 
 30, received and satisfactory. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Message Explanatory of Government PuRcrASEs in 
 May, 1801. 
 
 31aij 29, 1802. 
 7b the Senate and House of Rcprcsenfatires : — The 
 insurrection which is yet existing in the United 
 States, and aims at the overthrow of the Federal 
 Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely pre- 
 pared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and as- 
 sumed an open organization in the form of a treason- 
 able provisional government at Montgomery, in 
 
150 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Alabama, on the 18tli day of February, 1861. On 
 the 12th day of A^jril, 1861, the insurgents committed 
 the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and 
 capture of Fort Sumter, which cut olf the hope of 
 immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all 
 the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, 
 and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. 
 The mails in every direction were stopped, and the 
 lines of telegraph cut oft' by the insurgents; and 
 military and naval forces, which had been called out 
 by the government for the defense of Washington, 
 were prevented from reaching the city by organized 
 and combined treasonable resistance in the State of 
 Maryland. There was no adequate and efi'ectivo 
 organization for the public defense. Congress had 
 indetinitely adjourned. There was no time to con- 
 vene them. It became necessary for me to choose 
 whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and 
 processes which Congress had provided, I should let 
 the government fall at once into ruin, or whether, 
 availing myself of the broader powers conferred by 
 the Constitution in cases of insurrection, 1 would 
 make an eftbrt to save it, with all its blessings, for 
 the present age and for posterity. 
 
 I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, 
 the heads of all departments, to meet on Sunday, the 
 20th day of April, 1861, at the ofiice of the Navy De- 
 partment, and then and there, with their unanimous 
 concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter 
 should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the com- 
 mercial marine, and especially the California treasure 
 ships then on their way to this coast. I also directed 
 
 1 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 151 
 
 the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to pur- 
 chase or charter, and arm as quickl}' as possible, tive 
 steamships, lor pur[u)ses of public defense. I directed 
 the comnuindant of the navy-yard at Philadelpliia to 
 purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number for 
 the same purpose. I directed the commandant at 
 New York to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal 
 number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, 
 or charter and arm, and put to sea two other vessels. 
 Similar directions were given to Commodore DuPont, 
 with a view^ to the opening of passages by water to 
 and from tlie capital. I directed the several officers 
 to take the advice and ol)tain the aid and efficient 
 services in the matter of his Excellency, Edwin D. 
 Morgan, the governor of New York; or, in his ab- 
 sence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, li. M. 
 Blatcliford, and Moses 11. Grinnell, who were, by my 
 directions, especially empowered by the Secretary of 
 the Navy to act for his department in that crisis, in 
 matters pertainkig to the forwarding of troops and 
 supplies for the public defense. 
 
 On the same occasion, I directed that Governor 
 Morgan and Alexander Ciimmings, of the city of 
 New York, should be autliorized by the Secretary of 
 War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrange- 
 ments for the transportation of troops and munitions 
 of war, in aid and assistance of the officers of tlie 
 army of the United States, until communication by 
 mails and telegraph should be comjjletely re-estab- 
 lished between the cities of \Vashington and New 
 York. No security was required to be given by 
 
152 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 them, and either of them was authorized to act in 
 case of inability to consult with the others. 
 
 On the same occasion, I authorized and directed the 
 Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requir- 
 ing security, two millions of dollars for public money 
 to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. 
 Blatchford, of ISTew York, to be used by them in 
 meeting such requisitions as should be directly con- 
 sequent upon the military and naval measures neces- 
 sary for the defense and support of the government, 
 requiring them only to act without compensation, 
 and to report their transactions when duly called 
 upon. The several departments of the government 
 at that time contained so large a number of disloyal 
 persons that it would have been impossible to provide 
 safely, through official agents only, for the perform- 
 ance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably 
 known for their ability, loyalty and patriotism. 
 
 The several orders issued upon these occurrences 
 were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued 
 a circuitous way to the seaboard cities, inland, across 
 the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the north- 
 ern lakes. I believe that by these and other similar 
 measures taken in that crisis, some of which were 
 without any authority of law, the government was 
 saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar 
 of the public funds thus confided without authority 
 of law, to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, 
 although apprehension of such misdirection occurred 
 to me as objections to those extraordinary proceed- 
 ings, and were necessaril}' overruled. 
 
 I recall these transactions now because my atten- 
 
PE\ AND VOICE. 153 
 
 tioii has been directed to a resolution which was 
 passed hy the House of Tiepresentatives on tlie 30th 
 day of last month, which is in these words: 
 
 Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of 
 War, by investing Alexander Cnmmings with the 
 control of large sums of the public money, and au- 
 thority to purcha-<c military su[)plies without restric- 
 tion, without rc(|uii'ing from him any guarantee for 
 the faithful performance of his duties, when tlie serv- 
 ices of competent public officers were available, and 
 by involving the government in a vast number of 
 contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in 
 the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such 
 contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future 
 delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the 
 public service, and deserves the censure of the house. 
 
 Congress will see that I should be wanting equally 
 in candor and in justice, if I should leave the censure 
 expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or 
 chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is 
 unanimously entertained by the heads of departments, 
 who participated in the proceedings which the House 
 of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr, 
 Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the 
 proceedings, they were not moved or suggested by 
 himself, and that not only the President but all the 
 other heads of departments were at least equally re- 
 sponsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault 
 was committed in the premises. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
154 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington, May 31, 1862. 
 
 A circle whose circumference sliall pass through 
 Harper's Ferry, Front Royal and Strasburg, and 
 whose center shall be a little north east of AVinchester, 
 almost certainly has within it this morning the forces 
 of Jackson, Ewell and Edward Johnson. Quite cer- 
 tainly they were within it two days ago. Some part 
 of their forces attacked Harper's Ferry at dark last 
 evening, and are still in sight this morning. Shields, 
 with McDowells advance, took Front Royal a 11 a. m. 
 yesterday, with a dozen of our own prisoners taken 
 there a week ago, 150 of the enemy, two locomotives 
 and eleven cars, some other property and stores, and 
 saved the bridge. 
 
 General Fremont, from the direction of Mooretield, 
 promises to be at or near Strasburg at 5 P. m. to-day. 
 General Banks at Williamsport with his old force, 
 and his new force at Harper's Ferry, is directed to co- 
 operate. Shields, at Front Royal, reports a rumor of 
 still an additional force of the enemy, supposed to be 
 at Anderson's, having entered the valley of Virginia. 
 This last may or may not be true. Corinth is certain- 
 ly in the hands of General Halleck. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 War Dep't, Washington City, June 1, 1862, 5 P. 31. 
 Thanks for what you could and did say in your dis- 
 patch of noon to-day to the Secretary of AVar. , If the 
 enemy shall not have renewed the attack this after- 
 noon, I think the hardest of your work is done. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 155 
 
 Sliiekls's advance came in collision with part of the 
 enemy yesterday evening six miles (Voni Front Ivoyal, 
 in a direction between Winchester and Strasburg, 
 driving them back, capturing a few j»risoners and one 
 riHed cannon. Firing in that direction to-day heard 
 l)oth from Harper's F'crry and Front lioyal, indicate 
 a i>robability that Fremont has met the enemy. 
 
 We have concluded to send General Sigel to 
 Harper's Ferry, so that what I telegraphed you al)out 
 him this morning is revoked. Dix goes to Fort 
 Monroe to-night. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont. 
 
 Washingtiw. J live 0, 1862. 
 Halt at Harrisonburg, pursuing Jackson no farther. 
 Get your force well in hand and stand on the defen- 
 sive, guarding against a movement of the enemy back 
 toward Strasburg or Franklin, and wait further orders, 
 which will soon be sent you. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont. 
 
 Washington, Jane 12, 1862. 
 Yours preferring ATount Jackson to Harrison])urg, 
 is just received. On this point use your discretion, 
 remembering that our object is to give such protection 
 as you can to Western Virginia. Many thanks to 
 yourself, officers, and men for the gallant battle of 
 last Sunday. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont. 
 
 Washington, June 13, 1862. 
 We can not afford to keep your force and Banks's 
 and McDowell's engaged in keeping Jackson south of 
 
156 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Strasburg and Front Royal. You fought Jackson 
 alone and worsted him. He can have no substantial 
 re-inforcenients so long as a battle is pending at Rich- 
 mond. Surely you and Banks in supporting distance, 
 are capable of keeping him from returning to Win- 
 chester. But if Sigel be sent forward to you and 
 McDowell (as he must be put to other work), Jackson 
 will break through at Front Ro^-al again. He is al- 
 ready on the right side of the Shenandoah to do it, 
 and on the wrong side of it to attack you. The orders 
 already sent you and Banks place you and him in the 
 proper position for the work assigned you. Jackson 
 can not move his whole force on either of you before 
 the other can learn of it and go to his assistance. He 
 can not divide his force, sending part against each of 
 you, l)ecause he will be too weak for either. Please 
 do as I directed in the order of the 8th, and my dis- 
 patch of yesterday, the 12th, and neither you or Banks 
 will be overwhelmed by Jackson. By proper scout 
 lookouts, and beacons of smoke by day and fires by 
 night, you can always have timely notice of the ene- 
 my's approach. I know not as to you, but by some 
 this has been too much neglected. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont. 
 Wai' Dejj't, Washington City, D. C, June 15, 1862. 
 31y dear sir: — Your letter of the 12th, by Colonel 
 Zagonyi, is just received. In answer to the principal 
 part of it, I repeat the substance of an order of the 
 8th, and one or two telegraphic dispatches sent you 
 since. 
 
 We have no indefinite power of sending reinforce- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 157 
 
 meats, so that we are compelled rather to consider 
 the proper disposal of the forces we have than of 
 those we could wish to have. We may be able to 
 send you some dribs by degrees, but I do not believe 
 wc can do more. As you alone beat Jackson last 
 Sunday, I argue that you arc stronger than he is to- 
 day, unless he has been reinforced, and that he can 
 not have been materially reinforced, because such re- 
 inforcement could only have come from Richmond, 
 and he is much more likely to go to Richmond tlian 
 Richmond is to come to him. Neither is very likely. 
 I think Jackson's game — his assigned work — now is 
 to magnify the accounts of his number and reports 
 of his movements, and thus, by constant alarms, to 
 keep three or four times as many of our troops away 
 from Richmond as his own force amounts to. 
 
 Thus he hel})S his friends at Richmond three or 
 four times as much as if he were there. Our game 
 is not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of 
 the 8th, I directed you to halt at Harrisonburg, rest 
 your force, and get it well in hand, the object being 
 to guard against Jackson's returning by the same 
 route to the Upper Potomac, over which you have 
 just driven him out, and at the same time give some 
 protection against a raid into West Virginia. Al- 
 ready I have given you discretion to occupy Mount 
 Jackson instead, if, on full consideration, you think 
 best. I do not believe Jackson will attack you, but 
 certainly he can not attack you by surprise ; and if 
 he comes upon you in superior force, you have 
 but to notify us, fall back cautiously, and ]3anks will 
 join you in due time. But, while we know not 
 
158 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, 
 we can not safely j^ut you and Banks both on the 
 Strasburg line, and have no force on the Front Royal 
 line, npon which ho prosecuted his last raid. The 
 true policy is to place one of you on one line, and the 
 other on the other, in such position that you can 
 unite on either, once you actually tind Jackson mov- 
 ing upon it. And this is precisely what we are 
 doing. 
 
 This protects that part of our frontier, so to speak, 
 and liberates McDowell to go to the assistance of 
 McClellan. I have arranged this, and am very un- 
 willing to have it deranged. While you have only 
 asked for Sigel, I have spoken only of Banks, an<l 
 this because SigeVs force is now the principal part of 
 Banks's force. About transferring General Schenck's 
 command, the purchase of supplies, and the promo- 
 tion and appointment of officers mentioned in your 
 letter, I will consult with the Secretary of War to- 
 morrow. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Fremont, Mount Jackson, Ya. 
 
 Washington^ June IG, 1862. 
 
 Your dispatch of yesterday, reminding me of a 
 supposed understanding that I would furnish you a 
 corps of 35,000 men, and asking of me the " fulfill- 
 ment of this understanding" is received. I am ready 
 to come to a fair settlement of accounts with you on 
 the fulfillment of understandings. 
 
 Early in March last, when I assigned you to the 
 command of the Mountain Department, I did toll 
 you I would give you all the force I could, and that I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 159 
 
 hoped to make it reach 35,000. You at the same 
 time told me that within a reasonable time you would 
 seize tlie railroad at or east of Knoxville, Tennessee, 
 if you (.ould. There was then in the department a 
 force supposed to be 25,000, the exact number as well 
 known to you as to me. After looking about two or 
 days, you railed, and distinctly told me that if I 
 would add the Blenker division to the force already 
 in the department, you would undertake the job. 
 The Blenker division cf>ntained 10,000, and, at the 
 expense of great dissatisfaction to General McClellan 
 I took it from his army, and gave it to you. My 
 promise was literally fuliilled. I have given you all 
 I could, and I have given you vei-y nearly, if not 
 quite, 35,000. Now for yours: On the 23d of May, 
 largely over tw^o months afterward, you were at 
 Franklin, Virginia, not within 300 miles of Knijx- 
 ville, nor within eighty miles of any jtart of the rail- 
 road east of it, and not moving forward, but telegraph- 
 ing here that you could not move for lack of every 
 thing. Now', do not misunderstand me. I do not 
 say you have not done all you could. I presume you 
 met unexpected difliculties; and 1 beg you to be- 
 lieve that, as surely as you have done your best, so 
 have I. I have not the power now to till up your 
 corps to 35,000. I am not demancling of you to do 
 the work of 35,000. I am only asking of you to 
 stand cautiously on the defensive, get your force in 
 order, and give such protection as you can to the 
 valley of the Shenandoah and to AVestern Virginia. 
 
 Have you received the orders, and will you act 
 upon them ? A. Lincoln. 
 
L60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To Brigadier-General Schurz, Mount Jackson, Va. 
 
 Washington, June 16, 1862. 
 Your long letter is received. The information you 
 D;ive is valuable. You say it is fortunate that Fre- 
 mont did not intercept Jackson ; that Jackson had a 
 superior force, and would have overwhelmed him. 
 If this is so, how luq^pencd it that Fremont fairly 
 fouffht and routed him on the 8th? Or is the account 
 that he did fight and rout him false and fabricated? 
 Both General Fremont and you speak of Jackson 
 having beaten Shields. By our accounts he did not 
 beat Shields. He had no engagement with Shields. 
 He did meet and drive back with disaster about 2,000 
 of Shields's advance till they were met by an addi- 
 tional brigade of Shields's, when Jackson himself 
 turned and retreated. Shields himself and more than 
 half his force were not nearer than twenty miles to 
 any of it. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington City, June 20, 1862. 
 
 We have this morning sent you a dispatch of Gen- 
 eral Sigel, corroborative of the proposition that Jack- 
 son is being re-inforced from Richmond. This may 
 be reality and yet may be only contrivance for decep- 
 tion, and to determine which, is perplexing. If we 
 knew it was not true, we could send you some more 
 forco,^but as the case stands we do not think we safely 
 can. Still, we will watch the signs and do so if pos- 
 sible. 
 
 In regard to a contemplated execution of Captains 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 161 
 
 Sprigg and Triplett, the government has no informa- 
 tion whatever, bnt will inc^nire and advise you. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Tu Major-General McClellan. 
 
 Washington, June 21, 1862, 6 P. M. 
 Yonr dispatch of yesterday (2 w m.) was receivi-il 
 this morning. If it would not divert too much ot 
 your time and attention from the army under your 
 immediate command, I would be glad to have your 
 views as to, the present state of military affairs 
 throughout the whole countrv, as you sav vou would 
 be glad to give them. I would rather it should be 
 by letter than by telegraph, because of the better 
 chance of secrecy. As to the lunnbers and position 
 of the troops not under your command in Virginia 
 and elsewhere, even if I could do so with accuracy, 
 whieli I can not, I would rather not transmit either 
 by telegraph or letter, because of the chances of its 
 reaching the enemy. I would be glad to talk with 
 you, but you can not leave your camp and I can not 
 well leave here. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Presidential Orders. 
 Executive Blansion, Washington, June 22,1862. 
 Ordered, First. The forces under Major-Generals 
 Fremont, Banks, and McDowell, including the troops 
 now under Brigadier-General Sturges at Washing- 
 ton, shall be consolidated and form one army, to be 
 called the Army of Virginia. 
 
 Second. The command of the Army of Virginia 
 14 
 
162 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 is specially assigned to Major-General John Pope, as 
 commanding general. The troops of the Mountain 
 Department, heretofore under command of Greneral 
 Fremont, shall constitute the First Army Corps, un- 
 der the command of General Fremont ; the troops 
 of the Shenandoah Deiiurtment, now under General 
 Banks, shall constitute the Second Army Corps, and 
 he, commanded by him ; the troops under the com- 
 mand of General McDowell, except those within the 
 fortifications and city of Washington, shall form the 
 Third Army Corps, and he under his command. 
 
 Third. The Army of Virginia shall operate in 
 such manner as, while protecting Western Virginia 
 and the National capital from danger or insult, it 
 shall in the speediest manner attack and overcome 
 the rebel forces under Jackson and Ewell, threaten 
 the enemy in the direction of Charlottesville, and 
 render the most eft'ective aid to relieve General Mc- 
 Clellan and capture Kichmond. 
 
 Fourth. When the Army of the Potomac and the 
 Army of Virginia shall be in a position to communi- 
 cate and directly co-operate at or before Pichmond, 
 the cliief command, while so co-operating together, 
 shall be governed, as in like cases, by the Pules and 
 Articles of War. A. Lincoln 
 
 To General McClellan. 
 
 June 26, 1862. 
 Your three dispatches of yesterday, in relation to 
 the affair, ending with the statement that you com- 
 pletely succeeded in making your point, are very 
 gratifying. The later one, of 6j p. m., suggesting the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 163 
 
 lirobability of your being overwhelmed by two hun- 
 dred thousand men, and talking of whom the respon- 
 sibility will belong to, pains me very much. I give 
 you all I can, and act on tlie j>resumptioii that you 
 will do the best you can with what you have; while 
 you continue, ungenerouslj', I think, to assume that 
 I could give you more it" I would. I have omitted, I 
 shall omit, no oi)portunity to send you reintbree- 
 ments whenever I possibly can. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General McClellan. 
 
 June 28, 1862. 
 Save your army at all events. Will send re-inforce- 
 ments as fast as we can. Of course, they can not 
 reach you to-day, to-morrow or next day. I have 
 not said that you were ungenerous for saying you 
 needed re-inforeements. I thought you were ungen- 
 erous in assuming that I did not send them as fast as 
 I could. I feel any misfortune to you and your army 
 as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a 
 drawn battle or a repulse, it is the price we pay for 
 the encfiiy not being in Washington. We protected 
 Washington, and the enemy concentrated on you. 
 Had we stripped Washington, he wouhl have been 
 uyon us before the troops sent could have got to you. 
 Less than a week ago you notiiied us that re-inforce- 
 ments were leaving Kichmond to come in front of us. 
 It is the nature of the case, and neither you nor the 
 ti-overument is to blame. A. Lincoln. 
 
164 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Hon. William H. Seward, Astor House, New York. 
 War Department, June 29, 1862, 6 P. 31. 
 
 Not much more than when you left. Fultoii, of 
 Baltimore American, is now with us. He left White 
 House at 11 a. m. yesterday. He conversed fully with 
 a paymaster, who was with Porter's force during the 
 fight of Friday, and fell back to nearer McClellan's 
 quarters just a little sooner than Porter did, seeing 
 the whole of it. Staid on the Richmond side of the 
 Chickahominy over night, and left for White House at 
 five A. M. Saturday. He says Porter retired in per- 
 fect order under protection of guns arranged for the 
 purpose, under orders, and not from necessity, and 
 with all others of our forces, except what was left on 
 purpose to go to White House, was safely in position 
 over the Chickahominy before morning, and that 
 there was heavy firing on the Richmond side, begun 
 at 5 and ceased at 7 a. m., Saturday. On the whole 
 I think we have had the better of it up to that point 
 of time. What has happened since we still know 
 not, as we have no communication with General Mc- 
 Clellan. A dispatch from Colonel Ingalls shows that 
 he thinks McClellan is fighting wMth the enemy at 
 Richmond to-day, and will be to-morrow. 
 
 We have no means of knowing upon what Colonel 
 Ingalls founds his opinion. All confirmed about sav- 
 ing all property. Xot a single un wounded straggler 
 came back to the White House from the field, and 
 the number of wounded reaching there up to 11 a. m.^ 
 Saturday, was not large. A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 165 
 
 Hon. William II. Seward, Xew York. 
 
 Wen' Departwent, June 30, 1862. 
 
 "We aro yot without eoiiinintiieation with General 
 McClelhiii, and tliis absence of news is our point of 
 anxiety. 
 
 Up to tlie hitest period to which we are posted lie 
 effected every thino- in such exact accordance with 
 his plan, contingently announced to us before the 
 battle began, that we feel justified to hope tliat he has 
 not failed since. 
 
 He had a severe engagement in getting the part of 
 his army on this side of the Chickahominy over to 
 the other side, in which the enemy lost certainly as 
 much as we did. 
 
 We are not dissatisfied with this, only that the loss 
 of enemies does not compensate for the loss of friends. 
 The enemy can not come below White House ; cer- 
 tainly is not there now, and probably has abandoned 
 the whole line. 
 
 Hix's pickets are at Xew Kent Court-house. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Major-General Hunter. 
 Executire Maiislon, Washingfoi}, June 30, 1862. 
 Mij Dear General: — I have just received your letter 
 of the 2oth of June. 
 
 I assure you, and you may feel authorized in stat- 
 ing, that the recent change of commanders in the I)e- 
 jiartmont of the South was made for no reasons which 
 convey any imputation uptui your known energ}-, effi- 
 ciency and patriotism, but for causes which seemed 
 
166 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 sufficient; while tliey were in no degree incompatible 
 with the respect and esteeem in which I have always 
 held you as a man and an officer. 
 
 I can not, by giving my consent to a publication of 
 whose details I know nothing, assume the responsi- 
 bility of whatever you may write. In this matter 
 your own sense of military propriety must be your 
 guide, and the regulation of the service your rule of 
 conduct. I am, very truly, your friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Dix, Fort Monroe. 
 
 War Department, Washington City, Jane 30, 1862. 
 
 Is it not probable the enemy has abandoned the 
 line between White House and McOlellan's rear ? 
 
 He could have but little object to maintain it, and 
 nothing to subsist upon. Would not Stonemau better 
 move up and see about it? I think a telegraphic 
 communication can at once be opened to White 
 House from Williamsburg. The wires must be up 
 still. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To McClellan, July 1, 1862. 
 It is impossible to re-inforce you for your present 
 emergency. If we had a million of men we could 
 not get them to you in time. We have not the men 
 to send. If you are not strong enough to face the 
 enemy, you must find a place of security, and wait, 
 rest and repair. Maintain your ground if you can, 
 but save the army at all events, even if you fall back 
 to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough in 
 the country, and will bring it out. A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 167 
 
 Letter to McClf.llan, July 2, 18G2. 
 
 Your dispatch of yostorday induces nie to hope 
 that your army is having some rest. In tlie ho[ie, 
 aUow me to reason with you for a moment. Wlieii 
 you ask for 50,000 men to he i)romptly sent you, 30U 
 surely hihor under some gross mistake of fact. Re- 
 cently you sent ])a[)ers showing your disposal offerees 
 made last sjiring for the defense of Washington, and 
 advising a return to that plan. I find it included, in 
 and ahout AYashington, 75,000 men. 
 
 Now, please he assured that I liave not men enough 
 to fill that very plan hy 15,000. All of General Fre- 
 mont's in the valley, all of General Banks', all of Gen- 
 eral McDowell's not with you, and all in \Yashington 
 taken together, do not exceed, if they reach, 60,000. 
 
 With General AYool and General Dix added to 
 those mentioned, I have not, outside of your army, 
 75,000 men east of the mountains. Thus, the idea 
 of sending you 50,000, or any other considerahle force 
 promptly, is simply absurd. If, in your frequent 
 mention of responsibility, you have the impression 
 that I blame you for not doing more than you can, 
 please be relieved of such impression. I only beg 
 that in like manner, 3'ou will not ask Impossibilities 
 (if me. 
 
 If you think you are not strong enough to take 
 Richmond just now, I do not ask you to tiy Just 
 now. Save the army, material. and 7Jr?".90»»r/, and I 
 will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as I 
 can. 
 
168 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 The governors of eighteen states offer me a new 
 levy of 300,000, which I accept. A. Lincoln, 
 
 To Major- Genekal H allege, Corinth, Miss. 
 War Department, July 2, 1862. 
 Your several dispatches of yesterday to Secretary 
 of War and myself received. I did say, and now re- 
 peat, I would be exceedingly glad for some reinforce- 
 ments from you; still, do not send a man if, in your 
 judgment, it will endanger any point you deem im- 
 portant to hold, or will force you to give up or weaken 
 or delay the Chattanooga expedition. Please tell me, 
 could you make me a flying visit for consultation 
 without endangering the service in your department? 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General George B. McClellan. 
 War Department, Was/iinr/ton, July 3, 1862. 
 
 Yours of 5:30 yesterday is just received. I am sat- 
 isfied that yourself, officers and men have done the 
 best you could. All accounts say better fighting was 
 never done. Ten thousand thanks for it. 
 
 On the 28th we sent General Burnside an order to 
 send all the force he could s[>are to you. We then 
 learned that you had requested him to go to Golds- 
 borough ; upon which we said to him our order was 
 intended for your benefit, and we did not wish to be 
 in conflict with your views. We hope you will have 
 help from him soon. To-day we have ordered Gen- 
 eral Hunter to send you all he can spare. At last 
 advice General Hunter thinks he can not send re in- 
 forcements without endangering all he has gained. 
 
 A. Lincoln, President. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 169 
 
 To Governor Morton. 
 
 July 3, 1862. 
 My Dear Sir: — T would not want the half of 300,- 
 000 new troops if I could have them now. If I had 
 50,000 additional troops here now I helieve I conld 
 substantially close the war in two weeks ; but time is 
 every thing, and if I get the 50,000 new men in a 
 month I shall have lost 20,000 old ones during that 
 same month, having gained only 30,000, with the dif- 
 ference between old and new troops still against me. 
 The quicker you raise the troops the fewer you will 
 have to send, and time is every thing. Please act in 
 view of this. The enemy having given up Corinth, 
 it is not wonderful that he is thereby enabled to check 
 us for a time at Richmond. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General McClellan. 
 
 War Deft, Washington City, July 4, 1862. 
 
 I understand your position as stated in your letter, 
 and by General Marcy. To re-inforce you so as to 
 enable you to resume the offensive within a month, 
 or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that 
 arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about 
 10,000 men, I suppose), and about 10,000, 1 hope, you 
 will have from Burnside very soon, and about 5,000 
 from Hunter a little later, I do not see how I can 
 send you another man within a month. Under these 
 circumstances, the defensive, for the present, must be 
 your only care. 
 
 Save the army, first, where you are, if you can ; 
 and secondly, by removal if you must. You, on the 
 15 
 
170 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 ground, must be the judge as to wliich you will at- 
 tempt, and of the means for effecting it. I but give 
 it as my opinion, that with the aid of the gunboats 
 and the re-inforcements mentioned above, you can 
 hold your present position; provided, and so long 
 as 3"ou can keep the James river open below you. 
 If you are not tolerably confident you can keep the 
 James river open you had better remove as soon as 
 possible. I do not remember that you have expressed 
 any apprehension as to the danger of having your 
 communication cut on the river below you, yet I do 
 not suppose it can have escaped your attention. 
 
 A, Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Halleck, Corinth, Miss. 
 War Department^ Washington, D. C, Jidy 6, 1862. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — This introduces Governor William 
 Sprague, of Rhode Island. He is now governor for 
 the third time and senator elect of the United States, 
 I know the object of his visit to you. He has my 
 cheerful consent to go, but not my direction. He 
 wishes to get you and part of your force, one or both, 
 to come here. You already know I should be exceed- 
 ingly glad of this, if in your judgment it could be, 
 without endangering positions and operations in the 
 south-west, and I now repeat what I have more than 
 once said by telegraph on this point: " Do not come or 
 send a man if in your judgment it will endanger any 
 point you deem important to hold or endanger or 
 delay the Chattanooga expedition." Still, please give 
 my friend Governor Sprague a full and fair hearing. 
 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 171 
 
 To TIoN. Andrew Johnson. 
 
 War Department, July 11, 1862. 
 
 3J}j Dear Sir: — Yours of yesttM'day is received. Po 
 you not, my good friend, i)erceive that what you ask 
 is simply to put you in command of the West? I do 
 not suppose you desire this. You oidy wish to control 
 in your own localities ; but this you must know may 
 derange all other posts. 
 
 Can you not, and will you not have a full conference 
 with General Halleck ? Telegraph him and meet hiim 
 at such place as you and he can agree ui)on. 
 
 I telegraph him to meet 3'ou and confer fully with 
 you. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Address to the Senators and Representatives of 
 THE Border States. 
 
 July, 18G2. 
 
 Gentlemen: — After the adjournment of Congress, 
 now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you 
 for several months. Believing that you of the border 
 states hold more power for good than any other e(pial 
 number of members, I feel it a duty which I can not 
 justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. 
 
 I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure 
 you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the 
 resolution in the gradual emancipation message of last 
 March, the war would now he substantially ended. 
 
 And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most 
 potent and swift means of ending it. Let the states 
 which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that 
 in no event will the states you represent ever join 
 
172 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 their proposed confederacy, and they can not mncli 
 longer maintain the contest. But you can not divest 
 them of tlieir hope to ultimately have you with them, 
 as long as you show a determination to perpetuate 
 the institution within your own states ; heat them at 
 election as you have overwhelmingly done and nothing 
 daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and 
 I know wliat the lever of their power is. Break that 
 lever before their faces, and they can shake you no 
 more forever. Most of you have treated me with 
 kindness and consideration ; and I trust you will not 
 now think I imjjroperly touch what is exclusively 
 your own, when for the sake of the whole country, I 
 ask, can you, for your states, do better than to take 
 the course I urge ? Discarding punctilio and maxims 
 adapted to more manageabje times, and looking only 
 to the unprecedently stern facts of our case, can you* 
 do better in any possible event? You prefer that the 
 constitutional relation of the states to the nation shall 
 be practically restored without disturbance of the in- 
 stitution ; and if this were done, my whole duty, in this 
 respect, under the constitution and my oath of office, 
 would be performed. But it is not done, and we are 
 trying to accomplish it by war. 
 
 The incidents of the war can not be avoided. If 
 the war continues long, as it must if the object be not 
 sooner attained, the institution in your states, will be 
 extinguished by mere friction and abrasion — by the 
 mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you 
 will have nothins^ valuable in lieu of it. Much of its 
 value is gone already. How much better for you and 
 your people, to take the step which at once shortens 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 173 
 
 the war, and secures sul)stantial compensation for that 
 which is sure to he wlioliy h)st in any otlier event. 
 How much hetter to thus save the money wliich else 
 we sink lorever in tlie war. IIow mucli Ix'tter to do 
 it while we can, lest the war ere long render us po- 
 cuniarily uuahle to do it. IIow much better for you, 
 as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and Iniy 
 out, tliat witliout wliich tlie war never could liave 
 been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the 
 price of it in cutting one anotlier's throats. I do not 
 speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at 
 once to emancipate gradually. 
 
 Room in South America for colonization can be ob- 
 tained cheaply, and in abundance; and when numbers 
 shall be large enough to be company and encourage- 
 ment for one another, tlie freed people will not be so 
 reluctant to go. 
 
 I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned 
 one which threatens division among those who, united, 
 are none too strong. An instance of it is known to 
 you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, 
 and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the 
 less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that 
 all men every-where could be free. He proclaimed all 
 men free within certain states, and I repudiated the 
 })roclamation. He expected more good and less harm 
 fi'om the measure than I could l)clieve would follow. 
 Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not 
 offense, to many whose support the country can not 
 afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The 
 pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is in- 
 creasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can 
 
174 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 relieve me, and, much more, can relieve the country 
 in this important point. 
 
 Upon these considerations I have again begged 
 your attention to the message of March last. 
 
 Before leaving the capital, consider and discuss it 
 among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, 
 and as such, I pray you consider this proposition ; 
 and at the least, commend it to the consideration of 
 your states and people. As you would perpetuate 
 popular government, for the best people in the Avorld, 
 I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. 
 
 Our common country is in great peril, demanding 
 the loftiest views and boldest action, to bring a speedy 
 relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved 
 to the world ; its beloved history and cherished 
 memories are vindicated; and its happy future fully 
 assured, and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, 
 more than to any others, the privilege is given to as- 
 sure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to 
 link your own names therewith forever. 
 
 To McClellan, July 13, 1862. 
 My Dear Sir: — I am told that over 160,000 men 
 have gone with your army to the Peninsula. When 
 I was with you the other day, we made out 86,000 
 remaining, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. I 
 believe 23,500 will cover all the killed, wounded, and 
 missing, in all your battles and skirmishes, leaving 
 50,000 who have left otherwise, and more than 5,000 
 of these have died, leaving 45,000 of your army still 
 alive and not with it. I believe half or two-thirds of 
 them are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 175 
 
 perfect knowledge of this than I have? If I am 
 right, and you liad these men with you, you could 
 go into Richmond in the next three days. How can 
 they be got to you, and how can they be prevented 
 from getting away in such numbers for the future? 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 President's Nomination, July 16, 18G2. 
 The President of the United States of America to all who 
 shall see these presents, greeting : 
 
 Know ye that, reposing special trust and confidence 
 in the patriotism, valor, lidelity, and abilities of 
 Fitz John Porter, I have nominated, and, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate, do appoint 
 him major-general of volunteers in the service of the 
 United States, to rank as such from the 4th day of 
 July, 1862. He is, therefore, carefully and diligently 
 to discharge the duty of major-general, by doing and 
 performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. 
 And I do strictly charge and require all officers and 
 soldiers under his command to be obedient to his or- 
 ders as nr-ijor-general. And he is to observe and 
 follow such orders and directions, from time to 
 time, as he shall recieve from me, or the future 
 President of the United States of America, or the 
 general, or other superior officers set over him, ac- 
 cording to the rules and discipline of war. This com- 
 mission to continue in force during tlie pleasure of 
 the President of the United States for the time 
 being. 
 
 Given under my hand, at the city of "Washington, 
 this 16th day of July, in the year of our Lord one 
 
176 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and in the 
 eighty-seventh year of the independence of the 
 United States. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 CoMxMUXICATION TO CONGRESS, JULY 17, 1862. 
 
 Felloui- Citizens of the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives: — Considering the bill for an act to suppress 
 insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize 
 and conliscate the property of the rebels and other 
 pur})Oses, and the joint resolution explanatory of said 
 act as being substantially one, I have approved and 
 signed both. 
 
 Before I was informed of the passage of the reso- 
 lution, I had prepared the draft of a message stating 
 objections to the bill becoming a law, a copy of which 
 draft is herewith trsnsmitted. 
 
 AbraiiAxM Lincoln. 
 
 Fellow- Citizens of the House of Representatives: — I 
 herewith return to your honorable body, in which it 
 originated, the bill for an act entitled An act to sup- 
 press treason and rebellion, to sieze and confiscate 
 the property of the rebels, and for other purposes, 
 together \y\i\\ my objections to its becoming a law. 
 There is much in the bill to which I perceive no ob- 
 jection. It is wholly prospective, and it touches 
 neither the person nor property of any loyal citizen, 
 in which particular it is just and proper. The first 
 and second sections provide for the conviction and 
 punishment of persons who shall be guilty of treason, 
 and the persons who shall incite, set on foot, assist, 
 or engage in any rebellion or insurrection against the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 177 
 
 authority of the United States, or the laws thereof, 
 or shall give aid or comfort to any such existing re- 
 bellion or insurrection. 
 
 By ftiir construction, the persons within these sec- 
 tions are not to be punished without regular trials in 
 duly constituted courts under the forms and all the 
 substantial provisions of law and of the Constitution 
 applicable to their several cases. To this I perceive 
 no objection, especially as such persons would be 
 within the general pardoning power, and also within 
 the special provision for pardon and amnesty con- 
 tained in this act. It also provides that the slaves of 
 persons confiscated under these sections shall be free. 
 I think there is an unfortunate form of expression 
 rather than a substantial objection in this. It is 
 startling to say that Congress can free a slave within 
 a state, and yet were it said that the ownership of a 
 slave had first been transferred to the luitioUi and 
 that Congress had then liberated him, the dithculty 
 would vanish, and this is the real case. The traitor 
 against the general government forfeits his slave, at 
 least as justly as he does any other })ropcrty, and he 
 forfeits both to the government against which he 
 ofi:ends. 
 
 The government, so far as there can be ownership, 
 owns the forfeited slaves, and the question for Con- 
 gress in regard to them is, shall they be made free or 
 sold to new masters? I see no objection to Congress 
 deciding in advance that they shall be free. To the 
 high honor of Kentucky, as I am informed, she has 
 been the owner of some slaves by escheat, and has 
 sold none, but liberated all. 
 
178 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 I hope the same is true of some other states. In- 
 deed I do not believe it would be physically possible 
 for the general government to return persons so cir- 
 cumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there Avould 
 be physical resistance to it, which would never be 
 turned aside by argument, nor driven away by force. 
 In this view of it, I have no objection to this feature 
 of the bill. Another matter, valued in tliese two sec- 
 tions, and running through other parts of the act, 
 will be noticed hereafter. 
 
 I perceive no objection to the third and fourth sec- 
 tions. So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth 
 sections, they may be considered together. That the 
 enforcement of these sections would do no injustice 
 to the persons embraced within them is clear. That 
 those who make a causeless war should be compelled 
 to pay the cost of it is too obviously just to be called 
 into question. To give government protection to the 
 property of persons who have abandoned it, and gone 
 on a crusade to overthrow that same government, is 
 absurd, if considered in the mere light of justice. 
 The severest justice may not always be the best 
 policy. The i)rinciple of seizing and appropriating 
 the property of the persons embraced within these 
 sections is certainly not very objectionable, but a 
 justly discriminating application of it would be very 
 difficult, and to a great extent impossible ; and would 
 it not be wise to place a power of remission some- 
 where, so that these persons may know that they 
 have something to save by desisting? 
 
 I am not sure whether such power of remission is 
 or is not within section thirteen, without a special act 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 179 
 
 of Congress, I tliiiik our military commanders, 
 when, in military [)lira.se, they are within the enemy's 
 country, should in an orderly manner seize and keep 
 whatever of real or j)ersonal iiro[ierty may he neces- 
 sary or convenient for their demands, and at tiie same 
 time preserve in some way the evidence of wliat 
 they do. 
 
 What I luive said in regard to slaves, while com- 
 menting on the iirst and second sections, is ap])lical)le 
 to the ninth, with the ditference that no provision is 
 made in the whole act for determining whether a jtar- 
 ticular individual slave does or does not fail within 
 the class defined ^\•ithin that section. lie is to he free 
 upon certain conditions, hut Avhether these conditions 
 do or do not pertain to him, no mode of ascertaining 
 is provided. This conld he easily supplied. 
 
 To the tenth section I make no ohjection. The 
 oath therein required seems to he projier, and the re- 
 mainder of the section is suhstantially identical with 
 a law ali'cady existing. 
 
 The eleventh section simply assumes to confer dis- 
 cretionary powers upon the Executive without the 
 huv. I have no hesitation to go as far in the direc- 
 tion indicated as I may at any time deem expedient, 
 and I am ready to say now I think it is i)roper fur 
 our military commanders to employ as lahorers as 
 many persons of African descent as can he used to 
 advantage. 
 
 The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something 
 hetter — they are nnohjectionable — and the fourteenth 
 is entirely proper, if all other parts of the act shall 
 stand. 
 
180 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 That to which I chiefly object pervades most parts 
 of the act, hut more distinctly appears in the first, 
 second, seventh, and eighth sections. It is the sum 
 of those provisions wliich results in the divesting of 
 title forever. For the causes of treason — the ingredi- 
 ents of treason, but amounting to the full crime — it 
 declares forfeiture extending beyond tlie lives of the 
 guilty parties, whereas the Constitution of the United 
 States declares that no attainder of treason shall work 
 corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the 
 life of the person attainted. True, there is to be no 
 formal attainder in this case, still I think the greater 
 punishment can not be constitutionally inflicted in a 
 different form for the same offense. With great re- 
 s[>ect I am constrained to say I think this feature of 
 the act is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult 
 to modify it. I may remark that the provision of 
 the Constitution, put in language borrowed from 
 Great Britain, applies only in this country, as I un- 
 derstand, to real estate. 
 
 Again, this act, by proceedings in rem, forfeits 
 property for the ingredients of treason without a 
 conviction of the supposed criminal, or a personal 
 hearing given him in any proceeding. That we may 
 not touch property lying within our reach because we 
 can not give personal notice to an owner who is ab- 
 sent endeavoring to destroy the government, is cer- 
 tainly not very satisfactory. Still the owner may not 
 be thus engaged, and I think a reasonable time should 
 be provided for such parties to appear and have per- 
 sonal hearings. Similar provisions are not uncom- 
 mon in connection with proceedings in rem. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 181 
 
 For the reason stated I return the bill t>) tlie house 
 in which it originated. 
 
 To CUTHBERT BuLLITT, EsQ., NeW ORLEANS, La. 
 
 Was/uuf/fo)}, D. a, July 28, 1862. 
 
 Sir: — The copy of u letter adch-essed to yourself by 
 Mr. Thomas J. Durant lias l^een shown to nie. The 
 writer a}»pears to be an able, a dispassionate and an 
 entirely sincere nntn. 
 
 The first part of the letter is devoted to an eftbrt to 
 show that tlie secession ordinance of Louisiana was 
 adopted against the will of the majority of the people. 
 
 This is probable true, and in that fa(^t may be found 
 some instruction. AVhy did they allow the ordinance 
 to go into effect? ^^ by did they not exert them- 
 selves? Why stand passive and allow themselves to 
 be trodden down by a minority? Why did they not 
 hold popular meetings, and have a convention of 
 their own to express and enforce the true sentiments 
 of the state? If pre-organization were against them, 
 then why not do this now tliat the United States 
 army is presenc to protect them ? 
 
 The paralysis — the dread palsy — of the government 
 in the whole struggle is, that this class of men will 
 do nothing for the government — nothing for them- 
 selves, except demanding that the government shall 
 not strike its enemies, lest they be struck by acci- 
 dent. Mr. Durant complains, that in various ways, 
 the relation of master and slave is disturbed by 
 the presence of our army; and he considers it partic- 
 
182 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 nlarlj vexations that this, in part, is done under cover 
 of an act of Congress, while constitutional guarantees 
 are superseded on the pleas of military necessity. 
 
 The truth is, tliat what is done and omitted ahont 
 slaves is done and omitted on the same military ne- 
 cessity. It is a military necessity to have men and 
 money; and we can not get either in sutKcient num- 
 bers or amounts, if we keep from or drive from our 
 lines slaves coming to them. Mr. Durant can not 
 be ignorant of the pressure in this direction, nor of 
 my efforts to hold it within bounds, till he, and such 
 as he, shall have time to help themselves. I am not 
 posted to speak understandingly on the public regu- 
 lations of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience 
 shows any of them to be wrong, let them be set right. 
 I think I can perceive in the freedom of trade which 
 Mr. Durant urges, that he would relieve both friends 
 and enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By 
 this he would serve the enemy more effectively than 
 the cnem}' is able to serve himself. 
 
 I do not say or believe that to serve the enemy is 
 the purpose of Mr. Durant, or that he is conscious of 
 any purposes other than national and patriotic ones. 
 Still, if this were a class of men who, having no choice 
 of sides in the contest, were anxious only to have 
 quiet and comfort for themselves while it rages, and 
 to f\ill in with the victorious side at the end of it, 
 without loss to themselves, their advice as to the 
 mode of conducting the contest would be precisely 
 such as his. 
 
 He speaks of no duty, apparently thinks of none, 
 
PEN AxND VOICE. 183 
 
 refuting upon L^nion men. He even thinks it injuri- 
 ous t<i the Union cause that they shouhl he restrained 
 in trade and passages, without taking sides. 
 
 Tliey are to touch neither a sail nor a pump line, 
 merely passengers (''dead heads'' at that) — be 
 carried snug and dry thi'oughout tlie storm and safely 
 landed right side up. Xay, more — even a mutineer 
 is to go untouched, lest these sacred passengers re- 
 ceive an accidental wound. 
 
 Of course the rebellion will never be suppressed in 
 Louisiana, if the professed Union men there will 
 neither help to do it, nor permit the government to 
 do it without their help. Noav, I tliink the remedy 
 is very ditferent from that suggested by Mr. Durant. 
 It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the 
 ■\\ar, l)ut in removing the necessity for the war. The 
 people of Louisiana, who wish protection to person 
 and property, have but to reach forth their hands 
 and take it. Let them in good faith re-inaugurate 
 the national authority and set up a state government 
 conforming thereto under the constitution. They 
 know how to do it, and have the protection of the 
 army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn 
 as soon as such government can dispense with its 
 presence, and the people of the state can then, ni)on 
 the old terms, govern themselves to their liking. 
 This is very simple and easy. 
 
 If they do not do this, if they prefer to hazard all 
 for the sake of destrovino; the government, it is for 
 them to consider whether it is probable 1 will sur- 
 render the government to save them from losing all. 
 
184 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 If they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need 
 to ask what I will do. What would you do in my 
 position ? Would you drop the war where it is? Or 
 would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk 
 squirts, charged with rose-water? Would you deal 
 lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you 
 give up the control leaving every available means un- 
 applied? I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do 
 more than I can, but I shall do all I can to save the 
 government, which is my sworn duty as well as my 
 personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. 
 What I deal with is too vast for malicious dealing. 
 Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Remarks at a Union Meeting in Washington, 
 August, 6, 1862. 
 
 Fellow - Citizen s : — I believe there is no precedent for 
 my appearing before you on this occasion, but it is 
 also true that there is no precedent for your being 
 here yourselves, and I offer, in justification of myself 
 and of you, that, upon examination, I have found 
 nothing in the constitution against it. I, however, 
 have an impression that there are younger gentlemen 
 who will entertain you better, and better address your 
 understanding than I will or could, and therefore I 
 i)ropose to detain you but a moment longer. 
 
 I am very little inclined on any occasion to say any- 
 thing unless I hope to produce some good by it. The 
 only thing I think of just now not likely to be better 
 said by some one else, is a matter in which we have 
 heard some other persons blamed fpr what I did my- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 185 
 
 self. Tliere lias been a very widespread attempt to 
 have a quarrel between General IVreClellan and the 
 Secretary of War. Now, I occupy a position that 
 enables nie to ol)serve, that these two gentlemen arc 
 not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some pretending 
 to be their friends. General McClelhui's attitude is 
 such that, in the very seliishness of his nature, he can 
 not but wish to be successful, and I hope he will — and 
 the Secretary of War is in precisely the same situation. 
 If the military commanders in the field can not be 
 successful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, 
 for the time being the master of them both, can not 
 but be failures. 
 
 I know General McClellan wishes to be successful, 
 and I know that he does not wish it any more than 
 the Secretary of AVar for him, and both of them to- 
 gether not more than I wish it. Sometimes we have 
 a dispute about how many men General McClellan has 
 had, and those who would disparage him say that he 
 has had a very large number, and those who would 
 <lisparagc the Secretary of War insist that General 
 McClellan has had a very small number. The basis 
 for this is, there is always a wide difference, and on 
 this occasion, perhaps a wider one than usual, between 
 the grand total on McClellan's rolls and the men act- 
 ually tit for duty; and those who would disparage 
 him talk of the grand total on pa})cr, and those who 
 would disparage the Secretary of War talk of those 
 at present lit for duty. 
 
 General McClellan has sometimes asked for thins-s 
 16 
 
186 ABKAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 that the Secretary of War did not give him. General 
 McClellan is not to blame for askingfor what hewanted 
 and needed, and the Secretary of "War is not to blame 
 for not giving when he had none to give. And I say 
 here, as fiir as I know, the Secretary of War has with- 
 held no one thing at any time in my power to give 
 him. I have no accnsation against him. I believe he 
 is a brave and able'man, and I stand here, as jnstice 
 requires me to do, to take upon myself what has been 
 charged on the Secretary of War, as withholding 
 from him. I have talked longer than I expected to 
 do, and now I avail myself of my privilege of saying 
 no more. 
 
 The President on Colonization, August 14, 1862. 
 Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. 
 Your race is sutlering, in my judgment, the greatest 
 wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you 
 cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being 
 placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut 
 ofi'from many of the advantages which the other race 
 enjoys. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality 
 with the best when free, but on this broad continent 
 not a single man of your race is made the equal of a 
 single man of ours. Go where you are treated the 
 best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose 
 to discuss this, but to present it as a fact, with which 
 we have to deal. I can not alter it if I would. It is 
 a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and 
 you. We look to our condition. Owing to the ex- 
 istence of the two races on this continent, I need not 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 187 
 
 recount to you llic etlects upon wliito mon, growing 
 out of the institution of slavery. I believe in its 
 general evil effects on the white race. See our present 
 condition — the country engaged in war; our white 
 men cutting one another's throats — none knowing 
 how far it will extend — and then consider what we 
 know to be the trntli. But for your race among us 
 tliere could not be war, although numy men engaged 
 on either side do not care for you one way or the 
 other. Xovertlieless, I re}»eat, without the institution 
 of slavery, and the colored race as a basis, the war 
 could not luive an existence. 
 
 It is better for us both therefore to be separated. I 
 know that there are free men among you who, even if 
 they could better their condition, are not as much in- 
 clined to go out of the couiitry as those who, being 
 slaves, could obtain tlicir freedom on this condition. 
 I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way 
 of colonization is that the free colored man can not 
 SCO that his comfort would be advanced by it. You 
 may believe that you can live in Washington, or else- 
 A\hcre in the United States, the remainder of your 
 life; perhaps more so than you can in any foreign 
 country, and hence you may come to the conclusion 
 tluit you liave nothing to do with the idea of going to 
 a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind 
 sense) an extremely selfish view of the case. But you 
 ought to do something to help those who are not so 
 fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness 
 on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you 
 free colored people to remain with us. Xow, if you 
 
188 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 could give a start to the white people 3'ou would open 
 a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal 
 with those who are not free at the beginning, and 
 whose intellects are eU>uded by slavery, we have very 
 poor material to start with. If intelligent colored 
 men, such as are before me, would move in this mat- 
 ter, much might be accomplislied. It is exceedingly 
 important that we have men at the beginning capable 
 of thinking as white men, and not tliose Avho have 
 been systematically oppressed. There is much to en- 
 courage you. For the sake of your race you should 
 sacrifice something of your present comfort for the 
 purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white 
 people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that 
 something can be done to ameliorate the condition of 
 those wdio have been subject to the hard usages of the 
 world. It is ditticiilt to make a man miserable while 
 he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred 
 to the great God who made him. In the American 
 Revolutionary w^ar sacrifices were made by men en- 
 gaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. 
 General Washington himself endured greater physical 
 hardships than if he had remained a British subject, 
 yet he v as a happy man, because he was engaged in 
 benefiting his race, in doing something for the children 
 of his neighbors, having none of his own. 
 
 The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long 
 time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old 
 President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me, 
 the first time I ever saw him. He says they have 
 within the bounds of that colony between three and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 189 
 
 I'oiii- IhukIi'cmI tlionsiuid people, or more tliaii in 
 some of our old states, siu-li as Rhode Island or 
 Delaware, or in some of our newer states, and less 
 than in some of our larger ones. 
 
 They are not all American colonists or their de- 
 scendants. Something less than 12,000 have been 
 sent thither from this country. Many of the original 
 settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their 
 oft'spriug outnumber those deceased. The question 
 is, if the colored people are i)ersuaded to go any- 
 where, why not there? One reason for unwilling- 
 ness to do so is, that some of you would rather re- 
 uuiin in I'each of the country of your nativitv- I 
 do not know how much attachment you may have 
 toward our race. It does not strike me that you 
 have the greatest reason to love them. But still 
 you are attached to them at all events. The place I 
 am thinking about having for a colony is in Central 
 America. It is nearer to us than Liberia, not much 
 more than oiie-h)urth as far as Liberia, and within 
 seven days run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is a 
 great line of travel, it is a highway. The country 
 is a very excellent one for any people, and with 
 great natural resources and advantages, and es- 
 pecially because of the similarity of climate with 
 your native soil, thus being suited to your phj'sical 
 condition. 
 
 The particular place I have in view is to be a 
 great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea 
 to the Pacitic Ocean, and this particular })lace has 
 all the advantages for a colonv. On both sides there 
 
190 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 are harbors among the liiiest in the world. Again, 
 there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain 
 amount of coal is valuable in any country. Why I 
 attach so much importance to coal is it will afford 
 an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate 
 •employment till they get ready to settle permanently 
 in their homes. If you take colonists where there 
 is no good landing, there is a bad show ; and so 
 where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which 
 to make a farm. But if something is started, so 
 that you can get your daily bread as soon as you 
 reach »there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is 
 the best thing I know of with w^hich to commence 
 an enterprise. To return, you have been talked to 
 upon this subject, and told that a speculation is in- 
 tended by gentlemen who have an interest in the 
 country, including the coal mines. "VVe have been 
 mistaken all our lives if we do not know whites, 
 as well as blacks, look to their self-interest. Un- 
 less among those delicient of intellect, every body 
 you trade with makes something. You meet with 
 these things here and-every-where. If such per- 
 sons have what will be an advantage to them, the 
 question is, whether it can not be made of advantage 
 to you? You are intelligent, and know that success 
 does not as much depend on external help as on 
 self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon your- 
 selves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the 
 means available for your self-reliance. I shall, if 
 I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have pro- 
 vision made that you will not be wronged. If you 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 191 
 
 will engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the 
 money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will suc- 
 ceed. The government may lose the money, but we 
 can not succeed unless we try; but we think with 
 care we can succeed. The political affairs in Central 
 America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as 
 I wish. There are contending factions in that quar- 
 ter, but it is true all the factions are agreed alike on 
 the subject of colonization, and want it, and are 
 more generous than we are here. To your colored 
 race they have no objection. Besides, I would en- 
 deavor to have you made equals, and have the best 
 assurance that you should be the equals of the best. 
 The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I 
 can get-a number of able-bodied men, with their wives 
 and children, who are willing to go, when I present 
 evidence, encouragement, and jirotection. Could I 
 get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their 
 wives and children, and able to " cut their own fod- 
 der," so to speak ? Can I have fifty ? If I could lind 
 twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of wo- 
 men and children — good things in the family relation, 
 I think — I could make a successful commencement. 
 I want you to let me know whether this can be done 
 oi- not. This is the practical part of my wish to see 
 you. These are subjects of very great importance, 
 worthy of a month's study, of a speech deliverocl in 
 an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not 
 pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race 
 and ours for the present time, but as one of the 
 things, if successfully managed, for the good of man- 
 
192 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 kind, not confined to the present generation, but as 
 
 '* From age to age descends the lay 
 To millions yet to be, 
 'T'ill far it's echoes roll away 
 Into eternity." 
 
 Letter to Horace Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862. 
 
 Dear Sir: — I have just read yours of the 19th inst.^ 
 addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. 
 If there be in it any statements or assumptions of 
 lact whieli I may know to be erroneous, I do not now 
 and here controvert them. If there be any inferences 
 Avhicli I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not 
 now and here argue against them. If there be per- 
 ceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I 
 waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I 
 liave always supposed to be right. 
 
 As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you 
 say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I 
 would save the Union. I would save it in the short- 
 est way under the Constitution. The soonej- the na- 
 tional authority can be restored, the nearer the Union 
 will be — the Union as it was. If there be those who 
 would not save the Union unless they could at the 
 same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. 
 
 If there be those who would not save the Union 
 unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I 
 do not agree with them. My paramount object is to 
 save the Union, and not either to save or destroy 
 slavery. 
 
 If I could save the Union, without freeing any 
 
PEN AND VOICE). 193 
 
 slave, I would do it; if I could save it by freeing all 
 the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by free- 
 ing some, and leaving others alone, I would also do 
 that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, 
 I do because I believe it helps to save this Union. 
 And what I forbear, I forbear because I do not be- 
 lieve it would help to save the Union. 
 
 I shall do less whenever I shall believe wliat I am 
 doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever 
 I believe doing more will help the cause. 
 
 I shall try to correct errors when shown to be er- 
 rors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall 
 apjtear to be true views. 
 
 I have here stated my purpose according to my 
 views of official duty, and I intend no moditication 
 of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every- 
 where could be free. Yours, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to ^L\j.-Gen. J. C. Fremont, Sept. 11, 1862. 
 »S'//'.- — Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 
 2d inst., was just received. Assuming that you, upon 
 the ground, could better judge of the necessities of 
 your position than 1 could at this distance, on seeing 
 your proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no 
 general objection to it; the particular clause, liow- 
 ever, in relation to the confiscation of property and 
 the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objec- 
 tionable in its non-conformity to the act of Congress 
 passed the 0th of last August upon the same subject, 
 and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that the 
 chuise should l)e modified accordingly. Y'our an- 
 17 
 
194 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 swer, just received, expresses the preference on yonr 
 part that I should make an open order for the modi- 
 cation, wliich I very cliecrfully do. 
 
 It is therefore or(k'red that the said clause of said 
 proclamation he so modified, held, and construed as 
 to conform with and not to transcend tlie provisions 
 on the same suhject contained in the act of Congress, 
 entitled "An act to confiscate property used for in- 
 surrectionary purposes, approved August 6, 18G1," 
 and that said act he published at length with this 
 order. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To HIS Excellency, Andrew G. Curtin, Governor op 
 Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, Pa. 
 
 War Bepartment, Washington, D. C, Sept. 11, 1862. 
 
 Sir: — The application made to me by your adju- 
 tant-general for authority to call out the militia of 
 the State of Pennsylvania has received careful con- 
 sideration. It is m}'^ anxious desire to aflbrd, as far 
 as possible, the means and power of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment to protect the State of Pennsylvania from 
 invasion by the rebel force, and since, in your judg- 
 ment, the militia of the state are required, and have 
 been called upon by you to organize for home de- 
 fense and protection, T sanction the call that you have 
 made, and will receive tliem into the service and pay 
 of the United States to the extent they can be armed, 
 equipped, and usefully employed. The arms and 
 equipments now belonging to the general govern- 
 ment will be needed for the troops called out for the 
 national armies, so that arms can only be furnished 
 for the quota of militia furnished by the draft of nine 
 
PEX AND VOICE. 195 
 
 iiionths men, licrotofore ordered. r>nt, as arms may 
 Ijo supplied ])}■ the militia iinder your call, tlieso, 
 with the 30, Quo in your arsenal, Avill probably be suf- 
 ficient I'lir the purpose coutcnqilatt'd by }-oui- call. 
 You will be authorized to provide such e(|uipnients 
 as may lie re(piired, according to the regulations of 
 the United States service, which, n}»on being turned 
 over to tlie United States Quartermaster's De})art- 
 ment, will be paid for at regulation prices, or the 
 rates allowed by the department for such ai'ticles. 
 Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in 
 other cases. Such general officers will be supplied as 
 the exigencies of the service will permit. 
 
 Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Hon. Andrew G. Curtin, IIarrisburg, Pa. 
 War Department, Washington, D. C, 
 
 September 12, 18G2, 10:35 J. M, 
 Your dispatch, asking for 80,000 disciplined troops 
 to be sent to Pennsylvania, is received. Please con- 
 sider we have not to exceed 80,000 disciplined troops, 
 properly so called, this side of the mountains, and 
 most of them, with many of the new regiments, are 
 now close in the rear of the enemy supposed to be 
 invading Pennsylvania. Start half of them to IIar- 
 risburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the 
 remaining half, and then reach Harrisbui-g before the 
 part going tliere, and beat it, too, when it comes. 
 The best }iossible security for Pennsylvania is put- 
 ting the strongest force possible into the enemy's rear. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
196 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To Hon. Alexander Henry, Philadelphia. 
 
 Wai' Department, WasJiingion, D. C, Sejjt. 12, 1862. 
 
 Yours of to-day received — General Halleck has made 
 the best provision lie can for generals in Pennsylvania. 
 Please do not be oftended when I assure you that in my 
 confident belief Philadelphia is in no danger. Gov- 
 ernor Gurtin has just telegraphed me. I have advices 
 that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williams- 
 port, and probably the whole rebel army will be drawji 
 from Maryland. At all events, Philadelphia is more 
 than a hundred and tifty miles from Hagerstown, and 
 could, not be reached by the rebel army in ten days, 
 if no hindrance was interposed. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Remarks Respecting the Issue of the Proclamation, 
 September 13, 1862. 
 The President (/are an audience to a deputation fioja 
 all the religious denominations of C/ticago, presenting a 
 rnetnorial for the immediate issue of an emancipation 
 proclamation, irhich was enforced hg some remarks hg the 
 chairman. The President replied: — The subject pre- 
 sented in the memorial is one upon wdiicli I have 
 thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for 
 months. I am approached with the most opposite 
 opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who 
 are equally certain that they represent the Divine 
 will. I am sure that either the one or the other class 
 is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some re- 
 spect, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to 
 say that if it is probable that God would reveal his 
 will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 197 
 
 it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to 
 nie; for, unless 1 am more deceived in uiysclf than I 
 often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of 
 J'rovidciicc in this matter, and if I can learn what it 
 is-, 1 will do it. These are not, however, the days of 
 miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am 
 not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the 
 plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is pos- 
 sible, and learn what ai)pears to be wise and riijht. 
 
 The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. 
 For instance, the other day four gentlemen of stand- 
 in<? and intellio;ence from J^ew York called as a dele- 
 gation on business connected with the war, but before 
 leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to pro- 
 claim general emancipation, upon which the other two 
 at once attacked them. You know also that the last 
 session of (\)ngress had a decided majority of anti- 
 slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. 
 And the same is true of the religious people. ^Vhy, 
 the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more 
 earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expect- 
 ing God to favor their side, for one of our soldiers, 
 who had been taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson a 
 few days since, that he met nothing so discouraging 
 as the evident sincerity of those he was among in 
 their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of 
 the case. 
 
 What good would a proclamation of eniancii)ation 
 tVoni me do, es})ecially as we are now situated "r" I do 
 not w ant to issue a document that the whole world 
 will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Tope's 
 bull against the comet. Would my word free the 
 
198 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 slaves when I can not even enforce the Constitution 
 in the rebel states? Is there a single court or magis- 
 trate, or individual, that would be influenced by it 
 there? And wdiat reasini is there to thiidv it would 
 have auy greater effect upon the slaves than the late 
 law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers 
 protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters 
 who come Avithin our lines ? Yet I can not learn that 
 that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. 
 And suppose they could be induced by a proclama- 
 tion of freedom from me to throw themselves upon 
 us, what should we do with them ? How can we feed 
 and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote 
 me a few days since that he was issuing more rations 
 to the slaves Avho have rushed to him, than to all the 
 white troops under his conmiand. They eat, and 
 that is all, though it is true General Butler is feeding 
 the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts 
 to a famine there. If now, the pressure of the war 
 should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend 
 some other point, what is to prevent the nuisters from 
 reducing tlie blacks to slaveiy again, for I am told 
 that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, 
 free or slave, they immediatelj'^ auction them off. 
 They did so with those they took from a boat that 
 was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago. 
 And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it. 
 For instance, wdien after the late battles at and near 
 Bull Ivun, an expedition went out from Washington 
 under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in 
 the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks wdio 
 went along to help, and sent them into slavery, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 199 
 
 Horace Greeley siiiil in liis paper that the goveriinieiit 
 would probably do nothing about it. What could 
 I do? 
 
 Now, then, tell nie, if you please, what possible re- 
 sult of good would follow the issuing of such a procla- 
 mation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objec- 
 tions against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, 
 as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time 
 of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure 
 which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I raise ob- 
 jections of a moral nature, in view of possible conse- 
 quences of insurrection and massacre at the south. I 
 view this matter as a practical war measure, to be 
 decided on according to the advantages or disadvant- 
 ages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. 
 
 I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, 
 or at least its sine qua uon. The andjition of politi- 
 cians may have instigated them to act, but they would 
 have been im[)otent without slavery as their instru- 
 ment. I will also concede that emancipation would 
 help us in Euro^JC, and convince them that we are in- 
 cited by something more than and)ition. I grant, 
 furtlu'r, that it would help somewhat at the North, 
 though not so much, I fear, as you and those you 
 re[)rcscnt imagine. Still, some additional strength 
 would l)e added in that way to the war, and then, un- 
 questionably, it would weaken the rel)els by drawing 
 off their laborers, which is of great importance; but 
 I am not so sure we could do nuuh with the blacks. 
 If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks 
 the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and, 
 indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to 
 
200 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 equip our white troops. I will mention another 
 thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. 
 There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union army from 
 the border slave states. It would be a serious matter 
 if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you de- 
 sire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not, 
 think they all would — not so many, indeed, as a year 
 ago, or as six months ago — not so many to-day as 
 yesterday. 
 
 Every day increases their Union feeling. They are 
 also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the 
 rebels. Let me say one thing more : I think you 
 should admit that we already have an important 
 principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact 
 that constitutional government is at stake. This is a 
 fundamental idea going down about as deep as any 
 thing. 
 
 Do not misunderstand me because I have men- 
 tioned these objections. They indicate the difficul- 
 ties that have thus far prevented my action in some 
 such way as you desire. I have not decided against 
 a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the 
 matter under advisement. And I can assure you 
 that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, 
 more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be 
 God's will I will do. I trust that in the freedom 
 with which I have canvassed your views I have not 
 in any respect injured your feelings. 
 
 PrOCLAJVIATION of ExMANCIPATION. 
 
 I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United-States 
 of America, and commander-in-chief of the army and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 201 
 
 navy thereof, do hereby prochiini uud declare that 
 hereafter, as lieretofore, the war will be prosecuted 
 for tlie object of ^jracticail}' restoring the constitu- 
 tional relation between the United States and each 
 of the states, and the people thereof, in which states 
 that ix'lation is or may be suspended or disturbed. 
 
 That it irf my purpose, upon the next meeting of 
 Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a prac- 
 tical measure tendering pecuniary aid to tlie free 
 acceptance or rejection of all slave states so called — 
 the people whereof may not then be in rebellion 
 against the United States, and which states may then 
 have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may volun- 
 tarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of 
 slavery within their respective limits; and that the 
 effort to colonize persons of African descent, with 
 their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with 
 the previously obtained consent of the governments 
 existing there, will be continued. 
 
 TJint on the first day of January, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
 persons held as slaves within any state, or designated 
 part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in 
 rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
 thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive 
 Department of the United States, including the mili- 
 tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
 maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no 
 act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in 
 any efibrts they may niake for their actual freedom. 
 
 That the Executive will, on the first day of January, 
 by proclamation aforesaid, designate the stamps and 
 
202 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 parts tyi' states, if any, in wliicli the people thereof re- 
 spectively shall then be in rebellion against the United 
 State ; and the fact that any state, or the people there- 
 of, shall on that day be in good faith represented in 
 the Congress of the United States, by members chosen 
 thereto at election wherein a majority of the qualified 
 voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in 
 the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be 
 deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the 
 people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the 
 United States. 
 
 The attention is hereby called to an act of Con- 
 gress, entitled : 
 
 "AN ACT to make an additional Article of War " approved March 
 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures following: 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives of the United States of America, in Congress assem- 
 bled, That hereafter the following shall be promul- 
 gated as an additional article of war for the govern- 
 ment of the army of the United States, and shall be 
 obeyed and observed as such : 
 
 Article. — All officers or persons in the military or 
 naval service of the United States are prohibited from 
 employing any of the forces under their respective 
 commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from 
 service or labor who may have escaped from any per- 
 sons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be 
 due; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a 
 court-martial of violating this article shall be dis- 
 missed from the service. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 203 
 
 Sec. 2. And he it furlhcr enacted^ That tliis act shall 
 take eftect iVom ami atUT its passage. 
 
 Also, to llic ninth aii<l (<Mitli sections of an act en- 
 titled "An act to kSuppress Insurrection, to runisli 
 Treason and liehellion, to Seize and Contiseate l*ro))- 
 erty of liebels, and tor Other Pur})oses," approved 
 July 10, 18(!2, and which sections are in the words 
 and figures following: 
 
 Sec. 0. And be it further enacted, That all slavef> of 
 persons who shall hereafter be engaged m rebellion 
 against the Government of the United States, or who 
 shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping 
 from such persons and taking refuge within the lines 
 of the army; and all slaves captured from such per- 
 sons, or deserted by them and coming undei' the con- 
 trol of the Government of the United States; and 
 all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within 
 any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards 
 occupied by forces of the United States, shall bo 
 deemed ca}ttives of war, and shall be forever free of 
 their servitude, and not again held as slaves. 
 
 Sec. 10. And be itjurther enacted, That no slave es- 
 caping into any state, territory, or the District of 
 Columbia, from any other state, shall be delivered 
 up, or in any way impeded or hindered ot his liberty, 
 except for crime, or some offense against the laws, 
 unless the person claiming such fugitive shall first 
 make oath that the person to whom the labor or 
 service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his 
 lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the 
 United States in the present rebellion, nor m any 
 way given aid or comfort thereto ; and no person en- 
 
204 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 gaged in the military or naval service of the United 
 States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to 
 decide on the validity of the claim of any person to 
 the service or labor of any other person, or surrender 
 u[> any such person to the claimant, on pain of being 
 dismissed from the service. 
 
 And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons 
 engaged in the military or naval service of the United 
 StiTtcs to observe, obey, and enforce, within their re- 
 spective spheres of service, the act and sections above 
 recited. 
 
 And the Executive will in due time recommend 
 that all citizens of the United States Avho shall have 
 remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, 
 shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional rela- 
 tion Ijetween the United States and their respective 
 states and people, if that relation shall have been 
 suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses 
 by acts of the United States, including the loss of 
 slaves. 
 
 In icitness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second 
 day of September, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the inde- 
 pendence of the United States the eighty-seventh. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Speech at Serenade in Honor of the Emancipation 
 Proclamation, September 24, 1862. 
 
 Fellow - citizens : — I appear before you to do little 
 more than to acknowledge the courtesy you pay me, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 205 
 
 and to thank yon for it. I have not been distinctly 
 informed wliy it is on this occasion you appear to do 
 me this honor, though I suppose it is because of the 
 proclamation. I was aboiit to sa}', I suppose I under- 
 stand it. What I did, I did after very full delibera- 
 tion, and under a very llca^■y and solemn sense of 
 responsibility. I can only trust in (lod I liavt; made 
 no mistake. I shall make no attempt on this occa- 
 sion to sustain Avliat I have (h)nc or said by any com- 
 ment. It is now for the country and the world to 
 pass judgment u}»on it, and, may l)e, take action upon 
 it. I will say no more upon this 'subject. In my 
 position I am environed with difticulties. Yet they 
 are scarcely so great as the diiiiculties of those who, 
 upon the battle field, are endeavoring to purchase 
 with their blood and tlieir lives the future happiness 
 and prosperity of the country. Let us never forget 
 them. On the fourteenth and seventeenth days of 
 the present month there have been battles bravely, 
 skillfully, and successfully fought. We do not yet 
 know the particulars. Let us be sure that in giving 
 praise to particular individuals, we do no injustice to 
 others. I only ask you at the conclusion of these 
 few remarks to give three hearty cheers to all good 
 and brave officers and men who fought these suc- 
 cessful battles. 
 
 To Major John J. Key. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, September 26, 1862. 
 
 »S'/)'; — I am informed that in answer to the ques- 
 tion, " Why was not the rebel ami}' bagged immedi- 
 ately after the battle near Sliarpsburg? '' propounded 
 
206 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 to you by Major Levi C. Turner, Judge Advocate, 
 etc., you answered : " That is not the game. Tlie 
 object is, that neither army shall get much advantage 
 of the other; that both shall l)e kept in the Held till 
 they are exhausted, when Ave will make a compromise 
 and save slavery." 
 
 I shall be very happy if you will, within twenty- 
 four hours from the receipt of this, prove to me by 
 Major Turner that you did not, either literally or in 
 substance, make the answer stated. Yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 At about eleven o'clock a. m., September 27, 1862, 
 Major Key and Major Turner appeared before me. 
 Major Turner says, "As I remember it, the conversa- 
 tion was: I asked the question, why we did not bag 
 them after the battle of Sharpslnirg. Major Key's 
 reply was. That was not the game: that we should 
 tire the rebels out and ourselves; that that was tlic 
 only way the Union could be preserved; we come to- 
 gether fraternally, and slavery be saved." 
 
 On cross-examination Major Turner says lie has 
 frequently heard Major Key converse in regard to 
 the present troubles, and never heard him utter a 
 sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the 
 Union. He lias never uttei'cd any thing which lie. 
 Major Turner, would call disloyalty. The particular 
 conversation detailed was a private one. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 INDORSED ON THE ABOVE. 
 
 In my view it is wholly inadmissible for any gen- 
 tleman holding a military commission from the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 207 
 
 United States to ultoi" such soiitiments as Major Key 
 is within provoil to iiavo (h)ne. Therefore, let Major 
 John J. Key be foi'thwitli dismissed from the military 
 service of the United iStates. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Thomas H. Clay, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 War Department, October 8, 1862. 
 
 You can not have reflected seriously when you ask 
 that I shall order General Morgan's command to Ken- 
 tucky as a favor because they have marched from 
 Cund^erland Gap. The precedent established l)y it 
 would eventually break up the whole army. Buell's 
 old troops now in pursuit of Bragg liavc done more 
 hard marching recently; and, in fact, if you include 
 marching and tigliting, there are scarcely any old 
 troops east or west of the mountains that have not 
 done as liard service. 
 
 I sincerely wish war was an easier and pleasanter 
 business than it is, but it does not admit of holidays. 
 On ^loi'gan's command, where it is now sent, as I un- 
 derstand, depends the question whetlier the enemy 
 will get to the Ohio river in another place. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General McClellan, October 18, 18f32. 
 
 3I>/ Dear Sir. — You remember my speaking to you 
 of what I called your over-cautiousness. Are you 
 not over-cautious when 3'oa assume that you can not 
 Ao what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you 
 not claim to be at least his ecpial in prowess and act 
 upon the claim ? 
 
 As I understand you telegraphed General Ilalleck 
 
208 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 that you can not subsist your army at Winchester, 
 unless the raih-oad from Harper's Ferry to that point 
 be put in working order. But the enemy does now 
 8ul)sist his army at Winchester at a distance nearly 
 twice as great from railroad transportation as you 
 would have to do without the railroad last named. 
 He now wagons from Culpepper Court-house, which 
 is just about twice as far as you would have to do 
 from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not more than 
 half as well provided with wagons as you are. I cer- 
 tainly should be pleased for you to have the advantage 
 of the railroad from Harper's Ferry to Winchester ; 
 but it wastes all the remainder of autumn to give it 
 to you, and in fact ignores the (piestion of tlmey which 
 can not and must not be ignored. Again, one of the 
 standard maxims of war, as yoii know, is " to operate 
 upon the enemy's communications as much as possi- 
 ble without exposing your own." You seem to act as 
 if this applies against you, but can not apply in your 
 favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think 
 you not he would break your communication with 
 Richmond within the next twenty-four hours? You 
 dread his going into Pennsylvania. 
 
 But if he does so in full force he gives u]) his com- 
 munications to you absolutely, and you have nothing 
 to do but to follow and ruin him ; if he does so with 
 less than full force, fall upon and beat what is left 
 behind all the easier. 
 
 Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer 
 liichmoncl than the enemy is by the route that you 
 can, and he must take. 
 
 Why can you not reach there before him, unless 
 
PKN AND VOICE. 209 
 
 you admit lliat he is more tliau your e([ua] on a 
 march. His roiiit' is the arc of a circle, while yours 
 is the chord. The roads are as good on yours as on 
 his. 
 
 Vou know I desired, but did not order, you to 
 cross the Potomac below instead of above the Sheii- 
 audoali and 151 ue liidge. 
 
 My idea was, that this would at once menace the 
 enemy's communications, which I would seize if he 
 would jicrniit. If he should move nortlnvai'd, I 
 would follow him closely, holding his communica- 
 tions. If he should prevent our seizing his communi- 
 cations, and move toward Richmond, I would press 
 closely to him, light him if a favoral)le opportunity 
 should present, and at least try to beat him to Rich- 
 mond on the inside track. I say "try;"' if we never 
 try, we shall never succeed. If he make a stand at 
 Wincliester, moving neither north nor south, I would 
 tight him there, on the idea that if we can not beat 
 liini, when he l)cars the wastage of coming to us, we 
 never can when we bear the wastage of going to him. 
 This proposition is a simple truth, and is too im- 
 portant to be lost sight of for a moment. In coming 
 to us, he tenders us an advantage w hicli we should 
 not waive. We should not so o[»ci'ate as to mei-ely 
 drive him away. As we must beat him soniewhci-e, 
 or fail Unally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to 
 us than far away. If we can not beat the enemy 
 where he now is, we never can, he again l>eing within 
 the intrenchments at Richmond. Iveciirriug to tlic 
 idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, tlie 
 facility of supplying from the side away from the 
 18 
 
210 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 enemy, is remarkable, as it were, by the different 
 spokes of a wheel, extending from the hub toward 
 the rim, and this whether you move directly by the 
 chord or on the inside arc, hugging the Bhie Ridge 
 more closely. The chord line, as you see, carries you 
 by Aldie, Ilaymarket, and Fredericksburg, and 
 you see how turnpikes, railroads, and linally the 
 Potomac, by Aquia creek, meet you at all points 
 from Washington. The same, only the lines length- 
 ened a little, if you press closer to the Blue Ridge 
 part of the way. The gaps through the Blue Ridge 
 I understand to be about the following distances from 
 Harper's Ferry, to wit : Vestals, five miles ; Gregory's, 
 thirteen ; Snicker's, eighteen ; Ashby's, twenty-eight ; 
 Manassas, thirty-eight ; Chester, forty-five ; and 
 Thornton's, fifty-three. I should think it preferable 
 to take the route nearest the enemy, disabling him to 
 make an important move without your knowledge, 
 and compelling him to keep his forces together for 
 dread of you. The gaps would enable you to attack if 
 you should wish. For a great part of the way you 
 would be practically between the enemy and both 
 Washington and Richmond, enabling us to spare you 
 the greatest number of troops from here. When, at 
 length, running for Richmond ahead of him, enables 
 him to move this way ; if he does so, turn and attack 
 him in the roar. But I think he should be enffasred 
 long before such point is reached. It is all easy if your 
 troops march as well as the enemy, and it is unmanly 
 to say they can not do it. This letter is in no sense 
 an order. Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
pen and voice. 211 
 
 Order Establishing a Provisional Court. 
 Executive Mansion^ Washington., Oct. 20, 1862. 
 The insurrectiou wliich Ikik for some time prevailed 
 in several of the states in this Union, including Louis- 
 iana, haviiiij; temporarily subverted andswept away the 
 civil institutions of that state, including the judiciary 
 and the judicial authorities of the CJuion,sothat it has 
 become necessary to hold the state in military occupa- 
 tion, and it being indispensably necessary that there 
 shall be some judicial tribunal existing there capable 
 of administering justice, I have therefore thought it 
 proper to appoint, and I do hereby constitute a pro- 
 visional court, which shall be a court of record for the 
 State of Louisiana, and I do hereby appoint Charles 
 A. Peabody, of New York, to be a provisional judge 
 to hold such court, with authority to hear, try, and 
 determine all causes, civil and criminal, including 
 causes in law, equity, revenue, and admiralty, and 
 particularly with all such powers and jurisdiction as 
 belong to the district and circuit court of the United 
 States, conforming his proceedings, as far as possible, 
 to the course of proceedings and practice which has 
 been customary in the courts of the United States and 
 Louisiana — his judgment to be final and conclusive. 
 And I do hereby authorize and empower tiie said 
 judge to make and establish such rules and regula- 
 tions as may be necessary for the exercise of his ju- 
 risdiction, and to appoint a prosecuting attornev, mar- 
 shal and clerk of the said court, who shall perform the 
 functions of attorney, marshal and clerk according to 
 such proceedings and practice as before mentioned, 
 and such rules and regulations as may be made and 
 
212 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 established by said judge. These appointments are 
 to continue during the pleasure of the president, not 
 extending beyond the military occupation of the city 
 of iSTew Orleans, or the restoration of the civil author- 
 ity in that city and in the State of Louisiana. These 
 officers shall be paid out of the contingent fund of the 
 war department. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Letter Given to Thomas R. Smith, of Bolivar, Tenx 
 
 • October 31, 1862. 
 Major-General Grant, Governor Johnson, and all 
 having military, naval and civil authorities under the 
 United States within the State of Tennessee : The 
 bearer of this, Tliomas R. Smith, a citizen of Tennes- 
 see, goes to that state, seeking to have such of the 
 [)eople thereof as desire to avoid the unsatisfactory 
 jirospect before them, and to have peace again upon 
 the old terms, under the Constitution of the United 
 States, to manifest such desire by election of members 
 to the Congress of the United States particularly, and 
 ])erhaps a legislature, state officers, and a United 
 States senator, friendly to their object. 1 shall be 
 glad for you and each of you, to aid him, and all 
 others acting for this object, as much as possible. In 
 all available ways give the people a chance to express 
 their wishes at these elections. Follow law and forms 
 of law as far as convenient; but, at all events, get the 
 expression of the largest number of people possible. 
 All see how such an action will connect with and af- 
 fect the proclamation of September 22. Of course the 
 men elected should be gentlemen of character, willing 
 to swear to support the constitution as of old, and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 213 
 
 known to be above reasonable suspicion of duplic- 
 ity. Yours very respectfully, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To McClellan, October 25, 1862. 
 I have just read your dispatch about sore-tongue 
 and fatigued horses. Will you pardon me for asking 
 what the horses of your army have done since the bat- 
 tle of Antietam that fatigues any thing? 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To McClellan, October 26, 1862. 
 Yours in reply to mine about horses received. Of 
 course you know the facts better than L Still, two 
 considerations remain; Stuart's cavalry outmarched 
 ours, having certainly done more marked service on 
 the peninsula and every where since. Secondly ; will 
 not a movement of our army be a relief to the cavalry, 
 conipelliiig the enemy to concentrate instead of" for- 
 aging"' in s(|uads every-where ? But 1 am so rejoiced 
 to learn from your dis}iatch to General Ilalleck that 
 you began crossing the river this morning. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Executive 3Tansion, Washington, Nov. 1, 1862. 
 To whom it may concern: — Captain Derrickson, with 
 his conqiany, has been for some time keeping guard 
 at my residence, now at the Soldiers' Ketrcnt. He 
 and his company are very agreeable to me, and while 
 it is deemed proper for any guard to remain, none 
 would be more satisfactory to me than Captain D — 
 and his company. A. Lincoln. 
 
214 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Letter to Governor Bradford, ISTovember, 2, 1863. 
 
 Sir: — Yours of the 31st ultimo was received yes- 
 terday about noon, and since then I have been giving 
 most earnest attention to the subject-matter of it. At 
 my call General Schenck has attended, and he assures 
 me it is almost certain that violence will be used at 
 some of the voting places on election day, unless pre- 
 vented by his provost guards. He says that in some 
 of those places the Union voters will not attend at all, 
 or run a ticket, unless they have assurance of pro- 
 tection. This makes the Missouri case of my action, 
 in regard to which you express your approval. 
 
 The remaining point of your letter is a protest 
 against any person offering to vote being put to any 
 test not found in the laws of Maryland. Tliis brings 
 us to a difference between ]\Iissouri and Maryland. 
 AVith the same reason in both states, Alissouri has, 
 by law, provided a test for the voter with reference to 
 the present rebellion, while ^laryland has not. For 
 example, General Trimble, captured tighting us at 
 Gettysburg, is, without recanting his treason, a legal 
 voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General 
 Schenck's order admits him to vote, if he recants 
 upon oath. I think that is cheap enough. My order 
 in Missouri, which you approve, and General Schenck's 
 order here, reach precisely the same end. Each as- 
 sures the right of voting to all loyal men, and whether 
 that man is loyal, each allows that man to fix by his 
 own oath. Your suggestion that nearly all the can- 
 didates are loyal I do not think cpiite meets the case. 
 
 In this struggle for the nation's life, I can not so 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 215 
 
 confidently rely on tliose whose election may have 
 depended upon disloyal votes. Such men, when 
 elected, may })rove true, Init such votes are given them 
 in expectation that tliey will prove false. Nov do I 
 think tliat to keep the peace at the polls, and to pre- 
 vent the persistenth' disloyal from voting, constitutes 
 just cause of oifense to Maryland, I think she has 
 her own example for it. If I mistake not, it is precise- 
 ly what (leneral Dix did when your excellenc}' was 
 elected governor. I revoke the first of the three pro- 
 positions in (Tcneral Sclienck's general order, No. 53, 
 not that it is wrong in principle, but because the 
 military being of necessity exclusive judges as to who 
 shall be arrested, the provision is liable to abuse. For 
 the revoked part I substitute the following : 
 
 That all provost marshals and other military officers 
 do prevent all disturbance and violence at or about 
 the polls, whether oft'ered by such persons as above 
 described, or by any other person or persons whatso- 
 ever. 
 
 The other two propositions of the order I allow to 
 stand. General Schenck is fully determined, and has 
 my strict order besides, that all loyal men may vote, 
 and vote for whom they please. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. LixeoLN. 
 
 President's Order relieving General McClellan. 
 
 Executive 3Iansw}u Washington, November 5, 18G2. 
 
 By direction of the President, it is ordered that 
 Major-General McClellan be relieved from the com- 
 mand of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major- 
 General Burnside take command of that arm v. Also 
 
216 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 that Major-Gen eral HnntcM-take command of the corps 
 in said army wliicb is now commanded by General 
 Bnrnside. That Major-General Fitz John Porter be 
 relieved from tlie command of the corps he now com- 
 mands in said army, and that Major-General Hooker 
 take command of such corps. 
 
 The General-in-chief is authorized in (his) discretion, 
 to issue an order substantially as the above, forthwith, 
 or so soon as he may deem proper. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Proclamation. 
 Eecative Mansion, Washington, Nov., 16, 1862. 
 
 The President, Commander-in-chief of the Army and 
 Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of 
 the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military 
 and naval service. The importance for man and beast 
 of tlie prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of 
 Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference 
 to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due 
 regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor 
 in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of 
 strict necessity. 
 
 The discipline and character of the national forces 
 should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be im- 
 periled, by the profanation of the day or the name of 
 the Most High. " At the time of public distress," 
 adopting the words of Washington in 1776, "men may 
 find enough to do in the service of God and their 
 country, without abandoning themselves to vice and 
 immorality." The first general order issued by the 
 Father of his Country, after the Declaration of In- 
 dependence, indicates the spirit in which our insti- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 217 
 
 tutions were founded, and s^^liould ever be defended. 
 " The general hopes and trusts that every officer and 
 man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christ- 
 ian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties 
 of his country." A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Carl Schurz, November 24, 1862. 
 I have just received and read your letter of the 
 20th. The purport of it is that we lost the late 
 elections, and the administration is failing because 
 the war is unsuccessful, and that I must not flatter 
 myself that I am not justly to blame for it. I cer- 
 tainl}^ know that if the war fails the administration 
 fails, and that I will be blamed for it, whether I de- 
 serve it or not. And I ought to be blamed, if I 
 could do better. You think I could do better, there- 
 fore you blame me already. I think I could not do 
 better, therefore I blame you for blaming me. I un- 
 derstand you now to be willing to accept the help 
 of men ^^•llo are not Republicans, provided they have 
 "heart in it." As^reed. I want no others. But who 
 is to be the judge of hearts, or of "lieart in it?" 
 If I must discard my own judgment, and take yours, 
 I must also take that of others; and by the time I 
 sliould reject all I should be advised to reject, I 
 should have none left, Republicans^or others, not even 
 yourself, for be assured, my dear sir, tliere are men 
 who have " heart i!i it " that think you are per- 
 forming. your part as poorly as you think I am per- 
 forming mine. I certainly have been dissatisfied 
 with the slowness of Buell and McClellan, but be- 
 19 
 
218 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 fore I relieved them I had great fears I sliould not 
 lind successors to them who would do better; and I 
 am sorry to add that I have seen little since to re- 
 lieve those fears. I do not clearly see the prospect 
 of any more rapid movements. I fear we shall at 
 last find out the difficulty is in our case rather than 
 in particular generals. I wish to disparage no one, 
 certainly not those who sympathize with me, but I 
 must say I need success moie than I need sympathy, 
 and that I have not seeji the so much greater evi- 
 dence of getting success from my sympathizers than 
 from those who are denounced as the contrary. It 
 does seem to me that in the field the two classes 
 have been very much alike in what they have done 
 and what they have failed to do. In sealing their 
 faith with their blood, Baker, and Lyon, and Bolilen, 
 and Richardson, Republicans, did all that men could 
 do; but did they any more than Kearney, Stevens, 
 and Reno, and Mansfield, none of wliom were Repub- 
 licans, and some at least of whom have been bitterly 
 and repeatedly denounced to me as secession sympa- 
 thizers? I will not perform the ungrateful task of 
 comparing cases of failure. In answer to your ques- 
 tion, Has it not been publicly stated in the news- 
 papers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from 
 the commencement of the war the enemy was con- 
 tinually supplied with information by some of the 
 confidential subordinates of as important an officer 
 as Adjutant-General Thomas? I must say, "No," as 
 far as my knowledge extends. And I add if you can 
 give any tangible evidence upon the subject, I will 
 thank you to come to this city and do so. 
 
Pi:X AND VOICK. 219 
 
 Second ^nnual Message, Decemher 1, 18(]2. 
 
 Fdloir-Citlztnis of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives: — Since your last annuul assembling another 
 year of health and bountiful harvests has passed. 
 And while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless 
 us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided 
 by the best light He gives us, trusting that in His 
 own good time and wise way all will yet be well. 
 
 The correspondence touching foreign aflairs which 
 has taken place during tlie last year is herewith sub- 
 mitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that 
 eflect made by the House of Representatives near the 
 close of the last session of Congi-ess. 
 
 If the condition of our relations with other nations 
 is less gratifying than it has usually been at former 
 periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation 
 so unhappily distracted as we are, might reasonably 
 have apprehended. In the month of June last thei-e 
 were some grounds to ex[»ect that the maritime pow- 
 ers whieh, at the beginning of our domestic ditlieul- 
 ties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as ^^•e think, 
 rec02:tiiz;ed the insurijents as a belligerant, would soon 
 recede from that position, which has proved only less 
 injurious to themselves than to our own countiy. 
 But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the 
 national arms, and which were exaggerated by our 
 own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed 
 that act of simple justice. 
 
 The civil war, which has so radically changed, for 
 the moment, the occupations and habits of the Amer- 
 ican people, has necessarily disturbed the social cou- 
 
220 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 dition and affected very deeply tlie prosperity of the 
 nations with which we have carried on a commerce 
 that lias been steadily increasing throughout a period 
 of half a century. It lias, at the same time, excited 
 political ambitions and apprehensions which have 
 produced a profound agitation throughout the civil- 
 ized w^orld. In this unusual agitation we have for- 
 borne from taking part in any controversy between 
 foreign states, and between parties or factions in such 
 states. We have attempted no propagandism, and 
 acknowledged no revolution. But w^e have left to 
 every nation the exclusive conduct and management 
 of its own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, 
 contemplated by foreign nations with reference less 
 to its ow'u merits than to its 8U})posed and often ex- 
 aggerated effects and consequences i-esulting to those 
 nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the 
 part of this government, even if it were just, would 
 certainly be unwase. 
 
 The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression 
 of the slave trade has been put into operation with 
 a good prospect of complete success. It is an occa- 
 sion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the exe- 
 cution of it, on the part of her majesty's government, 
 has been marked with a jealous respect for the au- 
 thority of the United States, and the rights of their 
 moral and loyal citizens. 
 
 The convention with Hanover for the abolition of 
 the state dues has been carried into full effect, under 
 the act of Congress for that purpose. 
 
 A blockade of three thousand miles of sea-coast 
 could not be established, and vigorously enforced, in 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 221 
 
 a season of great commercial activity like the pres- 
 ent, -without committing occasional mistakes and in- 
 flicting unintentional injuries upon Ibi'eign nations 
 and their suhjects. 
 
 A civil war, occurring in a country where foreign- 
 ers reside, and carry on trade under treaty stipula- 
 tions, is necessarily fruitful of comphiints of the 
 violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend 
 to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce 
 mutual reclamations between nations whicli have a 
 common interest in preserving peace and friendship. 
 In clear cases of these kinds, I liave, so far as jjossible, 
 heard and redressed complaints which have been pre- 
 sented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a 
 large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases 
 upon whicli the government is unable to agree with 
 the government whose protection is demanded by the 
 claimants. 
 
 There are, moreover, many cases in which the 
 United States, or their citizens, suffer wrongs from 
 the naval or military authorities of foreign nations, 
 which the governments of those states are not at 
 once prc[)ared to redress. 
 
 I ha\c [>ro])Oscd to some of the foreign states, thus 
 interested, mutual conventions to examine and adjust 
 such complaints. This proposition has been made 
 esi)ecially to Great Britain, to France, to S}>ain, and 
 to Trussia. In each case it has been kindly received, 
 but has not yet been formally adopted. 
 
 Applications have been made to me by many free 
 Americans of African descent to favor the emigra- 
 tion with a view to such colonization as was contem- 
 
222 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 plated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at 
 liome and abroad — some from interested motives, 
 others upon patriotic considerations, and still others 
 influenced from philanthropic sentiments — have sug- 
 gested similar measures. While, on the other hand, 
 several of the Spanish-American republics have pro- 
 tested against the sending of such colonies to their 
 respective territories. Under these circumstances, I 
 have declined to move any such colony to any state, 
 without first obtaining the consent of its government, 
 with an agreement on its part to receive and protect 
 such emigrants in all the rights of freemen ; and I 
 have, at the same time, oftered to the several states 
 situated within the tropics, or having colonies there, 
 to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and 
 consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigra- 
 tion of persons of that class to their respective terri- 
 tories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just and 
 humane. Liberia and Hayti are, as yet, the only 
 countries to which colonists of African descent from 
 here could go with certainty of being received and 
 adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons, 
 contemplating colonization, do not seem so willing to 
 migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so 
 willing as I think their interest demands. I believe, 
 however, opinion among them in tliis respect is im- 
 proving; and that, ere long, there will be an aug- 
 mented and considerable migration to both those 
 countries from the United States. 
 
 On the 22d day of September last, a proclamation 
 was issued by the Executive, a copy of which is here- 
 with submitted. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 223 
 
 111 accordance with the jtiirpose expressed in the 
 second paragraph of that paper, J[ now respectfully 
 recall your attention to what maybe called "com- 
 pensated emancipation." 
 
 A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its 
 peo}>le, and its laws. The territory is the only part 
 which is of certain durability. "One generation 
 passeth away, and another generation cometli, but 
 the earth al/ideth forever."' It is of the first import- 
 ance to duly consider and estimate this ever endur- 
 ing part. That portion of the earth's surface which 
 is owned and inhabited by the people of the United 
 States is well adapted to be the home of one national 
 family, and it is not well adapted for two, or more. 
 Its vast extant, and its variety of clinuite and pro- 
 ductions, are of advantage, in this age, for one peo- 
 ple, whatever they might have been in former ages. 
 Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought 
 these to Ije an advantageous combination for one 
 united people. 
 
 In the inaugural address, I briefly pointed out the 
 total inadef[uacy of disunion as a remedy for the dif- 
 ferences between the people and the two sections. 
 There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a 
 national boundary upon which to divide. Trace 
 through, from east to west, upon the line between 
 the free and slave country, and we shall find a little 
 iiioi'c than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to 
 l»e crossed, and jtopulated, or soon to be populated, 
 thickly, njton both sides; while nearly all its remain- 
 ing length are merely surveyors' lines, over which 
 people may walk back and forth without any con- 
 
224 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 sciousness of their presence. Ko part of this line can 
 be made any more difficult to pass by writing it 
 down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. 
 The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, on the 
 part of the seceding section, the fugitive slave cause, 
 along with all other constitutional obligations upon 
 the section seceded from, while I should expect no 
 treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its 
 place. 
 
 But there is another difficulty. The great interior 
 region, bounded east by the AUeghanies, north by 
 the British Dominions, west bj^the Rocky mountains, 
 and south by the line along which the culture of corn 
 and cotton meets, and which includes })art of Vir- 
 ginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, In- 
 diana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kan- 
 sas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the territories of Dakota, 
 Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above 
 ten million people, and will have fifty million within 
 fifty years, if not prevented by any political folly or 
 mistake. It contains more than one-third of tlie 
 country owned by the United States — certainly more 
 than one million square miles. Once half as popu- 
 lous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more 
 than seventy-five million people. A glance at the 
 map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great 
 body of the republic. 
 
 The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the 
 magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky 
 mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also 
 the richest in undeveloped resources. In the produc- 
 tion of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which pro- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 225 
 
 ceed from them, this great interior region is naturally 
 one oi" the most important in the world. Ascertain 
 from the statistics the small [)roportion of the region 
 which has, as yet, heen hrought into cultivation, and 
 also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its 
 products, and \vq shall be overwhelmed with the mag- 
 nitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region 
 has no sea-coast; touches no ocean anywhere. As 
 part of one nation, its people now" find, and may for- 
 ever find, their way to Europe by N'ew York, to 
 [South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to 
 Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common 
 country into two nations, as designed by the present 
 rebellion, and every man of this great interior region 
 is thereby cut ofi' from some one or more of these out- 
 lets, not, perhaps, by a i)hysical l)arrier, but by em- 
 barassing and onerous trade regulations. 
 
 And this is true wherever a dividing or boundary 
 line may be fixed. Place it betw^een the now free and 
 slave country, or place it south of Kentucky, or north 
 of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south 
 of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and 
 none north of it can trade to any port or place south 
 of it, except upon terms dictated by a government 
 foreign to them. These outlets, east, west and south, 
 are indispensable to the well-being of the people in- 
 habiting, and to inhabit this vast interior region. 
 Which of the three may l)e the best is no proper ques- 
 tion. All are better than either; and all of right be- 
 long to that people, and to their successors forever. 
 True to themselves, they will not ask irhcre a line of 
 separation shall be, but will vow rather that there 
 
226 ABRAHAM LIiNCOLN's 
 
 sliiill be 110 such line. Nor are the marginal regions 
 less interested in these communications to and through 
 them, to the great outside world. They, too, and 
 each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the 
 west, without paying toll at the crossing of any na- 
 tional boundary. 
 
 Our national strife springs not from our permanent 
 part; not from the land we inhabit; not from our na- 
 tional homestead. There is no possible severing of 
 this, but would multiply, and not mitigate evils 
 among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes, it de- 
 mands union, and abhors separation. In fact, it 
 would, ere long, force reunion, however much of 
 blood and treasure tlie separation might have cost. 
 
 Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing gen- 
 erations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be 
 hushed forever with the passing of one generation. 
 
 In this view, I recommend the adoption of the fol- 
 lowing resolution and articles amendatory to the 
 Constitution of the United States: 
 
 " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
 of the United States of America in Congress assembled 
 (two-thirds of both houses concurring), That the fol- 
 lowing articles be proposed to the legislature (or 
 conventions) of the several states as amendments to 
 the Constitution of the United States, all or any of 
 which articles when ratified by three-fourths of the 
 said legislature (or conventions), to be valid as j^art 
 or parts of the said Constitution, namely: 
 
 "Article — Every state, wherein slavery now exists, 
 which shall abolish the same therein, at any time, or 
 times, before the first day of January, in the year of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 227 
 
 our Lord ono tliousaiid tiiiio Imiuired, shall receive 
 compensation fVoiu tin- Ll^nited States, as follows, 
 to wit: 
 
 The President of the irnilod States shall deliver to 
 every snch state bonds of the United States, bearing 
 
 interest at the rate of for each slave shown to 
 
 have been therein by the ei<?hth census of the United 
 States, such bonds to be delivered to such states by 
 installments, or in one ]»arcel, at the completion of the 
 abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been 
 gradual, (u- at one time, within such state: and in- 
 terest shall begin to run upon any such bond only 
 from the pro}»er time of its delivery as aforesaid. 
 
 Any state having received bonds as aforesaid, and 
 afterward reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein, 
 shall refund to the United States the bonds so re- 
 ceived, or the value thereof, and all interest paid 
 thereon. 
 
 "Article — All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual 
 freedom by the chances of the war at any time before 
 the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all 
 owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, 
 shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is 
 provided for states adopting abolishment of slavery, 
 but in such way that no slave shall be twice ac- 
 counted for. 
 
 "Article — Congress may appropriate money and 
 otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, 
 with their own consent, at any })lacc or places with- 
 out the United States." 
 
 I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles 
 at some length. AVithout slavery the rebellion could 
 
228 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 never have existed; without slavery it could not con- 
 tinue. 
 
 Among the friends of the Union there is great di- 
 versity of sentiment and of policy in regard to 
 slavery and the African race among us. Some would 
 perpetuate slavery ; some would abolish it suddenly, 
 and without compensation ; some would abolish it 
 gradually, and with compensation; some would re- 
 move the freed })eople from us, and some Avould re- 
 tain them with us; and there are yet other minor di- 
 versities. Because of these diversities, we w^aste 
 much strength in struggles among ourselves. By 
 mutual concession we should harmonize and act to- 
 gether. This would be compromise, but it would be 
 compromise among the friends, and not with the en- 
 emies of the Union. These articles are intended to 
 emljody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the 
 jilan shall be adopted, it is assumed tliat emancipa- 
 tion will follow, at least, in several of the states. 
 
 As to the first article, the main points are, first, the 
 emancipation ; secondly, the length of time for con- 
 summating it — thirty-seven years — and, thirdly, the 
 compensation. 
 
 The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the ad- 
 vocates of perpetual slavery; but the length of time 
 should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The 
 time spares both races from the evils of sudden de- 
 rangement — in fact, from the necessity of any deninge- 
 ment — while most of those whose habitual course of 
 thought will be disturbed by the measure will have 
 passed away before its consummation. They will 
 never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 229 
 
 eniaiicipation, but will deprecate tlio length oT time. 
 They will feel tliat it gives too little to the now liv- 
 ing slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves 
 them from the vagrant destitution which must largely 
 attend immediate emancipation in localities where 
 their numbers are very great; and it gives tlie inspir- 
 ing assurance that their posterity shall be free for- 
 ever. The plan leaves to each state, choosing to act 
 under it, to al)olish slavery now or at the end of the 
 century, or at any intermediate time, or l)y degrees, ex- 
 tending over the whole or any part of the period; 
 and it obliges no two states to proceed alike. 
 
 It also provides for compensation, and generally, 
 the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must 
 further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor 
 perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to 
 receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those 
 who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet 
 the measure is both just and economical. In a cer- 
 tain sense, the liljeration of slaves is the destruction 
 of property — property acquired by descent, or by pur- 
 chase, the same as any other property. 
 
 It is no less true for having been often said, that 
 the people of the South are not more responsible for 
 the original introduction of this property than are the 
 people of the Xorth ; and when it is remembered how 
 unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share 
 the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe 
 to say that the South has Ijeen more responsible than 
 the Xorth for its continuance. 
 
 If, then, for a common object, this property is to 
 
230 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 be sacrificed, is it not just that it be clone at a com- 
 mon charge ? 
 
 And if, with le«s m(^ney,or money more easily paid, 
 we can preserve the benefits of the Union by tliis 
 means than we can by the war alone, is it not also 
 economical to do it ? Let us consider it then. Let 
 us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war 
 since compensated emancipation w^as proposed last 
 March, and consider w^hether, if that measure had 
 been piromptly accepted, by even some of the slave 
 states, the same sum would not have done more to 
 close the war than lias been othervvise done. If so, 
 the measure w^ould save money, and, in that view, 
 would be a prudent and economical measure. Cer- 
 tainly it is not so easy to pay somdhinr/ as it is to pay 
 nothing — but it is easier to pay a /(/r_^esum than it is to 
 pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when 
 we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. 
 The war requires large sums, and requires them at 
 once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated 
 emancipation, of course, w^ould be large. But it would 
 require no ready cash, nor the bonds even, any faster 
 than the emancipation progresses. This might not, 
 and probably would not, close before the end of the 
 thirty-seven years. 
 
 At that time we shall probably have a hundred mil- 
 lion people to share the burden instead of thirty-one 
 millions as now. And not only so, but the increase 
 of our population may be expected to continue for a 
 long time after that period as rapidly as before ; be- 
 cause our territory will not have become full. I do 
 not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 231 
 
 increase which \\t' have luaintaiiicd, uii an average, 
 from our tirst national census in 1700, until that of 
 1860, we should, in 1000, have a population of 103,- 
 208,415. And why may w^e not continue that ratio 
 far beyond that period? Our abundant room — our 
 broad national homestead — is our ample resource. 
 "Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, 
 very certainly our population could not expand as 
 stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born, as 
 noAv, we should be compelled, to send part of the na- 
 tive born away. 
 
 But such is not our condition. We have two mil- 
 lion nine hundred and sixty-three thousand square 
 miles. Europe has three million and eight hundred 
 thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three 
 and one-third persons to the s(piarc mih'. Why niay 
 not our country, at some time, average as many? Is 
 it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by moun- 
 tains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or otlier causes? Is it in- 
 ferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If then 
 we are at sometime to be as populous as Europe, how 
 soon? As to w^lien this iiiaij be, we can judge by the 
 past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever, 
 depends much on whether we maintain the Union. 
 
 The proposed emancipation would shorten the war. 
 perpetuate peace, insure this increase of population, 
 and proportionately the wealth of the country. With 
 these, we should pay all the emanci[)ation w^oukl cost, 
 together with our other debt, easier than we should 
 pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed 
 our old national del^t to run at six per cent, per an- 
 num, simple interest, from the end of our revolution- 
 
232 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 ary struggle until to-day, without paying any thing 
 on either principal or interest, each man of us would 
 owe less upon that debt now, than each man owed upon 
 it then ; and this because our increase of men through 
 our whole period had been greater than six per cent., 
 has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, 
 time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its 
 population increases faster than its unpaid interest 
 accumulates on its debt. 
 
 This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment 
 of' what is justly due, but, it shows the great import- 
 ance of time in this connection — the great advantage 
 of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until 
 we number a hundred million, what, by a different 
 policy, we would have to pay now, when we number 
 but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a 
 dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than 
 will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed 
 plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no 
 precious life. It will be a saving of both. 
 
 As to the second article, I think it would be im- 
 practicable to return to bondage the class of persons 
 therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in 
 the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence 
 provision is made in this article for compensating 
 such. 
 
 The third article relates to the future of the freed 
 people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, 
 Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. 
 This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the 
 one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to 
 nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 233 
 
 to be doportod, and tlic American votorp, tlirc^ugli 
 their represontativc^i in Coiihtcss. 
 
 I can not make it Ix'tter known than it already is, 
 that I Btrono;ly favor colonization. And yet I wish 
 to say there is an objection urged against free colored 
 persons remaining in the country which is largely 
 imaffinarv, if not some times malicious. 
 
 It is insisted that tiieir presence would injure and 
 despoil white hibor and white laborers. If there ever 
 could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, 
 that time surely is not now. 
 
 In times like the i)resent, men should utter nothing 
 for which they would not AA'illingly be responsible 
 through time and eternity. Is it true, then, that 
 colored people can displace any more white labor by 
 being free than by remaining slaves ? If they stay 
 in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if 
 they leave their old places, they leave them open to 
 white laborers. Logically, there is neither more or 
 less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, 
 would prol)ably enhance the wages of Avhite labor, 
 and very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the 
 customary amount of labor would still have to be 
 performed. 
 
 The freed j)eo}ile would surely not do more than 
 their old }»roportion of it, and, wvy probably, for a 
 time would do less, leaving an increased part to A\liitc 
 laborers, bring their lal)or into greater demand, and 
 consequently enhancing the wages of it. With dc- 
 jtortation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages 
 to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is 
 like any other commodity in the market — increase 
 20 
 
234 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the demand for it and you increase the price of it. 
 Reduce the 8U[)pIy of black labor by colonizing the 
 black labor out of the country, and by precisely so 
 much you increase the demand for and wages of 
 white labor. 
 
 But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm 
 forth, and cover the whole land. Are they not 
 already in the land? Will liberation make them any 
 more numerous? Equally distributed among the 
 whites of the whole country, and there would be but 
 one colored to seven whites. Could the one, in any 
 way, greatly disturb the seven ? There are many 
 communities now, having more than one freed col- 
 ored person to seven whites ; and this, without any 
 apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District 
 of Columbia, and the states of Maryland and Dela- 
 ware, are all in this condition. The district has 
 more than one free colored to six whites ; and yet, in 
 its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has 
 never presented the presence of free colored persons 
 as one of its grievances. But why should emancipa- 
 tion south send the freed people north ? People, of 
 any color, seldom run, unless there be something to 
 run from. Heretofore, colored people, to some extent, 
 have fled north from bondage, and now, perhaps, 
 from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual 
 onianci})ation and deportation be adopted, they will 
 have neither to flee from. Their old masters will 
 give them wages, at least until new laborers can be 
 procured ; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly 
 give their labor for the wages, till new homes can be 
 found for them, in congenial climes, and with people 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 235 
 
 of their own blood and race. This proposition can 
 be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in 
 any event, can not the north decide for itself whether 
 to receive tbeni ? 
 
 Again, as practice [troves more than theory, in any 
 case, has there been any irruption of colored people 
 northward because of the abolishment of slavery in 
 this district last spring? 
 
 What I have said of the jji-opoi-tion of free colored 
 persons to the whites in the district is from the cen- 
 sus of 1S()0, liaving no reference to persons called 
 conti'abands, nor to tliose made free by the act of 
 Congress abolishing slaver}' here. 
 
 The plan consisting of these articles is recom- 
 mended, not but that a restoration of the national 
 authority would be accepted without its adoption. 
 
 Nor wnll the war, nor proceedings under the proc- 
 lamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of 
 the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoptiov, 
 I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby 
 stay both. 
 
 And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommenda- 
 tion that Congress jtrovide by law for compensating 
 any state which may adopt emancipation before this 
 plan sliall have been acted u[)()n, is hereby earnestly 
 renewed. Such w^ould be only an advance })art of 
 the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. 
 
 This plan is recommended as a means, not in ex- 
 clusion of but additional to all others for restoring 
 and preserving the national authority throughout the 
 Union. The subject is jtrescnted exclusively in its 
 economical as[>ect. The plan would, I am ccnifident, 
 
236 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more 
 permanently, than can be done by force alone ; while 
 all it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of 
 payment, and times of payment, would be easier paid 
 than will be the additional cost of the war, if we rely 
 solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it 
 would cost no blood at all. 
 
 The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional 
 law. It can not become such without the concurrence 
 of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and afterward, 
 three-fourths of the states. The requisite three- 
 fourths of the states will necessarily include seven of 
 the slave states. Their concurrence, if obtained, will 
 give assurance of their severally adopting emancipa- 
 tion at no very distant day upon the new constitu- 
 tional terms. This assurance would end the struggle 
 now, and save the Union forever. 
 
 I do not forget the gravity which should character- 
 ize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation 
 by the cliief magistrate of the nation, ^or do I 
 forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that 
 many of you have more experience than I in the 
 conduct of public aft'airs. Yet I trust that in view of 
 the great responsibility resting u[ion me, you will 
 perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any 
 undue earnestness I may seem to display. 
 
 Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if 
 adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its 
 expenditure of money and of blood ? Is it doubted 
 that it would restore the national authority and 
 national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? 
 Is it doubted that we here — Congress and Executive 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 237 
 
 — can secure its acl(iption ? Will not tlic good ]>eop]e 
 respond to a united and eaiMiest appeal from us? Can 
 we, can they, l)y any other means, so certainly or so 
 speedily assure these vital ohjects? We can succeed 
 only by concert. It is not " can any of us imagine 
 better," but '-can we (dl do better?" Object what- 
 soever is possible, still the question recurs, " can we 
 do better? The dogmas of the quiet past are inade- 
 quate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled 
 high with ditKculty, and we must rise with the occa- 
 sion. As our case is new, so we must think anew 
 and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and 
 then we shall save (»ur counti'v. 
 
 Fiilow Citizens, we can not escape history. AYe 
 of this Congress and tliis administration, will be re- 
 membered in spite of ourselves. Xo })ersonal signili- 
 eanc-e, or insignificance, can spare one or another of 
 us. Tlie fiery trial through which we pass will light 
 us down, in honor or disludior, to the latest genera- 
 tion. We say we are for the Union. The world will 
 not forget that we say this. We know how to save 
 the Union. The world knows we do know how to 
 save it. We — even we lierc — hold the jiowcr and bear 
 the resjKjnsibility. in gicing freedom to the slave we 
 assure freedom to the free — lionorable alike in what 
 we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, 
 or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth. Other 
 means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is 
 plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way whieh, if fol- 
 lowed, the world will forever applaud, and God must 
 forever bless. A. Lincoln. 
 
238 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Letter to Mr. AVood, December 12, 1862. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — Your letter of the 8tl], with the ac- 
 companying note of same date, was received yester- 
 day. 
 
 The most important paragraph in the letter, as I 
 consider, is in these words : " On the 26th of Novem- 
 her last I was advised by an authority which I 
 deemed likely to be well informed, as well as reliable 
 and truthful that the Southern states would send 
 representatives to the next Congress, provided that a 
 full and general amnesty sliould permit them to do 
 so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other 
 than the amnesty referred to." 
 
 I strongly suspect your information will prove to 
 be groundless; nevertheless, I thank you for commu- 
 nicating it to me. Understanding the phrase m the 
 paragraph above quoted — " the Southern states would 
 send representatives to the next Congress " — to be 
 substantially the same as that "the peoj)le of the 
 Southern states would cease resistance, and would in- 
 augurate, submit to, and maintain the national au- 
 thority within tlie limits of such states, under the 
 Constitution of the United States," I say that in such 
 case the war would cease on the part of the United 
 States, and that if, within a reasonable time, "a full 
 and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it 
 would not be withheld. 
 
 I do not think it would be proper now to commu- 
 nicate this, formally or informally, to the people of 
 the Southern states. My belief is that they already 
 know it, and when they choose, if ever, they can 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 239 
 
 eomnuinieate with me iiiioqiiivocally. Nor do T lliink 
 it proper now to suspend military operations to try 
 any experiment of negotiation. 
 
 T sliould, nevertheless, I'eeeive with great jileasure 
 the exact information yon now have, and also such 
 other as you may in any way ohtain. Such informa- 
 tion might he more valuahle before the 1st of Janu- 
 ary than afterward. 
 
 AVhile there is notliing in this letter whicli I shall 
 dread to see in history, it is perhaps better for the 
 present that its existence sliould not become public. 
 I therefore have to request that you will regard it as 
 confidential. Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Address to the Army of the Potomac, December 22, 
 
 1862. 
 
 I have just read your commanding general's pre- 
 liminary report of the battle of Fredericksburg. 
 Although you were not successful, the attempt was 
 not an error, nor the failui-e other than an accident. 
 
 The courage with which you, in an open field, 
 maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and 
 the consummate skill and success with which you 
 crossed and re-crossed the river in the face of the 
 enemy, show that you possess all the ([ualitics of u 
 great army, which will yet give victory to the cause 
 of the country and of popular government. 
 
 Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and 
 sympathizing with the severely wounded, T congratu- 
 late you that the number of both is comparatively so 
 
240 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 small. T teiider to you, officers and soldiers, the 
 thanks of a nation. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Final Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863. 
 
 Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by tlie 
 President of the United States, containing, among 
 other things, the following, to wit : 
 
 " That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
 persons held as slaves within any state, or designated 
 part of state, the people whereof shall then be in 
 rebellion against tde United States, shall be then, 
 thenceforward, and forever free ; and tlie Executive 
 Government of the United States, including the mili- 
 tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
 maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no 
 act or acts to suppress such persons, or any of them, 
 in any eflbrts they may make for their actual free- 
 dom. 
 
 " That the Executive will, on the first day of Janu- 
 ary aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the states, 
 and parts of states, if any, in which the people 
 thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against 
 the United States ; and the fact that any state or the 
 people thereof shall on that day be in good faith rep- 
 resented in the Congress of the United States, by 
 members chosen thereto at election wherein a major- 
 ity of the qualified voters of such state shall have 
 participated, shall, in the absence of strong counter- 
 vailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 241 
 
 that such state, and tlie j»GO})le thereof, are not then 
 in rebellion n<2:ainst the United States." 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincohi, President of 
 the United States, l)y virtue of the power in nie 
 vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
 of the United States in time of actual armed rebel- 
 lion aii'ainst the autliority and government of the 
 United States, and as a lit and necessary war meas- 
 ure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on tlie first day 
 of January, in tlie year of our Lord one thousand 
 eight liundred and sixty-tliree, and in accordance 
 with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for 
 the full period of one hundred days from the day 
 lirst above mentioned, order and designate, as the 
 states and parts of states wherein the people thereof 
 res})ectively are this day in rebellion against the 
 United States the following, to wit: Arkansas, 
 Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, 
 Plaquemine, Jelferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. 
 James, Ascension, Assum})tion, Terre Bonne, La- 
 fourche, St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including 
 the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Flor- 
 ida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and A'lr- 
 ginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as 
 West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkely, Ac- 
 comac, Northamifton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess 
 Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and 
 Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the 
 present left precisely as if this proclamation were not 
 issued. And, by virtue of the power and for the pur- 
 pose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons 
 21 
 
242 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 held as slaves within said designated states and parts 
 of states, are, and henceforward shall be free ; and that 
 the executive government of the United States, in- 
 cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, 
 will recognize and maintain the freedom of said per- 
 sons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so de- 
 clared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless 
 in necessary self-defense ; and I recommend to them, 
 that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for 
 reasonable wages. And I further declare and make 
 known that such persons of suitable condition will 
 be received into the armed service of the United 
 States, to garrison forts, ])Ositions, stations, and otlier 
 places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of 
 justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military 
 necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of man- 
 kind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 
 
 In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my 
 name, and caused the seal of the United States to be 
 affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington this iirst day of 
 January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
 the United States the eighty-seventh. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Major-General Curtis, January 2, 1863. 
 My Dear Sir: — Tours of December 29th, by the 
 hand of Mr. Strong, is just received. The day I tele- 
 graphed you suspending the order in relation to Dr. 
 McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the attorney-general, 
 
PEX AND VUICE, 243 
 
 appeared before nie and left witli ine a copy of the 
 order mentioiR'd. The doctor also showed nie the 
 copy of an oath which he said lie had taken, which 
 is indeed very strong and specific. He also verbally 
 assured me that he had constantly prayed in church 
 for the president and government, as he had always 
 done before the present war. In looking over the 
 recitals in your order, I do not see that this matter 
 of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived; nor that 
 any violation of his oath is charged, nor in fact 
 that any thing specific is alleged against him. The 
 charges arc all general, that he has a rebel wife, and 
 rebel relations; that lie sympathises with rebels, and 
 that lie exercises rebel influence. Xow after talking 
 with him, I tell you frankly, I believe he does sym- 
 pathize with the rebels ; but the question remains 
 whether such a man of unquestioned good moral 
 character, who has taken such an oath as he has, and 
 can not even be charged of violating it, and who can 
 be charged with no other specific act or omission, 
 can, with safety to this government, be exiled upon 
 tlie suspicion of his secret sympathies. But I agree 
 that this must be left to you. who are on th6 
 spot; and if, after all, you think the public good re- 
 quires his removal, my suspension of the order is 
 withdrawn, only with this qualiflcation, that the time 
 during the suspension is not to be counted against 
 him. T have promised him this. 
 
 lint T must add that the United States Government 
 must not, as by this order, undertake to run the 
 churches. When an individual in a ehurcli, or out 
 of it, becomes dangerous to the })ublic interest, he 
 
244 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 must be checked ; but lot the cburclies, as such, take 
 care ot" themselves. 
 
 It will not do for the United States to appoint 
 trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the churches. 
 Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Burnside. 
 
 January 8, 1863. 
 I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter 
 of which tliis is a copy. I deplore the want of con- 
 currence with you in opinion ])y your general officers, 
 but I do not see the remedy. Be cautious, and do 
 not understand that the government or countr}- is 
 driving you. I do not yet see how 1 could profit by 
 changing the command of the Army of the Potomac, 
 and if I did, I should not wish to do it by accepting 
 the resignation of your commission. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Message to Congress, January 19, 1863. 
 
 I have signed the joint resolution to provide for 
 the immediate payment of the army and navy of the 
 United States, passed by the House of Representatives 
 on the 14th, and by the Senate on the 15th inst. The 
 joint resolution is a simple authority amounting, how- 
 ever, under the existing circumstances, to a direction 
 t6 the Secretary of the Treasury to make an additional 
 issue of $100,000,000 United States notes, if so much 
 money is needed for the payment of the army and 
 navy. My approval is given in order that every pos- 
 sible facility may be afforded for the prompt discharge 
 of all arrears in pay due to our soldiers and our sailors. 
 
 While giving this approval, however, I think it my 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 245 
 
 duty to express my sincere regret that it has been 
 found necessary to authorize so large an additional 
 issue of United States notes, when this circulation and 
 that of the suspended banks together have become 
 already so redundant as to increase prices beyond real 
 values, thereby augmenting tlie cost of living, to the 
 injury of labor, and the cost of supplying to the injury 
 of the whole country. 
 
 It seems vei-y }>lain that continued issues of United 
 States notes without any check to the issues of sus- 
 pended banks, and without adc([uate }»rovision for the 
 raising of money by loans, and tor funding the issues 
 so as to keep them within due limits, might soon pro- 
 duce disastrous consequences, and this matter appears 
 to me so important that I feel bound to avail myself 
 of this occasion to ask the special attention of Con- 
 gress to it. That Congress has power to regulate the 
 currency of the country can hardly admit of doubt, 
 and that a judicious measure to prevent the deterio- 
 ration of this currency by a reasonable taxation of 
 l>aiik circulation or otherwise is needed, seems e(pudly 
 clear. Independent of this general consideration, it 
 would be unjust to the people at large to exempt 
 banks enjoying the special i)rivilege of circulation, 
 from their just proportion of the public burdens. In 
 order to raise money by way of loans most easily, and 
 cheaply, it is clearly necessary to give every possible 
 support to the pul)lic credit. To that end a unilbnn 
 currency, in which taxes, subscriptions, loans, and all 
 other ordinary public dues may be paid, is almost, if 
 not quite indis[)ensable. 
 
 Such a currency can be furnisJied by banks and 
 
246 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 associations authorized under a general act of Con- 
 gress, as suggested in my message at the beginning of 
 the present session. The securing of this circulation 
 by the pledge of the United States bonds, as herein 
 suggested, would still further facilitate loans by in- 
 creasing the present, and causing a future demand for 
 such Ijonds. In view of the actual financial embarrass- 
 ments of the government, and of the greater embar- 
 rassments sure to come, if the necessary means of re- 
 lief be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform 
 my duty by a simple announcement of my approval 
 of the joint resolution, which proposes relief only by 
 increasing the circulation, without expressing my 
 earnest desire that measures, such in substance as 
 those I have just referred to, may receive the early 
 sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my 
 opinion, will paymont be most certainly secured, not 
 only to the army and navy, but to honest creditors of 
 the government, and satisfixctory provisions made for 
 future demands on the treasury. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Approval of Court Martial Proceedings. 
 
 January 21, 1863. 
 
 Tlicforegobuj ]yroceedi7igs, findings, and sentence in the 
 foregoing case of 3Iajor- General Fitz John Porter arc 
 approved and confirmed, and it is ordered that the said 
 Fitz John l*orter be, and he hereby is, cashiered and 
 dismissed from the service of the United States as a 
 Major-General of volunteers, and as Colonel and 
 Brevet Brigadier-General in the regular service of the 
 United States, and forever disqualified from holding 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 247 
 
 any ofHco of trust ov protit iiiRler the Goverimient of 
 the United States. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Ma.jor-General Hooker. 
 Exccutin 3Ia)hsion, Washington, D. C., Jan. 26, 1863. 
 General :—l have placed you at the head of tlie 
 Army of the Potomac. Of course I have done 
 this upon what appears to me to be sufficient 
 reasons; and yet I think it best for you to know 
 that there are some things in regard to which 
 I am not quite satisfied with you. 1 believe you to 
 be a brave and skillful soldier — w^hieh, of course, I 
 like. I also believe 3"ou do not mix politics with your 
 profession — in which you are right. You have con- 
 fidence in yourself — which is a valuable, if not an in- 
 dispensable qualit}-. You are ambitious — which, 
 within reasonable bounds, does good rather than 
 liarm ; ])ut I think that, during General Burnside's 
 command of the anny, you have taken counsel of 
 your ambition and thwarted him as much as you 
 could, in which you did a great wrong to the country, 
 and to a most meritorious and lionorable brother 
 officer. I have heard, in such way as to believe it, of 
 your recently saying that both the army and the gov- 
 ernment needed a dictator. Of course, it was not for 
 this, but in spite of it. that T have given you the com- 
 mand. Only those generals who gain successes can 
 set up dictators. AVhat I now ask of you is military 
 success, and I will risk the dietalorship. The govern- 
 ment will su})port you to the utmost of its ability — 
 which is neither more nor less than it has done and 
 will do for all commanders. I much fear that the 
 
248 ABTIAIIAIM LTMCOLn's 
 
 spirit wliicli you have aided to infuse into the army, 
 of criticising their commander and withholding con- 
 fidence from him, will now turn upon you. 
 
 I shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. 
 Neither you nor Xapoleon, if he were alive again, 
 could get any good out of an army; while such a spirit 
 prevails in it. And now, beware of rashness. Beware 
 of rashness, but, with energy and sleepless viligance, 
 go forward and give us victories. Yours, very truly. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to the Workingmen of Manchester, Eng., 
 Feb. 9, 1863. 
 
 I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
 the address and resolutions which you sent me on 
 the eve of the New Year. When I came, on the 4th of 
 March, 1861, through a free and constitutional election, 
 to preside in the Government of the United States, 
 the country was found at the verge of civil war. 
 Whatever might have been the cause, or whosoever 
 at fault, one duty, paramount to all others, was be- 
 fore me, namely, to maintain and preserve at once 
 the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal 
 Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this 
 duty is the key to all the measures of administration 
 which have been and to all whicli will hereafter be 
 pursued. Under our form of government, and my 
 official oath, I could not depart from the jturpose if 
 I would. It is not always in the power of govern- 
 ments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral re- 
 sults which follow the politics that they may deem it 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 249 
 
 necessary for the pul)Iic safety from time to time tu 
 adopt. 
 
 I have understood well (hat the duty of self- 
 preservation rests solely with the American people. 
 But I have at the same time heen aware that favor 
 or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material 
 influence in enlarging and })rolonging the struggle 
 with disloyal men in which the country is engaged. 
 A fair examination of liistory has seemed to authorize 
 a hclief that the past action and influence of the 
 United States were generally regarded as having 
 been beneflcial toward mankind. I have therefore 
 reckoned u}»on the forbearance of natiofas. 
 
 Circumstances — to some of which you kindly al- 
 lude — induced me especially to expect that, if justice 
 and good faith should be practiced by the United 
 States, they would encounter no hostile influences on 
 the part of Great Britain. It is now a pleasant duty 
 to acknowledge the demonstration you have given to 
 your dcsii'e that a s[)irit of peace and amity toward 
 this country may prevail in the councils of your 
 (pieen, who is respected and esteemed in your own 
 country no more than she is by the kindred nation 
 Avhich has its home on this side of the Atlantic. I 
 know and deeply deplore the suflerings which the 
 workmen at Manchester and in all Europe are called 
 to endure in this crisis. It has been often and stu- 
 diously re[>resented that the attempt to overthrow 
 this government, which was built upon the founda- 
 tion of human rights, and to substitute for it one 
 which should rest exclusively on the basis of human 
 slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. 
 
250 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the 
 workingmen of Europe have been subjected to se- 
 vere trial, for the purpose of forcing their sanction 
 to that attempt. Under these circumstances, I can 
 not but regard your decisive utterances upon the 
 question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, 
 wliich has not l)een surpassed in any age or in any 
 country. It is indeed an energetic and re-inspiring 
 assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the 
 ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, 
 and freedom. And I do not doubt that the senti- 
 ments you have expressed will be sustained by your 
 great nation." And, on the other hand, I have no 
 hesitation in assuring you that they will incite ad- 
 miration, esteem, and the other reciprocal feelings of 
 friendship among the American people. I hail this 
 interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury 
 that whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune 
 may befall your country or my own, the peace and 
 friendship which now exist between the two nations 
 will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, per- 
 petual. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Rev. Alexander Reed. 
 
 Executive llansion, February 22, 1863. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — Your note, by which you, as gen- 
 eral superintendent of the U. S. Christian Commis- 
 sion, invite me to preside at a meeting to be held this 
 day, at the hall of the House of Eepreseutatives in 
 the city, is received. 
 
 While, for reasons which I deem sufficient, I must 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 251 
 
 decline to preside, I can not withhold my approval 
 of the meeting and its worthy objects. 
 
 Whatever sliall be, sincerely and in God's name, 
 devised for the good of the soldiers and seamen in 
 their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely fail to be 
 blessed ; and whatever shall tend to turn onr thoughts 
 from the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, 
 prejudices, and jealousies incident to a great national 
 trouble such as ours, and to fix them on the vast and 
 long enduring consequences, for weal or for woe, 
 which are to result from the struggle, and esjtecially 
 to strengthen our reliance on the Supreme Being for 
 the final triumph of the right, can not but be well 
 for us all. 
 
 The birthday of Washington and the Christian 
 Sabbath coinciding this year, and suggesting together 
 the highest interests of this life and of that to come, 
 is most propitious for the meeting proposed. 
 
 Yours obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Reply Regarding Thomas W. Knox, Correspondent 
 ]^. Y. Herald. 
 
 Executive 3Iajision, Washwfjtov, 3Iay 20, 1863. 
 To whom it may concern: — Whereas, it appears to 
 my satisfaction that Thomas W. Knox, a correspond- 
 ent of the Xew York Herald, has been, by the sen- 
 tence of a court-martial, excluded from the military 
 de[)artment under command of Major-General Grant, 
 and also that General Thayer, president of the court- 
 martial which rendered the sentence, and Major- 
 General McClernand, in command of a corps of that 
 department, and many other respectable persons, are 
 
252 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 of opinion that Mr. Knox's offense was technical 
 rather than willfully wrong, and that the sentence 
 shouhl be revoked; now therefore said sentence is 
 hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. Knox to return 
 to General Grant's head-quarters, and to remain if 
 General Grant shall not refuse such assent. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Internal and Coastwise Intercourse, by the Presi- 
 dent OF THE United States of America. 
 
 Proclamation., 3Iarch 31, 1863. 
 Whereas, in pursuance of the act of Congress, ap- 
 proved July 13, 18G1, I did l)y proclamation, dated 
 August IB, 1861, declare that the inhabitants of the 
 States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, 
 Arkansas, Mississij)pi, and Florida (except the inhab- 
 itants of that part of Virginia lying west of the 
 Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of 
 that state, and the other states hereinbefore named, 
 as might maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and 
 the constitution, or might be from time to time 
 occupied and controlled by forces of the LTnited 
 States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents) 
 were in a state of insurrection against the United 
 States, and that all commercial intercourse between 
 the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the excep- 
 tions aforesaid, and the citizens of other states and 
 other parts of the United States was unlawful, and 
 w^ould remain unlawful until such insurrection should 
 cease or be suppressed, and that all goods and chat- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 253 
 
 tels, wares and mercbandise, coming from any of 
 said states, with tlie exceptions aforesaid, into otlier 
 parts of tbe United States, without the license and 
 permission of the President, through the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said states, 
 with the exceptions aforesaid, by bind or water, to- 
 gether w'ith the vessel or vehicle convc3'ing tbe same 
 to or from said states, wntli tbe exce[)tions aforesaid, 
 would be forfeited to the United States. 
 
 And, whereas, experience has show^n that tbe ex- 
 ceptions made in and by said proclamation embarrass 
 the due enforcement of said act of July 13, 1861, and 
 the proper regulation of the commercial intercourse 
 authorized by said act with tbe loyal citizens of said 
 states — 
 
 iSTow", therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
 the United States, do hereby revoke tbe said excep- 
 tions, and declare that the inhabitants of the States of 
 Geoi'gia, South Car(jlina, North CaroHna, Tennessee, 
 Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, 
 Florida, and Virginia (except the forty-eight coun- 
 ties of Virginia designated as West Virginia, and 
 except also the ports of i^Tew Orleans, Key West, 
 Port Royal, and Beaufort in ITortb Carolina) are in 
 a state of insurrection against the United States, 
 aud that all commercial intercourse, not licensed and 
 conducted as provided in said act, between the said 
 states and tbe inhabitants thereof, with the exceptions 
 aforesaid, and tbe citizens of other states and otlier 
 parts of the United States, is unbiwfiil, and will re- 
 main unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or 
 has been suppressed, and notice thereof has been 
 
254 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 duly given by proclamation; and all cotton, tobacco, 
 and other products, and all other goods and chattels, 
 wares, and merchandise coming from said states, 
 with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of 
 the United States, or proceeding to any of said states, 
 with the exceptions aforesaid, without the license or 
 permission of the President, through the Secretary of 
 the Treasury, will, together with the vessel or vehicle 
 conveying the same, be forfeited to the United States. 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 hand and caused the seal of the United States to l)e 
 affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this 31st 
 day of March, A. d. 1863, and of the independence of 
 the United States of America the eighty-seventh. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Hunter and Admiral Dupont. 
 Executive Mansion, Was/mi(jto)}, April 14, 1863. 
 
 This is intended to clear up an apparent inconsist- 
 ency between the recent order to continue operations 
 before Charleston and the former one to remove to 
 another point in a certain emergency. No censure 
 upon you or either of you is intended. 
 
 We still hope that by cordial and judicious co- 
 operation you can take the batteries on Morris Island 
 and Sullivan's Island and Fort Sumter. But whether 
 you can or not, we wish tlie demonstration kept up 
 for a time for a collateral and very important object. 
 We wish the attempt to be a real one (though not a 
 desperate one), if it aftbrds an}' considerable chance 
 of success. But if prosecuted as a demonstration 
 only this must not become public, or the whole efl'ect 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 255 
 
 will be lost. OiK'C again before Charleston do not 
 leave till further orders from here. Of course this 
 is not intended to force you to leave unduly ex- 
 posed Hilton's Head or other near points in your 
 charge. Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Hooker. 
 Executive 31ansion, Washington, April 15, 18(33. 
 It IS now 10:15 p. m. An hour ago I received your 
 letter of this nioniing, and a few niinutes later your 
 dis[>atch of this evening. The later gives nie con- 
 siderable uneasiness. The rain and mud, of course, 
 were to be calculated upon. General S. is not mov- 
 ing rapidly enough to make the expedition come to 
 any thing. Tie has now^ been out three days, two of 
 which were unusually fair weather, and all three 
 without hindrance from the enemy, and yet he is 
 not twent^'-tive miles from where he started. To 
 reach his point he has still sixty to go, another river 
 (the liapidan) to cross, and will be hiti(h'red by the 
 enemy. By arithmetic, liow many days will it take 
 him to do it? I do not know that any better canjie 
 done, but I greatly fear it is another failure already. 
 Write me often. I am very anxious. 
 
 Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa. 
 
 Executive Mansion, 3Iay 1, 1863. 
 The whole dusposable force at Baltimore and else- 
 where in reach have already been sent after the en- 
 emy which alarn\,s you. The Avorst thing the enemy 
 could do for himself would be to weaken himself be- 
 
256 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 fore Hooker, luid therefore it is safe to believe he is 
 not doing it, and the best thing he couhl do for him- 
 self would be to get ns so scared as to bring part of 
 Hooker's force away, and that is just what he is try- 
 ing to do. 
 
 I will telegraph you in the morning about calling 
 out the militia. ' A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Governor Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa. 
 
 Executive Mansion, May 2, 1863. 
 
 General Halleck tells me that he has a dispatch 
 from General Schenck this morning informing him 
 that our forces have joined, and that the enemy 
 menacing Pennsylvania will have to fight or run to- 
 day. I hope I am not less anxious to do my duty to 
 Pennsylvania than yourself, but I really do not yet 
 see the justification for incurring tlie trouble and ex- 
 pense of calling out the militia. 1 shall keep watch 
 and try to do my duty. A. Lincoln. 
 
 P. S. — Our forces are exactly between the enemy 
 and Pennsylvania. 
 
 To General Hooker. 
 Washington^ D. C.y3Iaij 6, 1863, 12:30 P. M. 
 Just as I had telegraphed you contents of Rich- 
 mond papers, showing that our cavalry has not failed, 
 I received General Butterfield's of 11 a. m. yesterday. 
 This, with the great rain of yesterday and last night, 
 securing your right fiank, I think, puts a new phase 
 upon your case, but you must be the judge. 
 
 , A. Lincoln, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 257 
 
 To Ma.iok-General Hooker. 
 Washinf^ion, I). C, May 6, 1863, 12:25 P. M. 
 "Wo liavo, throngli General Di.x, the contents of 
 KichnioiMl jiaper of the 5tli. General Dix's (lisi)atcli 
 in full is i|:oing to you, by Captain Fox, of the navy. 
 The substance is Goiieral TjCc's dispatch of the 3<1 
 (Sunda}'), clainiini^ that he had beaten y<ni, and that 
 you were then retreating across the ]\ap}»ahannock, 
 distinctly stating that two of Longstreet's divisions 
 fouglit you on v^aturday, and that General (E. F.) 
 Paxton was killed, Stonewall Jackson severely 
 wounded, and Generals Heth and A. P. Hill slightly 
 wounded. The Richmond papers also stated, upon 
 what authority not mentioned, that our cavalry have 
 been at Ashland, Hanover Court-House, and other 
 points, destroying several locomotives and a good 
 deal of other property, and all the railroad bridges 
 to within five miles of Richmond. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Hooker. 
 llead-quartcrs Army of the Potomac, May 7, 1863. 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — The recent movement of your army 
 is ended without ellecting its object, except, perhaps, 
 some important bi'cakings of the enemy's communi- 
 cations. What next? H' possible, 1 wouhl be very 
 glad of another movement early enough to give us 
 some benefit from the fact of the enemy's communi- 
 cation being broken ; but neither for this reason nor 
 any other do I wish any thing done in desperation or 
 rashness. An early movement would also help to 
 
 00 
 
258 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 supersede the bad moral effect of the recent one, 
 which is said to be considerably injurious. 
 
 Have you already in your mind a plan wholly or 
 partially formed? If you have, prosecute it without 
 interference from me. If you have not, please inform 
 me, so that I, incompetent as I may be, can try and 
 assist in the formation of some plan for the army. 
 Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Hooker. 
 Washington, 2 P. 31., May 8, 1863. 
 The news is here of the capture by our forces of 
 Grand Gulf, a large and very important thing. General 
 Willich, an exchanged prisoner just from Richmond, 
 has talked with me this morning. He was there 
 Avhen our cavalry cut the roads in that vicinity. He 
 says there was not a sound pair of legs in Richmond, 
 and that our men, had they known it, could have 
 safely gone in and burnt every thing and brought 
 Jeff. Davis, captured and paroled three or four hun- 
 dred men. He says as he came to City Point there 
 was an army three miles long — Longstreet, he 
 thought, moving toward Richmond. Milroy has 
 captured a dispatch of General Lee, in which he 
 says his loss was fearful in his late battle with you. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Dix. 
 
 War Deimrtment, May 0, 1863. 
 It is very important for Hooker to know exactly 
 what damage is done to the railroads at all points be- 
 tween Fredericksburg and Richmond. As yet we have 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 259 
 
 no word as to whotlier the crossings of the North and 
 South Anna, or any of them, have been touched. 
 There are four of these crossings; that is, one on 
 each road or each stream. You I'eadily perceive why 
 this information is desirecL I supjjosc Kilpatrick or 
 Davis can tell. Please ascertain fully what was done, 
 and what is the present condition, as near as you can, 
 and advise me at once. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To IVIajor-General Hooker. 
 Executive 31ansiou,Washingtov, 31ay 14, 1863. 
 My Dear Sir: — When I wrote on the 7th, I had 
 an impression that possibly, by an early move- 
 ment, you could get some advantage, from the su})- 
 posed facts that the enemy's communications were 
 disturbed, and that he was somewhat deranered in 
 piosition. The idea has now passed away, the enemy 
 liaving re-established his communications, regained 
 liis positions, and actually received reinforcements. 
 It does not now appear to me probable that j^ou can 
 gain any thing by an early renewal of the attempt to 
 cross the Rappahannock. I therefore Bhall not com- 
 plain if you do no more for a time than to keep tlie 
 enemy at bay, and out of other mischief, l)y menaces 
 and occasional cavalry raids, if practicable, and to put 
 your own army in good condition again. Still, if, in 
 your own clear judgment, you can renew the attack 
 succcssfullv, T do not mean to restrain vou. Bearing 
 upon this last point I must tell you I have some })aiu- 
 ful intimations that some of your corps and division 
 commanders are not giving you their entire confi- 
 dence. This would be ruinous if true, and you should, 
 
260 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 therefore, first of all, ascertain the real facts beyond 
 all possibility of doubt. Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Hurlbert, Memphis, Tenn. 
 Washmgt07i, May 22, 1863. 
 
 We have news here in the Richmond newspapers 
 of the 20th and 21st, including a dispatch from Gen- 
 eral Joe Johnston himself, that on the 15th or 16th — a 
 little confusion as to the day — Grant beat Pemberton 
 and (W. W.) Loring near Edwards Station, at the 
 end of a nine hours light, driving Pemberton over the 
 Big Black, and cutting Loring oft" and driving him 
 south to Crystal Springs, twenty-five miles below 
 Jackson. 
 
 Joe Johnston telegraphed all this, except about 
 Loring, from his camp between Brownsville and Lex- 
 ington, on the 18th. Another dispatch indicates that 
 Grant was moving against Johnston on the 18th. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General J. M. Schofield. 
 Executive llansion, Washington, May 27, 1863. 
 
 Dear Sir: — Having removed General Curtis and 
 assigned you to the command of the Department of 
 the Missouri, I think it may be of some advantage to 
 me to state to you why I did it. 
 
 I did not remove General Curtis because of my full 
 conviction that he had done wrong by commission or 
 omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind 
 that the Union men of Missouri, constituting, when 
 uniting, a vast majority of the people, have entered 
 
PEN AND VOTCR. 261 
 
 into .1 pestilent, f'aetious quarrel, amoni!^ themselves, 
 General Curtis, ]torha])s not of choice, heing the 
 head of one faction, and Governor Gamble that of the 
 other. 
 
 After months of labor to reconcile the diiRculty, it 
 seemed to grow worse and worse, until T felt it my 
 duty to break it up some how, and as I could not I'e- 
 move Governor Gamble, I had to remove (jleneral 
 Curtis. !N'ow that you are in the position, I wish you 
 to undo nothing merely because (Tieneral Courtis or 
 Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise your judg- 
 ment and do right for the public interest. Let your 
 military measures be strong enough to repel the in- 
 vadt'rs and keep the peace, and not so strong as to 
 unnecessarily harass and persecute the people. It is 
 a difficult role, and so much greater will be the honor 
 if you perform it well. 
 
 If both factions, or neither, shall al)use you, you will 
 probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by 
 one and pi'aised by the other. 
 
 Yours trul}', A. Lixcoln. 
 
 Letter to General Hooker, June 5, 1863. 
 Yours of to-day was received an hour ago. So 
 much of professional military skill is requisite to an- 
 swer it tluit I turned the task over to General Ilal- 
 leck. lie i^romises to pei-form it wltli his utnutst 
 care. I have but one idea which I think worth sug- 
 gesting to you, and that is in case 3'ou find Lee com- 
 ing to the north of the Iia[)pahannock, I would by no 
 means cross to the south of it. If he should leave a 
 rear force at Fredricksburg, tempting you to fall upon 
 
262 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 it, would fight ill intrencliments and have yon at disad- 
 vantage, and so man for man worst you at that point, 
 wliile his main force wouhl in some way bo getting 
 tlie advantage of you northward. In one word, I 
 woukl not take any risk of being entangled upon the 
 river like an ox jumped lialf over a fence and liahle 
 to he torn by dogs front and rear without a fair 
 chance to gore one way or kick the other. 
 
 If Lee would come to my side of the river, I would 
 keep on the same side and fight him, or act on the 
 defensive, according as might he my estimate of his 
 strength relatively to my own. But these are mere 
 suggestions which I desire to ho controlled hy the 
 judgment of yourself and General llalleck. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Hooker. 
 
 Washwgto)}, D. C, June 10, 18(33. 
 Your long dispatch of to-day is just received. If 
 left to me, I would not go south of the Rappahannock 
 upon Lee's moving north of it. If you had Rich- 
 mond invested to-day you would not he ahle to take 
 it in twenty days; meanwhile your communications, 
 and with them your army, would he ruined. I think 
 Lee's army, and not Richmond, is your objective 
 point. If he comes toward the Upper Potomac, fol- 
 low on his flank, and on tlie inside track, shortening 
 your lines, while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, 
 when opportunity oilers. If he stay where he is, 
 fret Mm and fret him. A. Lincoln. 
 
pen and voice. 263 
 
 Reply to 'New York Democrats, June 12, 1863. 
 
 Hon. Erastus Corning and others: Gentlemen — Your 
 letter of May 19th, niclosing tlie resolutions of a ])ul»- 
 lic meeting held at All)aiiy, IST. Y., on the 16th of the 
 same month, was received several days ago. 
 
 The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolv- 
 ahle into two propositions — first, the expression of a 
 purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure 
 peace through victory, and to support the administra- 
 tion in every constitutional and hiwful measure to 
 suppress the rehellion; and, secondly, a declaration 
 of censure upon the administration for supposed un- 
 constitutional action, such as the making of military 
 arrests. And, from the two propositions, a third is 
 deduced, which is, that the gentlemen composing the 
 meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain 
 our common government and country, despite the 
 folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any ad- 
 ministration. This position is eminently patriotic, 
 and, as such, I thank the meeting, and congratulate 
 the nation for it. My own purpose is the same, so 
 that the meeting and myself have a common object, 
 and can have no difference, except in the choice of 
 means or measures for effecting that object. 
 
 And here I ought to close this pa}>er, and would 
 close it, if there were no a}iprehonsion that more in- 
 jurious consequences than any merely personal to 
 myself might follow the censures systematically cast 
 upon nie for doing what, in my view of duty, I could 
 not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me 
 in every constitutional and lawful measure to sup- 
 
264 ABRAHAM LINCOLN^S 
 
 press the rebellion, and I have not knowingly em- 
 ployed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But 
 the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue 
 that certain military arrests, and proceedings follow- 
 ing them, for which I am ultimately responsible, are 
 unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolu- 
 tions (piote from the Constitution the definition of 
 treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guaran- 
 tees therein provided for the citizen on trials of trea- 
 son ; and on his being held to answer for capital or 
 otherwise infamous crimes; and, in criminal prosecu- 
 tions, his right to a speedy and public trial by an 
 impai-tial jury. They proceed to resolve that these 
 safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the 
 pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more 
 especially for his protection in times of civil commo- 
 tion. And, apparently to demonstrate the proposi- 
 tion, the resolutions proceed: "They were secured 
 substantially to the English people after years of pro- 
 tracted civil war, and were adopted into our Consti- 
 tution at the close of the revolution." Would not the 
 demonstration have been better if it could have been 
 truly said that these safeguards had been adopted and 
 applied dining the civil wars and during our revolu- 
 tion, instead of after the one and at the close of the 
 otlier? I, too, am devotedly for them cfter civil war, 
 and before civil war, and at all times, "except wdien, 
 in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety 
 may require" their suspension. 
 
 The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safe- 
 guards "have stood the test of seventy-six years of 
 trial, under our republican system, under circum- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 265 
 
 stances that show that while they constitute the 
 foundation of all free government, they are the ele- 
 ments of the enduring stability of the republic." 
 
 No one denies that they have so stood the test up 
 to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we ex- 
 (■c}>t a certain occurrence at New Orleans; nor does 
 any one question that they will stand the same test 
 much longer after the rebellion closes. But these 
 }»rovisions of the Constitution have no application to 
 the case we have in hand, because the arrests com- 
 plained of were not made for treason — that is, not for 
 the treason defined, in the Constitution, and upon the 
 conviction of which the punishment is death — nor yet 
 were they made to hold persons to answer for any 
 capital or otherwise infamous crimes; nor were the 
 proceedings following, in any constitutioiuil or legal 
 sense, "criminal prosecutions." The arrests were 
 made on totally ditferent grounds, and the proceed- 
 ings following accorded with the grounds of the 
 arrest. Let us consider the real case with which we 
 are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the Constitu- 
 tion plainly made for sucli cases. Prior to my instal- 
 lation here it had been inculcated that any state had 
 a lawful right to secede from the National Union, and 
 that it would be expedient to exercise the right when- 
 ever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect 
 a president to their own liking. I was elected con- 
 trary to their liking, and, accordingly, so far as it 
 was legally [»ossible, they had taken seven states out 
 of the Union, had seized many of the United States 
 forts, and had fired upon the United States flag', all 
 23 
 
266 AERAiiAM Lincoln's 
 
 before I was inaugurated; and, of course, before I 
 had done any official act whatever. The rebellion 
 thus begun, soon ran into the present civil war, and, 
 in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms 
 between the parties. The insurgents had been pre- 
 paring for it more than thirty years, while the gov- 
 ernment had taken no steps to resist them. The 
 former had carefully considered all the means which 
 could be turned to their account. 
 
 It undoubtedly was a well pondered reliance with 
 them that in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy 
 Union, Constitution, and law, all together, the gov- 
 ernment would, in great degree, be restrained by the 
 same Constitution and law from arresting their pro- 
 gress. Their sympathizers pervaded all departments 
 of the government and nearly all communities of the 
 people. From this material, under cover of "lib- 
 erty of speech," " liberty of the press," and "habeas 
 corpus," they hoped to keep on foot amongst us a 
 most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and 
 aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. 
 
 They knew that in times sucb as they were inaugu- 
 rating, by the Constitution itself, the " habeas corpus " 
 might be suspended; but they also know they had 
 friends who would make a question as to who was to 
 suspend it; meanwhile their spies and others might 
 remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as has 
 happened, the execution should suspend the writ, 
 without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting 
 innocent pers.ons might occur, as are always likely to 
 occur in such cases ; and then a clamor could be 
 raised in regard to this, which might be, at least, of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 207 
 
 some service to the iiij^iirgent cniiso. It needed no 
 very keen perception to discover tliis piirt of the ene- 
 my's programme, so soon as by open hostilities their 
 machinery was fairly put in motion. Yet, thoronglily 
 imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rigltts of 
 individuals, I was slow to adoi)t the strong measures 
 Avhich by degress I have been forced to regard as 
 being within tlie exceptions of the Constitution, and 
 as indispensable to the public safety. 
 
 Nothing is better known to history than that courts 
 of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. 
 Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of indi- 
 viduals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in con- 
 cert ; and this in quiet times, and on charges of crimes 
 well deiinedin the law. Even in times of peace, bands 
 of horse-tliieves and robbers frequently grow too 
 numerous and powerful for ordinary courts of justice. 
 But what comparison, in numbers, have such bands 
 ever borne to the insurgent sympathizers even in 
 many of the loyal states ? Again, a jury too frequently 
 lias at least one member more ready to hang tlie panel 
 than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who 
 dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one 
 soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much 
 as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this 
 dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to 
 be no defined crime of which any civil court Avould 
 take cognizance. 
 
 Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the reso- 
 lutions before me — in fact, a clear, flagrant and 
 gigantic case of rebellion ; and the provision of the 
 Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeas 
 
268 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 corpus sliall not be suspended, unless "when in cases of 
 rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it," 
 is the provision which specially applies to our present 
 case. This provision plainly attests the understanding 
 of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary 
 courts of justice are inadequate to " cases of rel)cllion" 
 — attests their purpose that, in such cases, men may 
 be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordi- 
 nary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus does not 
 discharge men who are proved to be guilty of detined 
 crime; audits suspension is allowed by the Consti- 
 tution on purpose that men may be arrested and held 
 who can not be proved to be guilty of defined crime, 
 "wlien, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public 
 safety may require it." 
 
 This is precisely our present case — a case of rebell- 
 ion, wherein tlie public safety does require the sus- 
 pension. Indeed, arrests l)y process of courts, and 
 arrests in cases of rebellion do not proceed altogether 
 upon the same basis. The former is directed at the 
 small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpe- 
 tration of crime, while tlie latter is directed at sudden 
 and extensive uprisings against the government, which, 
 at most, will succeed or fail at no great length of 
 time. In tlie latter case, arrests are made, not so 
 much for what has been done, as for what probably 
 would be done. The latter is more for the preventive 
 and less for the vindictive than the former. In such 
 cases the purposes of men are much more easily un- 
 derstood than in cases of ordinary crime. 
 
 The man who stands by and saj's nothing when the 
 peril of his government is discussed, can not be misuu- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 269 
 
 derstood. If not hindered he is sure t(^ help the enemy ; 
 uiuch more, if he talks amhigiiously — talks for his 
 country with " buts" and " its " and " ands." Of how 
 little value the constitutional provisions 1 have quoted 
 Avill be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until 
 defined crimes shall have been committed, may be 
 illustrated by a few notable examples. General John 
 C. Breckenridgc, General Robert E. Lee, General 
 Joseph E. Johnston, General John B. Magruder, 
 General William B. Preston, General Simon B. Buck- 
 ner, and Commodore Franklin Buehanan, now occu- 
 pying the very highest places in the rebel war service, 
 were all within the power of the government since 
 the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known 
 to be traitors then as now. Unquestioiu\bly ifwe had 
 seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be 
 much weaker. But no one of them had then com- 
 mitted any crime defined in the law. Every one of 
 them, if arrested, w^ould have been discharged on 
 habeas corpus were the writ allowed to operate. 
 
 In view of these and similar cases, I think the time 
 not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for 
 having made too few arrests rather than too many. 
 
 By the third resolution the meeting indicate their 
 opinion that military arrests may be constitutional in 
 localities where rebellion actually exists, but 'that such 
 arrests are unconstitutional in localities where rebell- 
 ion or insurrection does not actually exist. They in- 
 sist that such arrests shall not be made " outside of 
 the lines of necessary military occui)ati()ii and the 
 scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, ho\vc\'ci-, as the 
 Constitution itself makes no such distmction, I am 
 
270 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 unable to believe that there is any such constitutional 
 distinction. I concede that the class of arrests com- 
 plained of can be constitutional only when, in cases 
 of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require 
 them; and I insist that in such cases they are consti- 
 tutional, whereas the public safety does require them, 
 as well in places to which they may prevent the re- 
 bellion extending as in those where it may be already 
 prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischiev- 
 ous interference with the raising and supplying of 
 armies to suppress the rebellion, as where the rebell- 
 ion may actually be ; as well where they may restrain 
 the- enticing men out of the army, as where they would 
 prevent mutiny in the army ;■ equally constitutional 
 at all places where they will conduce to the public 
 safety, as against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. 
 
 Take the peculiar case mentioned by the meeting. 
 It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Yallandigham 
 was, by a military commander, seized and tried, " for 
 no other reason than words addressed to a public 
 meeting, in criticism of the course of the administra- 
 tion, and in condemnation of the military orders of the 
 general." l^ow if there be no mistake about this, if 
 this assertion is the truth and the whole truth, if there 
 was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede 
 that the arrest was wrong. * 
 
 But the arrest, as I understand, w^as made for a 
 very different reason. Mr. A^allandigham avows liis 
 hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; and his 
 arrest was made because he was laboring, with some 
 effect, to prevent the raising of troops; to encourage 
 desertion from the army; and. to leave the rebellion 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 271 
 
 without an a(le<iiiate military force to suppress it. 
 lie was not arrested liecausc lie was damaging the 
 p(,)litieal prospects of the administration, or the per- 
 sonal interests of the commanding general, l.uit be- 
 cause lie was damaging the army, upon the existence 
 and vigor of which the life of the Nation depends. 
 
 He was warring u})OU the military, and this gave 
 the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands 
 upon him. If JMr. Vallandigham was not damaging 
 the military power of the country, then his arrest 
 was made on mistake of fact, which I would be glad 
 to correct, on reasonably satisfactory evidence. 
 
 I understand the meeting, whose resolutions I am 
 considering, to be in favor of suppressing the rebel- 
 lion by military force, by armies. Long experience 
 lias shown that armies can not be maintained unless 
 desertion sliall be jiunished by the severe penalty of 
 death. 
 
 The case requires, and the law and the Constitution 
 sanction, this i)unishment. Must I shoot a simple- 
 minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not 
 touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to 
 desert? This is none the less injurious when effected 
 by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a pub- 
 lic meeting, and there working upon his feelings un- 
 til he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is 
 lighting in a bad cause, for a wicked a<lministration 
 of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest 
 and punish him if he shall desert. 1 think that, in 
 such a case, to silence the agitator, and save the boy, 
 is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy. 
 If I be wrong on this question of constitutional 
 
272 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 power, my error lies in believing that certain pro- 
 ceedings are constitutional when, in cases of rebell- 
 ion or invasion, the public safety requires them, 
 which would not be constitutional, in absence of re- 
 bellion or invasion, the public safety does not require 
 them ; in other words, that the Constitution is not in 
 its application in all respects the same, in cases of 
 rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it 
 is in times of profound peace and public security. 
 The Constitution itself makes the distinction, and I 
 can no more be persuaded that the government caii 
 constitutionally take no strong measures in time of 
 rebellion, because it can be shown that the same 
 could not be lawfully taken in. time of peace, then I 
 can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good 
 medicine for a sick man because it can be shown to 
 not be good food for a well one. ^STor am I able to 
 appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting 
 that the American people will, by means of militarj' 
 arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public 
 discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the 
 law^s of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, 
 throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which I 
 trust lies before, them, any more than I am able to 
 believe that a man could contract so strong an appe- 
 tite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist 
 in feeding upon them during the remainder of his 
 healthful life. 
 
 In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration 
 which you request of me, I can not overlook the fact 
 that the meeting speak as " Democrats." Nor can I, 
 with full respect for their known intelligence, and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 273 
 
 the fairly presumed deliberation with wliieh they pre- 
 pared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that 
 this occurred by accident, or in any way other than 
 that they preferred to designate themselves " Demo- 
 crats" rather than American citizens. In tliis time 
 of national peril, I would have preferred to meet you 
 on a level one stc}) higher than any party platform ; be- 
 cause I am sure that, from such more elevated position, 
 we could do better Ijattle for the country we all love 
 than we possibly can from those lower ones, where, 
 from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and 
 selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to expend 
 much of our ingenuity and strength in tinding fault 
 "svith, and aiming blows at, each other. But, since 
 you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for 
 the country's sake, that not all Democrats have 
 done so. 
 
 lie on whose discretioiuiry judgment Mr. Vallan- 
 digham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having 
 no old party atiinity Avith me; and the judge who 
 rejected the constitutional view expressed in these 
 resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandig- 
 ham on habeas corpus is a Democrat of better days 
 than these, having received his judicial mantle at the 
 hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all 
 those Democrats wdio are nobly exposing their lives 
 and shedding their blood on the battle field, I have 
 learned that many approve the course taken WMtli 
 Mr. Vallandigham, wbile I have not heard of a sin- 
 gle one condemning it. I can not assert that there 
 are none such. And the name of President dackson 
 recalls an instance of pertinent history. After the 
 
274 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the 
 treaty of peace had been concluded was well known 
 in the city, but before official knowledge of it had ar- 
 rived, General Jackson still maintained martial or 
 military law. Kow that it could be said the war was 
 over, the clamor against martial law, which had ex- 
 isted from the first, grew more furious. Among 
 other things, a Mr. Lonaillier published a denuncia- 
 tory newspaper article. General Jackson arrested 
 him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the 
 United States Judge, Hall, to order a writ of habeas 
 corpus to relieve Mr. Lonaillier. General Jackson 
 arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hol- 
 lander ventured to say of some part of the matter 
 that " it was a dirty trick." General Jackson ar- 
 rested him. When the officer undertook to serve 
 the writ of habeas cor})US, General Jackson took it 
 from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding 
 the judge in custody a few days, the general sent 
 him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set 
 him at liberty, with an order to remain till the ratifi- 
 cation of peace should be regularly announced, or 
 until the British should have left the southern coast. 
 A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the 
 treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the 
 judge and others were fully liberated. A few days 
 more, and the judge called General Jackson into 
 court, and fined him |1,000 for having arrested him 
 and the others named. The general paid the tine, 
 and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, 
 wben Congress refunded principal and interest. The 
 late Senator Douglas, when in the House of Repre- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 275 
 
 seiitatives, took a leading part in the debates, in wliicli 
 the constitutional question was mucli discussed. I 
 am not pi-epared to say whom the journals would 
 show to Inive voted for the measure. 
 
 It nuiv 1)0 remarked: First, that we had the same 
 Constitution then as now ; secondly, that wc then had 
 a case of invasion, and now we have a case of re- 
 helliou ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the 
 people to })uhlic discussion, the liberty of speech and 
 of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, 
 and the liabeas corpus, suliered no detriment what- 
 ever by that conduct of Getieral Jackson, or its sub- 
 sequent approval by the American Congress, 
 
 And yet, let ine say, that in my own discretion, I 
 do not know whether I would have ordered the ar- 
 rest of Mr. Vallandigham. Whde I can not shift 
 the responsibility from myself, I -hold that, as a gen- 
 eral rule, the commander in the field is the better 
 judge of the necessity in any particular case. 
 
 Of course, I must practice a general directory and 
 revisory power in the matter. 
 
 One of the resolutions expresses the o})inion of the 
 meeting that arbitrary arrests will have tlie etlect 
 to divide and distract those who should be united in 
 su})pressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called 
 on to discharge Mv. Vallandigham. I regard this 
 as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of 
 exercising a constitutional power which I think ex- 
 ists. In response to such appeal, I have to say, it 
 gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham 
 had been arrested; that is, I was pained that there 
 should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting 
 
276 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 him, and that it will aftbrd mc great pleasure to dis- 
 charge him so soon as I can by any means, believe 
 the public safety will not suffer by it. 
 
 I further say that as the war progresses, it appears 
 to me opinion and action, which were in great con- 
 fusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular 
 channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing 
 with them gradually decreases. I have every reason 
 to desire that it shall cease altogether, and far from 
 the least is my regard for the opinion and wishes of 
 those who like the meeting at Albany, declare their 
 purpose to sustain the government in every consti- 
 tutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. 
 Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem 
 to be required by the public safety. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Hooker. 
 
 June 14, 1863, 5:50 P. M. 
 So far as we can make out here, the enemy have 
 Milroy surrounded at Winchester, and Tyler at Mar- 
 tinsburg. If they could hold out a few days, could 
 you help them ? If the head of Lee's army is at 
 Martinsburg and the tail of it on the plank-road be- 
 tween Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the ani- 
 mal must be very slim somewhere. Could you not 
 break him ? A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Hooker. 
 
 June 14, 1863, 11:55 P. M. 
 Yours of 11:30 just received. You have nearly all 
 the elements for forming an opinion whether Win- 
 chester is surrounded that I have. I really fear, al- 
 most believe, it is. No communication has been 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 277 
 
 had with it during the day cither at Martini*1)urg or 
 Harper's Ferry. At 7 p. m. we also lost communica- 
 tion witli Alartinsburg. Tlie enemy had also ap- 
 jtearcd there some lu)urs l)efore. At nine ?. m. 
 Harper's Ferry said the enemy was also reported at 
 Berryville and Smithlield. It" I couUl know that, and 
 Ewell moved in that direction so long ago as you 
 stated in your last, then I should feel sure that Win- 
 chester is strongly invested. It is quite certain that 
 a considerable force of the enemy is thereabout, and 
 I fear it is an overwhelming one compared with 
 Mih'oy's. I am unable to give any more certain 
 opinion. A. Lincoln. 
 
 A Proclamation by the President of the United 
 States of America. 
 
 War Department, June 15, 1863. 
 
 Whereas, the armed insurrectionary combinations 
 now existing; in several of the states are threateninor 
 to make inroads into the states of Maryland, West 
 A^irginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, requiring im- 
 mediately an additional force for the service of the 
 United States, 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
 the United States, and commander-in-chief of the 
 army and navy thereof, and of the militia of the sev- 
 eral states when called into actual service, do hereby 
 call into the service of. the United States 100,000 
 militia from the states following, namely: From the 
 State of Maryland, 10,000; from the State of Penn- 
 sylvania, 50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; 
 from the State of West Virginia, 10,000, to be mus- 
 
278 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 tered mio tlie service of the United States forthwith, 
 and to sei've for the period of six months from the 
 date of such muster into said service, unless sooner 
 discharged; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, 
 and cavalry, in |»ro})ortions which will be made 
 known through the AVar Department, which depart- 
 ment will also designate the several places of ren- 
 dezvous. These militia to be organized according to 
 the rules and regulations of the volunteer service, 
 and such orders as may hereafter he issued. The 
 states aforesaid will be respectively under the enroll- 
 ment act for the militia service rendered under this 
 proclamation. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be 
 affixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day 
 of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
 the United States the eighty-seventh. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major- General Hooker. 
 
 Washington, June 16, 1863, 10 A. M. 
 To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you 
 in the strict military relation to General Ilalleck of a 
 commander of one of the armies to the general-in- 
 chief of all the armies. 
 
 I have not intended dilterently, but, as it seems to 
 be differently understood, I shall direct him to give 
 you orders and you to obey them. A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 279 
 
 To Hon. J. K. Moorehead, Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 Washingfon, June 18, 1863, 10:40 A. 31. 
 If General Brooks, now in command at Pittsburg, 
 finds any person or persons injuriously affecting his 
 military operations, Lo is authorized to arrest him or 
 them at once, if the case is urgent. If not urgent, 
 let him communicate the particulars to me. General 
 Brooks is the nuin to now manage the matter at 
 Pittsburg. Please show this to him. 
 
 A. Lincoln.. 
 
 To General John M. Schofield. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1863. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — Your dispatch, asking in substance 
 whethei', in case Missouri shall adopt gradual eman- 
 cipation, the General Government will protect slave 
 owners in that species of property during the short 
 time it shall be i>ermitted by the state to exist within 
 it, has been I'eceived. Desirous as T am that emanci- 
 pation shall be adopted l)y jSTissouri, and l)clieving as 
 I do that <jr<i<1ii(il can be nuule better than ininiediate 
 for both black and white, except when military neces- 
 sity changes the case, my impulse is to say tluit such 
 protection would be given. I can not know exactly 
 what shape an act of emancipation may take. If the 
 period from the initiation to the final end should be 
 comparatively short, and the act should prevent per- 
 sons being sold during that period into more lasting 
 slavery, the whole would be easier. 
 
 I do not wish to pledge the general government 
 to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery 
 
280 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 I suppose, however, this is not desired, but that it 
 is desired i'or the military force of the United States, 
 while in Missouri, to not be used in subverting the 
 temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the 
 progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. 
 I have very earnestly urged the slave states to adopt 
 emancipation ; and it ought to be, and is, an object 
 with me not to overthrow or thwart what any of 
 tliem may, in good faith, do to that end. You are, 
 therefore, authorized to act in the spirit of this letter 
 in conjunction with what may appear to be the mili- 
 tary necessities of your department. 
 
 Although this letter will become public at some 
 time, it is not intended to be made so now. 
 
 Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 The President's Announcement of the Success of 
 THE Army of the Potomac. 
 
 July 4, 1863. 
 The President announces to the country that news 
 from the Army of the I'otomac, up to ten p. m. of the 
 3d, is such as to cover that army with the highest 
 honor; to promise a great success to the cause of the 
 Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the 
 many gallant fallen; and that for this, he especially 
 desires that on this day He whose will, not ours, 
 should ever be done, be every-where remembered 
 and reverenced with the profoundest gratitude. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
pen and voice. 281 
 
 Response to a Serenade, July, 1863. 
 Fellow-citizens : — I am very glad indeed to see you 
 to-niglit, and yet I will not say I thank you for this 
 call; but 1 do most sincerely thank Almighty God 
 for the occasion on which you have called. How 
 long ago is it — eighty odd years since on the Fourth 
 of July, for the first time in the history of the world, 
 a nation, by its representatives, assembled and de- 
 clared as a self-evident truth that " all men are cre- 
 ated equal." That was the birthday of the United 
 States of America. Since then the Fourth of July 
 has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two 
 men most distinguished in the framing and the sup- 
 port of the declaration were Thomas Jefferson and 
 John Adams — the one having penned it, and the 
 other sustained it the most forcibly in debate — the 
 only two of the fifty -five who signed it, and were 
 elected President of the United States. Precisely 
 fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it 
 pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage 
 of action. This was indeed an extraordinary and 
 remarkable event in our history. Another Presi- 
 dent, five. years after, was called from this stage of 
 existence on the same day and month of the year; 
 and now on this last Fourth of July, just passed, 
 when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the l)ottom of 
 wliieh is an eftbrt to overthrow the principle that all 
 men Mere created equal, we have the surrender of a 
 most powerful position and army on that very day. 
 And not only so, but in a succession of battles in 
 24 
 
. 282 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Pennsylvania, near to us, throngh three days, so rap- 
 idly fought that they miglit be called one great bat- 
 tle, on the first, second and third of the month of 
 July; and on the fourth tlie cohorts of those who 
 opposed the declaration that all men are created 
 equal '' turned tail " and run. Gentlemen, this is a 
 glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech, but I 
 am not prepared to make one worthy of the occasion. 
 I would like to speak in terms of praise due to the 
 many brave officers and soldiers who have fought in 
 the cause of the Union and liberties of their country 
 from the beginning of the war. These are trying 
 occasions, not only in success, but for the want of 
 success. I dislike to mention the name of one single 
 officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. 
 Recent events bring up glorious names, and particu- 
 larly prominent ones; but these I will not mention. 
 Having said this much, I will now take the music. 
 
 To Major-General Curtis. 
 Executive 31ansion, Washington, July 5, 1863. 
 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — I am having a good deal of trouble 
 with Missouri matters, and I now sit down to write 
 you particularly about it. One class of friends be- 
 lieve in greater severitv, and another in greater leni- 
 ency in regard to arrests, banishments and assess- 
 ments. , 
 
 As usual in such cases, each questions the other's 
 motives. On the one hand, it is insisted that Gov- 
 ernor Gamble's unionism at most, is not better than 
 a secondary spring of action ; that hunkerisra and a 
 wish for political influence stand before unionism 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 283 
 
 with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests, 
 haiiitfhments, aud assessiuents, are made more for })ri- 
 vate malice, revenge, and pecuniary interest than for 
 the j)ublic good. 
 
 This morning I was told by a gentleman, who I 
 have no doubt believes what he says, that in one case 
 of assessments for |10,000, the dlfierent persons who 
 paid, compared receipts, and found they had paid 
 $30,000. If this be true, the inference is that the col- 
 lecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. 
 
 And true or not in this instance, nothing but the 
 sternest necessity can justify the making and main- 
 taining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubt- 
 less the necessity for the making of the system in 
 Missouri did exist, and Avhether it continues for the 
 maintenance of it is now a practical and very import- 
 ant question. 
 
 Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me, 
 asking that the assessments outside of St. Louis 
 county might be suspended, as they already have 
 been within it, and this morning all the members of 
 Congress here from Missouri but one laid a paper be- 
 fore me asking the same thing. Xow, my belief is that 
 Governor Gamble is an lionest and true man, not less 
 so than yourself; that you and he could confer to- 
 gether on this and other Missouri questions, with 
 great advantage to the public; that each knows 
 something which the other does not, and that acting 
 together you could about double your stock of perti- 
 nent information. May I not hoi>e that you and he 
 will attempt this? I could at once safely do (or you 
 could safely do without me) whatever you and he 
 
284 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 agree upon. There is absolutely no reason why you 
 should not agree. Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 
 
 P. S. I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, 
 member of Congress from one of the Missouri dis- 
 tricts, wishes that, upon his personal responsibility, 
 liev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Mo., James L. 
 Mathews, of Boone county, Missouri, and -lames L. 
 Stevens, also of Boone county, Missouri, may be al- 
 lowed to return to their respective homes. Major 
 Rollins leaves with me very strong papers from the 
 neighbors of these men, whom he says he knows to 
 be true men. He also says he has many constituents 
 who he thinks are rightly exiled, but that he thinks 
 these three should be allowed to return. 
 
 Please look into the case, and oblige Major Rollins, 
 if you consistently can. Yours truly, A.Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Halleck. 
 Soldiers'' Home [^Washington'], July 6, 1863, 7 P. m. 
 I left the telegraph office a good deal dissatisfied. 
 You know I did not like the phrase in order ISTo. 68, 
 I believe, " Drive the invaders from our soil." Since 
 that, I see a dispatch from General French, saying 
 the enemy is crossing his wounded over the river in 
 fiats, without saying why he does not stop it, or even 
 insinuating a thought that it ought to be stopped. Still 
 later, another dispatch from General Pleasonton, by 
 direction of General Meade, to General French, stat- 
 ing that the main army is halted because it is believed 
 the rebels are concentrating " on the road toward 
 Hagerstown, beyond Fairfield," and is not to move 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 285 
 
 until it is ascertained that the rebels intend to evacu- 
 ate Cumberland Valley. 
 
 These things all appear to nie to be connected with 
 a purpose to cover Baltimore and Washington, and 
 to get the enemy across the river again without a fur- 
 ther collision, and tliey do not appear connected with 
 a purpose to prevent his crossing, and to destroy him. 
 I do fear the former })nr})Ose is acted upon, and the 
 latter is rejected. 
 
 If 3'ou are satisfied the latter purpose is entertained 
 and is jiidieiously pursued, I am content. If you 
 are not so satisfied, please look to it. Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Lorenzo Thomas, IIarrisburg, Pa. 
 WarDep't., Washington, July 8, 18G3, 12:30 P. J/. 
 
 Your dispatch of this morning to the Secretary of 
 War is before me. 
 
 The forces you speak of will be of no imaginable 
 service if they can not go forward with a little more 
 expedition. 
 
 Lee is now passing the Potomac faster than the 
 forces you mention are passing Carlisle. 
 
 Forces now beyond Carlisle to be joined by regi- 
 ments still at Harrisburg, and the united force to 
 to again join Pierce somewhere, and the whole to 
 move down tlie Cumberland Valley, will, in my un- 
 professional opinion, be quite as likely to capture the 
 " man in the moon " as any part of Lee's army. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
286 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To Hon. J. K. Dubois, Springfield, III. 
 Washington, D. 6\, July 11, 1863, "^ A.M. 
 It is certain that after three days fighting at Gettys- 
 hnrg, Lee withdrew and made for the Potomac; that 
 lie found the river so swollen as to prevent his cross- 
 ing; that he is still this side, near Hagerstown and 
 Williamsport, preparing to defend himself; and that 
 Meade is close upon him, and preparing to attack 
 him, heavy skirmishing having occurred nearly all 
 day yesterday. I am moi-e than satisfied with what 
 has happened north of the Potomac so far, and am 
 anxious and hopeful for what is to come. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General Grant, July 13, 1863. 
 
 My Dear General: — I do not rememher that you 
 and I ever met personally. I write this now as a 
 grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimahle 
 services you have done the country. 
 
 I wish to say a word further. When you reached 
 the vicinity of Yicksburg, I thought you should do 
 what you finally did — march the troops across the 
 neck, run the batteries with the transports, and thus 
 go below; and I never had any faith, except in a 
 general hope, that you knew better than I, that the 
 Yazoo Pass expedition and the like would succeed. 
 
 When you got below and took Fort Gibson, Grand 
 Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down 
 the river and join General Banks ; and when you 
 turned northward, east of the Big Black,»I feared it 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 287 
 
 was a mistake. I now wish to make a personal ac- 
 kiiowledgiiient tliat you were riglit and I was wrong. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Call for a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer, Sum- 
 mer OF 18G3. 
 
 After Gettysburg and Vicksburg President Lincoln 
 called upon the people as follows : 
 
 " To set apart a time in the near future, to be ob- 
 served as a day for national thanksgiving, praise and 
 prayer to Almighty God, for the wonderful things 
 lie liad done in the nation's behalf, and to invoke the 
 influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger 
 which has produced and so Jong sustained a needless 
 and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the insur- 
 gents, to guide the councils of the government Avith 
 wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency; 
 and to visit with tender care and consolation through- 
 out the length and breadth of our land, all those 
 who, through the vicissitudes and marches, voyages, 
 battles, and sieges, had been brought to suffer in 
 mind, body, or estate, and finally, to lead the whole 
 nation, through paths of repentance and submission 
 to the Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of 
 Union and fraternal peace." 
 
 A Proclamation. July 15, 1863. 
 It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the 
 supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and 
 to vouchsafe to the army and navy of the United 
 States, on the land and on the sea, victories so signal 
 and so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for 
 
288 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 augmented confidence that the Union of these states 
 will be maintained, their constitution preserved, and 
 their peace and prosperity permanently secured ; but 
 these victories have been accorded, not without sacri- 
 fice of life, limb, and liberty, incurred by brave, 
 patriotic, and loyal citizens. Domestic atfliction in 
 every part of the country follows in the train of these 
 fearful bereavements. 
 
 It is meet and riglit to recognize and confess the 
 presence of the Almighty Father, and the power 
 of his hand equally in these triumphs and these 
 sorrows. 
 
 Now, therefore, be it known, that I do set apart 
 Thursday, the sixth day of August next, to be ob- 
 served as a day for national thanksgiving, praise, 
 and prayer ; and I invite the people of the United 
 States to assemble on that occasion in their customary 
 places of worship, and in the form approved by their 
 own conscience, render the homage due to the Divine 
 Majesty, for the wonderful things lie has done in 
 the nation's behalf, and invoke the influence of his 
 Holy Spirit, to subdue the anger which has pro- 
 duced and so long sustained a needless and cruel re- 
 bellion, to change the hearts of the insurgents, to 
 guide the councils of the government with wisdom 
 adequate to so great a national emergency, and to 
 visit with tender care and consolation, throughout 
 the length and breadth of our land, all those who, 
 through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, 
 and seiges, have been brought to suffer in mind, 
 body, or estate, and finally, to lead the whole nation 
 through paths of repentance and submission to the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 289 
 
 Divine will, Lack to the perfect enjoyment of Union 
 and fraternal i)cace. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my liand 
 and caused the seal of tlie United States to be 
 affixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of 
 July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of 
 the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Governor Seymour, July, 1863. 
 I do not object to abide the decision of the United 
 States Supreme Court, or of the judges thereof, on 
 the consitutionality of the draft law. In fact, I 
 should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. 
 But I can not consent to lose the time while it is be- 
 ing obtained. We are contending with an enemy 
 who, as I understand, drives every able bodied man 
 he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher 
 drives bullocks into a slaughter pen. No time is 
 wasted, no argument is used. This produces an army 
 which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers 
 already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by 
 recruits as they should be. It produces an army with 
 a rapidity not to be matched on our side, if we first 
 waste time to re-experiment with a volunteer system, 
 already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, 
 so far exhausted a*s to be inadequate ; and then more 
 time to obtain a court decision, as to whether a law 
 is constitutional which requires a part of those not 
 25 
 
290 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 now in service to go to the aid of those who are al- 
 ready in it; and still more time to determine with 
 absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in 
 the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to 
 go. My purpose is to be in my action just and con- 
 stitutional, and yet practical in performing the im- 
 portant duty with which T am charged, of maintaining 
 the unity and the free principles of our common coun- 
 try. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To His Excellency, Joel Parker, Governor of New 
 
 Jersey. 
 Executive 3]ansion,Washit}[/ton, July 20, 1863. 
 Dear Sir : — Yours of the 17th has been received and 
 considered by the Secretary of War and myself. I 
 w^as pained to be informed this morning, by the pro- 
 vost marshal general, that New Jersey is now behind 
 twelve thousand, irrespective of the draft. I did not 
 have time to ascertain by what rule this was made 
 out; and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means, 
 prove to be incorrect. He also tells me that eight 
 thousand will be the quota of New Jersey on tlie first 
 draft ; and the Secretary of War says the first draft in 
 that state w^ould not be made for some time, in any 
 event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the 
 draft so much, and thus may supersede it altogether, I 
 hope you w^ill push forward your volunteer regiments 
 as fast as possible. It is a very delicate matter to post- 
 pone the draft of one state, because of the argument 
 it furnishes others to have postponement also. If we 
 could have a reason in one case wdiich would be good 
 if presented in all cases, w^e could act upon it. I will 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 291 
 
 thank you therefore to inform me, if yon can, hy wiiat 
 day, as the earUest, you can promise to have ready to 
 be mustered into tlie United States service the eight 
 tliousand men. If you can make a rehahle [romiso 
 (I mean one on which you can yourself rely), of this 
 sort, it will be of great value, if the day is not too re- 
 mote. 
 
 I beg you to be assured I wish to avoid the diffi- 
 culties you dread, as much as yourself. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Hon. Postmaster-General. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 24, 18G3. 
 Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in 
 two cases of postmasterships sought for widows whose 
 husbands have fallen in the battles of this war. These 
 cases occurring on the same day, brought me to re- 
 tlect more attentively than I had before done as to 
 what is fairly due from us here in the dispensing of 
 patronage toward the men who, by fighting our bat- 
 tles, bear the chief burden of saving our country. 
 M}' conclusion is, that other claims and qualifications 
 being equal, they have the better right, and this is 
 especially applicable to the disabled soldier and the 
 deceased soklier's family. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To His Excellency, Governor Joel Parker. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 25, 1863. 
 Sir: — Yours of the 21st is received, and I have 
 taken time and considered and discussed the subject 
 with Secretary of War and provost marshal general. 
 
292 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 in order, if possible, to make yon a more favorable 
 answer that I finally find myself able to do. 
 
 It is a vital point with us to not have a special stip- 
 ulation wnth the governor of any one state, because it 
 w^ould breed trouble in many, if not all otlier states; 
 and my idea was, when I wrote yon, as it still is, to 
 get a point of time to which we could w^ait, on the 
 reason that we were not ready ourselves to proceed, 
 and which might enable you to raise the quota of 
 your state, in whole, or in large part, without the 
 draft. The points of time you fix are much further 
 oft' than I had hoped. We might have got along in 
 the way I have indicated for twenty, or possibly thirty 
 days. As it stands, the best I can say is that every 
 volunteer you will present us wnthin thirty days from 
 the date, fit and ready to be mustered into the United 
 States service, on the usual terms, shall be ])ro tanto, 
 an abatement of your quota of the draft. That quota 
 I can now state at eight thousand, seven hundred and 
 eighty-three (8,783). Ko draft from New Jersc}', 
 other than for the above quota, will be made before 
 an additional draft, common to all the states, shall be 
 required; and I may add, that if we get well through 
 with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that any 
 further one may never be needed. This expression 
 of hope, however, must not be construed into a 
 promise. 
 
 As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it 
 would require such a waste of labor already done, and 
 such an additional amount of it, and such a loss of 
 time as to make it, I fear, inadvisable. 
 
 P. S. — Since writing the above, getting additional 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 293 
 
 information, I am enabled to say that the draft may 
 be made in sub-districts, as the enrollment lias been 
 made, or is now in })rocess of making. This will 
 amount practically to drafting by townshi[)S, as the 
 enrollment sub-districts are generally about the extent 
 of townships. Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major- General Burnside, Cincinnati, O. 
 War Department, Washinf/fon, Juhj 27, 1863. 
 
 Let me explain. In CTcneral Grant's lirst dis})atch 
 after the fall of Vickslnirg, he said, among other things, 
 he would send the ninth corps to you. 
 
 Thinking it would be pleasant news to you, I asked 
 the Secretary of War to telegraph you the news. For 
 some reasons never mentioned to us l)y General Grant, 
 they have not been sent, though we have seen outside 
 intimations, that they took part in the expedition 
 against Jackson. 
 
 General Grant is a copious worker and fighter, but 
 a very meager writer or telegrapher. No doubt he 
 changed his purpose in regard to the ninth corps for 
 some sufficient reason, but has forgotten to notify us 
 of it. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Halleck. 
 
 Executive Mansion, July 20, 1863. 
 Seeing General Meade's dispatch of yesterday to 
 yourself, causes me to fear that lie supposes the 
 government liere is demanding of him to bi'iug on a 
 general engagement with Lee as soon as p()ssil)le. 1 
 am claiming no such thing of him. In fact, my judg- 
 
294 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 ment is against it, which judgment, of course, I will 
 yield if yours and his are the contrary. If he could 
 not safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it seems ab- 
 surcd to suppose he can safely engage him now, when 
 he has scarcely more than two-thirds of the force he 
 had at Williamsport, while, it must he that Lee has 
 been re-inforced. True, I desired General Meade to 
 pursue Lee across the Potomac, hoping, as it proved 
 true, that he would thereby clear the Baltimore and 
 Ohio Railroad, and get some advantage by harassing 
 him on his retreat. These being past, I am unwilling 
 he should now get into a general engagement on the 
 impression that we here are pressing him, and I shall 
 be glad for you to so inform liiin, unless your own 
 judgment is against it. Yours, tridy, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Reply to Letter from Ohio Democrats. 
 
 July 29, 1863. 
 The resolution of the Ohio Democratic State Con- 
 vention, which you present me, together with your 
 introductory and closing remarks, being in position 
 and argument mainly the same as the resolutions of 
 the Democratic meeting at Albany, ]Sr. Y., I refer you 
 to my response to the later as meeting most of the 
 points in the former. This response you evidently used 
 in preparing you remarks, and I desire no more than 
 that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of 
 your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in mat- 
 ter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is 
 where you say, the undersigned are unable to agree 
 with you in the opinion you have expressed that the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 295 
 
 Constitution is ditlri-ciit in time of insurrection or 
 invasion IVoin what it is in the time of peace and 
 public security. 
 
 A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have 
 not expressed the opinion you suppose. 
 
 I expressed the ojiinion that the Constitution is 
 difterent in its application in cases of rebellion or in- 
 vasion, iuvolvinii; the public safety, from what it is in 
 times of jiro found peace and public security ; and this 
 opinion I adhere to, simi)ly because by the Consti- 
 tution itself things may be done in the one case which 
 may not l)e done in the other. 
 
 I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, 
 but I must respectfully assure you that you will tind 
 yourselves at fault should you ever seek for evidence 
 to prove your assumption that I "opposed in discus- 
 sions before the people the policy of the Mexican war." 
 
 You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this 
 limitation u]ton the power of Congress to suspend the 
 writ of habeas corpus, and yet the other guarantees 
 of personal liberty would remain unchanged." Doubt- 
 less if this clause of the Constitution, improperly 
 called, as I think, a limitation upon the power of Con- 
 gress, were expunged, the other guarantees would re- 
 main tlie same ; but the question is, not how those 
 guarantees would stand with that clause oat of the 
 Constitution, Init how they stand with that clause re- 
 maining in it, in case of rebellion or invasion, involv- 
 ing the })ublic safety. If the liberty could be indulge(l 
 in expunging that clause, letter and spirit, I really 
 think the constitutional argument would be with you. 
 
 My general view on this question was stated in the 
 
296 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Albany response, and hence I do not state it now. I 
 only add that, as seems to me, the benefit of tlie writ 
 of habeas corpus is the great means through whieli 
 the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and 
 made available in the last resort; and corroborative 
 of this view is the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the 
 very case in question, under the advice of able lawyers, 
 saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. 
 But by the Constitution the benefits of the writ of 
 habeas corpus itself, maybe suspended, when, in case 
 of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 
 You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that 
 I may override all the guaranteed rights of individuals, 
 on the plea of conserving the public safety — when I 
 may choose to say the public safety requires it. This 
 question, divested of the phraseology calculated to re- 
 present me as struggling for an arbitrary personal 
 prerogative, is either simply a question who shall 
 decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide, 
 what the public safety does require in cases of rebell- 
 ion or invasion. The Constitution contemplates the 
 question as likely to occur for decision, but it does 
 not expressly declare w^ho is to decide it. By neces- 
 sary implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, 
 the decision is to be made, from time to time, and I 
 think the man whom, for the time, the people have 
 under the Constitution, made the commander-in-chief 
 of the army and navy, is the man who holds the 
 power and bears the responsibility of making it. If 
 he uses the power justly, the same people will prob- 
 ably justify him ; if he abuses it, he is in their hands, 
 to be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved 
 
ABRAHAM Lincoln's 297 
 
 to tlieiuselves in the Constitution. Tlie earnestness 
 with Avhich yon insist tliat [)Ci'soiis can only, in times 
 of rebellion, be hiwI'uIlN' dealt willi, in accordance witli 
 the rules for criminal trials and punislmionts in times 
 of peace, induces me to add a word to what I said on 
 that })oint in the Albany response. You claim that 
 men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty 
 it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt 
 with only in turn as if there were no rebellion. The 
 Constitution itself rejects this view. 
 
 The military arrests and detentioius wliich have 
 been made, including those of Mr. Vallandigham, 
 which are not different in principle from the other, 
 have been for jyrcvcvtion, and not for iniimhmcnt — as 
 injunctions to stay injury, as proceedings to keep the 
 peace — and hence like proceedings in such cases and 
 for like reasons, they have not been accompanied 
 with indictments, or trials by juries, nor in a sin- 
 gle case by any punishment wliatever beyond what 
 is purely incidimtal to the prevention. The original 
 sentence of inijn-isonment in Mr. Yallandighanrs 
 case was to prevent injury to the military service 
 only, and the moditication of it was made as a less 
 disagreeable mode to him of securing the same pre- 
 vention. I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio 
 in the case of >[r. A'allandigham. Quite surely noth- 
 ing of this sort was or is intended. I was wholly un- 
 aware that Mr. ^"allandigham was, at tlie time of his 
 arrest, a candidate f)r the Democratic nomination 
 for governor, until so informed bv vour readinir to 
 me the resoUitions of the convention. I am grateful 
 to the State Of Ohio for many things, especially for 
 
298 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the brave soldiers and officers slie has given in the 
 present national trial to the armies of the Union. 
 Yon claim, as I understand, that, according to my 
 position in the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham 
 should be released, and this because, as you claim, he 
 has not damaged the military service by discourag- 
 ing enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise, 
 and that if he had he should be tnrned over to the 
 civil authorities under the recent acts of Congress. I 
 certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has 
 specifically and by direct language advised against 
 enlistments and in favor of desertion and resistance 
 to drafting. We all know that combinations, armed 
 in some instances to resist the arrest of deserters, 
 began several months ago, that more recently the 
 like has appeared in resistance to the enrollment 
 preparatory to a draft, and that qnite a number of 
 assassinations have occurred from the same animus. 
 These had to be met by military force, and this again 
 has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under 
 the sense of responsibility more weighty and endur- 
 ing than any which is merely official, I solemnly de- 
 clare my belief that this hindrance of the military, 
 including maiming and murder, is due to the course 
 in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged, in a 
 greater degree than to any other cansc, and it is 
 due to him personally in a greater degree than to 
 any other man. 
 
 These things have been notorious, known to all, 
 and of course known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps 
 I wonld not be wrong to say they originated with his 
 especial friends and adherents. With perfect knowl- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 299 
 
 edge of them he has freijuently, if not constantly, 
 made speeches in Congress and hefore popular as- 
 semblies; and if it can be slunvn that, with these 
 things staring him in the face, he has ever uttered a 
 word of rebuke or counsel against them, it will be 
 a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of which, 
 as yet, I am totally ignorant. 
 
 When it is known that the whole burden of his 
 speeches has been to stir up men against the prose- 
 cution of the war, and that in the midst of resist- 
 ance to it he has not l)een known in any instance to 
 counsel against such resistance, it is next to impos- 
 sible to repel the inference that he has counseled 
 directly in favor of it. With all this before their 
 eyes, the convention you represent have nominated 
 Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they 
 and you have declared the purpose to sustain the Na- 
 tional Union by all constitutional means. But, of 
 course, they and you, in common, reserve to yourselves 
 to deci<le what are constitutional means, and, unlike 
 tlie Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that, 
 in your opinion, an army is a constitutional means 
 of saving the Union against a rebellion, or even to 
 intinuite that you are conscious of an existing re- 
 bellion being in progress with the avowed object of 
 destroying that very Union. 
 
 At the same time, your nominee for governor, in 
 whose behalf you appeal, is known to you and to the 
 world to declare against the use of an army to sup- 
 press the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, 
 encourages desertion, resistance to the draft, and the 
 like, because it teaches those wlio incline to desert 
 
300 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'b 
 
 and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose 
 to protect them and to hope that you will become 
 strong enough to do so. After a short personal in- 
 tercourse with you, gentlemen of the committee, I 
 can not say I think you desire this effect to follow 
 your attitude, but I assure you that both friends 
 and enemies of the Union look upon it in this 
 light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence 
 a real strength to the enemy. It is a false hope, 
 and one which you would willingly dispel. I will 
 make the way exceedingly easy. I send j'ou duplicates 
 of this letter, in order that you, or a majority, may, 
 if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them 
 and return it thus indorsed to me, with the under- 
 standing that those signing are hereby committed to 
 the following propositions, and to nothing else : 
 
 1. That there is now a rebellion in the United 
 States, the object and tendency of which is to destroy 
 the national Union, and that in your opinion an army 
 and navy are constitutional means for suppressing 
 that rebellion. 2. That no one of you will do any 
 thing wliich in his own judgment will tend to hinder 
 the increase or favor the decrease or lessen the effi- 
 ciency of the army and navy, while engaged in the ef- 
 fort to suppress that rebellion ; and, 3. That each of 
 you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the offi- 
 cers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navy, while 
 engaged in the efibrt to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, 
 clad, and otherwise well provided for and supported. 
 And with the further understanding that upon 
 receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I will 
 cause them to be published, which publication shall 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 301 
 
 he witliiii itself a revocation of the order in relation 
 to Mr. Vallandighani. 
 
 It will not escape observation that I consent to the 
 release of Mr. yallandighani npon terms not embrac- 
 ing any i)ledo-e from liim or tVoni others as to what 
 he will or will not do. I do this because lie is not 
 {)resent to speak for himself, or to autliorize others to 
 speak for liim; and hence I shall expect that on re- 
 turuino;' he would not put himself practically in an- 
 tagonism with his friends. But I do it chietly be- 
 cause I thereby i)revail on other influential gentle- 
 men of Ohio to so deiine their position as to be of im- 
 mense value to the army — tlius more than com})ensat- 
 ing for the consequence of any mistake in allowing 
 Mr. Vallandigham to return, so that, on the Avhole, 
 the public safety will not have suffered by it. Still, 
 in regard to Mr. Vallandigliam and all others, I must 
 hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public 
 service may seem to require. 
 
 I have the honor to be, respectfully yours, etc., 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 War Bulletin — Official. 
 Executive Mansion^ Wa.shiDf/fon, July 31, 1863. 
 
 It is the duty of every government to give protec- 
 tion to the citizens, of whatever class, color, or con- 
 dition, and especially to those who are duly organized 
 as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, 
 and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by 
 civilized powers, })crniit no distinction as to color in 
 the treatment of prisoners of war or }>u])lic enemies. 
 To sell or enslave any captured person, on account oi 
 his color, and for no ofiense against the laws of waT;; 
 
302 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against the 
 civilization of the age. 
 
 The government of the United States will give the 
 same protection to all its soldiers, and if tbe enemy 
 shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the 
 offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the en- 
 emy's prisoners in our possession. It is therefore or- 
 dered that for every soldier of tlie LTnited States 
 killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier 
 shall be executed, and for every one enslaved by the 
 enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be 
 placed at hard labor on the public works, and con- 
 tinued at such labor until the other shall be released, 
 and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General Banks, August 5, 1863. 
 My Dear General Banks: — While I very well know 
 what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is quite 
 a different thing for me to assume direction of the 
 matter. I would be glad for her to make a new Con- 
 stitution, recognizing the Emancipation Proclama- 
 tion, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the 
 state to which the proclamation does not apply. And 
 while she is at it, I think it would not be objection- 
 aide for her to adopt some practical system by which 
 the two races could gradually live themselves out of 
 their old relations to each other, and both come out 
 better prepared for the new. Education for young 
 blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the 
 power of element of " contract " may be sufficient for 
 this probationary period, and by its simplicity and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 303 
 
 flexibility may be better. As an anti-sluvery man, I 
 have a motive to desire emancipation which pro- 
 slavery men do not have; but even they have strong 
 enough reason to thus place themselves again /under 
 the shield of the Union, and to thus perpetually 
 pledge against the recurrence of the scenes through 
 wliic'li we are now passing. Governor Shepley has 
 informed me that Mr. Durant is now^ takiiio; a reo-is- 
 try, with a view to the election of a constitutional 
 convention in Louisiana. This, to me, appears 
 proper. If such convention w^ere to ask my views, I 
 could present little else than what I now say to you. 
 I think the thing should be pushed forward so that, 
 if possible, its mature work may reach here by the 
 meeting of Congress. For my own part, I think I 
 shall not, in any event, retract the Emancipation 
 Proclamation ; nor, as Executive, ever return to 
 slavery any })erson who is free by the terms of that 
 }U'oclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. If 
 Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their ad- 
 mission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the 
 respective houses, and not upon the President. 
 
 Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Ills Excellency, IIouatio Seymour, Governor of 
 New York. 
 Executive 3fansion, Washington, August 7, 1863. 
 Your communication of the third instant has been 
 received and attentively considered. 
 
 I can not consent to sus[)eiul the draft in Xew York, 
 as you request, because, among other reasons, time is 
 important. By the figures you send, which I presume 
 
304 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 are correct, the twelve districts represented fall in two 
 classes of eight and four respectively. The disparity 
 of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is cer- 
 tainly very striking, being the difference between 
 tlie average of 2,200 in one class, and 4,864 in the 
 other. 
 
 Assuming that the districts are equal, one to an- 
 other, an entire population, as required by the plan 
 on which they were made, this disparity is ^uch as to 
 require attention. Much of it, however, I suppose 
 will be accounted for by the fact that so many more 
 persons tit for soldiers are in the city than are in the 
 country, who have too recently arrived from other 
 parts of the United States and from Europe to be 
 either included in the census of 1860, or to have 
 voted in 1862. Still, making due allowance for this, 
 I am yet unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely suf- 
 ficient explanation of the great disparity. 
 
 I sliall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, 
 drawing, however, at first from each of the four dis- 
 tricts, to wit : the second, fourth, sixtli, and eighth—, 
 only 2,200 being the average quota of the other class. 
 After the drawing, these four districts, and also the 
 seventeentli and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re- 
 enrolled; and, if you please, agents of yours may 
 witness every step of the process. 
 
 Any deficiency which may appear by the new en- 
 rollment will be supplied by special draft for that 
 object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may 
 be obtained from these districts respectively during 
 tlie interval; and at all points, so far as consistent 
 with practical convenience, due credit shall be given 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 305 
 
 for volunteers, and your Excellency shall be notified 
 of the time fixed for commencing a draft in each dis- 
 trict. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to General Grant, August 9, 1863. 
 
 General Thomas has gone again to the Mississippi 
 valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I 
 have no doubt that you are doing what you reason- 
 ably can upon the same subject. I believe it a re- 
 source which, if rigorously applied now, will soon 
 close this contest. It works doubly, weakening the 
 enemy and strengthening us. We were not fully ripe 
 for it until the river was opened. J^ow, I think, at 
 least one hundred thousand can, and ought to be, 
 organized along its shores, relieving all the white 
 troops to serve elsewhere. 
 
 Mr. Davis understands you as believing that the 
 emancipation proclamation has helped some of your 
 military operations, and I am very glad if this is so. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to the Illinois Convention. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 26, 1863. 
 Hon. James C. Con/ding: Mg Dear Sir — Your let- 
 ter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of uncon- 
 ditional Union men, to be held at the capital of 
 Illinois, on the 3d day of September, has been re- 
 ceived. It Avould be very agreeable for me thus to 
 meet my olil friends at my own home, but I can not 
 just now be absent from here as long as a visit there 
 would require. 
 
 The meeting is to be of all those v.'lio maintain un- 
 26 
 
306 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 conditional devotion to the Union, and I am sure my 
 old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I 
 do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men 
 whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make 
 false to th.e nation's life. 
 
 There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To 
 such I would say, you dcsii-e peace, and you blame 
 me that we do not have it. But how can we attain 
 it? There are but three conceivable ways : First, to 
 sujDpress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am 
 trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we 
 are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way, is to 
 give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for 
 it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you 
 are not for /orcr, nor yet for dissolution, there only re- 
 mains some imaginable compromise. 
 
 I do not believe that any compromise embracing 
 the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All 
 that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The 
 strength of the rebellion is its military, its army. 
 That army dominates all the country and all the peo- 
 ple within its range. Any offer of terms made by 
 any man or men within that range, in opposition to 
 that army, is simply nothing for the present; because 
 such man or men have no power whatever to enforce 
 their side of a compromise, if one were made with 
 them. 
 
 To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and 
 peace men of the Xorth get together in convention, 
 and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a 
 rcstoi-ation of the Union. In what way can that 
 compi-omise be used to keep Lee's army out of Penn- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 307 
 
 pylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out 
 of I'eiiiisylvaiiia, and, I think, caD ultimately drive it 
 out of existence. But no paper compromise to which 
 the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at 
 all affect that army. In an efiort at such compromise 
 we would waste time, which the enemy Avould im- 
 prove to our disadvantage, and that would he all. 
 
 A compromise, to he effective, must be made either 
 with those who control the rebel army, or with the 
 people, first liberated from the domination of that 
 army by the success of our own army. Xow, allow 
 me to assure you that no word or intimation from 
 that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling 
 it, in relation to any peace compromise, lias ever come 
 to my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinu- 
 ations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. 
 And I promise you that if any such proposition shall 
 hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a 
 secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be 
 the servant of the people, according to the bond of 
 service, the United States Constitution ; and that, as 
 such, I am rcs[»onsible to them. But, to be plain, 
 yon Jire dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite 
 likely there is a difference of opinion between you 
 and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that 
 all men could l)e free, Avhile you, I supjiose, do not. 
 Yet I have neither adopted nor j^roposed any meas- 
 ure which is not consistent with even your views, 
 provided that you are for the Union. I suggested 
 compensated emancipation, to which you replied you 
 wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I liad 
 not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, exce[>t in 
 
308 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 such a way as to save you from greater taxation to 
 save the Union exckisively by other means. 
 
 You dislike the emancipation prochimation, and 
 perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is un- 
 constitutional. I think difterently. I think the 
 Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the 
 law of war in time of war. The most that can he 
 said if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is 
 there, has there ever been, any question that by the 
 law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, 
 may be taken when needed? And is it not needed 
 whencver»it helps us and hurts the enemy? Armies, 
 the world over, destroy enemies' property when they 
 can not use it, and even destroy their own to keep it 
 from the enemy 
 
 Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help 
 themselves, or hurt the enemy, except a few things 
 regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the excep- 
 tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non- 
 combatants, male and female. 
 
 But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not 
 valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it 
 is valid, it can not be retracted, any more than the 
 dead can l)c brought to life. Some of you profess to 
 think its retraction would operate favorably for the 
 Union. AVhy better after the retraction than before 
 the issue? There was more than a year and a half 
 of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclama- 
 tion was issued, the last one hundred days of which 
 passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, 
 unless averted by those in revolt returning to their 
 allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as fa- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. - 309 
 
 vorahly- for us since the issue of the proclamation as 
 before. I know as fully as one can know the opinion 
 of others that some of the commanders of our armies 
 in the Held, who have given us our most important 
 victories, believe the emancipation policy and the use 
 of colored troops constitute the heaviest ])lows yet 
 dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those 
 important successes could not have been achieved 
 when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. 
 
 Among the commanders who hold these views are 
 some who have never had an afhnity with wliat is 
 called "abolitionism," or with "Republican party 
 politics," but who lield them purely as militaiy opin- 
 ions. T submit their opinions as entitled to some 
 wei^i'ht against the objections often urged tliat eman- 
 cijiation and arming tlie blacks are unwise as mili- 
 tary measures, and were not adopted as such in good 
 faith. 
 
 You say that you will not light to free negroes. 
 Some of them seem willing to fight for you ; but no 
 matter. Fight you then, exclusively to save the 
 Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid 
 you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have 
 conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge 
 you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then 
 for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. 
 I thought that, in your struggle for the Union, to 
 whatever extent the negroes should cease hel[iing 
 the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in 
 his resistance to 3'ou. Do you think diflferently? 
 
 I thought that wh'atever negroes can be got to do 
 as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers 
 
310 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise 
 to yon? Bnt negroes, like other people, act npon 
 motives. Why shonld they do any thing for ns, if we 
 will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives 
 for ns, they must he prompted hy the strongest mo- 
 tive, even the promise of freedom. And the promise 
 heing made, must he kept. The signs look hetter. 
 The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. 
 Thanks to the great north-west for it ; nor yet wholly 
 to tliem. Three hundred miles up they met New 
 England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey, hewing their 
 way I'iglit and left. 
 
 The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also 
 lent a lielping hand. On the spot their part of the 
 history was jotted down in hlack and white. The job 
 was a great national one, and let none be slighted 
 who bore an honorable part in it. And while those 
 who have cleared the great river may well be proud, 
 even that is not all. It is. hard to say that any thing 
 has been more bravely or well done than at Antietam, 
 Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less 
 note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. 
 At all the w^atery margins they have been present, not 
 only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid 
 river, but also up the narrow muddy bayou, and 
 wherever the ground was a little damp, they have 
 been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the 
 great republic — for the principle it lives by and keeps 
 alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. 
 
 Peace docs not appear so distant as it did. I hope 
 it will come soon, and come to stay, and so come as 
 to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will 
 
PKX AND VOICE, 311 
 
 then liavo been pi'oved that among free men, there 
 can be no snccessful a})peal from the baHot to tlie bnl- 
 let, and that they who take snch appeal are sure to 
 lose their ease and pay the cost. And there will be 
 some black men who can remember that with silent 
 tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and well 
 poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this 
 great consummation ; while I fear there will be some 
 white men unable to forget that wntli malignant and 
 deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. 
 
 Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final 
 triuni])h, lA^t us be quite sober. Let us diligently 
 ap})ly the means, never doubting that a jnst (Jod, in 
 his own good time, will give us the rightful result. 
 Youi-s very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Instructions to General Schofield, 
 Executive 3fansmi,Washiiigto7i, Oct. 1, 18G8. 
 
 General John 31. Schofield: — There is no organized 
 military force in avowed opposition to the general 
 government now^ in Missouri, and if any sliall reap- 
 pear, your duty in regard to it will l)e too plain to re- 
 quire any special instruction. Still, the condition of 
 things, both there and elsewhere, is such as to render 
 it iiulispensable to maintain, for a time, the United 
 States military establishment in that state, as well as 
 to rely upon it for a fair contribution of support to 
 that establishment generally. Your immediate duty 
 in regard to Missouri now is to advance the efiiciency 
 of that establishment, and to use it, as far as practicable 
 to compel the excited people there to let one another 
 alone. 
 
 Under your recent order, which I have approved, 
 
312 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 yon will only arrest individuals, and snpprcss assem- 
 blies or newspapers, when they may be working jjal- 
 juihle injnry to the military in your charge ; and in no 
 otlier case will you interfere with the expression of 
 opinion in any form, or allow it to be interfered with 
 violently by others. In this you have a discretion to 
 exercise with great caution, calmness and forbearance. 
 
 With the matter of removing the inhabitants of 
 certain counties en masse, and of removing certain in- 
 dividuals from time to time, who are supposed to be 
 mischievous, I am not now interfering, but am leav- 
 ing to your own discretion, 
 
 Nor am I interfering with what may still seem to 
 you to be necessary restrictions u[)on trade and inter- 
 course. I think proper, however, to enjoin upon you 
 the following : Allow no part of the military under 
 your command to be engaged in either returning fugi- 
 tive slaves, or in forcing or enticing slaves from their 
 homes; and, as far as practicable, enforce the same 
 forbearance upon the people. 
 
 Report to me your opinion upon the availability for 
 good of the enrolled militia of the state. Allow no 
 one to enlist colored troops, except upon orders from 
 you, or from here through you. 
 
 Allow no one to assume the functions of confiscat- 
 ing property, under the law of Congress, or other- 
 wise, except upon orders from here. 
 
 At elections see that those, and only those, are al- 
 lowed to vote, who are entitled to do so by the laws 
 of Missouri, including as of those laws the restrictions 
 laid by the Missouri convention upon those who may 
 have participated in the rebellion. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 313 
 
 b^o far as practicable, you will, by means of your 
 military force, expel guerrillas, marauders and mur- 
 derers, and all who are known to harbor, aid, or abet 
 them. But in like manner you will repress assump- 
 tions of unauthorized individuals to perform the same 
 service, because under pretense of doing this they be- 
 come marauders and murderers themselves. 
 
 To now restore peace, let the military obej' orders; 
 and those not of the military leave each other alone, 
 thus not breaking the peace themselves. 
 
 In giving the above directions, it is not intended to 
 restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters 
 not falling within their range. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Proclamation, October 8, 1863. 
 
 The year that is drawing toward its close has been 
 tilled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful 
 skies. 
 
 To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed 
 that we are prone to forget the source from which 
 they come, others have been added which are of so 
 extraordinary a nature that they can not fail to pen- 
 etrate and soften even the heart which is habitually 
 insensible to the ever watchful Providence of Al- 
 mighty God. 
 
 • In the midst of a civil war of unparalleled magnitude 
 and severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite 
 and provoke the aggressions of foreign states, peace 
 has been preserved with all luitions, ordci' has been 
 maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, 
 27 
 
314 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 and harmony has prevailed every- wliere except in the 
 theater of military contlict, while that theater has 
 been greatly contracting by the advancing armies and 
 navies of the Union. 
 
 The needful diversion of wealth and strength from 
 the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense, 
 has not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship. 
 
 The ax has enlarged the borders of our settlements, 
 and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the 
 precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly 
 than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, 
 notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the 
 camp, the seige, and the battle field ; and the country, 
 rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength 
 and vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of 
 years, with large increase of freedom. 
 
 No human council hath devised, nor hath any mor- 
 tal hand worked out these great things. They are 
 the gracious gifts of the most High God, who, while 
 dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath neverthe- 
 less remembered mercy. 
 
 It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should 
 be solemnly, reverently, and gratefully acknowledged, 
 as with one heart and voice, by the whole American 
 people. I do, therefore, invite my fellow-citizens in 
 every part of the United States, and also those who 
 are at sea, and those who are sojoui-ning in foreign 
 lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of 
 November next as a day of thanksgiving and prayer 
 to our beneficent Father, who dwelleth in the heavens ; 
 and I recommend to them that while offering up the 
 ascriptions justly due to Ilim, for such singnlar deliv- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 315 
 
 oranocs and blessings, they do also, \\itli linnible 
 l)enitence for our national perversencss and disobedi- 
 ence, commend to His tender care all those who have 
 become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufterers in tlie 
 lamentable civil strife in wliich we are unavoidably 
 engaged, and fervently implore tlie interposition of 
 the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the nation, 
 and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with 
 the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, 
 harmon\', tranquillity, and union. 
 
 In testimonv whereof, I have liereunto set my hand, 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be aliixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Wasliington, this third day of 
 October, in the yeaf of our Lord eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-threee, and of the independence of the 
 United States the eighty-eighth. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To General Rosecrans. 
 
 October 4, 1863. 
 Yours of yesterday received. If we can hold 
 Chattanooga and East Tennessee, I think the re- 
 bellion must dwindle and die. I think you and 
 Burnside can do this, and hence doing so is your 
 main object. Of course, to greatly damage or de- 
 stroy the enemy in your front would be a greater 
 object, because it would include the former, and 
 more; but it is not so certainly within your power. 
 I understand the main body of the enemy is very 
 near you — so near that you could " board at home," 
 so to speak, and menace or attack him any day. 
 Would not the doing of this be your best mode of 
 counteracting his raids on your communications? 
 
316 ABRAHAM LIXCOLN'S 
 
 But this is not an order. I intend doing something 
 like what yon sngg-est whenever the case shall appear 
 ripe enough to have it accepted in the true under- 
 standing, rather than as a confession of weakness 
 and fear. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Hon. Charles Drake and Others, Committee. 
 Executive Manslcm, Washington, October 5, 1863. 
 
 Genth'hien : — Your original address, presented on 
 the 30tli ult., and the four su])plcnientar3' ones, pre- 
 sented on the 3d inst.,liave been carefully considered. 
 I hope you wnll regard the other duties claiming my 
 attention, together with the great length and impor- 
 tance of these documents, as constituting a sufficient 
 apology for my not having responded sooner. 
 
 These papers, framed for a common object, consist 
 of the things demanded, and the reasons for demand- 
 ing^ them. The things demanded are : 
 
 First — That General Schofield shall he relieved and 
 General Butler be appointed as commander of the 
 Military Department of Mhssouri ; 
 
 Second — That the system of enrolled militia in Mis- 
 souri may be broken u]>, and national forces be sub- 
 stituted for it ; and. 
 
 Third — That at elections persons may not be al- 
 lowed to vote wdio are not entitled by law to do so. 
 
 Among the reasons given, enough of sufierrug and 
 wrong to Union men is certainly, and I suppose truly, 
 stated. Yet the whole case, as presented, fails to 
 convince me that General Schofield, or the enrolled 
 militia, is responsible for that sufl'ering and wrong. 
 
 I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 317 
 
 The whole can be explained on ;i more charitaljle, 
 and, as I think, a more rational, ]iy})otliesis. 
 
 We are in civil var. In Huch cases thiMH' always is 
 a main question ; but in this case that question is a 
 perplexing compound — Union and slavery. It tlius 
 becomes a question, not of two sides merely, but of 
 at least four sides, even among those who arc i\>v the 
 Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. 
 Thus, tliose who are for the Union with but not 7ri(h- 
 out slavery ; those for it without but not vitJi ; those 
 for it icith or ivifhoid, but prefer it iriflt ; and those for 
 it with or icithoiit, but prefer it unthout. 
 
 Among these, again, is a subdivision of those who 
 are for gradual but not for immediate., and those who 
 are for immediate but not for gradual, extinction of 
 slavery. It is easy to conceive that all these shades 
 of opinion, and even more, nniy be sincerely enter- 
 tained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being 
 for the Union, by reason of these differences ench 
 will prefer a different way of sustaining the Union. 
 At once sincerity is questioned and motives are as- 
 sailed. Actual war coming, blood grows hot and 
 blood is spilled. Thought is forced from old chan- 
 nels into confusion. Deception breeds and thrives. 
 Confidence dies, and universal suspicion reigns. Each 
 man feels an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest he be 
 killed by him. lievenge and retaliation follow. 
 And all this, as before said, may be among honest 
 men only. But this is not all. Every foul bird 
 comes abroad, and every dirty re})tile rises up. These 
 add crime to confusion. Strong measures, deeme(l 
 indispensable but harsh at best, such men make worse 
 
318 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 bv mal-administration. Murders for old grudges aud 
 murders for pelf proceed under auy cloak that will 
 best serve for the occasion. 
 
 These causes arnidy aecouut for what has occurred 
 in Missouri, without ascribing it to the weakness or 
 wickedness of any general. The newspaper files, 
 those chroniclers of current events, will show that 
 the evils now complained of were quite as prevalent 
 under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and Curtis, as under 
 Schofield. If the former had greater force opposed 
 to them, they also had greater force with which to 
 meet it. "WTien the organized rebel army left the 
 state, the main Federal force had to go also, leaving 
 the dei>artment commander at home relatively no 
 stronger than before. TTithout disparaging any, I 
 afiirm with confidence that no commander of that 
 department has, in proportion to his means, done 
 better than General Schofield. 
 
 The first specific charge against General Schofield 
 is, that the enrolled militia was placed under his com- 
 mand, whereas it had not been placed under the com- 
 mand of General Curtis. The fact is, I believe, true ; 
 but you do not point out, nor can I conceive, how 
 that did, or could, injure loyal men or the Union 
 cause. You charge that General Curtis being super- 
 seded by General Schofield, Franklin A. Dick was 
 superseded by James O. Brodhead as provost-mar- 
 shal-general, xs"© very specific showing is made as 
 to how this did or could injure the Union cause. It 
 recalls, however, the condition of things, as presented 
 to me, which led to a change of commander of that 
 department. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 319 
 
 To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a 
 system of searches, seizures, permits, and passes had 
 been introduced, I think, by (general Fremont. 
 When General llalleck came, he found and contin- 
 ued the system, and added an order, a|iplieable to 
 some parts of the state, to levy and collect contribu- 
 tions from noted rebels, to com[iensate losses and re- 
 lieve destitutii^n eaused by the rel)ellion. The action 
 of General Fremont and General llalleck, as stated, 
 contributed a sort of system whieh General Curtis 
 found in full operation when he took command of 
 the department. That there was a necessity for 
 something of the sort was clear; but that it could 
 only be justiiied by stern necessity, and that it was 
 liable to great abuse in administration, was equally 
 clear. Agents to execute it, contrary to the great 
 prayer, were led into temptation. Some might, 
 while others would not, resist that temptation. It 
 was not possible to hold any to a very strict account- 
 ability ; and those yielding to the tem}itation would 
 sell permits and passes to those who would pay most 
 and most readily for them, and would seize property 
 and collect levies in the aptest way to till their own 
 pockets. Money being the object, the man having 
 money, whether loyal or disloyal, would be a victim. 
 This practice doubtless existed to some extent, and it 
 Avas a real additional evil tliat it could lie, and was 
 plausibly charged to exist in greater extent than it 
 did. 
 
 When General Curtis took command of the depart- 
 ment, Mr. Dick, against whom I never knew any 
 thing to allege, had general charge of this system. 
 
320 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 A controversy in regard to it rapid!}- grew into al- 
 most iinmanagea])le proportions. One side ignored 
 the necessity^ and niagnilied the evils of the system, 
 while the other ignored the evils, and magnified the 
 necessity ; and each bitterly assailed the other. I 
 could not fail to see that the controversy enlarged in 
 the same proportion as the professed Union men 
 there distinctly took sides in two opposing political 
 parties. I exhausted my wits, and very nearly my 
 patience also, in efforts to convince both that the evils 
 they charged on each other were inherent in the 
 case, and could not be cured by giving either party a 
 victory over the other. 
 
 Plainly, the irritating system was not to be per- 
 petual ; and it was plausibly urged that it could be 
 modified at once with advantage. The case could 
 scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made bet- 
 ter could only be determined by a trial. In this 
 view, and not to ban or brand General Curtis, or to 
 give a victory to any party, I made the change of 
 commander for the department. I now learn that 
 soon after this change Mr. Dick was removed, and 
 that Mr. Brodhead, a gentleman of no less good 
 character, was put in the place. The mere fact of 
 tliis change is more distinctly complained of than is 
 any conduct of the new officer, or other consequence 
 of the change. 
 
 I gave the new commander no instructions as to 
 the administration of the system mentioned, beyond 
 what is contained in the private letter afterward sur- 
 reptitiously published, in which I directed him to act 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 321 
 
 solely for the public good, and iiHle[»cndently of both 
 parties. 
 
 Neither any thing you have presented nie, nor any 
 thing I have otherwise learned, has convinced me 
 that he has been unfaithful to this charge. 
 
 Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing 
 General Schofield, and the late massacre at Lawrence, 
 Kansas, is ju-essed as an evidence of that imbecility. 
 To my mind, that fact scarcely tends to prove the 
 proposition. That massacre is only an example of 
 what Grierson, John Morgan, and many others, 
 might have repeatedly done on their respective raids, 
 had they chosen to incur the personal hazard, and 
 possessed the fiendish hearts to do it. 
 
 The charge is made tluit General Schofield, on 
 purpose to protect the Lawrence murderers, would 
 not allow them to be pursued into Missouri. While 
 no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for 
 those murderers, I am well satisfied tliat the prevent- 
 ing of the threatened remedial raid into Missouri was 
 the only way to avoid an indiscriminate massacre 
 there, including probably more innocent than guilty. 
 Instead of condemning, I therefore approve what I 
 understand General Schofield did in that respect. 
 
 The charge that General Schofield has purposely 
 withheld protection from loyal people, and purposely 
 facilitated the objects of the disloyal, are altogether 
 l)eyond my belief. I do not arraign the veracity of 
 gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I do 
 more than question the judgment which would infer 
 that these facts occurred in accordance with tlie pur- 
 poses of General Schofield. 
 
322 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 With my present views, I must decline to remove 
 General Schotiekl. In this I decide nothing against 
 General Butler. I sincerely wish it were convenient 
 to assign him a suitable conmiand. 
 
 In order to meet some existing evils, I have ad- 
 dressed a letter of instruction to General Scholield, a 
 copy of which I inclose you. As to the "enrolled 
 militia," I shall endeavor to ascertain, better than I 
 now know, what is its exact value. Let me say now, 
 however, that your proposal to substitute national 
 force for the " enrolled militia" implies that, in your 
 judgment, the latter is doing something which needs 
 to be done ; and if so, the proposition to throw that 
 force away, to supply its place by bringing other 
 forces from the field, where they are urgently needed, 
 seems to me very extraordinary. Whence shall they 
 come ? Shall they be withdrawn from Banks, or 
 Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans? 
 
 Few things have been so grateful to my anxious 
 feelings as when, in June last, the local force in Mis- 
 souri aided General Schofield to so promptly send a 
 large general force to the relief of General Grant, 
 then investing Vicksburg, and menaced from without 
 by General Johnston. Was this all wrong? Should 
 the enrolled militia then have been broken up, and 
 General Heron kept from Grant to police Missouri? 
 So far from finding cause to object, I confess to a 
 sympathy for whatever relieves our general force in 
 Missouri, and allows it to serve elsewhere. I there- 
 fore, as at present advised, can not attempt the de- 
 struction of the enrolled militia of Missouri. 
 
 I may add, that the force being under the national 
 
TEN AND VOICE 323 
 
 military control, it is also witliiii the ]troclaniation 
 with regard to the hiilMas corpus. 1 concur m tlie 
 propriety of your recjucst, in regard to elections, and 
 have, as you see, directed General Schoticld ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 I do not feel justitied to enter upon the hroad tield 
 you present, in regard to the political dlfierences he- 
 tween radicals and conservatives. From time to time 
 I have done and said what appeared to me j)roper to 
 do and say. The puhlic knows it well. It obliges 
 nobody to follow me, and I trust it obliges me to fol- 
 low nobody. The radicals and conservatives each 
 agree with me in some things and disagree in others. 
 I could wisli both to agree with me in all things; for 
 then they would agree with each other, and would be 
 too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, how- 
 ever, choose to do otherwise ; and I do not question 
 their right. I too shall do what seems to be my duty. 
 I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere 
 responsible to me, and not to either radicals or con- 
 servatives. It is my duty to liear all ; but, at last, I 
 must within mj^ sphere, judge what to do and what to 
 forbear.. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 The President to Thurlow Weed. 
 
 Washi)>(/(on, October 14, 18(33. 
 Dear Sir: — I have been brought to fear recently 
 that somehow, by commission or omission, 1 have 
 caused you some degree of pain. I have never enter- 
 tained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought 
 toward you ; and if I have said or done any thing 
 
324 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 which has been construed into such unkinduess or 
 disparagement, it has been misconstrued. 
 
 I am sure if we could meet we woukl not i»art with 
 any unpleasant impression on either side. 
 
 Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Washington, D. C, October 27, 1863. 
 
 In June last, a division was substantially lost at, 
 and near Winchester, Va. At the time, it was under 
 General Milroy as immediate commander in the field. 
 General Schenck as department commander at Balti- 
 more, and General Ilalleck as General-in-Chief, at 
 Washington. 
 
 General Milroy, as imtnediate commander, was put 
 in arrest, and subsequently a court of inquiry ex- 
 amined chiefly with reference to disobedience of 
 orders, and reported the evidence. 
 
 The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evi- 
 dence, together with the Judge-Advocate-General's 
 conclusions. The disaster, when it came, was a sur- 
 prise to all. It was very well known to Generals 
 Schenck and Milroy for some time, before that. Gen- 
 eral Ilalleck thought the division was in great danger 
 of a surprise at Winchester ; that it was of no service 
 commensurate with the risk it incurred, and that it 
 ought to be withdrawn ; but, although, he more than 
 once advised its withdrawel, he never positively or- 
 dered it. General Schenck, on the contrary, believed 
 the service of the force at Winchester was worth the 
 hazard, and so did not positively order its withdrawal 
 until it was so late that, the enemy cut the wire and 
 prevented the order reaching General Milroy. General 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 325 
 
 Milroy seems to have concurred with GTeneral Schoiu-k 
 in the opinion that the force shouki be kept at Win- 
 chester, at least until the approach of danger, but he 
 disobeyed no order upon the subject. 
 
 Some question can be made whether some of Gen- 
 eral llalleck's dispatches to General Schenck should 
 not have been construed to be orders to withdraw the 
 force and obeyed accordingly ; but, no such question 
 can be made against General Milroy. In fact, the last 
 order he received was to be prepared to withdraw, 
 but not to actually withdraw until further orders, 
 which further order never reached him. 
 
 Serious blame is not necessarily due to any serious 
 disaster, and I can not say that in this case, any of the 
 officers are deserving of serious blame. 
 
 No court-martial is deemed necessary en- }»roper in 
 this case. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Private and Confidential. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 28, 18(33. 
 
 General John M. Scho field : — There have recently 
 reached the War Department, and thence been laid 
 before me, from Missouri, three communications, all 
 similar in import and identical in object. 
 
 One of them addressed to nol)ody and witliout 
 place or date, but having the signature of (apparently) 
 the writer, is a letter of eight closely written fools- 
 cap pages. The other two arc written by a ditierent 
 person, at St. Joseph, Mo., and of the dates, re- 
 spectively, ()ctol)cr 12 and 13, 1803, and each inclos- 
 ing a large number of affidavits.* The general state- 
 ment of the whole are that the Federal and state 
 
326 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the 
 loyal, and that the latter will all be killed and driven 
 out of tlie state unless there shall be a change. In 
 particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is 
 named, but the attichivits show by name forty-two 
 persons as disloyal who have been armed. 
 
 A nnijority of these are shown to have been in the 
 rebel service. I believe it could be shown that the 
 government here has deliberately armed more than 
 ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, to say 
 nothing of similar operations in East Tennessee. 
 
 These papers contain altogether thirty-one manu- 
 8cri})t pages, and one newspaper in exfenso, and yet I 
 do not tind it anywhere charged in them that any 
 loyal man has been harmed by reason of l;)eing dis- 
 armed, or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody 
 by reason of being armed by the Federal or state 
 government. Of course, I have not had time to care- 
 fully examine all, but I have had most of them ex- 
 amined and briefed by others, and the result is as 
 stated. The remarkable fact that the actual evil is 
 yet only anticipated — inferred — induces me to sup- 
 pose I understand the case; but I do not state my 
 impression, because I might be mistaken, and because 
 your duty and mine is plain in any event. The 
 locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and 
 Buchanan county. 
 
 I wish you to give special attention to this region, 
 particularly on election day. _ Prevent violence from 
 whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers them- 
 selves do no wrong. Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 327 
 
 IvEPLY OF President Lincoln on the Ke-Admi.ssion of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Fall of 1863. 
 
 Messrs. E. E. 3Iotriol, Bradit, Johnston, and Thomas 
 Gottsman: Gentlemen — Since receiving the letter, re- 
 liable information has reached me that a respectable 
 portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend their 
 ptate constitution, and contemplate holding a con- 
 vention for that object. This fact alone, as it seems 
 to me, 13 a sufficient reason why the general govern- 
 ment should not give the committee the authority 
 you seek to act under the existing state constitution. 
 I may add that while I do not perceive how such a 
 committee could facilitate our military operations in 
 Louisiami, I really apprehend it might be so used as 
 to embarrass them. • 
 
 As to an election to be held in November, there is 
 abujuhint time without any order or proclamation 
 from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall 
 not lack an opi)ortunity for a fair election for both 
 FVderal and state officers by want of any thing within 
 my jiowcr to give them. 
 
 Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To TUE Honorable House of Representatives. 
 In compliance with the request cojitained in your 
 resolution of the 2i'th ultimo, a copy of which rcsolu- 
 lion is herewith returned, I have the honor to trans- 
 mit the following : 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Nov. 2, 1863, 
 Hon. Montgomery Blair: My Dear Sir — Some days 
 
328 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 ago I understood you to say that your brother, Gen- 
 eral Frank Blair, desired to be guided by my wishes 
 as to whether lie will occupy his seat in Congress or 
 remain in the field. 
 
 My wish, then, is compounded of what I believe 
 will be best for the country; and it is that he will 
 come here, put his military commission in my hands, 
 take his seat, go into caucus with our friends, abide 
 tlie nominations, help elect the nominees, and thus 
 aid to organize a House of Representatives which 
 will really support the government in the war. 
 
 If the result shall be the election of himself as 
 speaker, let him serve in that position. If not, let 
 him retake his commission and return to the army 
 for the benefit of the country. This will lieal a dan- 
 gerous schism for him. It will relieve him from a 
 dangerous position or a misunderstanding, as I think 
 he is in danger of being permanently separated from 
 those with Avhom only he can ever have a real sym- 
 patliy — the sincere opponents of slavery. 
 
 It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provoca- 
 tion oflered him by insincere time-servers to drive 
 him from the house of his own building. He is 
 young yet. He has abundant talents — quite enough 
 to occupy all his time without devoting an}^ to tem- 
 per. He is rising in military skill and usefulness. 
 His recent appointment to the command of a corps, 
 by one so competent to judge as General Sherman, 
 proves this. 
 
 In that line he can serve both the country and 
 himself more profitably than he could as a member 
 of Congress upon the floor. The foregoing is what I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 329 
 
 would say if Frank Blair was my ItrotiuM- instead of 
 yours. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Address at the Dedication of Gettysburg Cemetery, 
 November 19, 1863. 
 Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
 forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in 
 liberty, and dedicated to the proposition thatiill men 
 are created free and equal. Isow we are engai^ed in 
 a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any 
 nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long en- 
 dure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. 
 We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a 
 final resting-place for those who here gave their lives 
 that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
 and proper that we should do this. But in a larger 
 sense we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we 
 can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living 
 and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far 
 above our power to add or detract. The world will 
 little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but 
 it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, 
 the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfin- 
 ished work which they who fought here have thus 
 far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
 dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that 
 from these honored dead we take increased devotion 
 to that cause for which they gave the last full meas- 
 ure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that 
 these dead shall not liavc died in vain, that this na 
 tion, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, 
 28 
 
330 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 and that the government of the people, by the people, 
 and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 This finds an echo in the following ever-to-be-re- 
 membered words of Daniel "Webster, in his reply to 
 Tlayne, in the United States Senate, January 26, 
 1830 : 
 
 ""When my. eyes turn to behold for the last time 
 the sun in heaven, may they not see him shining on 
 the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glori- 
 ous Union; on states dissevered, discordant, belliger- 
 ent; on a land rent with civil feuds; or drenched, it 
 may be, in fi'atcrnul blood. Let their last feeble and 
 lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign 
 of the republic, now known and honored throughout 
 the earth, still full high advanced; its arms and 
 trophies streaming in all their original luster; not a 
 stripe erased or polluted; not a single star obscured; 
 bearing for its motto no such miseraljle interrogatory 
 as ' "What is all this worth ? ' nor those other words 
 of delusion and folly, of liberty first and union after- 
 ward, but every- where, spread all over in characters 
 of living light, and blazing on all its ample folds, as 
 they float over the sea and over the land, and in 
 every wind under the whole heavens, that other sen- 
 timent dear to every American heart — ' Liberty and 
 Union — now and forever — one and inseparable.' " 
 
 President Lincoln's Third Annual Message. 
 
 December 8, 1863. 
 Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Bepresent- 
 atircs: — Another year of health and of sufiiciently 
 abundant harvests has passed. For these, and es- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 331 
 
 pccially for the improved condition of our national 
 affairs, our renewed and profoiindest i;ratitude to 
 God is due. 
 
 We remain in peace and friendship witli foreign 
 powers. 
 
 The efibrts of disloyal citizens of the United States 
 to involve ns in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable 
 insurrection, have been unavailing. Her Britannic 
 Majesty's government, as was justly ex])ected, have 
 exercised their authority to prevent the departure of 
 new hostile expeditions from British ports. Tlie Em- 
 peror of France has, by a like proceeding, promptly 
 vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at the 
 beginning of tlie contest. Questions of great intri- 
 cacy and importance have arisen out of the blockade 
 and other belligerent operations, between the govern- 
 ment and several of the maritime powers, but they 
 have been discussed, and, as far sts possible, accom- 
 modated in a spirit of frankness, justice, and mutual 
 good-will. It is especially gratifying that our prize 
 courts, by the impartiality of their adjudications, 
 have commanded the respect and confidence of mari- 
 time powers. 
 
 Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil 
 war have forced upon my attention the uncertain 
 state of international questions touching the rights 
 of foreigners in this country and of United States 
 citizens abroad. In regard to some governments, 
 these rights are at least partially defined by treaties. 
 In no instance, however, is it expressly stipulated 
 that in the event of civil war a foreigner residing in 
 this country, within the lines of the insurgents, is to 
 
 « 
 
332 ABRAHAM IiNCOLN'S 
 
 be exempted from the rule which classes him as a 
 belligerent, in whose behalf the government of his 
 country can not expect any privileges or immunities 
 distinct from that character. I regret to say, how- 
 ever, that such claims have been put forward, and, in 
 some instances, in behalf of foreigners who have 
 lived in the United States the greater part of their 
 lives. . . . 
 
 When Congress assembled a year ago the war had 
 already lasted nearly twenty months, and tliere had 
 been many conflicts on both land and sea, with vary- 
 ing results. 
 
 The rebellion had been pushed back into reduced 
 limits; yet the tone of iiublic feeling and opinion, at 
 home and abroad, was not satisfactory. With other 
 signs, the popular elections, then just past, indicated 
 uneasiness among ourselves, while amid much that 
 was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming 
 from Europe were uttered in accents of pity, that we 
 were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. 
 
 Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed 
 vessels built upon and furnished from foreign shores, 
 and we were threatened with such additions from the 
 same cpiarter as would sweep our trade from the sea 
 and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from 
 European governments any thing hopeful upon this 
 subject. The preliminary emancipation proclamation, 
 issued in September, was running its assigned period 
 to the beginning of the new year. A month later the 
 final proclamation came, including the announcement 
 that colored men of suitable condition would be re- 
 ceived into the war service. The policy of emahcipa- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 333 
 
 tion, and of employing black soldiers, gave to tlio 
 future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and 
 doubt contended in uncertain conflict. According to 
 our political system, as a matter of civil administration, 
 the general government had no lawful power to effect 
 emancipation in any state, and for a long time it had 
 been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed 
 without resorting to it as a militar}' measure. It was 
 all the while deemed i)ossible that the necessity for it 
 might come, and that if it should, the crisis of the 
 contest would then be presented. It came, and, as 
 was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful 
 days. Eleven months have now passed, we are per- 
 mitted to take another view. The rebel borders are 
 pressed still further back, and by the complete opening 
 of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the re- 
 bellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical 
 communication between them. Tennessee and Ar- 
 kansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent 
 control, and influential citizens m each, owners of 
 slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of 
 the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in 
 their respective states. 
 
 Of those states not included in the emancipation 
 proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of 
 which three years ago would tolerate any. restraint 
 upon the extension of slavery, into now territoi'ies, 
 only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it 
 within their own limits. 
 
 Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the 
 rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the 
 United States military service, about one half of 
 
334 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 whieli number actually bear arms in the ranks, thus 
 giving the double advantage of taking so much labor 
 from tlie insurgent cause, and supplying the places 
 which otherwise must be filled with so many white 
 men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are 
 not as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection 
 or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the 
 measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. 
 These measures have been much discussed, in foreign 
 countries, and contemporary with such discussion 
 the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. 
 At home the same measures have been fully discussed, 
 supported, criticised and denounced, and the annual 
 elections following are highly encouraging to those 
 whose official duty it is to bear the country through 
 this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. 
 The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of 
 the Union is past. 
 
 Looking now at the present and future, and with 
 reference to a resumption of the national authority 
 within the states wherein that authority has been sus- 
 pended, I have thought fit to issue a proclamation, a 
 copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examina- 
 tion of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, 
 that nothing ^^'ill be attempted beyond what is simply 
 justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an 
 oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The 
 mian is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily 
 takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the Ex- 
 ecutive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own 
 absolute discretion, and this includes the power to 
 grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and 
 
PEX AND VOICE. 335 
 
 other authorities. It is also proffered tliat if, in any 
 of the states named, a state government shall l)e, in 
 the mode prescribed, set up, such government shall he 
 recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and 
 that under it the state shall, on constitutional con- 
 ditions, he protected against invasion and domestic 
 violence. The constitutional obligation of the United 
 States, to guarantee to every state in the Union a re- 
 }»ublican form of government, and to protect the state 
 in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But why ten- 
 der the benefits of this provision only to a state 
 government set up in this particular way ? This sec- 
 tion of the Constitution contemplates a case wlierein 
 the element within a state, favorable to republican 
 government, in the Union, may be too feeble for an 
 opposite and hostile element external to or even Avith- 
 in the state; and such are precisely the cases with 
 which we are now dealing. An attempt to guarantee 
 and protect a revived state government, constructed 
 in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very 
 element against whose hostility and violence it is to 
 be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test 
 by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to 
 build only from the sound, and that test is a sufficient- 
 ly liberal one wliich accepts as sound whoever will 
 make a sworn recantation of liis former unsoundness. 
 But if it bo proper to require as a test of admission 
 to the })olitical body, an oath of allegiance to the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, and to the Union un- 
 der it, why also to the laws and proclannitions in 
 regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations 
 were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding 
 
33G ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them 
 their fullest ettect, there had to he a })ledge for their 
 nuiintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and 
 will further aid, the cause for which they were in- 
 tended. To now abandon them would be not only to 
 relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel 
 and astounding breach of faith. I may add at this 
 point, that while I remain in my i)resent position I 
 shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipa- 
 tion proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any 
 person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, 
 or by any of the acts of Congress. 
 
 For these and other reasons it is thought best that 
 support of these measures shall be included in the 
 oath ; and it is believed the executive may lawfully 
 claim it in return for pardon and restoration of for- 
 feited rights, which he lias clear constitutional pow- 
 er to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms 
 which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. 
 
 It should be observed, also, that this part of the 
 oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power 
 of legislation and supreme judicial decision. 
 
 The i)roposed ac(|uiescence of the national executive 
 in any reasonable temporary state arrangement for 
 the freed people is made with the view of possibly 
 modifying the confusion and destitution which must 
 at best attend all classes by a total revolution of labor 
 throughout whole states. 
 
 It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people 
 in those states may be somewhat more ready to give 
 up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, this 
 vital matter be left to themselves; while no power of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 337 
 
 tlie national executive to prevent an abuse is abridged 
 by the proposition. 
 
 The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintain- 
 ing the political frame-work of the states on what is 
 called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may 
 do good without the danger of harm. It will save 
 labor, and avoid great confusion. 
 
 But why any proclamation now upon the subject? 
 This question is beset with the conflicting views that 
 the step might be delayed too long or be taken too 
 soon. In some states the elements for resumption seem 
 ready for action, but remain inactive, apparently for 
 want of a rallying point — a plan of action. Why shall 
 A adopt the plan of B rather than B that of A ? And 
 if A and B should agree, how can they know but that 
 the general government here will reject their plan ? 
 By the }»roclamation a plan is presented which may 
 be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which 
 they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. 
 This may bring them to act sooner than they other- 
 wise would. 
 
 The objection to a premature presentation of a plan 
 by the national executive consists in the danger of 
 committals on points which could be more safely left 
 to further developments. 
 
 Care has been taken to so shape the document as to 
 avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that 
 in certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with 
 rights restored, it is not said that other classes, or 
 other terms will never be included. Saying that re- 
 construction will be accepted if presented in a speci- 
 29 
 
33^8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 fied way, it is not said it will uever be accepted in any 
 other way. 
 
 The movements, by state action, for emancipation 
 in several of the states, not included in the emancipa- 
 tion proclamation, are matters of profound gratula- 
 tion. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have 
 heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my 
 general views and feelings remain unchanged ; and I 
 trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of 
 aiding these important steps to a great consummation. 
 
 In the midst of other cares, however important, we 
 must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is 
 still our main reliance. To that power alone we 
 can look yet for a time, to give confidence to the 
 people in the contested regions, that the insurgent 
 power will not again overrun them. Until that con- 
 fidence shall be established, little can be done any- 
 where for what is called reconstruction. 
 
 Hence our chiefest care must be directed to the 
 army and navy, who have thus far borne their harder 
 part 60 nobly and well. And it may be esteemed 
 fortunate that in giving the greatest efiiciency to 
 these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recog- 
 nize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, 
 who compose them, and to whom, more than to 
 others, the world must stand indebted for the home 
 of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged and 
 perpetuated. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Proclamation of Amnesty. 
 
 December 8, 1863. 
 Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 339 
 
 States, it is provided that the president " sliall have 
 power to grant reprieves and pardons tor ottenses 
 against the United States, except in cases of inipeacli- 
 ment ;" and whereas a rebellion now exists whereby 
 the loyal state governments of several states have for 
 a long time beeu subverted, and many persons have 
 committed and are now guilty of treason, against the 
 United States, and whereas, with reference to such 
 rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by 
 Congress declaring forfeitures and coniiscation of 
 property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and 
 conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the 
 president was thereby authorized at any time there- 
 after, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may 
 have participated in the existing rebellion, in any 
 state or part thereof, pardon and amnesty witli such 
 exceptions and at such times and on such conditions 
 as he may deem ex}>edient for the public welfare ; 
 and whereas, the congressional declaration and limited 
 and conditional pardon accords with well established 
 judicial exposition of the pardoning power; and 
 whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the Presi- 
 dent of the United States has issued several procla- 
 mations, with provisions in regard to the liberation 
 of slaves; and whereas, it is now desired by some 
 persons heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resume 
 their allegiance to tlie United States, and to reinau- 
 gurate loyal state governments within and for their 
 respective states : 
 
 Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
 United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known 
 to all persons who have directly, or by implication, 
 
340 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 participated in the existing rebellion, except as here- 
 inafter excej)ted, that a full pardon is hereby granted 
 to them and eacli of them, with restoration of all 
 rights and property, except as to slaves, and in prop- 
 erty cases where rights of third parties shall have 
 intervened, and upon the condition that every such 
 person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thence- 
 forward keep and maintain such oath inviolate ; and 
 which oath shall be registered for permanent preser- 
 vation, and shall be of the tenor and eft'ect following, 
 to wit : 
 
 " I, — , do solemnly swear, in presence of 
 
 Almighty God, that I will henceforth faitlifully sup- 
 port, protect and defend the Constitution of the 
 United States, and the union of the states thereunder ; 
 and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faith- 
 fully support all acts of Congress passed during the 
 existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long 
 and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by 
 Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Court; and 
 that I wuU, in like manner, abide by and faithfully 
 8U[)port, all proclamations of the president luade 
 during the existing rebellion having reference to 
 slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared 
 void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me 
 God/' 
 
 The persons excepted from the benefits of the fore- 
 going provisions are all wlio are, or shall have been, 
 civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called 
 Confederate government; all who have left judicial 
 stations under the United States to aid the rebellion ; 
 all who are, or shall have been, military or nav;y 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 341 
 
 officers of said so-called Confederate government 
 above the rank of colonel in the army, or of lieutenant 
 in the navy ; all who left seats in the United States 
 Congress to aid the rehollion ; all who resigned com- 
 missions in the army or navy of the United States, 
 and afterward aided the rebellion ; and all who have 
 engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or 
 white persons in charge of snch, otherwise than law- 
 fnlly as prisoners of war, iind which persons may 
 have been found in the United States service as sol- 
 diers, seamen, or in any other capacity. 
 
 And I do further proclaim, declare, and make 
 known that whenever in any of the states of Arkan- 
 sas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Ala- 
 bama, Georgia, Virginia, Florida, South Carolina, 
 and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less 
 than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such 
 state at the presidential election of the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, each 
 having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since 
 violated it, and being a qualified voter by the election 
 law of the state existing inmiediatelv before the so- 
 called act of secession, and excluding all otliers, shall 
 re-establish a state government which shall be repub- 
 lican, and in no wise contravening said oath, such 
 shall be recognized as the true government of the 
 state, and the state shall receive thereuiuhT the bene- 
 lits of the constitutional provision which declares 
 that ''the United States shall guarantee to every state 
 in this Union a republican form of government, and 
 shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on 
 application of the legislature, or the executive (when 
 
342 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the legislature can not be convened), against domes- 
 tic violence. 
 
 And I do further proclaim, declare, and make 
 known that any provision that may he adopted by 
 such state government, in relation to the freed people 
 of such state, which shall recognize and declare their 
 permanent freedom, provide for their education, and 
 which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrange- 
 ment, with their present condition as a laboring, 
 landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to 
 by the national executive. And it is suggested as 
 not improper that, in constructing a loyal state gov- 
 ernment in any state, the name of the state, the 
 boundary, the subdivisions, the constitution, and the 
 general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be main- 
 tained, subject only to the modifications made neces- 
 sary by the conditions herein before stated, and such 
 others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and 
 which may be deemed expedient by those framing 
 the new state government. 
 
 To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to 
 say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to state 
 governments, has no reference to states wherein loyal 
 state governments have all the while been main- 
 tained. And, for the same reason, it may be proper 
 to further say that whether members sent to Con- 
 gress from any state shall be admitted to seats con- 
 stitutionally rests exclusively with the respective 
 houses, and not to any extent with the executive. 
 And, still further, that this proclamation is intended 
 to present the people of the states wherein the na- 
 tional authority has been suspended, and loyal state 
 
PEN AND VOICK. o43 
 
 governments have been subverted, a mode in and by 
 which the national and loyal state governments may 
 be re-established within such states, or in any of them ; 
 and, while the mode presented is the best the execu- 
 tive can suggest, with his present impressions, it must 
 not be understood that no other possible mode would 
 be acceptable. 
 
 Given under my hand, at the City of Wasliington, 
 the eighth day of December, a. d. one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence 
 of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Hon. Secretary of War. 
 Excnifirc Mmtsion, Wns/uuf//o)i, Dec. 21, 1863. 
 
 [Private.] In regard to tlie western matter, I be- 
 lieve the programme will have to stand substantially 
 as I first put it. 
 
 Henderson, and especially Brown. Ijelit've that the 
 social influence of St. Louis would inevitably tell in- 
 juriously upon General Pope in the particular difli- 
 culty existing there, and I think there is some force 
 in that view. 
 
 As to retaining General S. (Schofield), temporarily, 
 if this should be done, I believe I shall scarcely be 
 able to get his nomination through the Senate. 
 
 Send me over his nomination, which, however, I 
 am not quite ready to send to the senate. 
 
 Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 
 
344 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Letter to O. D. Filley, St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 Dec. 22, 1863. 
 I have just looked over a petition signed by some 
 three dozen citizens of St. Louis, and the accompany- 
 ing letters, one by yourself, one by a Mr. Nathan 
 Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D. Coalter, the whole 
 relating to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The petition 
 prays that in the name of justice and mercy that I 
 will restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical 
 rights. This gives no intimation as to what ecclesias- 
 tical rights are withheld. Your letter states that 
 Provost-Marshal Dick, about a year ago, ordered the 
 arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of Pine Street 
 Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed 
 the management of the afiairs of the church out of 
 the control of the chosen trustees ; and near the close 
 you state that a certain course "would insure his re- 
 lease." Mr. Ranney's letter says: "Dr. Samuel B. 
 McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, 
 but can not preach the gospel ! " Mr. Coalter, in 
 his letter, asks : " Is it not a strange illustration 
 of the condition of things, that the question who 
 shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. 
 Louis shall be decided by the President of the United 
 States V Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, 
 withal, a little as if you gentlemen, making the 
 application, do not understand the case alike; one 
 afiirming that the doctor is enjoying all the rights 
 of a civilian, and another pointing out to me what 
 will secure his release. On the 2d of January last, 
 I wrote to General Curtis in relation to Mr. Dick's 
 order upon Dr. McPheeters; and, as I suppose, the 
 
PEN ANT) VOICE. 345 
 
 doctor is eujuyiiig all the rights of a civilian, I 
 only qnoto that part of my letter which relates to 
 the church. It was as follows: "But I must add 
 that the United States (lovci-nment must not, as by 
 this order, undertake to run the churehes. When an 
 iiidividual, in the churcli or out of it, becomes dan- 
 gerous to the })ublic interest, he must be checked ; 
 but tlie chuivlies, as such, must take care of them- 
 selves. It will not do for the United States to ap- 
 point trustees, supervisors, or other agents, for the 
 churches.'' 
 
 This letter going to General Curtis, then in com- 
 mand there, I supposed, of course, it was obeyed, es- 
 pecially as I heard no further complaint from Dr. 
 McPheeters or his friends for nearly an entire year. 
 I have never interfered, or thought of interfering, as 
 to who shall or shall not preach in any church, nor 
 have I knowingly or believingly tolerated any one 
 else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so 
 interfering, by color of my authority, I would like to 
 have it specilically made known to me. 
 
 If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put 
 Dr. M. back over the head of a majority of his own 
 congregation, that, too, will be declined. I will not 
 have control of any church on any side. 
 
 Yours respectfully, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Gilmore. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 13, 1864. 
 I understand an effort is being made by some 
 worthy gentlemen to reconstruct a legal state gov- 
 
 crnuK'iir ill Fioi'ida. Floi-ida is in your deiini-tm"nt. 
 
346. ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 and it is not unlikely you may be there in person. 
 I have given Mr. Hay a commission of major, and 
 sent him to you, with some blank books and other 
 blanks, to aid in the reconstruction. He will explain 
 as to the manner of using the blanks, and also my 
 general views on the subject. It is desirable for all 
 to co-operate, but if irreconcilable differences of 
 opinion shall arise, you are master. I wish the thing 
 done in the most speedy way, so that when done it 
 be within the range of the late proclamation on the 
 subject. The detail labor will, of course, have to be 
 done by others; but I will be greatly obliged if you 
 will give it such general supervision as you can find 
 consistent with your more strictly military duties. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 To Messrs. Crosby and Nichols. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 16, 1864. 
 
 Gentlemen : — The number for this month and year 
 of the North American Review was duly received, 
 and for which please accept my thanks. 
 
 Of course, I am not the most impartial judge; yet, 
 with due allowance for this, I venture to hope that the 
 article entitled " The President's Policy " will be of 
 value to the country. I fear I am not worthy of all 
 which is therein kindly said of me personally. 
 
 The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the 
 top of page 252, I could wish to be not exactly what 
 it is. In what is there expressed the writer has not 
 correctly understood me. I have never had a theory 
 that secession could absolve states or people from 
 their obligation. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 347 
 
 Precisely the contrary is asserted in the inaugural 
 address ; and it was because of my belief in the con- 
 tinuation of those obligations that I was puzzled, for a 
 time, as to denying the legal rigJits of those citizens 
 who remained itidividually innocent of treason or re- 
 bellion. But I mean no more now than to merely 
 call attention to the point. 
 
 Yours, very repectfully, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Major-General Steele. 
 Eecutive 3Iansion, Washington, Jan. 20, 1864. 
 Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition 
 me that an election may be held in that state, at 
 which to elect a governor; that it be assumed at that 
 election, and thenceforward, that the constitution and 
 laws of that state, as before the rebellion, arc in full 
 force, except that the constitution is so modified as 
 to declare that there shall be neither slavery nor in- 
 voluntary servitude, except in the punishment of 
 crimes whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
 victed ; that the general assembly may make such 
 provisions for the freed peo[)le as shall recognize and 
 declare their permanent freedom, and provide for 
 their education, and which ma}'^ yet be. construed as a 
 temporary arrangement suitable to their condition, as 
 a laboring, landless, and homeless class; that said 
 election shall be held on the 28th of March, 1864, at 
 all the usual places of the state, or all such as voters 
 may attend, for that purpose ; that the voters attend- 
 ing at eight o'clock in tlie morning of said day may 
 choose Judges and clerks of election for such purpose ; 
 that all persons qualified by said constitution and 
 
348 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 laws, and takinp^ the oath presented in the President's 
 proclamation of Decemher 8, 1863, either before or at 
 the election, and none others, may be voters; that 
 each set of judges or clerks may make returns di- 
 rectly to you on or before the day of next; 
 
 that in all other respects said election may be con- 
 ducted according to said Constitution and laws; that 
 on receipt of said returns, when 5,406 votes shall 
 have been cast, you can receive said votes, and ascer- 
 tain all who sliall thereby appear to have been 
 elected ; that, on the day of next, all per- 
 sons so appearing to have been elected, who shall ap- 
 pear before you at Little Rock, and take tlie oath, to 
 be by you severally administered, to support the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, and said modilied Con- 
 stitution of the State of Arkansas, may be declared 
 by you qualified and empowered to immediately enter 
 upon the duties of the offices to which they shall 
 have been respectively elected. 
 
 You will please order an election to take place on 
 the 28th of March, 1864, and returns to be made in 
 fifteen days thereafter. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Governor Hahn, of Louisiana, March 13, 
 
 1864. 
 
 Dear Sir: — I congratulate you on having fixed 
 your name in history as the first free state governor 
 of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a conven- 
 tion, which, among other things, will define the elec- 
 tive franchise, I barely suggest, for your private con- 
 sideration, whether, some of the colored people may 
 not be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, 
 
TEN AND VOICE. 349 
 
 and especially those who have fought gallantly in our 
 ranks? 
 
 They would probably helj), in some trying time to 
 come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of 
 freedom. 
 
 But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but 
 to you alone. You 1*5 truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Address at the Patent Office, "Washington, March 
 16, 1864. 
 
 Ladies and Genilcmcn : — I a})pear to say but a word. 
 This extraordinary war in which we are engaged falls 
 heavily upon all classes of people, but the most 
 heavily upon the soldier. 
 
 For it has been said, all that a man hath will he 
 give for his life; and while all contribute of their sub- 
 stance, the soldier puts his life at stake, and often 
 yields it up in his country's cause. The highest 
 merit, then, is due to the soldier. In this extra- 
 ordinary war, extraordinary developments have man- 
 ifested themselves, such as have not been seen in 
 former wars; and among these manifestations nothing 
 has been more remarkable than these fairs for the re- 
 lief of suftering soldiers and their families. And the 
 chief agents in these fairs are the women of America. 
 I am not accustomed to the use of the language of 
 eulogy; I have never studied the art of paying com- 
 pliments to women ; but I must say, that if all that 
 has been said by orators and poets since the crea- 
 tion of the world in praise of women were apjtlied 
 to the women of America, it would not do them 
 
350 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 justice for their conduct during the war. I will close 
 bj saying, God bless the women of America. 
 
 Lincoln's Description of Grant to a Friend, March, 
 
 1864. 
 Well, I hardly know what to think of him, alto- 
 gether. He is the quietest little bellow you ever saw. 
 Why, he makes the least fuss of any man you ever 
 knew. I believe two or three times he has been in 
 this room a minute or so before I knew he was here. 
 Its about so all around. The only evidence you have 
 that he's in any place, is that he makes things git. 
 Wherever he is things move. Grant is the first gen- 
 eral I've had. He's a general; I'll tell you what I 
 mean. You know how its been with all the rest. 
 As soon as I put a man in command of the army, he'd 
 come to me with a plan of a campaign, and about as 
 much as say, " Now, I don't believe I can do it, but 
 if you say so, I'll try it on," and so put the responsi- 
 bility of success or failure on me. They all wanted 
 me to be the general. Now, it isn't so with Grant. 
 He hasn't told me what his plans arc. I don't know, 
 and I don't want to know. I'm glad to iind a man 
 that can go ahead without me. You see, when any 
 of the rest set out on a campaign, they'd look over 
 matters and pick out some one thing they were short 
 of, and they knew I couldn't give 'em, and tell me 
 they couldn't hope to win unless they had it ; and it 
 was the most generally cavalry. Now, when Grant 
 took hold, I was waiting to see what his pet impossi- 
 bility would be, and I reckoned it would be cavalry, 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 351 
 
 as a matter of course, for we hadn't horses enough to 
 mount what men we had. 
 
 There were fifteen thousand, or thereabouts, up 
 near Harper's Ferry, and no horses to put them on. 
 
 Well, the other day Grant sends to me about those 
 very men, just as I expected, but what he wanted to 
 know was whether he should make infantry of 'em or 
 discharge 'em. He doesn't ask impossibilities of me, 
 and he's the first general I've had that didn't. 
 
 To Major-General Meade. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, March 29, 1864. 
 3Iy Dear' Sir: — Your letter to Colonel Townsend, 
 inclosing a slip from the Herald, and asking a court 
 of inquiry, has been laid before me by the Secretary 
 of "War, with the request that I would consider it. 
 It is quite natural that you would feel some sensi- 
 bility on the subject; yet I am not impressed, nor 
 do I think the country is impressed, with the belief 
 that your honor demands, or the public interest de- 
 mands, such an inquiry. The country knows that at 
 all events you have done good service, and I believe 
 it agrees with me that it is much better for you to 
 be engaged in trying to do more, than to be diverted 
 as you necessarily would be by a court of inquiry. 
 Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Mr. a. G. Hodges, of Frankfort, Ky., April 4, 
 
 1804. 
 
 I did understand, however, that very oath to pre- 
 serve the Constitution to the best of my ability im- 
 posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every in- 
 
352 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 dispensable means, that government, that nation of 
 which that Constitution was the organic law. Was 
 it possible to lose the nation and jet preserve the 
 Constitution ? By general law, life and limb must 
 be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated 
 to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save 
 a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconsti- 
 tutional, might become lawful by becoming indis- 
 pensable to the preservation of the Constitution 
 through the preservation of the nation. Right or 
 wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I 
 could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had 
 even tried to preserve the Constitution if to preserve 
 slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the 
 wreck of government, country, and Constitution alto- 
 gether. When, early in the war. General Fremont 
 attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, be- 
 cause I did not then think it an indispensable 
 necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, 
 then Secretary of War, suggested tue arming of the 
 blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an 
 indispensable necessity. When, still later. General 
 Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again for- 
 bade it, because I did not yet think the indispensa- 
 ble necessity had come. When, in March, and May, 
 and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive ap- 
 peals to the border states to favor compensated 
 emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity 
 for military emancipation and arming the blacks 
 would come, unless averted by that measure. 
 
 They declined the proposition, and I was, in my 
 best judgment, driven to the alternative of either sur- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. -So-S 
 
 rendering the C^nion, and with it the Constitution, or 
 of laying strong lumd upon the colored element. 1 
 chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater 
 gain than loss, but of this I was not entirely con- 
 tident. JNIore than a year of trial now shows no loss 
 by it in our foreign relations, none in our home pop- 
 ular sentiment, none in our white military force, no 
 loss by it any how or anywhere. On the contrary, 
 it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thou- 
 sand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are pal- 
 pable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no 
 caviling. We have the men, and we could not have 
 had them without the measure. And now let any 
 Union man who complains of this measure test 
 himself by writing down in one line that he is for 
 subduing the rebellion by force of arms, and in the 
 next that he is for taking three hundred and thirty 
 thousand men from the Union side, and placing them 
 where they would be best for the measure he con- 
 demns. If he can not face his case so stated it is 
 only because he can not face the truth. 
 
 I add a word which was not in the verbal conversa- 
 tion. In telling this tale, I attcini)t no compliment 
 to my own sagacity, I claim not to have controlled 
 events, but confess plainly that events have controlled 
 me. Xow, at the end of three years' struggle, the 
 nation's condition is not what either party or any 
 man devised or expected. 
 
 God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending 
 seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a 
 great wrong, and wills also that we of the Xorth, as 
 30 
 
354 ABRAHAM LINCOLI^'S 
 
 well as yon of the South, shall paj fairly for onr 
 complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find 
 therein new causes to attest and revere the justice 
 and goodness of God. 
 
 Yours, truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Words to Gen. Grant, on April 9, 1864. 
 The Nation's appreciation of what you have done, 
 and its reliance upon you for what remains to be 
 done in the existing great struggle, are now presented 
 with this commission constituting you lieutenant- 
 general in the army of the United States. With this 
 high honor devolves upon you also a corresponding 
 responsibility. As the country herein trusts you, so, 
 under God, it will sustain you. I scarcely need to 
 add that with what I here speak for the Nation goes 
 my own hearty personal concurrence. 
 
 Speech at the Baltimore Fair, April 18, 1864. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: — Calling it to mind that 
 w^e are in Baltimore, we can not fail to note that the 
 world moves. Looking upon the many people I see 
 assembled here to serve as they best may the soldiers 
 of the Union, it occurs to me that three years ago 
 those soldiers could not pass through Baltimore. I 
 would say, blessings upon the men who have wrought 
 these changes, and the ladies who have assisted them. 
 This change which has taken place in Baltimore is 
 part only of a far wider change which has taken 
 place all over the country. 
 
 When the war commenced, three years ago, no one 
 expected that it would last this long, and no one sup- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 355 
 
 posed that tlie institut'on of slavery would be ma- 
 terially aftected by it. lUit here we are. The war is 
 not yet ended, and slavei'}' has Iseen very materially 
 affected or interfered with. So true is it that man 
 proposes and God disposes. 
 
 The world is in want of a good definition of the 
 word liberty. We all declare ourselves to be for lib- 
 erty, but we do not all mean the same thing. Home 
 mean that a man can do as he pleases with himself 
 and his property. With others it means that some 
 men can do as they please with other men and other 
 men's labor. Each of these things are called liberty, 
 although they are entirely different. To give an il- 
 lustration: A shepherd drives the wolf from the 
 throat of his sheep when attacked by him, and the 
 sheep of course thanks the shepherd for the preserva- 
 tion of his life ; but the wolf denounces him as de- 
 spoiling the sheep of his liberty, especially if it be a 
 black sheep. 
 
 This same difference of opinion prevails among 
 some of the people of the north. But the people of 
 Maryland have recently been doing something to 
 properly define the meaning of the word, and I 
 thank them from the bottom of my heart for what 
 they have done and are doing. 
 
 It is not very becoming for a president to make a 
 speech of great length, but there is a painful rumor 
 affoat in the country, in reference to which a few 
 words shall be said. It is reported that there has 
 been a wanton massacre of some hundreds of col- 
 ored soldiers at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, during a re- 
 cent engagement there, and he thought it fit to ex- 
 
356 . ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 plain some facts in relation to the affair. It is said 
 by some persons that the government is not, in this 
 matter, doing its duty. At the commencement of 
 the war, it was doubtful whether black men would 
 be used as soldiers or not. The matter was examined 
 into very carefully, and after mature deliberation, the 
 whole matter resting, as it were, with himself, he, in 
 liis judgment, decided that they should. He was re- 
 sponsible for the act to the American people, to a 
 Christian nation, to the future historian, and, above 
 all, to his God, to whom he would have one day to 
 render an account of his stewardship. He would 
 now say that in his opinion the black soldier should 
 have the same protection as the white soldier, and 
 he would have it. 
 
 It was an error to say that the government was 
 not acting in the matter. The government has no 
 direct evidence to confirm the reports in existence 
 relative to this massacre, but he himself believed the 
 facts in relation to it to be as stated. When the gov- 
 ernment does know the facts from official sources, 
 and they prove to substantiate the reports, retribu- 
 tion will be surely given. What is reported, he 
 thought, would make a clear case. If it is not true, 
 then all such stories are to be considered as false. 
 If proved true, when the matter is thoroughly exam- 
 ined, what shape is to be given to the retribution? 
 Can we take the man who was captured at Vicks- 
 burg, and shoot him for the victim of this massacre? 
 If it should happen that it was the act of only one 
 man, what course is to be pursued then ? It was a 
 matter requiring careful examination and delibera- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 357 
 
 tioii, and if it should be substantiated by sufficient 
 evidence, all might rest assured that retribution 
 would be had. 
 
 Message to Congress. 
 
 April 28, 1864. 
 To the Honorable Senate and House of liepresent- 
 aticcs : — I have the honor to transmit herewith an 
 address to the President of the United States, and 
 through him to both Houses of Congress, on the 
 condition of the people of East Tennessee, and 
 asking their attention to the necessity for some 
 action on the part of tlie government for their re- 
 lief, and which address is presented by the committee 
 or organization called " The East Tennessee Relief 
 Association." Deeply commiserating the condition 
 of those most loyal peoplp, I am unprepared to 
 make any specific recommendation lor their relief. 
 The military is doing, and will continue to do, the 
 best for them within its })Ower. Their address repre- 
 sents that the construction of a direct railroad com- 
 munication between Knoxville and Cincinnati, l)y 
 way of Central Kentucky, would be of great conse- 
 quence in the present emergency. It may be re- 
 membered that in my annual message of December, 
 1861, such railroad construction was recommended. 
 I now add that, with the hearty concurrence of Con- 
 gress, I would yet be pleased to construct the road, 
 both for the relief of those peo^tle and for its con- 
 tinuing military importance. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
358 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 To THE House of Representatives. 
 
 April 28, 1864. 
 
 Ill obedience to the resolution of your honorable 
 body, a copy of which is herewith returned, I have 
 the honor to make the following brief statement, 
 which is believed to contain the information sought : 
 
 Prior to and at the meeting of the present Con- 
 gress, Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio, and Frank P. 
 Blair, .Jr., of Missouri, members-elect thereto, by and 
 with the consent of the Senate, held commissions 
 from the executive as major-generals in the volunteer 
 army. 
 
 General Schenck tendered the resignation of his 
 said commission and took his seat in the House of 
 Representatives, at the assembling thereof, upon the 
 distinct verbal understanding with the Secretary of 
 War and the Executive that he might at any time 
 during the session, at his own pleasure, withdraw said 
 resignation and return to the field. 
 
 General Blair was, by temporary agreement of 
 General Sherman in command of a corps through the 
 battles in front of Chattanooga, and in marching to 
 the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the latter 
 days of December last, and of course was not present 
 at the assembling of Congress. When he subse- 
 quently arrived here he sought and was allowed by 
 the Secretary of War and the Executive the same 
 conditions and promise as was allowed and made to 
 General Schenck. 
 
 General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his 
 resignation; but when General Grant was made lieu- 
 tenant-general, producing some changes of com- 
 
PEN" AND VOICE. 359 
 
 maiulers, General Blair sought to be assigjied to the 
 coinniaiul of a copjjs. This was made known to 
 General Grant and (jleneral Sherman, and assented to 
 by them, and the particular corps for him was desig- 
 nated. This was all arranged and understood, as 
 now remembered, so much as a month ago; but tlie 
 formal withdrawal of General Blair's resignation, 
 and the reissuing of the order assigning him to the 
 command of a cor]>s, were not consummated at the 
 War DL'[)artnient until last week, perha])s on the 23d 
 of A]iril instant. 
 
 As a summary of the whole it may be stated that 
 General Blair hoUls no military commission or ap- 
 pointment other than as herein stated, and that it is 
 believed he is now acting as major-general u})on the 
 assumed validity of the commission herein stated and 
 not otherwise. 
 
 There are some letters, notes, telegrams, orders, 
 entries, and perhaps other documents, in connection 
 with the sul)jet't, which it is believed would throw no 
 additional light upon it, but which will be cheerfully 
 furnished if desired. Abraham Lixcoi.n. 
 
 Letter to General Grant, April 80, 1864. 
 ]Sot exi)ecting to see you before the spring cam- 
 paign opens, I wish to express in this way my entire 
 satisfaction with what you have done up to this time, 
 so far as I understand it. The particulars of your 
 jilans 1 neither know, nor seek to know. You are 
 vigilant and self-reliant; and pleased with this, I 
 wish not to obtrude any restraints or constraints upon 
 you. While I am very anxious that any great dis- 
 
360 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 aster, or capture of our men in great numbers, sliall 
 be avoided, I know that these points are less likely 
 to escape your attention than they would mine. If 
 there be any thini:; wanting which is within my power 
 to give, do not fail to let me know it. 
 
 And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may 
 God sustain you. Yours, very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 President's Recommend for Prayer and Thanks- 
 giving. 
 Executive Mansion, Wdskington, May 9, 1S64:. 
 To the Friends of Union and Liberty: — Enough is 
 known of army o})erations within the last live days 
 to claim our special gratitude to God. While what 
 remains undone demands our most serious prayers to 
 and reliance upon Ilini (without whom all human 
 etfbrt is vain), I recommend that all patriots, at their 
 homes, at their places of public worship, and wher- 
 ever they may be, unite in common thanksgiving and 
 prayer to Almighty God. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 The President's Idea of Democratic Policy and 
 Strategy. 
 
 May, 1864. 
 
 The slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove 
 to any man that tlie rebel armies can not be destroyed 
 by Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the 
 white men of the North to do it. There are now iu 
 the service of the United States nearly two hundred 
 thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them un- 
 der arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 361 
 
 The Democratic strategy demands that these forces 
 be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by 
 restoring tliem to shivery. The bLack men who now 
 assist Union prisoners to escape are to be converted 
 into our enemies, in the vain hope of gaining the 
 good will of their masters. We shall have to tight 
 two nations instead of one. 
 
 You can not conciliate the South if you guarantee 
 ultimate success, and the experiences of the present 
 war prove their success is inevitable if you fling the 
 compulsory labor of four millions of black men into 
 their side of the scale. 
 
 Will you give our enemies sucli military advantages 
 as insure success, and then depend upon coaxing, 
 flattery, and concession to get them back into the 
 Union. 
 
 Abandon all the forts now garrisoned by black 
 men, take two liundred thousand men from our side, 
 and put them in the battle field or corn field against 
 us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war 
 in three weeks. We have to hold territory in in- 
 clement and sickly places. AVhere are the Democrats 
 to do this? It was a free fight, and the field was 
 open to the War Democrats to put down this rebel- 
 lion by fighting against both the master and slave 
 long before the present policy was inaugurated. 
 There have been men base enough to propose to me 
 to return to slavery our black warriors of Port Hud- 
 son and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the 
 masters they fought. Should I do so, I should de- 
 serve to be damned in time and eternity. 
 31 
 
362 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Come what will, I will keep my faith with friend 
 and foe. My enemies pretend 1 am now carrying on 
 the war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long- 
 as I am president it shall be carried on for the sole 
 purpose of restoring the Union. But no human 
 power can subdue this rebellion without the use of 
 the emancipation policy, and every other policy cal- 
 culated to weaken the moral and physical forces of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 Freedom has given us two hundred thousand men, 
 raised on southern soil. It will give us more yet. 
 Just so much it has abstracted from the enemy, and 
 instead of checking tlie South, there are evidences of 
 a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and 
 the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my ene- 
 mies prove to the country that the destruction of 
 slavery is not necessary to tlie restoration of the 
 Union. T will abide the issue. 
 
 Response to Serenade at Washington, May 13, 1864. 
 
 Fellow- Citizens : — I am very much obliged to you 
 for the compliment of this call, though I apprehend 
 it is owing more to the good news received to-day 
 from the army, than to a desire to see me. 
 
 I am indeed very grateful to the brave men who 
 have been struggling with the enemy in the field, to 
 their noble commanders who have directed them, and 
 especially to our Maker. 
 
 Our commanders are following up their victories 
 resolutely and successfully. 
 
 I think, without knowing the particulars of the 
 plans of General Grunt, that what has been accom- 
 
 I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 363 
 
 plislied is of more importance tliaii at first appears. 
 T believe, 1 know (and am especially grateful to 
 know), that General Grant lias not been jostled in 
 his ]»urposes, that he has made all his points, and to- 
 day he is on his line as he purposed before he moved 
 his armies. 
 
 I will volunteer to say that I am very glad at what 
 has happened, but tliere is a great deal still to be 
 done. While we are grateful to all the brave men 
 and officers for the events of the ])ast few days, we 
 should, ahove all, be very grateful to Almighty God, 
 who gives us victory 
 
 There is enough yet before us requii-ing all loyal 
 men and patriots to perform their share of the labor 
 and follow the example of the modest general at the 
 head of our armies, and sink all personal considera- 
 tions for the sake of the country. 
 
 I commend you to keep yourselves in the same 
 tranquil mood that is characteristic of that brave and 
 loyal man. I have said more than T expected when I 
 came before you. Repeating my thanks for this call, 
 I bid you good-bye. 
 
 To A New York Meeting, June 3, 1864. 
 Hon. F. A. Conclding, and others: Gentlemen — 
 Your letter, inviting me to be present at a mass meet- 
 ing of loyal citizens to be held at Xew York, on the 
 4th inst., for the pui-i)ose of expressing gratitude to 
 Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal services, was 
 received yesterday. It is impossible for me to at- 
 tend. I approve, nevertheless, whatever may tend to 
 
364 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 strengthen and sustain General Grant and the noble 
 armies now under his direction. 
 
 My previous high estimato of General Grant has 
 been maintained and heightened bywhat has occurred 
 in the remarkable campaign he is now conducting. 
 While the magnitude and difficulty of the task before 
 him do not prove less than I expected, he and his 
 brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great 
 trial, and I trust at your meeting you will so shape 
 your good words that they may turn, to men and guns 
 moving to his and their support. 
 
 Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Speech Delivered June 9, 18G4, to Committee In- 
 forming Lincoln of his Renomination. 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: — 
 I will neither conceal my gratification, nor restrain 
 the expression of my gratitude, that the Union peo- 
 ple, through their convention, in the continued effort 
 to save and advance the nation, have deemed me not 
 unworthy to remain in my present position. 
 
 I know no reason to doubt that I shall accept the 
 nomination tendered, and yet, perhaps 1 should not 
 declare definitely before reading and considering what 
 IS called the platform. 1 will say now, however, that 
 I approve tlie declaration in favor of so amending the 
 Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout the 
 nation. When the people in revolt, with the hundred 
 days explicit notice that they could within those days 
 resume their allegiance without the overthrow of 
 their institutions, and that they could not resume it 
 afterward, elected to stand out, such an amendment 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 365 
 
 of the Constitution as is now proposed became a fit- 
 ting and necessary condition to the final success of 
 the Union cause. Such ulonc can lucet and cover all 
 cavils. I now perceive its ini})ortance and embrace it. 
 In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor 
 to give legal form and practical efibrt. 
 
 Speech to the National Union League, June 9, 1864. 
 
 Gentlemen :^ — I can only say in response to the re- 
 marks of your chairman, that I am very grateful for 
 the renewed confidence which has been accorded to 
 me, both by the convention and the National League. 
 I am not insensible at all to the personal compliment 
 there is in this, yet I do not allow myself to believe 
 that any but a small portion of it is to be appropri- 
 ated as a personal compliment to me. The conven- 
 tion and the nation, I am assured, are alike animated 
 by a higher view of the interests of the country, for 
 the present and the great future, and the part I am 
 entitled to appropriate as a compliment, is only that 
 part which I may lay hold of as being the opinion of 
 the convention and of the league, that I am not en- 
 tirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have 
 occupied for the last three years. 
 
 I have not permitted mysclt^ gentlemen, to conclude 
 that I am the best man in the country ; l)ut I am re- 
 minded in this connection of a story of an old Dutch 
 farmer, who remarked to a com})anion (jiicc that " it 
 was not best to swap horse when crossing a stream." 
 
366 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Speech at a Philadelphia Fair, June 16, 1864. 
 
 I suppose that this toast was intended to open the 
 way for me to say something. 
 
 War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in 
 its magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most 
 terrible. It has deranged business, totally in many 
 localities, and partially in all localities. It has de- 
 stroyed property and ruined homes; it has produced 
 a national debt and taxation unprecedented, at least 
 in this country ; it has carried mourning to almost 
 every home, until it can almost be said that the 
 "heavens are hung in black." 
 
 Yet the war continues, and several relieving coin- 
 cidents have accompanied it from the very beginning 
 which have not been known, as I understand or have 
 any knowledge of, in any former wars in the history 
 of the world. The Sanitary Commission, with all its 
 benevolent labors; the Cliristian Commission, with 
 all its Cliristian and benevolent labors ; and the vari- 
 ous places, arrangements, so to speak, and institu- 
 tions, have contributed to the comfort and relief of 
 the soldiers. You have two of these phices in this 
 city — the Cooper Shop and Union Volunteer Re- 
 freshment Saloons. And, lastly, these fairs, which I 
 believe began only in last August if I mistake not 
 in Chicago, then at Boston, at Cincinnati, Brooklyn, 
 New York, at Baltimore, and those at present held 
 at St. Louis, Pittsburg and Philadelphia. 
 
 The motive and object that lie at the bottom of all 
 these are most worthy; for, say what you will, after 
 all, the most is due to the soldier, who takes his life 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 867 
 
 in his liaiids and goes to light the battles of his coun- 
 try. In what is contributed to his comfort when he 
 passes to and fro, and in what is contributed to him 
 when he is sick and wounded, in whatever shape it 
 comes, whether from the fair and tender hand of 
 wonuin or from any other source, it is much, very 
 much. But I think that there is still that which is 
 of as much value to him in the continual reminders 
 he sees in the newspapers, that while he is absent he 
 is yet remembered by the loved ones at home. 
 
 Another view of these various institutions, if I 
 may so call them, is worthy of consideration, I think. 
 They are voluntary contriliutions, given zealously 
 and earnestly, on top of all the disturl)ances of busi- 
 ness, of all the disorders, of all the taxation, and of 
 all the burdens that the uar lias inijiosed upon us, 
 giving proof that the national resources are not at all 
 exhausted, and that the natural spirit of patriotism is 
 even firmer and stron2;er than at the commencement, 
 of the war. 
 
 It is a pertinent (piestion, often asked in the mind 
 privately, and from one to the other. When is the 
 war to end? Surely I feel as dee[) an interest in this 
 question as any other can, but I do not wish to name 
 a day, a month, or a year, when it is to end. I do 
 not wish to I'un any risk of seeing the time come, 
 without our being ready for the end, for fear of dis- 
 appointment because the time had come and not tlie 
 end. AVe accc[>tcd tliis war for an object, a worthy 
 object, and the war will end when that object is at- 
 tained. Under God, I hope it never will end until 
 that time. Speaking of the present camjf>aign, Gen- 
 
368 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 eral Grant is reported to have said, "I am going 
 through on this line if it takes all summer." This 
 war has taken three years ; it was hegun or accepted 
 upon the line of restoring the national authority over 
 the whole national domain, and for the American 
 people, as far as any knowledge enahles me to speak, 
 I say we are going through on this line if it takes 
 three years more. 
 
 My friends, I did not know hut I might he called 
 upon to say a few words before I got away from here, 
 l)ut I did not know it was coming Just here. I have 
 never been in the habit of making predictions in re- 
 gard to the war, but I am almost tempted to make 
 one. If I were to hazard it, it is this : that Grant is 
 this evening, with General Meade and General Han- 
 cock, and the brave officers and soldiers with him, in 
 a })Osition from whence he will never be dislodged 
 until Richmond is taken, and I have but one single 
 proposition to put now, and perhaps I can best put it 
 in the form of an interrogative. If I shall discover 
 that General Grant and the noble officers and men 
 under him can be greatly facilitated in their work by 
 a sudden pouring forward of men and assistance, will 
 you give them to me ? Are you ready to march ? 
 [Cries of "Yes!"] Then, I say, stand ready, for I 
 am watching for the chance. I thank you, gentle- 
 men. 
 
 To Hon. "William Dennison and Others, a Commit- 
 tee OF THE Union JSTational Convention. 
 Executive Mansiov, Wasluiigton, Juve 27, 1864. 
 Gentlemen: — Your letter of the 14th inst., formally 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 369 
 
 notifying me that I have been iioniiuated by the con- 
 vention jou represent for the Presidency of the 
 United States for four years from the 4th of March 
 next, has been received. The nomination is grate- 
 fully acce[)tod, as the resolutions of the ccmvention, 
 called the })iatform, are heartily approved. 
 
 AVhilc the resolution in regard to the supplanting 
 of republican government upon the western continent 
 is fully concurred in, there might be misunderstand- 
 ing were I not to say that the position of the govern- 
 ment in relation to the action of France in ^lexico, 
 as assuuied through the State Department and in- 
 dorsed by the convention among the measures and 
 acts of the Executive, will be faithfully maintained 
 so long as the state of facts shall leave that position 
 pertinent and applicable. I am especially gratified 
 that the soldiers and seamen were not forgotten by 
 the convention, as they forever must and will be re- 
 membered by the grateful country for whose salva- 
 tion they devote their lives. 
 
 Thanking you for the kind and complimentary 
 terms in which you have communicated the nomina- 
 tion, and other proceedings of the convention, I sub- 
 scribe myself, , Your obedient servant, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Lincoln to General Grant. 
 
 Juhj 10, 1864, 2:30 P. 31. 
 
 Your dispatch to General Ilalleck, referring to 
 
 what I may think in the present emergency, is shown 
 
 me. General Halleck says we have no force here fit to 
 
 go to the field. He thinks that with the hundred-day 
 
370 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 men and invalids we have here, we can defend Wash- 
 ington, and, scarcely, Baltimore. Besides these, there 
 are aboat eight thousand, not very reliable, under 
 Howe at nar[»er"s Ferry, with Hunter approaching 
 that point very slowly, with what number I suppose 
 you know better than we. Wallace, with some odds 
 and ends, and part of what came up with Ricketts, 
 was so badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy, that 
 what is left can attempt no more than to defend Bal- 
 timore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania 
 and New York will scarcely be worth counting, I 
 fear. Now what I think is, that you should provide 
 to retain your hold where you are certainly ; and 
 bring the rest loith you, personally ^&u^ make a vigorous 
 eftbrt to defeat the enemy's force in this vicinity. I 
 think there is really a fair chance to do this if the 
 movement is prom})t. This is what I think — upon 
 your suggestion — and is not an order. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Whom it may Concern. 
 Executive Mansion , Washington^ £>. C, July 18, 1864. 
 
 Any proposition which embraces the restoration of 
 peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the 
 abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and 
 with an authority that can control the armies now at 
 war against the United States, will be received and 
 considered by the Executive Government of the 
 United States, and will be met by liberal terms on 
 other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer 
 or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 371 
 
 To Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Va, 
 Washington, D. C, Aug. 3, 1864, Cypher, 6 F. 31. 
 
 I have seen your dispatch in which 3'ou say — "I 
 want Sheridan put in command of all the troops in 
 the field, with instructions to put hinisell' south of the 
 enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever the 
 enemy goes, let the troops go also." Thjs, 1 think, is 
 exactly right, as to how our forces should move. But 
 please look over the dispatches you may have received 
 from here, even since you made that order, and dis- 
 cover, if you can, that there is any idea in the head of 
 any one here, of "putting our army south of the en- 
 emy" or of " following him to the death " in any di- 
 rection. I repeat to you it will neither be done nor 
 attempted unless you watch it every day, and hour, 
 and force it. A. Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln's Reply to Rev. Dr. Poiilmax, of 
 Albany, N. Y., and others of the General Synod 
 of the Lutheran Church at Lancaster. 
 
 August, 1864. 
 Gentlemen : — I welcome here the representatives of 
 the Evangelical Lutherans of tlie United States. I 
 accept with gratitude their assurances of the sympa- 
 thy and support of that enlightened, intlueiitial and 
 loyal class of my fellow-citizens in an important 
 crisis, which involves, in my judgment, not only the 
 civil and religious liberties of our own dear land, but 
 in a large degree the civil and religious liberties of 
 nuuikind in many countries, and through many ages. 
 You well know, gentlemen, and the world knows, 
 how reluctantly I accepted this issue of battle forced 
 
372 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 upon me, on my advent to this place, by the internal 
 enemies of our country. You all know, the world 
 knows the forces and the resources the public agents 
 have brought into em[)]nynient to sustain a govern- 
 ment against which there has been brought not one 
 complaint of real mjury committed against society at 
 home or abroad. You all may recollect that in tak- 
 ing up the sword thus forced into our hands, this 
 government appealed to the prayers of the pious and 
 the good, and declared that it placed its whole de- 
 pendence upon the favor of God. I now humbly and 
 reverently, in your presence, reiterate the acknowl- 
 edgment of that dependence, not doubting that if it 
 shall please the Divine Being who determines the des- 
 tinies of nations, that this shall remain a united peo- 
 ple, they will, humbly seeking the Divine guidance, 
 make their prolonged national existence a source of 
 new benefits to themselves and their successors, and 
 to all classes and conditions of mankind. 
 
 Hon. Henry J, Raymond. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, August 15, 1864. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — I have proposed to Mr. Greeley 
 that the Niagara correspondence be published, sup- 
 pressing only the parts of his letters over which the 
 red pencil is drawn in the copy which I herewith 
 send. 
 
 He declines giving his consent to the publication of 
 his letters unless these parts be published with the 
 rest. 
 
 I have concluded that it is better for me to submit, 
 for the time, to the consequences of the false position 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 373 
 
 in which I consider he has placed me, tlian to submit 
 the countrii to the consequences of publishing these 
 discouraging and injurious parts. 
 
 I send you this, and the accompanying copy, not 
 for publication, but merely to explain to you, and 
 that you may jtreserve them until their proper time 
 shall come. Yours truly, A. Lincoln, 
 
 Tender oi'- National Thanks to Farragitt and Canby. 
 Executive Mavsion^ Scpffmhrr 3, 1864. 
 The national thanks are tendered by the rresident 
 to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Canby, for 
 the skill and luirmony with which the recent opera- 
 tions in Mobile IIar])or and against Fort Powell, Fort 
 Gaines, and Fort Morgan were planned and carried 
 into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut and 
 Major-Genci'iil Granger, under whose immediate com- 
 mand they were conducted, and to the gallant com- 
 manders on sea and land, and to the sailors and sol- 
 diers engaged in the operations, for their energy and 
 courage, which, under the blessing of Providence, 
 have been crowned Avith brilliant success, and have 
 won for them the applause and thanks of the nation. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Call for Thanksgiving. 
 
 Executive Mansion^ Washington City, Sept. 3, 1864. 
 
 The signal success that Divine Providence has re- 
 cently vouchsafed to the operations of the L^nited 
 States army and navy in the harbor of Mobile, and 
 the reduction of Forts Powell, (uiincs, and Morgan, 
 and tlie glorious achievements of the army under 
 
374 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Major-General Sherman in the State of Georgia, re- 
 sulting in the capture of the city of Atlanta, call for 
 devout acknowledgments to the Supreme Being, in 
 whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is there- 
 fore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of 
 public worship) in the United States, thanksgiving he 
 offered to Him for His mercy in preserving our na- 
 tional existence, against the insurgent rebels who so 
 long have been waging a cruel war against the gov- 
 ernment of the United States for its overthrow, and 
 also that prayers be made for the Divine protection 
 to our brave soldiers and their leaders, in the field, 
 who have so often and so gallantly periled their lives 
 in battling with the enemy, and for blessings and 
 comfort from the Father of Mercies to the sick, and 
 wounded and prisoners, and to the orphans and 
 widows of those who have fallen in the service of their 
 country, and that He will continue to uphold the 
 government of the United States against all the efforts 
 of public enemies and secret foes. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Tender of ISTational Thanks to General Sherman. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept. 3, 1864. 
 The national thanks are tendered by the President 
 to Major-General \V. T. Sherman and the gallant 
 officers and soldiers of his command before Atlanta, 
 for the distinguished ability and perseverance dis- 
 played in the campaign in Georgia, which, under 
 Divine favor, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta. 
 The marches, battles, seiges and other military oper- 
 ations that have signalized the campaign, must render 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 375 
 
 it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those 
 who have participated therein to the api)lau!>e and 
 thanks of the nation. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 September 5, 1864. 
 
 Ordered: — First — That on Monday the r)th day of 
 September, commencing at the liour of twelve o'clock 
 noon, there shall he given a salute of one hundred 
 guns at the arsenal and navy yard at Washington, and 
 on. Tuesday, the Gth day of September, or the day 
 after the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and 
 navy yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant 
 achievements of the fleet and the land forces of the 
 United States in the harbor of Mobile in the reduction 
 of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines and Fort Morgan. The 
 Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Xavy will 
 issue the necessary directions in their respective de- 
 partments for the execution of this order. 
 
 Second — That on Wednesday, the 7th day of Sep- 
 tember, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock 
 noon, there shall be fired a salute of one hundred guns 
 at the arsenal at Washington, and at Xew York, 
 Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pittsburg, Xewport, 
 Ky., and St. Louis, and at New Orleans, Mobile, 
 Pensacola, Hilton Head, and ISTewbern, the day after 
 the receipt of this order,for the brilliant achievements 
 of the army under the comnumd of Major-Gcncral 
 Sherman in the State of Georgia, and the capture of 
 Atlanta. 
 
 The Secretary of War will issue directions for the 
 execution of this order. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
376 abraham lincoln's 
 
 Executive order returning thanks to the Ohio 
 Volunteers for One Hundred Days Service. 
 
 Executive Uansion, Washington, Sept. 10, 1864. 
 
 The term of one hundred days for which the 
 N^ational Guard of Ohio volunteered having expired, 
 the President directs an official acknowledgment of 
 their patriotism and valuable services during the re- 
 cent campaign. The term of service of their enlist- 
 ment was short, but distinguished by memorable 
 events in the valley of tile Shenandoah, on the Penin- 
 sula, in the operations of the James River, around 
 Petersburg and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy, 
 in the intrenchments of Washington, and in other 
 important service. The National Guard of Ohio per- 
 formed with alacrity the duty of patriotic volunteers, 
 for which they are entitled, and are hereby tendered, 
 through the Governor of their state, the national 
 thanks. 
 
 The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a 
 copy of this order to the Govei'nor of Ohio, and to 
 cause a certificate of their honorable service to be de- 
 livered to the officers and soldiers of the Ohio National 
 Guard, who recently served in the military force of 
 the United States as volunteers for one hundred days. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Speech at a Serenade, September, 1864. 
 
 Soldiers: — You are about to return to your homes 
 
 and your friends, after having, as I learn, performed 
 
 in camp a comparatively short term of duty in this 
 
 great contest. I am greatly obliged to you, and to 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 877 
 
 all who have come forward at the eall of their coun- 
 try. I wish it might be more generally and univer- 
 sall}- understood what the country is now engaged in. 
 We have, as all will agree, a free government, wliere 
 every man has a right to be equal with every other 
 man. hi this great struggle the form of government 
 and every form of liuman right is endangered if our 
 enemies succeed. There is more involved in this 
 contest than is realized by every one. There is in- 
 volved in this struggle the question, whether your 
 children and my cliildren shall enjoy the privileges 
 we have enjoyed. I say this in order to impress 
 upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that 
 no small matter should divert us from our great pur- 
 pose. 
 
 There may he some inequalities in the practical 
 application of our system. It is fair that each man 
 shall pay taxes in exact proportion to the value of 
 his property; but if we should wait, before collecting 
 a tax, to adjust the taxes upon each man in exact 
 proportion with every other man, we should never 
 collect any tax at all. There may be mistakes made 
 sometimes; things may be done wrong, while the 
 officers of the government do all they can to prevent 
 mistakes. But I beg of you, as citizens of this great 
 republic, not to let your minds be carried off from 
 the great work we have Ijelbre us. This struggle is 
 too large for you to be diverted from it by any small 
 matter. When you return to your homes, rise up to 
 the height of a generation of men worthy of a free 
 government, and we will carry out the great work 
 we have commenced. I return to you my sincere 
 32 
 
378 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 thanks, soldiers, for the honor you have done me this 
 afternoon. 
 
 To Another Ohio Regiment he Spoke as Follows, 
 September, 1864. 
 
 Soldiers: — I suppose you are going home to see 
 your families and friends. For the services you have 
 done in this great struggle in which -\ve are engaged, 
 I present you sincere thanks for myself and the 
 country. 
 
 I almost always feel inclined, when I say any thing 
 to soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief re- 
 marks, the importance of success in this contest. It 
 is not merely for the day, hut for all time to come, 
 that we should perpetuate for our children's children 
 that great and free government which we have en- 
 joyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not 
 merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, tempo- 
 rarily, to occupy this big White House. I am a liv- 
 ing witness that any one of your children may look 
 to come here as my father's child has. It is in order 
 that each one of you may have, through this free 
 government which we have enjoyed, an open field 
 and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise, and 
 intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges 
 in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspira- 
 tions — it is for this that the struggle should be main- 
 tained, that we may not lose our birthrights, not only 
 for one, but for two or three years, if necessary. The 
 nation is worth fighting for to secure such an inesti- 
 mable jewel. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 379 
 
 To Major-General Sherman. 
 
 Washington^ D. C, September \2,\'^Qii. 
 
 The state election of Indiana occurs on the 11th 
 of October, and the loss of it to the friends of the 
 government would go far toward losing the whole 
 Union cause. 
 
 The bad eflect upon the November election, and es- 
 pecially the giving the state government to those 
 who will oppose the war in every possible way, are 
 too much to risk if it can be avoided. The draft 
 proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose 
 us the state. 
 
 Indiana is the only important state voting in Octo- 
 ber whose soldiers can not vote in the field. Any 
 thing you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part 
 of them go home to vote at the state election, will be 
 greatly in point. 
 
 They need not remain for the presidential election, 
 but may return to you at once. 
 
 This is in no sense an order, but is merely intended 
 to impress you with the importance to the army it- 
 self of your doing all you safely can, yourself being 
 the judge of what you can safely do. 
 
 Yours, truly, A. Lincoln 
 
 To Hon. Montgomery Blair. 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, Sept. 23, 1864. 
 3Iy Dear Sir: — Yon have generously said to me, 
 more than once, that whenever your resignation 
 could be a relief to me, it was at my disposal. The 
 time has come. 
 
380 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 You very well know tluit this proceeds from no 
 dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or offi- 
 cially. 
 
 Your uniform kindness has been unsurpassed by 
 that of any other friend, and while it is true that the 
 war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your 
 department as to those of some others, it is yet much 
 to say, as I most truly can, that in the three years 
 and a half during which you have administered the 
 General Post-office, I remember no single complaint 
 against you in connection therewith. 
 
 Yours, as ever, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Letter to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney. 
 
 September 80, 1864. 
 3Iy Esteemed Friend: — I have not forgotten, proba- 
 bly never shall forget, the very impressive occasion 
 when yourself and friends visited me on a Sabbath 
 forenoon two years ago. Nor had your kind letter, 
 written nearly a year later, ever been forgotten. In all 
 it has been your purpose to strengthen my reliance in 
 God, I am much indebted to the good Christian peo- 
 dle of the country for their constant prayers and con- 
 solations, and to no one of them more than to yourself. 
 The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must 
 prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accu- 
 rately perceive them in advance. We hoped for a 
 happy termination of this terrible war long before 
 this ; but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise. 
 We shall yet acknowledge his wisdom and our own 
 errors therein ; meanwhile we must work earnestly 
 in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working 
 
PEN AND voicl; 381 
 
 still conduces to the great end He ordains. Surely 
 He intends some great good to loUovv this mighty 
 convulsion which no mortal could make, and no 
 mortal could stay. Your people — the Friends — have 
 had, and are having, very great trials on principles 
 and faith opposed to both war and oppression. They 
 can only })i'aetically oppose oppression by war. In 
 this hard dilemma some have chosen one horn and 
 some the other. 
 
 For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds 
 I have done and shall do the best I could and can in 
 my own conscience under my oath to the law. That 
 you believe this T doubt not, and believing it I shall 
 still receive for my country and myself your earnest 
 prayers to our Father in Heaven. 
 
 Your sincere friend, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Special Execittive Order Returning Thanks to 
 Volunteers for one Hundred Days, from the 
 States of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and ^VIScoNSIN. 
 Executive 3:Iansion, Washington, October 1, 1864, 
 The term of one hundred days for which volun- 
 teers from the states of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and 
 Wisconsin volunteered, under the call of their re- 
 spective governors, in the months of May and June, 
 to aid the recent campaign of General Sherman, 
 having expired, the president directs an official ac- 
 knowledgment to be made of their patriotic service. 
 It was their good fortune to render elective service 
 in the brilliant operations in the south-west, and to 
 contribute to the victories of the national arms over 
 the rebel forces in Georgia, under command of John- 
 
382 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 stou and Ilood. On all occasions, and in every 
 service to which they were assigned, their duty as 
 patriotic volunteers was performed with alacrity and 
 courage, for which they are entitled to and are hereby 
 tendered the national thanks through the governors 
 of their respective states. 
 
 Tlie Secretary of War is directed to transmit a 
 copy of this order to the governors of Indiana, Illi- 
 nois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and to cause a certificate 
 of their honorable services to be delivered to the of- 
 ficers and soldiers of the states above named, who 
 recently served in the military service of the United 
 States as volunteers for one hundred days. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Speech to the 148th Ohio Regiment. Fall of 18G4. 
 Soldiers of the 14Sth Ohio: — I am most happy to 
 meet you on this occasion. I understand that it has 
 been your honorable privilege to stand, for a brief 
 period, in the defense of your country, and that now 
 you are on your way to your homes. I congratulate 
 you, and those who are waiting to bid you welcome 
 home from the war ; and permit me in the name of 
 the people to thank you for the part you have taken 
 in this struggle for the life of the nation. Yon are 
 soldiers of the republic, every-where honored and re- 
 spected. Whenever I appear before a body of soldiers, 
 I feel tempted to talk to them of the nature of the 
 struggle in which we are engaged. I look upon it as 
 an attempt on the one hand to overwhelm and destroy 
 tlie national existence, while on our part we are 
 striving to maintain the government and institutions 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 383 
 
 of our fathers, to enjoy tliein ourselves, and transmit 
 them to our childi-en and our chihlrcn's children for- 
 ever. 
 
 To do this the constitutional administration of our 
 government must be sustained, and I beg of you not 
 to allow your minds or your hearts to be diverted 
 from the sujiport of all necessary measures for that 
 purpose, by any miserable picayune arguments ad- 
 dressed to your pockets, or inflammatory appeal 
 made to your passions and your jirejudices. 
 
 It is vain and foolish to ari-aign this man or that 
 for the part he has taken or lias not taken, and to 
 hold the government responsible for his aets. In no 
 administration can there be perfect equality of action 
 and uniform satisfaction rendered by all. 
 
 But tliis government must be i»reserved, in spite of 
 the acts of any man or set of men. It is worthy 
 your every etibrt. Nowhere in the world is presented 
 a government of so much liberty and equality. To 
 the humblest and poorest amongst us are held out 
 the highest privileges and positions. The present 
 moment finds me at the White House, yet there is as 
 good a chance for ^-our children as there was for my 
 father's. 
 
 Again I admonish you not to be turned from your 
 stern purpose of defending our beloved country ami 
 its free institutions by any arguments urged by am- 
 bitious and designing men, but stand fast, ti) the 
 Union and the old Hag. 
 
 Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes. 
 
884 abraham lincoln's 
 
 The President's Last, Shortept, and Best Speech, 
 IN 1864. 
 
 On Thursday of last week two ladies from Tennes- 
 see came before the president asking the release of 
 tlieir husbands held as prisoners of war at Johnson's 
 Island. They were put off till Friday, when they 
 came again, and were again put off to Saturday. At 
 eacli of the interviews, one of the ladies urged that 
 her husband was a religious man. On Saturday the 
 president ordered the release of the prisoners, and 
 then said to the lady: "You say your husband is a 
 religious man ; tell him when you meet him, that I 
 say I am not much of a judge of I'eligion, but that, 
 ill my opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and 
 light against this government, because, as they think, 
 that government does not sufliciently help some men 
 to eat their bread on the sweat of other men's faces, 
 is not the sort of religion ujion which people can 
 get to heaven." 
 
 To Ilox. Henry W. Hoffman. 
 
 Executive 3Iansion, Washington, Oct. 18, 1864. 
 
 31y Dear Sir: — A convention of Maryland has 
 formed a new constitution for the state; a public 
 meeting is called for this evening at Baltimore, to 
 aid in securing its ratification, and 3'ou ask a word 
 from me for the occasion. I presume the only fea- 
 ture of the instrument about which there is serious 
 controversy, is that which provides for the extinction 
 of slavery. 
 
 It needs not to be a secret, and I presume it is no 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 385 
 
 secret, that T wish saccess to tliis provision. I desire 
 it on every consideration. 
 
 I wish to sec all Jiien free. I wish tlic national 
 |tros}n'rit\' <»t" the already tVee, which I feel sure the 
 extinction of slavery would bring. T wisli to see in 
 progress of disa[)])earing that only thing which could 
 bring tliis nation to a civil war. I atteinj)t no argu- 
 ment. Argument upon the (juestion is already ex- 
 hausted by the abler, better informed, and more im- 
 mediately interested sons of Marylaufl herself, I 
 only add, that I shall be gratified exceedingly if the 
 good people of the state shall, by their votes, ratify 
 the new constitution. 
 
 Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Speech at a Serenade, October 19, 1864. 
 
 I am notified that tliis is a compliment ])aid me by 
 the loyal Marylanders resident in this disti'ict. I in- 
 fer that the adojition of the new con^^titution for that 
 state furnishes the occasion, and that, in your view, 
 the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit 
 of the new constitution. Most heartily do I congrat- 
 ulate you and Maryland, and the nation, and the 
 world upon the event. I regret that it did not occur 
 two years sooner, which, T am sure, would have saved 
 to the nation more money than would have met all 
 the private loss incident to the measure. 
 
 But it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its 
 friends may fully realize all their antici{)ations of 
 good from it, and tliat its opponents may, by its 
 eftects, be agi'ceably and ])i"ofital»ly disapjiointcd. 
 
 A word upon another subject: Something said by 
 33 
 
386 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 the Secretary of State, in Lis recent speech at Au- 
 burn, has been construed by some into a threat that, 
 if I shall be beaten at the election, I will, between 
 then and tlie end of my c(Mistitutional term, do what 
 I may be able to ruin the government. Others regard 
 the fact that the Chicago convention adjourned not 
 sine die, but to meet again, if called to do so by a par- 
 ticular individual, as the intimation of a purpose that 
 if their nominee shall be elected he will at once seize 
 the control of the government, I hope the good 
 people will permit themselves to sutler no uneasiness 
 on this point. 
 
 I am struggling to maintain the government, not 
 to overthrow it. I therefore say that, if I shall live, 
 I shall remain president until the fourth of next 
 March, and that whoever shall be constitutionally 
 elected therefor, in November, shall be duly installed 
 as president on the fourth of March, and that, in the 
 interval, I shall do my utmost that whoever is to hold 
 the helm for the next voyage shall start with the best 
 possible chance to save the ship. 
 
 This is due to the people both on principle and 
 under the Constitution. Their will, constitutionally 
 expressed, is tlie ultimate law for all. If they should 
 deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at 
 the loss of their country and their liberties, I have 
 not the power nor the right to resist them. It is 
 their own business, and they must do as they please 
 with their own. I believe, however, they are still 
 resolved to preserve their country and tlieir liberty ; 
 and in this ottice or out I am resolved to stand by 
 them. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 387 
 
 r may add, that in this }iur|i()S(' to save tlic coiin- 
 I ly and its liberties no classes ot" peo})le seem so 
 nearly unanimous as the soldiers in tlie field and the 
 seanuMi afioat. Do they not liave i]\o hardc'st of itV 
 Who should ([uail while they do not? God bless the 
 soldiers and seamen, with all their brave command- 
 ers. 
 
 Keply to the Protest of Tennessee, October 22, 
 
 1864. 
 
 At the time these papers were presented, as be- 
 fore stated, I had never seen either of them, nor lieard 
 of the subject to which they relate, except in a ii;en- 
 eral way, only one day previously. Up to the ])resent 
 moment nothinc; whatever lias passed between (tov- 
 ernor Jolinson or any one else connected with the 
 }ii'i»(lamati(Ui and myself Since receivini;- the jiapers, 
 as slated, I have given the sul)ject suidi brief con- 
 sideration as I have been able to do in the midst of 
 so many pressing public duties. 
 
 My conclusion is, that I liave notliing to do witli 
 the matter, either to sustain the plan as the conven- 
 tion and Governor Johnson have initiated it, or to re- 
 voke or modify it as you demand. By the Consti- 
 tution and laws the President is charged with no 
 duty in the conduct of a presidential election in any 
 state; nor do T in this case perceive any military rea- 
 sons for his interference in the matter. 
 
 The movement set on foot by the convention and 
 Governor Johnson does not, as seems to be assumed 
 by you, emanate from the national executive. In no 
 proper sense can it be considered other than as aa 
 
388 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 independent movement of at least a portion of the 
 loyal people of Tennessee. 
 
 I do not perceive iu the plan any menace of vio- 
 lence or coercion toward any one. Governor John- 
 son, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the 
 right to favor any political plan he chooses, and as 
 military governor it is his dnty to keep the peace 
 among and for the loyal people of the state. 
 
 I can not discern that by this plan he proposes any 
 more. But you object to the plan. Leaving it 
 alone will be your perfect security against it. Do as 
 you please on your own account, peacefully and 
 loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, 
 but will protect you against violence so far as in 
 his power. 
 
 1 presume that the conducting of a presidential 
 election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the 
 old code of the state is not now a possibility. 
 
 It Is scarcely necessary to add that if any election 
 shall be held, and any votes shall be cast in the State 
 of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the 
 United States, it will belong, not to the military 
 agents, nor yet to the executive department, but ex- 
 clusively to another department of the government, 
 to determine whether tliey are entitled to be counted, 
 in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the 
 United States. 
 
 Except it be to give protection against violence, I 
 decline to interfere in any way with any presidential 
 election. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE, 389 
 
 To General Sheridan. 
 Executive 3Iansio7}, Washingto)), October 22, 1864. 
 With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave 
 army, the thanks of the nation and my own personal 
 admiration and gratitude for the month's operations 
 in the Shenandoah Valley, and especially for the 
 splendid work of October 19th. 
 
 Youi- obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Speech at a Seranade by a Club of Pennsylvanians 
 the Night of the Election, November 0, 1864. 
 
 Friends and Fellow -Citizens: — Even before I had 
 been informed by you that the conipliiueiit was [laid 
 me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania I'riendly to 
 me, I had inferred that you were that portion of 
 my countrymen who think that the best interests 
 of the nation are to be subserved by the support of 
 the present administration. I do not pretend to say 
 that you who think so embrace all the patriotism 
 and loyalty of the country. But I do believe, and 
 1 trust without |)ersonal interest, that the welt'ai'e of 
 the whole country does require that such support 
 and indorsement be given, 
 
 1 earnestly believe that the conserpiences of this 
 day's work, if it be as you assure nie, and as now 
 seems probaljle, will be to the lasting advantage 
 it not to the very salvation of the country. 
 
 I can not at this hour say what has been the re- 
 sult of the election, but whatever it may have been, 
 and I have uo desire to modify this opinion, that 
 all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union 
 
390 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 organization have wrought for the best interests of 
 the country and the worhl, not only for the present, 
 but for all future ages, 
 
 I am thankful to God for the approval of the 
 people. But while deeply grateful for this mark of 
 their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my 
 gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. 
 
 I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed 
 to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any 
 one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for the evi- 
 dences of the people's resolution to stand by free 
 gover.nment and the right of humanity. 
 
 Kesponse to a Seranade by the various Lincoln and 
 Jonx80N Clubs of the District of Columbia, No- 
 vember 10, 1864. 
 
 It has long been a grave question whether any gov- 
 ernment, not too strong for the liberties of its people, 
 can be strong enough to maintain its existence in 
 great emergencies. 
 
 On this point the present rebellion brought our 
 government to a severe test, and a presidential elec- 
 tion occurring in a regular course during the rebel- 
 lion, added not a little to the strain. 
 
 If the loyal people united were put to the utmost 
 of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail 
 when divided and partially paralized by a political 
 w\ar among themselves? But the election was a 
 necessity. We can not have free government with- 
 out elections; and if the rebellion could force us to 
 forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly 
 claim to have already conquered and ruined us. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 391 
 
 The strife of the election is but human nature prac- 
 tically applied to the facts of the case. What has 
 occurred in this case must ever recur m similar cases. 
 Human nature will not change In the future great 
 national trial compared witli the men of this, we will 
 have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as 
 had and as good. Let us, therefore, study the inci- 
 dents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and 
 none of them as wrongs to bo revenged. 
 
 But the election, along with its incidental and un- 
 desirable strife, has done good too. 
 
 It has demonstrated that a people's government 
 can sustain a national election in the midst of a great 
 civil war. Until now, it has not been known to the 
 world that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how 
 sound and strong we still are. It sliows that even 
 among the candidates of the same party, he who is 
 most devoted to the Union and most opposed to 
 treason can receive most of the people's votes. 
 • It shows, also, to the extent yet known, that we 
 have more men now than we had when the war be- 
 gun. Gold is good in its [ilace; but living, brave and 
 }>atriotic nu'ti arc better than gold. But the rebellion 
 continues, and, now that the election is over, may not 
 all have a common interest to re-unite in a common 
 eiibrt to save our common country? For my own 
 }>art, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing 
 any obstacle in the way. 
 
 So long as I have been here, I have not willingly 
 planted a tliorii in any maiTs bosom. Wliile I am 
 duly sensible to the high compliment of a re-elec- 
 tion, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God, 
 
392 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 for having directed my countrymen to a right con- 
 clusion, as I think, for their good, it adds nothing to 
 my satisfaction that any other man may be disap- 
 pointed by the result. 
 
 May I ask those who have not differed with me to 
 join with me in tliis same spirit toward those who 
 have? And, now, let me close by asking three 
 hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and 
 their gaUant and skillful commanders. 
 
 Letter of Condolence Written to Mrs. Bixby, of 
 Boston, Mass., on the Death of Five Sons on 
 THE Field of Battle. 
 Executive llansion, Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. 
 Dear lladam : — I have been shown in the tiles of 
 the War Department, a statement of the Adjutant- 
 General of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of 
 five sons, who have died gloriously on the field of 
 battle. 
 
 I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words 
 of mine which should attempt to beguile you from 
 the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I can not 
 refrain from tendering to you the consoUition that 
 may be found in the thanks of the liepublic they died 
 to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may as- 
 suage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave 
 you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, 
 and the solemn pride that must be 3'ours, to have laid 
 80 costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. 
 Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 393 
 
 Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1864. 
 
 Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Represen- 
 tatives: — Again tlu- blessings of health and abundant 
 harvests claim our })rotbun(lest gratitude to Almighty 
 God. The condition of our foreign aftairs is reason- 
 ably satisfactory. 
 
 ]\rexico continues to be a theater of civil war. 
 While our political relations with that country have 
 undergone no change, we have, at the same time, 
 strictly maintained neutrality between the belliger- 
 ents. 
 
 The proposed overland telegraph between America 
 and Europe, by the way of Behring's Straits and 
 Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at 
 the last session, has been undertaken, under very 
 favorable circumstances, by an association of Ameri- 
 can citizens, with the cordial good-will and support 
 as well of tliis government as of those of Great 
 Britain and Russia. Assurances have been received 
 from most of the South American States of their 
 high appreciation of the enterprise, and their readi- 
 ness to co-operate in constructing lines tributarj' to that 
 world-encircling communication. I learn with much 
 satisfaction that the noble design of a tclegra})hic 
 communication between the eastern coast of America 
 and Great Britain has Ijcen renewed with full expec- 
 tation of its early accomplishment. 
 
 Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic 
 peace the country will be able to resume with energy 
 
394 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 and advantage its former high career of commerce 
 and civilization. 
 
 Our very popular and estimable representative in 
 Egypt died in April last. An unpleasant altercation 
 which arose between the tein})orary incumbent of the 
 ofhcc and the government of the Pasha resulted in a 
 suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly 
 corrected on the arrival of the successor m the con- 
 sulate, and our relation with Egypt, as well as our re- 
 lations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satis- 
 factory. 
 
 The rebellion which lias so long been flagrant in 
 China, has at last been suppressed, with the co-oper- 
 ating good offices of this government and of the other 
 western commercial states. 
 
 The judicial consular establishment there has be- 
 come very difficult and onerous, and it will need leg- 
 islative revision to adapt it to the extension of our 
 commerce, and to the more intimate intercourse which 
 has been instituted with the government and people 
 of that vast empire. China seems to be accepting 
 with hearty good will tliQ conventional laws which 
 regulate commercial and social intercourse among 
 the western nations. 
 
 Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan, and the 
 anomalous form of its government, the action of that 
 empire in performing treaty stipulations is inconstant, 
 and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been 
 effected by the w^estern powers, moving with enlight- 
 ened concert. 
 
 Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed, or 
 put in course of settlement, and the inland sea has 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 395 
 
 been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to 
 believe that these i)roceedini:^s have increased rather 
 than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the 
 United States. 
 
 The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola 
 liavo been opened by ])roclaniati()n. It is liopcd that 
 foreign merchants •will now consider ■whcthor it is not 
 safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as 
 jnst to the United ^States, to resort to these and other 
 open ports, than it is to })nrsue, tlirougli many liaz- 
 ards, and at vast cost, a contraband trade with the 
 other ports which are closed, if not by actual mili- 
 tary occupation, at least by a lawful and efiective 
 blockade. 
 
 For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty 
 of the executive, under the law of mitioiis, to ex- 
 clude enemies of the human race from an a.syjuni m 
 the United States. If Congress should think that 
 proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, 
 or ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend 
 that })rovision be made for eliectually preventing for- 
 eign slave-traders from acquiring domicile and facil- 
 ities for their criminal occupation in our country. 
 
 It is possible that, if it were a new and open ques- 
 tion, the maritime powers, with the lights they now 
 enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval 
 belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, 
 destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally 
 of ships of war, and of })orts and harbors. Disloyal 
 emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more 
 successful during the last 3'ear than they were before 
 that time in their eftbrts, under favor of that [)rivi- 
 
396 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 lege to embroil our country in foreign wars. The 
 desire and determination of the governments of the 
 maritime states to defeat that design are believed to 
 be as sincere as, and can not be more earnest than our 
 own. 
 
 Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have 
 arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports, and 
 on tlie northern boundary of the United States, which 
 have required, and are likely to continue to require, 
 the practice of constant vigilance, and a just and con- 
 ciliatory spirit on tlie part of the United States, as 
 well as of the nations concerned and their govern- 
 ments. Commissioners have been appointed under 
 the treaty with Great Britain on the adjustment of 
 the claims of the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound 
 Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now pro- 
 ceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them. 
 In view of the insecurity of life and property in the 
 region adjacent to the Canadian border, by reason of 
 recent assaults and depredations committed by inimi- 
 cal and desperate persons who are harbored there, it 
 has been thought }>roper to give notice that after tlie 
 expiration of six months, the period conditionally 
 stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great 
 Britain, the United States must hold themselves at 
 liberty to increase their naval armament upon the 
 lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary. 
 The condition of the border will necessarily come into 
 consideration in connection with the question of con- 
 tinuing or modifying the rights of transit from Canada 
 through the United States, as well as tlie regulation 
 of imposts, which were temporarily established by the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 397 
 
 reciprocity treaty of the 5th Juno, 1854. I desire 
 however, to be uiiderstood, wliile making this state- 
 ment, that the colonial autlioi'ities ot" Canada arc not 
 deemed to be intcntiunally unjust or unfriendly 
 toward the United States ; but, on the contrary, there 
 is every reason to expect that, with the approval of 
 the imperial government, they will take the necessary 
 measures to prevent new incursions across the ]jor- 
 ders. ..." 
 
 The war continues. Since the last annual message 
 all the important lines and positions then occupied by 
 our forces have been maintained, and our arms have 
 steadily advanced; thus liberating the regions left in 
 the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee and 
 parts of other states have again produced reasonably 
 fair crops. 
 
 The most remarkable feature in the military opera- 
 tions of the year is General Sherman's attempted 
 march of three hundred miles directly through the in- 
 surgent region. It tends to show a great increase of 
 our relative strength that our General-in-chief should 
 feel able to confront and hold in check every active 
 force of the enemy, and yet to detacli a well ap})ointed 
 large army to move on such an expedition. The re- 
 sult not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it 
 is not here indulged. 
 
 Important movomcnts have also occurred during 
 the year to the efiect of molding society for durabil- 
 ity in the Union. Although short of complete suc- 
 cess, it is much in the right direction that twelve 
 thousand citizens in each of the States of Arkansas 
 and Louisiana have organized loyal state governments, 
 
308 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 with free constitutions, and tire earnestly struggling 
 to maintain and administer them. The movements 
 in the same direction, more extensive though less 
 definite, in Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee, should 
 not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the ex- 
 ample of complete success. Maryland is secure to 
 liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of 
 rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another 
 foul spirit, being driven out, it may seek to tear her, 
 but it will woo her no more. 
 
 At the last session of Congress a proposed amend- 
 ment of the Constitution alxdishing slavery tiirough- 
 out the United States passed the Senate, but failed 
 for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House 
 of Representatives. Although the present is the 
 same Congress, and nearly the same members, and 
 without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those 
 who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the 
 reconsideration and passage of the measure at the 
 present session. Of course the abstract question is 
 not changed; but an intervening election shows, al- 
 most certainly, that the next Congress will pass the 
 measure if this does not. Hence there is only a ques- 
 tion of time as to when the proposed amendment will 
 go to the states for their action. And as it is to so 
 go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the 
 better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed 
 a duty on members to change their views or their 
 votes, any further than, as an additional element to 
 to be considered, their judgment may be aft'ccted l)y 
 it. It is the voice of the people now for tlu iirst 
 time heard upon the question. In a great national 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 399 
 
 crisis like ours, unanimity ol" action anionic those 
 seeking a coninion end is very desiraljle, — almost in- 
 dispensable. 
 
 And yet no approach to sucli unanimity is attaina- 
 ble unless some deference shall be paid to the will of 
 the majority, simply because it is the will of the ma- 
 jority. In this case the common end is the mainte- 
 nance of the Union, and among the means to Bccure 
 that end, sucli will through theclection ismostclearly 
 declared in favor of such constitutional amendment. 
 
 The most reliable indication of })ublic purpose ui 
 this country is derived through our [)oi)ular elections. 
 Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the pur- 
 pose of the people within the loyal states to maintain 
 the integrity of tlie Union was never more firm nor 
 more nearly unanimous than now. 
 
 The extraordinary calmness and good order with 
 which the millions of voters met and mingled at the 
 })olls give strong assurance of this. JSTot only all 
 those who supported the Union ticket, so-called, but 
 a great majority of the opposing party also, may be 
 fairly claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the 
 same jturpose. It is an unanswerable argument to 
 this effect, that no candidate for any office whatever, 
 high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal 
 that lie was for giving u[) the Union. There have 
 l)een much impugning of motives, and much heated 
 controversy as to the proper means and best mode of 
 advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue 
 of Union or no Union the politicians have shown 
 their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity 
 
400 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 among the people. In afibrding the people the fair 
 opportunity of showing, one to another and to the 
 world, this firmness and. unanimity of purpose, the 
 election has been of vast value to the national cause. 
 
 The election has exhibited another fact not less 
 valuable to be known — the fact that we do not ap- 
 proach exhaustion in the most important branch of 
 national resources — that of living men. While it is 
 melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many 
 graves and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is 
 some relief to know that, compared with the surviv- 
 ing, the fallen have been so few. 
 
 While corps and divisions and brigades and regi- 
 ments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone 
 out of existence, a great majority of the men who 
 composed them are still living. The same is true of 
 the naval service. The election returns prove this. 
 So many voters could not else be found. The states 
 regularly holding elections both now and four years 
 ago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illi- 
 nois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, 
 Massachusetts, ^Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New 
 Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Vir- 
 ginia, and Wisconsin cast 3,982,011 votes now against 
 3,870,222 cast then. 
 
 To this is to be added, 33,762 cast now in the new 
 states of Kansas and Nevada, which states did not 
 vote in 1860, thus swelling the aggregate to 4,015,773 
 and the net increase during the three years and a 
 half of war to 145,551. 
 
 A table is appended showing particulars. To this 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 401 
 
 again sliould be ;i(ldc(l tlie miniljer of all soldiers in 
 the field tVoin Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New 
 •Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, 
 who, by the laws of those states, could not vote away 
 from their homes, and which number can not be less 
 than 90,000. Nor yet is this all. The number in 
 organized territories is ti'l[i]e now what it was four 
 years agx), while thousands, white and black, join us 
 as the national arms press back the insurgent lines. 
 So much is shown atfirmatively and negatively by the 
 election. It is not material to inquire how the in- 
 crease has been produced or to show that it would 
 have been greater but for the war, which is probably 
 true. 
 
 The important fact remains demonstrated that we 
 have more men ?«o?<;than we had when the war began; 
 that we arc not exhausted nor in process of exhaus- 
 tion ; that we arc gaining strength, and may if need 
 be maintain the contest indefinitely. This as \o men. 
 Material resources are now more complete and aViund- 
 ant than ever. The natural resources, then, are un- 
 exhausted, and as we believe, inexhaustible. The 
 public purpose to re-establish and maintain the 
 national authority, is unchanged, and, as we believe, 
 unchangeable. The manner of continuing the efibrt 
 remains to choose. On careful consideration of all 
 the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no at- 
 tempt at nogotiation with the insurgent leader could 
 result in any good He would accept mjthing short 
 of severance of the Union — precisely what wc will 
 not and can not give. His declarations to this ellect 
 34 
 
402 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 are explicit and oft-repeated. He does not attempt 
 to deceive ns. He aftbrds us no excuse to deceive 
 ourselves. He can not voluntarily re-accept the 
 Union, we can not voluntarily yield it. Between 
 liim and us the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible. 
 It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and 
 decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten ; if 
 the southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either 
 way, it would be the victory and tlefeat following 
 war. What is true, however, of him who heads the 
 insurgent cause is not necessarily true of those who 
 follow. 
 
 Although he can not re-accept the Union, they can ; 
 some of them, we know, already desire peace and re- 
 union. The number of such may increase. They can 
 at any moment have peace simply by laying down 
 their arms and submitting to the national authority 
 under the Constitution. 
 
 After so much, the government could not, if it 
 would, maintain war against them. The loyal people 
 would not sustain or allow it. If questions should re- 
 main, we would adjust them by the peaceful means 
 of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating 
 only in constitutional and lawful channels. Some 
 certain, and other possible, questions are, and, would 
 be, beyond the executive power to adjust, as, for in- 
 stance, the admission of members into Congress, and 
 whatever might require the appropriation of money. 
 
 The executive power itself would be greatly dimin- 
 ished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and 
 remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be with- 
 in executive control. In what spirit and temper this 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 403 
 
 control would be exercised can be fairly judged of by 
 the past. 
 
 A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon spec- 
 ified terms, were oiferod to all, except certain desig- 
 nated classes, and it was, at the same time made known 
 tliat the excepted classes were still within contem- 
 plation of special clemency. During the year, many 
 availed themselves of the general provision, and many 
 more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some, 
 -led to such precautionary measures as rendered the 
 practical process less easy and certain. During the 
 same time also special pardons have been granted to 
 individuals of the exce[)ted classes, and no vohintary 
 a}iplication has been denied. Thus, practically, the 
 door has been, for a full year, open to all, except such 
 as were not in condition to make free choice — that is, 
 such as were in custody or under constraint. It is 
 still so open to all. But the time may come — probably 
 will come — when public duty shall demand tiiat It be 
 closed ; and that, in lieu, more rigorous measures than 
 heretofore shall be adopted. 
 
 In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance 
 to the national authority on the part of the insur- 
 gents as the only indispensable condition to ending 
 the war, on the part of the government, I retract 
 nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the 
 declaration made a year ago, that, " while I remain in 
 my present position I shall liot attempt to retract or 
 modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I 
 return to slavery any person who is free by the terms 
 of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Con- 
 gress." If the people should, by whatever mode or 
 
40-1 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 means, make it an executive duty to re-etislave such 
 persons, another, ami not I, must he their instrument 
 to perform it. 
 
 In stating a single condition of peace, I mean sim- 
 ply to say that the war will cease oi: the part of the 
 government whenever it shall have ceased on the part 
 of those who began it. A. Lincoln. 
 
 December 6, 1864. 
 
 President Lincoln to Col. Edmund D. Taylor, of 
 Chicago, III., December, 18(34. 
 
 31y Dear Colonel Dick: — I have long determined to 
 make public the origin of the greenback, and tell the 
 world that it is one of Dick Taylor's creations. You 
 have always been friendly to me, and when troublous 
 times fell upon ns, and my shoulders, though broad 
 and willing, were weak, and myself surrounded by 
 such circumstances and such people that I knew not 
 whom to trust, then I said in my extremity, " I will 
 send for Colonel Taylor ; he will know what to do." 
 I think it was in January, 18G2, on or about the 16th, 
 that I did so. You came, and I said to you, "What 
 can we do ?" Said you, " Why, issue treasury notes 
 bearing no interest, printed on the best bunking pa- 
 per. Issue enough to pay ofi the army expenses, and 
 declare it legal tender." Chase thought it a hazard- 
 ous thing, but we finally accomplished it, and gave to 
 the people of this licpublic the greatest blessing they 
 ever had — their own paper to pay their own debts. 
 
 It is due to you, the father of the present green- 
 back, that the people should know it, and I take great 
 pleasure in making it known. How many times have 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 405 
 
 I langliod at 3'ou tolliiiij^ mo }»lainly lliat I "was too 
 lazy to be any thing but a lawyer. 
 
 Yours truly, A. Lincoln, President. 
 
 To General Sherman. 
 Executh-e Mansion, WasJiingfon, D. C, Dec. 2il, 1S(]4. 
 
 3fy Dear (ieiieral Sherman: — Many, many thanks 
 for your Christmas gift, the capture of" Savannah. 
 When you were about to leave Atlanta for tlie At- 
 lantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful ; l)ut, feel- 
 ing that you were tbe better judge, and remembering 
 that nothing risked" nothing gained, I did not inter- 
 fere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the 
 bonor is all yours, for I believe none of us went fur- 
 tberthan to acquiesce. And, taking the work of Gen- 
 eral Tiiomas into the account, as it should be taken, 
 it is indeed a great success. Kot only does it afford 
 the obvious and immediate military advantages, but 
 in sbowing to the world that your army could bo 
 divided, putting the stronger part to an important 
 new service, and yet baving enougb to vanquisli the 
 old opposing forces of the whole — Hood's army — it 
 brings those who sat in darkness to see great light. 
 
 Please make my grateful acknowledgment to your 
 whole army, officers and men. 
 
 Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 
 
 To Dr. John MacLean. 
 Excentire Mansion, Washington, Dec. 27, 1804. 
 My Dear Sir : — I have tlie honor to acknowledge 
 the reception of your note of the 20th of December, 
 conveying the announcement that the trustees of the 
 
406 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 College of New Jersey bad conferred upon nie the 
 deo-ree of Doctor of Laws. 
 
 The assurance conveyed by this high compliment 
 that the course of the government which I repre- 
 Bent has received the approval of a body of gentle- 
 men of such character and intelligence, in this time 
 of ])nl)lic trial, is most grateful to me. 
 
 Thoug-btful men must feel that the fate of civiliza- 
 tion upon the continent is involved in the issue of 
 our contest. 
 
 Among the most gratifying proofs of this convic- 
 tion is the hearty devotion ever3'-where exhibited by 
 our schools and colleges to the national cause. 
 
 I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to 
 conduce to the preservation of those institutions un- 
 der which alone we can expect good government, 
 and in its train sound learning and the progress of the 
 liberal arts. I am, sir, very truly. 
 
 Your- obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Upon Presenting to the President a Vase of Skele- 
 ton Leaves Gathered on the Battle Field of 
 Gettysburg, January 24, 1865, the President 
 said: 
 Reverend Sir^ and Ladies and Gentlemen : — I accept 
 with emotions of profoundest gratitude the beautiful 
 gift you have been pleased to present to me. 
 
 You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. 
 So much has been said about Gettysburg, and so well, 
 that for me to attempt to say more may perhaps only 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 407 
 
 serve to weaken tlie force ot" that wliich lias already 
 been said. 
 
 A most gracei'iil and eleij-ant ti'ibute Avas paid to 
 tlie pati'iotisni and selt'-denyiny labors of llie Anieriean 
 ladies on the occasion of the consecration of tlie Na- 
 tional CV'nietery at Gettysburg by our illustrious 
 friend, Kdward E\'ei"ett, now, alas, de^nirted from 
 earth. His life was a truly great one, and I think the 
 greatest part of it was that which crowned its closing 
 years. I wish you to read, if you have not already 
 done so, the eloquent and truthful words which he 
 then spoke of the women of America. Truly, the 
 service they have rendered to the defenders of our 
 country in this perilous time, and are 3'et rendering, 
 can never be estimated as they ought to be. 
 
 For your kind wishes to me personally I l)eg leave 
 to render you Ukewise my sinccrest thanks. I assure 
 you they are appreciated. 
 
 And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you 
 all. 
 
 Letter to Governor Smith, of ^'ermoxt. 
 
 Executive Blansion, Washington, Feb. 8, 18G5. 
 
 ITis Excellency, Governor Smith, of Vermont: — Gom- 
 plaint is made to me, by A^ermont, that the assign- 
 ment of her quota for the draft on the pending call is 
 intrinsically unjust, and also in bad faith of the gov- 
 ernment's promise to fairly allow credits for men pre- 
 viously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is 
 stated as follows : 
 
 Vermont and New Hampshire must, between them, 
 furnish six thousand men on the pending call, and 
 being equal, each must furnish as many as the other 
 
408 ABHAHAxV Lincoln's 
 
 ill tbe long run. But the government finds that on 
 former calls Vermont furnished a surplus of five hun- 
 dred, and Xew Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hun- 
 dred. These two surpluses making two thousand, 
 and added to the six thousand, making eight thou- 
 sand to be furnished by the two states, or four 
 thousand each, less by fair credits. Then subtract 
 Vermont's surplus of five hundred from her four 
 thousand, leaves three thousand five hundred as her 
 quota on the pending call ; and likewise subtract 
 ]Srew Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred from 
 her four thousand, leaves two thousand five hundred 
 as her quota on the pending call. These three thou- 
 sand five hundred and two thousand five hundred 
 make precisely six thousand, which the supposed case 
 requires from the two states, and it is just equal for 
 Vermont to furnish one thousand more now than 
 New Hampshire, because New Hampshire has here- 
 tofore furnished one thousand more than Vermont, 
 which equalizes the burdens of the two in the long 
 run. And this result, so far from being bad faith to 
 Vermont, is indis})ensable to keeping good faith with 
 New Hampshire. By no other result can the six 
 thousand men be ol)tained from tlie two states, and 
 at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both, 
 and we do but confuse ourselves in questioning the 
 process by which the right result is reached. The 
 supposed case is perfect as an illustration. 
 
 The pending call is not for three hundred thousand 
 men, subject to fair credits, but is for three hundred 
 thousand remaining after all fair credits have been 
 deducted, and it is impossible to concede what Ver- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 409 
 
 mont asks witliont coming out short of three hundred 
 thousand men, or making otlier h)culities pay for the 
 partiality shown her. 
 
 This upon tlie case stated: If there be different 
 reasons for making an allowance to Vermont, let 
 them be presented and considered. 
 
 Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 President Lincoln Dictated the following to Sec- 
 retary Stanton, to be Sent to General Grant. 
 
 March 3, 1865. 
 The president directs me to say to you that he 
 wishes you to have no conference with General Lee, 
 unless it be for tlie capitulation of Lee's army, or on 
 Bome minor or purely military matter. He instructs 
 me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or con- 
 fer upon any political question. Such questions the 
 President holds in his own hands, and will submit 
 them to no military conferences or conventions. In 
 the meantime you are to press to the utmost your 
 military advantages. 
 
 Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 18G5. 
 Fellow- Countrymen : — At this second appearing to 
 take the oath of the i)residential office, there is less 
 occasion for au extended address than there was at 
 the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a 
 course to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. 
 Now, at the expiration of four years, during which 
 public declarations have been constantly called forth 
 on every point and phase of the great contest which 
 35 
 
410 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies 
 of the nation, little that is new could be ])resented. 
 
 The progress of our arms, upon which all else 
 chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to 
 myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and 
 encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, 
 no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the 
 occasion corresponding to tins four years ago, all 
 thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending 
 civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert it. 
 While the inaugural address was being delivered 
 from this place, devoted altogether to saving the 
 Union without war, insurgent agents were in the 
 city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to 
 dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. 
 Both parties de|)recated war; but one of them would 
 make war rather than let the nation survive, and the 
 other would accept war rather than let it perish. And 
 the war came. One-eighth of the whole population 
 were colored slaves, not distributed generally over 
 the Union, but localized in the southern jiart of it. 
 
 These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful 
 interest. All knew that this interest was somehow 
 the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and 
 extend this interest was the object for which the in- 
 surgents would rend the Union, even by war, while 
 the government claimed no right to do more than to 
 restrict the territorial enlargement of it. 
 
 Neither party expected for the war the magnitude 
 or the duration which it has already attained. 
 Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict 
 might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself 
 
I'EN AND VOICE. 411 
 
 pliould cease. Each looked for an oasici- tiiuTiipli, and 
 a result less fuiHlaiiieiital and astounding". 
 
 Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same 
 God; and each invokes His aid against the otlier. 
 
 It may seem strange tliat any man should dare to 
 ask a just God's assistance hi wringing their bread 
 from the sweat of other men's faces ; but let ua judge 
 not, that we be not judged. 
 
 The prayers of botli could not be answered. Tluit 
 of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty 
 has His own purposes. 
 
 "Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it 
 must needs ]je that offenses come: but woe to that 
 man by wlioni tbe offense cometh." If we shall snp- 
 j)ose that American slavery is one of these offenses, 
 which in the providence of God must needs come, 
 but which, having continued through His appointed 
 time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to 
 both North and South this terrible war as tlie woe 
 due to those by whom the offense came, sliall we dis- 
 cern therein any de})arture from those divine attri- 
 butes which the believers in a living God always 
 ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do 
 we pray, that this mighty scourge of war nuiy speed- 
 ily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue 
 until all the wealth piled by the boiKhuan's two hun- 
 dred and fifty years of unre(iuited toil shall be sunk, 
 and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash 
 shall be paid with another drawn with the sword; as 
 was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be 
 said, " The judgments of the Lord are true and right- 
 eous altosrether." 
 
412 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 AVith malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
 firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, 
 let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind 
 up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall 
 have borne the battle, and for his widow and or- 
 phans ; to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
 just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with 
 all nations. 
 
 President Lincoln to Thurlow Weed. 
 Executire Mansion, Washington, March 15,1865. 
 
 Dear Mr. Weed: — Every one likes a compliment. 
 Thank you for yours on my little notification speech 
 and on the recent inaugural address. I expect the 
 latter to wear as well as, perhaps better than, any 
 thing I have produced; but [ believe it is not imme- 
 diately popular. 
 
 Men are not flattered by being shown that there 
 has been a difference of purpose between the Al- 
 mighty and tliem. 
 
 To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that 
 there is a God governing the world. 
 
 It is a truth which I thought needed to be told, 
 and, as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls 
 most directly on mj'self, I thought others might af- 
 ford for me to tell it. Truly, yours, A. Lincoln. 
 
 Introduced by Governor Morton, from National 
 Hotel, Washington, D. C, March 17, 1865, and 
 THE President's Response. 
 Fellow -citiz ens : — It will be ])ut a very few words 
 
 that I shall undertake to say. I was born in Ken- 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 41o 
 
 tacky, raised in Indiana, and lived in Illinois; and 
 now I am here, where it is my bnsiness to care equally 
 for the good people of all the states. 
 •I am glad to sec an Indiana regiment on this day 
 able to present the captured flag to the governor of 
 Indiana. 
 
 I am not dis])osed, in saying this, to make a dis- 
 tinction l)ct\\"e(Mi the states, for all have done C(|nally 
 well. 
 
 There are but few views or aspects of this great 
 war upon wliich I have not said or written some- 
 thing, whereby my own opinion might be known. 
 But there is one — the recent attempt of our erring 
 brethren, as they are sometimes called, to employ the 
 negro to fight for them. I have neither written nor 
 made a speech on that subject, because that was their 
 business, not mine ; and if I had a wish upon the 
 subject, I had not the power to introduce it, or make 
 it effective. The great question with them was 
 whether the negro, being put into the army, will 
 fight for them. I do not know, and therefore can 
 not decide. They ought to know better than we. I 
 liave in my lifetime heard many arguments why the 
 negroes ought to be slaves ; but if they fight for those 
 who would keep them in slavery, it will be a better 
 argument than all I have yet heard. lie who will 
 fight for that ought to be a slave. They have con- 
 cluded at last to take one out of four of the slaves 
 and put them in tlie army; and that one out of four 
 who will fight to keep the others in slavery ought to 
 be a slave himself, unless he is killed in a fight. 
 
 While I have often said that all men ought to be 
 
414 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 free, yet would I allow those colored persons to be 
 slaves who want to bo, and next to them those white 
 people who argue in favor of making other people 
 slaves. I am in favor of giving an appointment to 
 such white men to try it on for these slaves. I will 
 say one thing in regard to the negroes being employed 
 to fight for them. I do know he can not fight and 
 stay at home and make bread too. And as one m 
 about as important as the other to them, I don't care 
 which they do. I am rather in favor of having them 
 try them as soldiers. They lack one vote of doing 
 that, and I wish I could send my vote over the river 
 60 that I might cast it in fiivor of allowing the negro 
 to fight. But they can not fight and work both. We 
 must now see the bottom of the enemy's resources. 
 They will stand out as long as they can, and if the 
 negro will fight for them, they must allow him to 
 fight. They have drawn upon their last branch of re- 
 sources, and we can now see the bottom. I am glad 
 to see the end so near at hand. I have said now 
 more than I intended, and will therefore bid you 
 goodbye. 
 
 City Point, Virginia, April 2, 8:30 p. m. 
 
 At 4:30 p. M. to-day General Grant telegraphs as 
 follows : 
 
 "We are now up, and have a continuous line of 
 troops, and in a few hours will be intrenched from 
 the Appomattox below Petersburg to the river above. 
 The whole captures since the army started out will 
 not amount to less than twelve thousand men, and 
 probably fifty pieces of artillery. I do not know the 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 415 
 
 luimber of men and gnns accurately, however. A por- 
 tion of Foster's Division, Twenty-fourth Corps, made 
 a most gallant charge this afternoon, and captured a 
 a very iin})ortant fort from the enemy, with its entire 
 garrison. 
 
 All seems well with lis, and every thing is quiet 
 just now. A. Lincoln. 
 
 City Point, Virginia, April 2, 2 p. m. 
 
 At 10:45 A. M. General Grant telegraphs as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Every thing has been carried from tlu' left of the 
 Ninth Corps. The Sixth Corps alone captured more 
 than six thousand j^risoners. The Second and Twenty- 
 fourth Corps captured forts, guns and prisoners from 
 the enemy, hut I can not tell the numbers. AVe are 
 now closing around the works of the line immediately 
 enveloping Petersburg. All looks remarkal)ly well. 
 I have not yet heard from Sheridan. IIis head- 
 quarters have been uioved up to Bank's House, near 
 the Boydton road, about three miles south-west of 
 Petersburg. A. Lincoln. 
 
 Telegram to the Secretary of War. 
 
 At 12:30 p. M. to-day General Grant telegraphed me 
 as follows : 
 
 There has been much hard fighting this morning. 
 The enemy drove our left from near Dabney's house 
 back well toward the P>()ydton jtland-road. AVe are 
 now about to take the offensive at that point, and I 
 hope will more than recover the lost ground. 
 
 Later he telegraphed again as follows : 
 
416 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 Our troops, after being driven back to the Boydton 
 plank-road, turned and drove the enemy in turn, and 
 took the White Oak road, wliicdi we now have. This 
 gives us the ground occupied by the enemy this morn- 
 ing. I will send you a rebel flag captured by our 
 troops in driving the enemy back. There have been 
 four flags captured to-day. 
 
 Judging by the two points from which General 
 Grant telegraphs, I infer that he moved his head- 
 quarters about one mile since he sent the first of ihe 
 two dispatches. A. Lincoln. 
 
 To £. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
 City Point, Virginia, April 2, 1865, 8:30 a. m. 
 
 Last night General Grant telegraphed that General 
 Sheridan, with his cavalry and the Fifth Corps, had 
 captured three brigades of infantry, a train of wagons, 
 and several batteries ; the prisoners amounting to 
 several thousand. 
 
 This morning General Grant, having ordered an at- 
 tack along the whole line, telegraphs as follows : 
 
 Both Wright and Parke got through the enemy's 
 lines. The battle now rages furiously. General 
 Sheridan, with his cavalry, the Fifth Corps, and 
 Miles' Division of the Second Corps, which was sent 
 to him this morning, is now sweeping down from the 
 west. 
 
 All now looks highly favorable. General Ord is 
 engaged, but I have not yet heard the result in his 
 front. A. Lincoln. 
 
pen and voick. 417 
 
 Dispatch to 8ecreta-ry Stanton, April 3, 1865. 
 
 This morning Lientenant-General Grant reports 
 Petersburg evacuated, and he is confident that Rich- 
 mond also is. 
 
 lie is ]>ushing forward to cut oil", if i)Ossible, the re- 
 treating rebel army. A. Lincoln. 
 
 President's Order. 
 Headquarters Armies of the United States, 
 
 Cit]i Point, April 6, 1865. 
 It has been intimated to me, that tlie gentlemen 
 who have acted as the legislature of Virginia, in sup- 
 port of the re])ellion, may now desire to assemble at 
 Richmond, and take measures to withdraw the Vir- 
 ginia troops, and other support from resistance to the 
 general government. If they attenij)t it, give them 
 permission and protection, until, if at all, they at- 
 tempt some action hostile to the United States, in 
 which case you will notify them, give them reasonable 
 time to leave, and at the end of which time arrest 
 any who remain. Allow judge Campbell to see this, 
 but do not make it public. Yours, etc., 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Last Public Speech ever Delivered by President 
 Lincoln, April 11, 1865. 
 After the fall of Richmond and the surrender of 
 the Army of Northern Virginia, President Lincoln 
 was called upon in Washington, and made these re- 
 in aiks : 
 
 [yio. meet this evening, not in sorrow, Ijut in glad- 
 
418 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 ness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and 
 Richmond, and the surrender of the principal in- 
 surgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy 
 peace, whose joyous expression can not be restrained. 
 In the midst of this, however, He from whom all 
 blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a 
 national thanksgiving is being prepared and will be 
 duly promulgated. N^or must those whose harder 
 part give us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. 
 Their honors must not be parceled out with others. 
 I myself was near the front,- and had the high pleas- 
 ure of transmitting much of the good news to you, 
 but no part of the honor, for plan or execution, is 
 mine. To General Grant, his skillful officers, and 
 brave men all belongs. The gallant navy stood 
 ready, but did not in reach to take active part. 
 
 By these recent successes, the reinauguration of the 
 national authority, reconstruction, which has had a 
 large share of thought from the first, is pressed much 
 more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with 
 great difiiculty. Unlike the case of a war between 
 independent nations, there is no authorized organ for 
 us to treat with. ISTo one man has authority to give 
 up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must 
 begin with and mold from disorganized and discord- 
 ant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrass- 
 ment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves 
 as to the mode, manner, and means of reconstruction. 
 
 As a general rule, I abstain from reading the re- 
 ports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be pro- 
 voked by that to which I can not properly oflTer an 
 answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 419 
 
 comes to my knowledge tiiat I am censured from 
 some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to 
 sustain the new state government of Louisiana. In 
 this I have done just so niueli as and no more than 
 the public knows. In the annual message of Decem- 
 ber, 1863, and accompanying j)roclamation, I pre- 
 sented a plan of reconstruction (as the phrase goes), 
 which I promised, if adopted by any state, should be 
 acceptable to and sustained by the executive govern- 
 ment of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was 
 not the only phiii which might possibly be acceptable, 
 and I also distinctly protested that tlie executive 
 claimed no right to say when or whether members 
 should be admitted to seats in Congress frimi such 
 states. This plan was in advance submitted to the 
 then cabinet, and distinctly approved by every mem- 
 ber of it. One of them suggested that I should then 
 and in that connection apply the Emancipation 
 Proclamation to the theretofore excepted parts of 
 Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the sug- 
 gestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and 
 that I should omit the })rotest against my own power, 
 in regard to the admission of members of Congress, 
 but even he approved every i)art and parcel of the 
 plaii which has since been employed or touclicd by 
 the action of Louisiana. 
 
 The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring 
 emancipation for the whole state, practically applies 
 the proclamation to the part previously excepted. 
 It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, 
 and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, 
 about the admission of members to Congress. So 
 
420 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S 
 
 that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the 
 cabinet fully approved the plan. 
 
 The message went to Congress, and I received 
 many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, 
 and not a single objection to it from any professed 
 emancipationist came to my knowledge until after 
 the news reached Washington that the people of 
 Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. 
 From about July, 1862, 1 had corresponded with differ- 
 ent persons supposed to be interested, seeking a recon- 
 struction of a state government for Louisiana. When 
 the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned 
 reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me he 
 was conjEident that the people, with his military co- 
 operation, would reconstruct substantially on that 
 plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. 
 They tried it, and the result is known. 
 
 Such only has been my agency in getting up the 
 Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my 
 promltsc is out, as before stated. But as bad promises 
 are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a 
 bad promise and break it whenever I shall be con- 
 vinced that keeping it is adverse to the public in- 
 terest. But I have not yet been so convinced. 
 
 I have been shown a letter on this subject, sup- 
 posed to be an able one, in which the writer ex- 
 presses regret that my mind has not seemed to be 
 definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded 
 states, so called, are in the Union or out of it. 
 
 It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret, 
 were he to learn that, since I have found professed 
 Union men endeavoring to make that question, I 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 421 
 
 have pirpos^rhj forboriio aiiy public expression uimui 
 it. As appears to mo, that ([ucstion has not been, nor 
 yet is, a practically material one, and that any discus- 
 sion of it, while it thus remains practically immate- 
 rial, could have no effect other than the mischievous 
 one of dividing our tViends. As yet, whatever it may 
 hereafter become, that question is bad as a basis of a 
 controversy, and good for nothing at all as merely a 
 pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded 
 states, so called, are out of their proper practical re- 
 lation with the Union, and that the sole object of the 
 government, civil and military, in regard to those 
 states, is to again get them into that proper practical 
 relation. I believe it is not only possible, hut in fact 
 easier, to do this without deciding, or even consider- 
 ing, whether these states have ever been out of the 
 Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at 
 home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they 
 had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the 
 acts necessary to restoring the proper practical rela- 
 tions between these states and the Union, and each 
 forever after innocently indulge his own opinion 
 whether, in doing the acts, he brought the state from 
 Avithout into the Union, or only gave them proper 
 assistance, they never having been out of it. 
 
 The amount of constituency, so to sjieak, <^n Avhich 
 the new^ Louisiana government rests, would be more 
 satisfactory to all if it contained fifty, thirty, or even 
 twenty thousand, instead of only about twelve thou- 
 sand, as it really does. It is also unsatisfactory to 
 some that the elective franchise is hot given to the 
 colored men. I would myself prefer that it were 
 
422 ABRAHAxM LINCOLN'S 
 
 now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those 
 who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the question is 
 not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, 
 is quite all that is desirable. The question is, " Will 
 it be wise, take it as it is, and help to ini^trove it, or 
 to reject and disperse it?" "Can Louisiana be 
 In'ouglit into proper practical relation with the Union 
 sooner hy sustaining or by discarding her new state 
 government? " 
 
 Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore 
 slave state of Louisiana liave sworn allegiance to the 
 Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of 
 the state, held elections, organized a state govevn- 
 ment, adopted a free state constitution, giving the 
 benetit of public schools equally to black and white, 
 and empowering the legislature to confer the elective 
 franchise upon the colored man. Their legislature 
 has already voted to ratify the constitutional amend- 
 ment recently passed by Congress abolishing slavery 
 throughout the nation. These twelve thousand })er- 
 sons are thus fully committed to the Union, and to 
 perpetual freedom in the states — committed to the 
 very things and nearly all the things the nation 
 wants — and they ask the nation's recognition, and its 
 assistance to make good that committal. 
 
 Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our ut- 
 most to disorganize and disperse them, We, in 
 effect, say to the white men, "You are worthless, or 
 worse; we will neither help you nor be helped by 
 you." To the blacks we say, " This cup of liberty 
 which these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we 
 will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 4-3 
 
 gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some 
 vague and undciined when, where, and how." If 
 this course, discouraging and pai'alyzing l)oth Mack 
 and white, lias any tendency to hring Louisiana into 
 proper i)ractical relations with the Union, I have, so 
 far, been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, 
 we recognize and sustain the new government of 
 Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. 
 
 AVe encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 
 twelve thousand to adhere to their work and argue 
 for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed 
 it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. 
 The colored man, too, seeing all united for him, ia 
 inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to 
 the same end. Grant that he desires the elective 
 franchise, will he not attain it sooner liy saving the 
 already advanced steps toward it than by running 
 backward over them ? Concede that the new govern- 
 ment of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the 
 egg is to the fowl; we shall sooner have the fowl by 
 hatching the egg than by smashing it. 
 
 Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one 
 vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the ISTa- 
 tional Constitution. 
 
 To meet this pro[)Osition, it has been argued that 
 no more tlian three-fourths of those states which 
 have not attempted secession are necessary to validly 
 ratify the amendment 
 
 I do not commit myself against this further than 
 to say that such a ratification would be questionable, 
 and sure to be persistently rpiestioned, whilst a ratifi- 
 
424 ABRAHAM Lincoln's 
 
 cation by tliree-fourths of all the states would be un- 
 questioned and unquestionable. 
 
 I repeat the question, " can Louisiana be brought in- 
 to proper practical relation with the Union sooner by 
 sustaining or by discarding her new state government ?" 
 What lias been said of Louisiana will apply generally to 
 other states. And yet so great peculiarities pertain 
 to each state, and such important and sudden changes 
 occur in the same state, and, with all, so new and un- 
 precedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and 
 inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and 
 collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would 
 surely become a new entanglement. Important prin- 
 ciples may, and must, be inflexible. 
 
 In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may 
 be my duty to make some new announcement to the 
 people of the south. I am considering, and shall not 
 fail to act when satisfled that action will be proper. 
 
 Last Public Utterances of President Lincoln, 
 April 14, 1865. 
 
 Mr. Colfax — I want you to take a message from me 
 to the miners whom you visit. I have very large 
 ideas of the mineral wealth of our nation. I believe 
 it practically inexhaustible. It abounds all over the 
 western country, from the Rocky Mountains to tlie 
 Pacific, and its development has scarcely commenced. 
 During the war, when we were adding a couple mill- 
 ions of dollars every day to our national debt, I did 
 not care about encouraging the increase in the volume 
 of our precious metals. We had the country to save 
 first. But now that the rebellion is overthrown, and 
 
PEN AND VOICE. 425 
 
 we know pretty nearly tlic amount of our national 
 debt, the more gold and silver wo mine, we make the 
 payment of that debt so much the easier. Now, I am 
 going to encourage that in every possible way. We 
 shall have hundred of thousands of disbanded soldiers, 
 and many have feared that their return home in such 
 great numbers might paralyze industry, by furnishing, 
 suddenly, a greater supply of labor than there will be 
 a demand for. I am going to try to attract them to the 
 hidden wealth of our mountain ranges, where there is 
 room enough for all. Immigration, which even the 
 war has not stopped, will land upon our shores 
 hundreds of thousands more per year from over- 
 crowded Europe. I intend to point them to the gold 
 and silver that wait for them in the west. Tell the 
 miners for me, that I shall promote their interests to 
 the utmost of my ability, because their prosperity is 
 the prosperity of the nation ; and we shall prove, in 
 a very few years, that we are indeed the treasury of 
 the world. 
 
 In carriage going to theater. Last written words. 
 
 Allow Mr. Ashmun and friend to come to me at 9 
 o'clock A. M. to-morrow, April 15, 1865. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 FUNERAL HYMN. 
 
 Rest, noble martyr; rest in peace; 
 
 Rest with tlie true and brave, 
 Who, like thee, fell in freedom's cause, 
 
 The nation's life to save. 
 
 36 
 
426 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S PEN AND VOICE. 
 
 Thy name shall live while time endures, 
 And men shall say of thee, 
 
 "He saved his country from its foes, 
 And bade the slave be free." 
 
 These deeds shall be thy monument, 
 Better than brass or stone ; 
 
 They leave thy fame in Glory's light, 
 Unrivaled and alone. 
 
 This consecrated spot shall be, 
 
 To Freedom ever dear ; 
 And Freedom's sons of every race, 
 
 Shall weep and worship here. 
 
 O God ! before whom we, in tears, 
 Our fallen Chief deplore ; 
 
 Grant that the cause for which he died. 
 May live forever more. 
 
 THE END. 
 
THK NATIONAF. LINCOI-X MONTMKNT. SPKIN(;FI KI.D, IM.. 
 
 i".vriN<; sofTH. 
 
 From Power's History of the Attempt to Stfal the Body of Lincoln ) 
 
THE ^ATIO^'AL LINCOLN MONUMENT. 
 
 FACING X OUT II. 
 (From I'ower a. Uisloi y oi thu Attempt to Steal thu Body ol Lincoln.) 
 
INDEJ^. 
 
 TARE. 
 
 Address to Committee notifying him of his First Nomina- 
 tion to the Piesidency, May 18, 1860 13 
 
 Address at Springfield. 111., February ll.lSCl 18 
 
 Address at Indianapolis, Ind., February 11, 1861 19 
 
 Address at Indianapolis, Ind. (evening), February 1 !, ISOl.. 20 
 
 Address at Cincinnati, 0., February 12, 1861 22 
 
 Addi-ess at Columbus, 0., February 13, 18G1 25 
 
 Addre.ss at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15, 1861 27 
 
 Address at Albany, V. Y., February 18, 1861 31 
 
 Address at Albany, N. Y. (evening), February 18, 1861 32 
 
 Address at Troy, N. Y., February 18, 1861 34 
 
 Address at Hudson, N. Y., February 19, 1861 34 
 
 Address at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., February 19, 1861 35 
 
 Address at Fishkill Landing, N. Y., February 19, 1861 36 
 
 Address at Peekskill, N. Y., February 19, 1861 36 
 
 Address at New York City, N. Y., February 20, 1861 37 
 
 Address at Trenton, N. J., February 21, 1861 39 
 
 Address at Philadelphia, Pa., February 22, 1861 41 
 
 Address at Harrisburg, Pa., February 22, 1861 42 
 
 Address at Serenade, Washington, D. C, February 28, 1861.. 47 
 
 Address to Delegates from Virginia, April 13, 1861. 64 
 
 Address to Frontier Guards, April 28, 1861 69 
 
 Address to Baltniiore Committee, April 28, 1861 69 
 
 Address on Eetn-ement of General Scott, November I. 1861. 106 
 Address to the Senators and Representatives of the Border 
 
 States, July, 1862 171 
 
 Address at a Union Meeting in Washington, August 6, 1862. 184 
 
 Address on Colonization, August 14,1862 186 
 
 Address Respecting the Issue of Emancipation Proclama- 
 
 mation, September 13, 1862 196 
 
 (427) 
 
428 INDEX. 
 
 Address at Serenade in Honor of Emancipation Proclama- 
 tion, September 24, 1862 204 
 
 Address to Major John J. Key, September 26, 1862 205 
 
 Address to Army of the Potomac, December 22, 1862 281 
 
 Address at a Serenade, July, 1863 281 
 
 Address at the Dedication of Gettysburg Cemetery, Novem- 
 ber 19, 1863 329 
 
 Quotation from Speech of Daniel Webster 330 
 
 Address at Patent Office, Washington, March 16, 1864 349 
 
 Address at the Baltimore Fair, April 18, 1864 354 
 
 Address at Serenade at Washington, D. C, May 13, 1864 362 
 
 Address to Committee on Ke-nomination, June 9, 1864 364 
 
 Address to National Union League, June 9, 1864 365 
 
 Address at Philadelphia Fair, June 16, 1864.... 366 
 
 Address at Serenade, September, 1864 376 
 
 Address to 148th Ohio Regiment, September, 1864 382 
 
 Address to another Ohio Regiment, September, 1864 o 378 
 
 Address, called his last, shortest, and best, September, 1864.. 384 
 
 Address at a Serenade, October 19, 1864 385 
 
 Address at a Serenade by Club of Pennsylvanians, Novem- 
 ber 9, 1864 389 
 
 Address at a Serenade to Lincoln and Johnson Clubs, No- 
 vember 10, 1864 390 
 
 Address upon Receipt of Vase of Skeleton Leaves, January 
 
 24, 1865 406 
 
 Address from National Hotel, Washington, March 17, 1865.. 412 
 Address, last deli ered by Lincoln, April 11, 1865 417 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESSES. 
 
 Address, First Inaugural, March 4, 1861 48 
 
 Address, Second Inaugural, March 4, 1865 , 409 
 
 LETTERS TO HIS GENERALS. 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, August 15, 1861....... 96 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 2, 1861 98 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 22, 1861 100 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, May 24, 1862 142 
 
 Letter to Major-Gcneral Fremont, May 24, 1862..... 143 
 
INDEX. 429 
 
 Letter to M:ijnr-Generf\l Fremont. May 20, 1S62 149 
 
 Letter to Major-Genernl P'reinont June 9, 1802 LO") 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 12, 1^02 15o 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 13, 1802 155 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, June 15, 1862 156 
 
 Letter to Major-Goneral Fremont, June 10, 1802 158 
 
 Letter to Major-General Fremont, September 11, 1862 193 
 
 Letter to Major-Genoral Halleck, December 2, 1861 121 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, January 1, 1862 124 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, January 15, 1802 124 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, February 16, 1802 127 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, May 21, 1862 144 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 2, 1802 168 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 6, 1802 284 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 6, 1803 170 
 
 Letter to Major-General Halleck, July 29, 1863 293 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, February 3, 1862 \2'< 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, April 9, 1862 133 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, IMay 9. 18i".2 138 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, ]\]ay 21, 1862 141 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 25, 1862 144 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 25, 1862 • 145 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 2S, 1862 148 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, May 31, 1862 154 
 
 Letter tc Major-General McClellan, June 1, 1862 154 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 20, 1862 160 
 
 Letter to ]\Iajor-General McClellan, June 21, 1862 161 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 20, 1862 162 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, June 28, 1862 163 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 1, 1862 160 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 2, 1862 107 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 3, 1862 168 
 
 Letter to MajorCieneral McClellan, July 4, 1862 169 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, July 13, 1862 171 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 13, 1862 207 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 25, 1862 213 
 
 Letter to Major-General McClellan, October 26, 1802 213 
 
 Letter to General Buell, January 6, 1862 121 
 
430 INDEX. 
 
 Letter to General Buell, January 7, 1862..... 12:2 
 
 Letter to General Buell, January 13, 1802 123 
 
 Letter to General Buell March 10, 1862 131 
 
 Letter to General Saxton, May 24, 1862 142 
 
 Letter to General Saxton, May 2'), 1862 144 
 
 Letter to General Saxton, May 25, 1862 146 
 
 Letter to General Saxton, May 25, 1862 147 
 
 Letter to General McDowell, May 24, 1862 143 
 
 Letter to General McDowell, May 28, 1862 148 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, January 26. 1863 247 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, April 15, 1863 255 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 6, 1863 256 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 6, 1863 257 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 7, 1863 257 
 
 Letter to Mojor-General Hooker, May 8, 1863 258 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, May 14, 1863 259 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 5, 1863 261 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 10, J863 262 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 14, 1863 276 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 14, 1863 276 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hooker, June 16, 1863 278 
 
 Letter to Major-General Schofield, May 27J863 260 
 
 Letter to Major-General Schofield, June 22, 1863 279 
 
 Letter to Major-General Schofield, October 1, 1863 311 
 
 Letter to Major-General Schofield, October 28, 1863 325 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, July 13, 1863 286 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, August 9, 1863 , 305 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, April 30, 1864 359 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, July 10, 1864 369 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, August 3, 1864 371 
 
 Letter to Major-General Grant, March 3, 1865 409 
 
 Letter to Major-General Meade, March 29, 1804 351 
 
 Letter to Major-General Dix, June 30, 1862 166 
 
 Letter to Major-General Dix, May 9, 1863 258 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hunter, June 30, 1862 165 
 
 Letter to Major-Generals Hunter and Lane, Feb. 10, 1862 127 
 
 Letter to Major-General Sherman, September 19, 1864 389 
 
 Letter to Major-General Sherman, December 26, 1864 405 
 
INDEX. 431 
 
 Letter to Major-Oenoral Burnside, January S, 18G3 244 
 
 Letter to Major-General Burnside. July 27, 18G3 29.3 
 
 Letter to Major-General Curtis, January 2, 1863 242 
 
 Letter to Major-General Curtis, July 5, 1863 282 
 
 Letter to General Schurz, June 16, 1862 160 
 
 Letter to General Schurz, November 24, 1862 217 
 
 Letter to Major-General Hurlburt, May 22, 1863 260 
 
 Letter to Major-General Banks, Augusta, 1S63 302 
 
 Letter to Major-General Rosecrans, October 4, 1863 315 
 
 Letter to Major-General Gilmore, January 13, 1864 345 
 
 Letter to Major-General Steele, January 20, 1864 347 
 
 Letter to Major-General Sheridan, October 22, 1864 389 
 
 Letter to General Hunter and Admiral Du Pont, April 14, 
 
 1863 251 
 
 Letter to Commander of Department of the West, October 
 
 24, 1861 103 
 
 Letter to Flag Officer Goldsborough, May 7, 1862 137 
 
 Letter to Flag Officer Goldsborough, May 10, 1862 139 
 
 Letter to Lieutenant-General Seott, November 1, 1861 105 
 
 Letter to General Lorenzo Thomas, July 8, 1863 285 
 
 LETTERS TO COVERXORS. 
 
 Letter to Governor Ilicks and Mayor Brown, April 20, 1861.. 68 
 
 Letter to Governor B. Magoflin, August 24, 1861 97 
 
 Letter to Governor Andrew Johnson, April 27, 1862 137 
 
 Letter to Governor Morton, July 3, 1862 169 
 
 Letter to Governor Andrew Johnson, July 11, 1862? 171 
 
 Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, September 1 1, 1862... 194 
 Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, September 12, 1862... 195 
 
 Letter to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, May 1, 186:; 255 
 
 Letter to Governor Andrew G. Cui'tin, May 2, 1863 256 
 
 Letter to Governor Seymour, July, 1863 289 
 
 Letter to Governor Seymour, August 7, 1863 303 
 
 Letter to Governor Bradford, November 2, 1862 214 
 
 Letter to Governor Ilahn. March 13, 1864 348 
 
 Letter to Governor Smith, February 8, 1865 407 
 
 Letter to Governor Joel Parker, July 20, 1863 290 
 
 Letter to Governor Joel Parker, July 25, 1863 291 
 
432 INDEX. 
 
 LETTERS TO MEMBERS OP CABINET. 
 
 Letter to Secretary of State Seward, June 29, 1862 164 
 
 Letter to Secretary of State Seward, June 30, 1862 165 
 
 Letter to Secretary of Navy Wells, May 11, 1861 72 
 
 Letter to Secretary of Treasury Chase, May 25, 1862 147 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, August 17, 1861 97 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, September 18, 1861 100 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, January 31, 1862 125 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, December 21, 1863 343 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 414 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, I8()5 415 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 415 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 2, 1865 416 
 
 Letter to Secretary of War Stanton, April 3, 1865 417 
 
 Letter to Postmaster-General Blair, July 24, 1863 291 
 
 Letter to Postmaster-General Blair, September 23, 1864 379 
 
 LETTERS to C1VILL\NS. 
 
 Letter to Committee notifying him of his First Nomination 
 
 to the Presidency, May 23, 1860 14 
 
 Letter to John B. Fry, August 15, 1860 14 
 
 Letter to Thurlow Weed, August 17,1860 15 
 
 Letter to Thurlow Weed, December 17, 1860 16 
 
 Letter to Thurlow Weed, February 4, 1861 17 
 
 Letter to Senor Molina, March 17, 1861 63 
 
 Letter to Mrs. General Fremont, September 12, 1861 99 
 
 Letter to Hon. 0. U. Browning, September 22, 1861 100 
 
 Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt, July 2S, 1862 187 
 
 Letter to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862 ; 192 
 
 Letter to Hon. Alexander Henry, September 12, 1S62 196 
 
 Letter to Major John J. Key, September 26, 1862 206 
 
 Letter to Thomas H. Clay, October 8, 1862 '. 207 
 
 Letter to Thomas R. Smith, October 21, 1862 212 
 
 Letter to Hon. Fernando Wood, December 12, 1862 238 
 
 Letter to Workingmen of Manchester, England, February 9, 
 
 1863 24S 
 
 Letter to Rev. Alexander Reed, February 22, 1863 250 
 
IXDKX. 433 
 
 Letter to Xew York Democrats, Juno 12, 1SC.'> 263 
 
 Letter to Ohio Democrats, July 29, ISfiS 294 
 
 Letter to Illinois Convention, August 20, 1SG3 305 
 
 Letter to lion. < "harles Drake and Olliers, Oclober "). l^i".:',... 316 
 
 Letter to Thurlow Weed, Octoh.-r 14, ISG"; 323 
 
 Letter to E. E. Motriol and Others, October L\^, ISt'.:; 327 
 
 Letter too. D. Filley, December 22, 1S63 344 
 
 Letter to Crosby and Nichols, January 16, Isri4 346 
 
 Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1S(".4 351 
 
 Letter to F. A. Conckling, June 3, 1864 363 
 
 Letter to Hon. William Dennison and Others, June 27, 1S64.. 368 
 
 Letter to Eev. Dr. Pohlman, August 15, 1864 371 
 
 Letter to Hon. Henry J. Raymond, August 15, 1864 372 
 
 Letter to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, September 30, 1864 380 
 
 Letter to Hon. Henry W. HoflFman, October 18, 1864 384 
 
 Letter of Reply to Protest of Tennessee, October 22, 1864.... 387 
 
 Letter to Mrs. Bixby, November 21, 1864 392 
 
 Letter to Colonel E. D. Taylor, December 27, 1864 404 
 
 Letter to Dr. John Maclean, December 27, 1864 405 
 
 Letter to Thurlow Weed, March 15, 1865 412 
 
 Letter to Mr. Ashmun and Friend,- Aj^ril 14, 181)5 425 
 
 Letter to Hon. J. K. Dubois, July ll; 1863 286 
 
 Letter to Hon. J. K. Moorehead, June 18, 1863 279 
 
 MESSAGES TO CONGRESS. 
 
 First Message to Congress, July 4, 1861 72 
 
 First Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861 110 
 
 Message of Recommendation to Congress, March 6, 1862 128 
 
 Message to Congress, April 16, 1862 136 
 
 Message to Congress, May 29, 1862 149 
 
 Message to Congress, July 17, 1862 176 
 
 Second Annual Message, December 1, 18(')2 219 
 
 Message to Congress, January 19, 1863 244 
 
 Third Annual Message, December 8, 1S63 330 
 
 Message to Congress, April 28, 1864 357 
 
 Fourth Annual Message, December 6, 1864 393 
 
434 INDEX. 
 
 PROCLAMATIONS 
 
 Proclamation, April 15, 1861 66 
 
 Proclamation, May 3, 1861 70 
 
 Proclamation, April 10,1862 135 
 
 Proclamation, May 19, 1862 139 
 
 Proclamation, September 22, 1862 200 
 
 Proclamation, November 16, 1862 216 
 
 Proclamation, January 1, 1863 240 
 
 Projclamation, March 31, 1863 252 
 
 Proclamation, June 15, 1863 277 
 
 Proclamation, July 15, 1863 287 
 
 Proclamation, October 3, 1863 313 
 
 Proclamation, December 8, 1863 338 
 
 ORDERS. 
 
 Memorandum of Military Programme, July 23, 1861 95 
 
 General War Order No. 3, March 8, 1862 130 
 
 General War Order, March 13, 1862 131 
 
 Presidential Orders, June 22, 1862 ■ 161 
 
 Order Establishing Provisional Court, October 20, 1862 211 
 
 President's Order Relieving General McClellan, November 
 
 5,1862 215 
 
 Approval of Court-Martial Proceedings, January 21, 1863.... 246 
 
 War Bulletin— Official, July 31, 1863 301 
 
 Orders for National Salutes, September 5, 1864 375 
 
 Thanks to Ohio Volunteers, September 10, 1864 376 
 
 Thanks to Volunteers of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Wis- 
 consin, October 1, 1864 381 
 
 Presidential Order, April 6, 1865 417 
 
 CALLS FOR NATIONAL THANKS. 
 
 Call for Thank.sgiving and Prayer, July, 1863 287 
 
 Call for Thanksgiving arid Prayer, May 9, 1864 360 
 
 National Thanks to Farragut and Canby, Sei)tember 3, 1864.. 373 
 
 National Thanks to General Sherman, September 3, 1864 374 
 
 Call for National Thanksgiving, September 3, 1864 37-j 
 
INDEX. 435 
 
 MISCEI.LANEOITS. 
 
 Lincoln's Statement of liow he Entered Washington, Febru- 
 ary 2i, ISO! 45 
 
 Letter on Missouri Matters, November 5, LSGl 106 
 
 Nomination of John Pope as Majoi-rieneral, March 1'2, 
 
 1802 132 
 
 Nomination of Fitz John Porter as Major-rioncral, July 10, 
 
 1862 175 
 
 Letter Regarding Thomas W. Knox, March 20, 1803 251 
 
 Announcement of the Success of the Army of the Potomac, 
 
 July 4, 1SG3 280 
 
 Communication to the House of Representatives, Novem- 
 ber, 1803 327 
 
 Lincoln's Description of Grant to a P^riend, March, 1864 350 
 
 Communication to House of Representatives, Aj)ril 28, 1804. 358 
 Interview Published in New York Tribune, January 30, 
 
 1801 16 
 
 Words to General Grant, April 9, 1804 354 
 
 The President's Idea of Democratic Policy and Strategy, 
 
 May, 1804 300 
 
 Last Public Utterances of President Lincoln, April 14, 1865. 424 
 
 To Whom it May Concern, July 18, 1804 370 
 
 Last Written Words, April 14, 1865 425 
 
 To Whom it May Concern, November 1, 1802 213 
 
 To Whom it May Concern, October 27, 1863 324 
 
 POEMS AND nVMNS. 
 
 Oh! Why Should the Spirit of Mortal be Proud .' 61 
 
 Closing Hymn at Lincoln's Burial 425 
 
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