^ - ^A 
 
 X 
 
 ^AO^ 
 
 ..^^ ^- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t "^/.O^ 
 
 
 
 ■O. ^ , V •* \^ 95, -' o , ^ "* , \^ 9?, ' , X ^ \V --O, ' o , X " 
 
 
 ^^0, V* A^ 95, ^0, X-* #^ 
 
 ~4i. 
 
 .N^ 
 
 '^ 95,^0,.^ # 9? *-o,x^ aV 95, 
 
 .^-^ ^ -.«.... ^> 
 
 
 ''^.<^' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
.s-.''.% ^^^':j^^S, ^^^':^\% (f.^^-^^^^<^^ 
 
 
 * V 
 
 ^ °^ 
 
 
 . ^ 
 
 "^^0^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 .^^^^ 
 
 '^^^..^^' /.«A^ %..^^ 
 
 "^< 
 
 - "i;;: 
 
 'V<(£M> 
 
 "^^^ 
 
 "^- \..# 
 
 "<>^'^ 
 
 
 
 tj^ X 
 
 
 r:^©^ 
 
 ^^^<?. 
 
 
 
 
^^y Co^-^:^/i^ ' 
 
 
AN ACCOUNT 
 
 OF A PART OF 
 
 THE SUFFERINGS AND LOSSES 
 
 JOLLET ALLEiT, 
 
 A NATIVE OF LONDON. 
 
 WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 MRS. FRANCES MARY STODDARD. 
 
 REPEINTED FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS 
 HISTORICAL SOCEETT FOR FEBRUARY, 1878. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 FRANKLIN PRESS : RAND, AVERY, & CO. 
 
 1883. 
 

9 
 
 r 
 
 NAREATIVE OF JOLLEY ALLEN, 
 
 A NATIVE OF LONDON, ENGLAND. 
 
 At a regular meeting of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, an application was presented for leave to copy a 
 manuscript written by Jolley Allen in London, Eng., during 
 1779 or 1780, giving an account of a part of his suffer- 
 ings and losses in America. The sub-committee to whom 
 this application was referred thought it best to print the 
 manuscript ; and it appeared in vol. xvi. of the Proceedings 
 of the Society, February, 1878. 
 
 Mr. George Ticknor gave the manuscript to the society. 
 It was given to him by the Hon. George W. Erving, at one 
 time minister of the United States at the court of Spain ; 
 it was found among his father's papers after his decease. 
 George Erving and Sir William Pepperell were the execu- 
 tors of Mr. Jolley Allen ; and he requested them, as soon as 
 the times would permit, to bring his remains to Boston, New 
 England, and bury him in the family tomb, under King's 
 Chapel (Sabine's "History of the Loyalists"). I think his 
 wisii was not complied with, and that his body still lies 
 under St. John's Church, Wapping, London, where he was 
 buried. 
 
 Thomas H. C. Allen of Cincinnati, O., and other relatives 
 of Mr. Allen, wishing for copies of the manuscript, and 
 
also to retain the original spelling, decided to reprint it ; 
 having first consulted the Hon. Samuel A. Green, Ex- 
 Mayor, Librarian of the Historical Society, who very cour- 
 teously said there was no objection to our doing so. 
 
 Jolley was the second son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen. He 
 was born in London, Eng., about 1718, and was married in 
 that city, in 1739, to Eleanor Warren, where they resided 
 until 1754 or 1755, when they came to Boston; and he 
 became one of the principal shop-keepers of the town. 
 
 He advertised largely in " The Massachusetts Gazette " 
 and "Boston News-Letter," "Boston Post-Boy" and "Ad- 
 vertiser," also in " The Boston Evening Post " and " Boston 
 Gazette," from 1763 to 1769. 
 
 Some idea of the character and extent of his business 
 may be formed by one or two advertisements appended to 
 this book. His first shop, or store, was near the draw- 
 bridge. He removed from there, in 1776, to a store midway 
 between the governor's and Town House, and opposite the 
 Heart and Crown (the sign of T. Fleet's printing-office), 
 corner of Cornhill and Water Street, Boston. 
 
 F. M. S. 
 
 Eastertide, 1883. 
 
An Account of Part of the Sufferings and Losses of Jolley Allen,, 
 a Native of London^ 
 
 Who, with his family and a considerable property, went to reside at Bos- 
 ton, in New England, in the year 1755 ; and, by Industry, had accumulated 
 many thousand pounds sterling, in the space of twenty-two years he con- 
 tinued there, untill this unhappy Eebellion broke out. 
 
 And, being a man firmly attached to his native King and country, and 
 hath now sacrificed his all, as will appear in the following pages, and that 
 with the greatest Truth. 
 
 Some time, I think, in the Month of October, 1772, I bought 
 two chests of tea of Governor Hutchinson's two sons, Thomas 
 and Elisha, at Boston, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and I 
 thought it most prudent (for fear of being watched, as the custom 
 of Boston is to shut up their Warehouses at one o'clock, and go 
 on 'Change, and return about four o'clock in the afternoon) to 
 leave them there untill two o'clock ; and, by agreement, Messrs. 
 Hutchinson's apprentice waited there until that time to deliver 
 them to one William Burke, that I ordered to go with his cart to 
 their warehouse for the said two chests of tea, which he did, and 
 brought them with him to my shop. And as he went to unload 
 his cart of the above two chests of Tea, Mr. John Hancock's 
 (now General Hancock) head-clerk, William Palphrey,* hap- 
 pened to come by at the same time, and looking at the two chests 
 of tea, and as he thought took the original numbers, but he hap- 
 pened to be mistaken, for he took the East India marks instead of the 
 Company's House number in London. I cannot look upon him in 
 any other light than an informer, by one of the committee. Captain 
 Dashwood,t coming to me in about half an hour afterwards, and 
 
 * "William Palfrey, born in Boston, Feb. 24, 1741, became clerk to John 
 Hancock in October, 1764; was appointed aide-de-camp to General "Washing- 
 ton in March, 1776, and the next month was appointed paymaster-general of 
 the army, which office he held until November, 1780, when he was unani- 
 mously chosen by Congress consul-general to France. He sailed in Decem- 
 ber; but the ship in which he embarked was never heard of afterward. He 
 was an ardent patriot, and rendered conspicuous services in the struggle with 
 the mother countrj'. A life of him by his distinguished grandson, John Gor- 
 ham Palfrey, is in Sparks's American Biography, Second Series, vol. vii. • 
 Eds. 
 
 t Captain Dashwood was one of a committee appointed at a meeting of 
 the merchants and traders of Boston, July 26, 1769, to examine the manifests 
 of vessels which might arrive from England. He was probably the same per- 
 son. Captain Samuel Dashwood, who died Feb. 15, 1792, aged sixty-five years, 
 and was buried in the Granary Burial-Ground. — Eds. 
 
saying he had an information of two Chests of Tea comino- in my 
 house about half an hour before ; that his business was to desii-e 
 of me not to be out of the way, as the whole committee of the 
 town of Boston was to wait of me about four o'clock that said af- 
 ternoon. I beg leave to observe that when I hired William Burke 
 I cautioned him, for fear of an accident, that if any inquiry should 
 be made hereafter, that he must say he took the two chests of tea 
 from off the Long Wharf, and that nobody was there ; but, to his 
 surprise, looking about him, he saw a boat with men in it rowing 
 towards a large ship in the streem, which he supposed had brouo-ht 
 them two chests on shore from that Ship, and was rowing to the 
 ship again ; which story he never deviated from, although he was 
 often examined by the said committee and severely threatened by 
 them. I was likewise several different times threatened with that 
 diabolical punishment of being Tarred and Feathered, and under 
 the disagreeable apprehension of the same for many Days after- 
 wards, which no mortal can tell or describe the anxiety of mind I 
 was in, and expected my house to be pulled down, and every thing 
 distroyed. The said committee came to me about half after three 
 o'clock, thinking to catch me unprepaired for their attack ; but 
 Providence had ordered it so that I was ready to receive them, for 
 I had cut the Ropes, and had taken off the outside coverings, so 
 that no person could tell from whence they came or from where I 
 had them. The committee coming to my door, I mett them and 
 asked them their business ; they told me they came to know 
 from whence I had the two chests of tea that came into my shop 
 at two o'clock that day. I answered, if that was their business 
 and had nothing further to say to me, they was welcome to walk in' 
 I then received them in my Parlour. I asked them what their De- 
 mand were upon those two chests of Tea ; they told me nothing 
 further than to be shown the two chests of Tea. I then asked 
 each of them if that would give them full satisfaction. They told 
 me, upon a point of honor, it would, and they should have noth- 
 mg more to say to me at present. I answered then upon honor 
 that I would show them the same two chests of tea that came into 
 my house that day at two o'clock. I accordingly went with them 
 to my Store and opened the Door, and showed them the two chests 
 of tea, which they all stood amazed at, saying that was not what 
 they ment, though they before had given their words of honor I 
 asked them where all theLi- honors lay. They told me they ment 
 
to see the two outside cases, where the marks lay, that they might 
 be able to know from whence I bought them. I told them that 
 did not belong to that point of honor they had all given me ; and told 
 them I was surprised at that whole body which was the standing 
 committee of the town of Boston should want to forfit their honors 
 in so trifling an affair*, but still aggrevating the cause in wanting 
 to see the two outside cases, which I granted by pointing to the 
 same, saying, " There they lay, and I hope you are satisfied now." 
 I verily believe the place where I pointed to with my finger, there 
 lay between two and three hundred more of the same sort, and I 
 left them to find them out, which point they soon gave up, saying 
 that I had fairly outwitted them all, but they would watch my 
 Waters well for the time to come ; which they did to the utmost of 
 all their powers in every respect, and especially in striving to hurt 
 me in my trade, which declined from that time. My stock in Eng- 
 lish goods at that time was very great, being well sorted ; Cost me 
 a great many Thousand Pounds Sterling, and my Trade dwindling 
 away chiefly at last to friends of Government and the Army after 
 this above tea affair, which was a great determent to me with 
 so large a stock of English goods lying on my hands at that time ; 
 but I still kept my house, and continued there untill and the whole 
 Time of the blockaid of Boston. During the said blockaid and 
 some time before, I received the following gentlemen into my 
 house, contrary to the opinion and the general sentiments of many 
 of the inhabitants of the said Town of Boston, viz. : — 
 
 General Gage's two brothers-in-law, Major Kimble and Captain 
 Kimble, secretary to General Gage, General Fresco tt. Lord Barring- 
 ton's son, General Piggott, Captain Delancy of the 17th Regiment 
 of Light Dragoons, Doctor Bruce of the Train of Artillery. Those 
 gentlemen above-mentioned Lodged with me. 
 
 The following gentlemen both Lodged and Boarded with me, 
 viz. : — 
 
 Governor Abbott and his secretary. General Smith of the 10th 
 Regiment of Foot, Captain Parsons of ditto. Colonel Cleveland 
 of the train of Artillery, Cornet Baggett of the 17th Regiment of 
 Dragoons, Lieutenant Linsey of the 14th Regiment of Foot, Cap- 
 tain Lum of the 38th Regiment, Captain Duff, now Major of the 
 40th Regiment, Captain Hubbard and lady of the 45th Regiment, 
 Lieutenant Snow and lady of ditto, Lieutenant Hamilton of ditto, 
 Captain Craig (wounded) of the 47th Regiment, Surgeon Mallett 
 
and his mate of ditto, Captain Follat (wounded) of the 49th Regi- 
 ment, Captain Smith and lad}' of the 5 2d Regiment, Ensign Buck- 
 annon of the 47th Regiment, and Major Moncrieff and Lieutenant 
 Moncrieff, his son. 
 
 From mj principle and attachment to my King and countrj', which 
 I never disguised, and taking all the militery gentlemen I possibly 
 could under my roof, and accommodating them to the utmost of 
 ni}' power, contrary to the Political principles of the major part 
 of the town of Boston, and comeing away with the Fleet and army, 
 was the great cause of it going so hard with me at their General 
 Court, and from the Mobs in America. 
 
 The 10th of March, 1776, Governor Abbott gave me a letter to 
 Lord Dartmouth, recommending me to his Lordship's goodness in 
 the strongest terms, and prating I might be recommended to his 
 Majest}', as a faithful friend to government, and to his certain 
 knowledge, living with me above Ten Weeks, he was an eye-witness 
 to my great sufferings in that line, during his stay with me, and 
 that particular care might be taken of my wife and seven children ; 
 which letter I burnt before the Americans took possession of the 
 vessel and my effects at Cape Cod ; for, if it had been found on 
 me, I believe they would have hanged me, my wife and all my 
 children, for being recommended to his Majesty. Nothing would 
 have saved our lives, I am of opinion, knowing the Disposition of 
 the people so well for above Twenty-two years I had lived amongst 
 them. 
 
 The 11th March, 1776, I hired a vessel* for my effects and 
 family of one Captain Robert Campbell (as he styled himself) ; he 
 came and offered me his vessel as he said, and told me it was en- 
 tirely at my ser\ice, as he had disposed of no part of it, and if I 
 had a mind to have part or the whole of the vessel it was for me to 
 say. I asked him who was to command the vessel. He said the 
 vessel belonged to him, and he was the captain. I then asked him if 
 he was used to go to sea ; he answered he had, for above twenty 
 years and upwards he had gone captain of his own vessel. Upon 
 that, I showed him my shop and two Warehouses all full of goods, 
 and likewise I showed him the furniture of my house, which article 
 of furniture alone cost me above one thousand pounds sterling. I 
 then asked this villain (for I cannot look upon him in any other 
 Ught) how much of his vessel he thought I should want, being my- 
 * Sloop named Sally. 
 
self not acquainted therewith. He told me he thought three-quar- 
 ters of the Vessel would hold all my effects. I answered, if that 
 was the case, I had rather hire the whole of the vessel, that I 
 might have room enough, which I accordingly did, and agreed with 
 him for Fifteen Guineas sterling to carry me, my family, and ef- 
 fects to where the fleet and army went ; and paid him down half 
 the money and took his receipt for the same, — for at that time we 
 did not know where we was going. Accordingly, I began to take 
 my goods down and pack them up immediately, and was obliged 
 to put my goods in the street, as I packed them up ; and myself 
 and family was obliged to watch them two da3^s and two nights, 
 before I could get any carts to carry them down to the vessel, 
 which was about a quarter of an English mile from my house to 
 where the vessel lay, which cost me upwards of Forty-Two Pounds 
 Sterling, all ready cash from me, to carry my goods to the said 
 vessel. 
 
 The 14th of March myself and family lay on board the said vessel. 
 The 17th towed down below the castle by strange sailors. 19th, 
 towed down to Nantasket Road by other strange sailors, and there 
 lay till the 27th of March. At three o'clock in the afternoon sailed 
 under the convoy of Admiral Gratton. I believe the fleet that I 
 was in made about eighty sail of us, at that time ; but when we 
 came to weigh anchor, and got it three-quarters up, a large ship of 
 about five hundred ton came foul of us, and got foul of our bowsprit 
 with bitter oaths that they would sink us, if we did not let go our 
 anchor immediate^. At that time, we had carried away all their 
 side rails and a carriage that was hung over, with our bowsprit. 
 "When they got clear of us, we fell to work to get our anchor up 
 again, and another vessel of near seven hundred ton fell foul of our 
 bowsprit which carried away their quarter gallery, and did them 
 abundance more mischief, which obliged us to let our anchor down 
 again. Accordingly, we weighed our anchor a third time, and got 
 it up so high that the vessel moved. I then seemly was glad to 
 think we should get out of Nantasket Eoad, and get up to the 
 fleet, which hove to for us ; but I was soon disappointed of my 
 hopes: the stern of our vessel got aground. I turned to the captain 
 and asked him what he thought would become of us. He told me 
 he could not tell. I then desired him to look over the stern of the 
 vessell where we was aground, which he did. I asked him whether 
 the tide was a comeiug in or a going out. He said he could not 
 
1^ 
 
 tell without an almanack on board for him to look at. I told him 
 to go to the stern of the vessel and look at it again, and let me 
 know his opinion, which he did, in these words, after looking some 
 time : if the tide was going out, our vessel would grow faster in the 
 sand, and we should be more aground, but if the tide was coming 
 in the vessel would rise and we should get away ; which I thank 
 God we did, and now we are going to sea, without either captain, 
 master, or sailor, or even a boy that had been a week at sea. He 
 put a 3'oung man at the helm that never saw salt water before, and 
 gave him directions in the following manner, in my hearing, point- 
 ing to a vessel before him, and said : " Follow that vessel, and wher- 
 ever it goes do you keep it in view." The young man said he 
 would. I called the Captain once more aside, when I heard him 
 give this direction to the man at the helm, and asked him what that 
 man at the helm must do when night came on, and he could not see 
 that object. "Oh," said he to me, "Mr. Allen, I am surprised 
 at you : aU the men-of-war will throw out lights, and then we shall 
 be as light as day." This was eas}' enough to believe of him, but 
 I soon found a fatal reverse, for before the day closed in, the whole 
 fleet was out of sight, and we was left b}^ ourselves in this melan- 
 choly situation. I went down into the cabin to see my dear wife 
 and children ; soon after I heard something of a bustle upon deck. 
 I went up and was told by the captain that the clew at the mainsail 
 had given way ; and to m}^ great surprise found it had blown off 
 the other side the Shrouds, and was in danger as I thought of over- 
 setting the vessel. I then called the captain to me, and said to 
 him in these words : " You are the man that has brought me into 
 all these difficulties I am now in ; and I do insist upon you doing 
 your duty on board this vessel as long as I am in it, both by night 
 and day ; and I command j^ou that you get the clew of the main- 
 sail in immediately, and I will give you all the assistance in my 
 power, with all the other help on board." There being room in 
 the vessel, I gave him liberty to take in more passengers, in order 
 to put more money in his pocket, and in all we were, men, women, 
 and children, twentj'-nine souls on board ; which all endeavored, 
 what \sij in their power, to get the mainsail in again. And with 
 all the help we were able, the captain tied it to one of the pumps ; 
 and, for want of knowing how to tye a sailor's knot, it gave way in 
 less than a quarter of a minute. I told him that he must now I'e- 
 new his strength again, and we would likewise all do the same, for 
 
11 
 
 I feared the vessel would overset. Accordingly, we got it in 
 again, and he then tied it to both the pumps (in such a manner as 
 not to be able to untye it again, and when we came to Cape Cod it 
 was obliged to be cut with an ax) . I likewise asked him a little 
 while after this accident, on going on the quarter-deck, if he had 
 no such thing as a compass in our binacle. He said he had two, 
 but he had no occasion for them, and they was both under his bed ; 
 and if I went down with him, he would show me them, which 
 he did, and said we was going directly after the fleet ; and then he 
 made an apology to me that he had broke open my box and took 
 out my candles, as he had forgot to bring any on board. At this 
 time, we went about five knots an hour, but had shifted several 
 seas in the intrim of time. All the water we had on board the 
 vessel that could be drank, which was on deck, was about three- 
 quarters of a barrel. We shifted a heavy sea about eight o'clock 
 that same evening, which loosed the cask, and the bung started ; 
 we lost all the water we had, there not being one drop left in the 
 whole vessel to wet the mouths of the twenty-nine souls on board. 
 And in about half an hour after we shifted a much heavier sea, 
 which carried away the whole of our cabose off the deck, which was 
 the place we had to dress our victuals in, and we had no place in 
 the vessel to dress a bit of victuals after this. I then turned to the 
 captain, and said to him : " I fear we shall all perish before half 
 an hour's at an end ; had you not better try your pumps, to see if 
 the hold of the vessel is filling with water, to know if we was not 
 sinking?" "Oh, dear sir," says the captain, " I am glad you 
 thought of it, for I had forgot it." He tried the pump, which was 
 choaked, and he could not get any water out of it, and the 
 hold was at least a quarter full of water. I told him then to try 
 the other pump. He then went to look for the tackling to rigg the 
 other pump, but could not find any thing to do it with, and, if he 
 had, I am convinced he did not know what to do with it. In this 
 disagreeable situation we continued, shifting seas often. I walked 
 the deck till near twelve o'clock at night, until I was not able any 
 longer, for the seas breaking in upon us so often, and from the in- 
 tense cold, for it froze to solid ice, so that it was dangerous to 
 move a foot on deck. In this deplorable state, I went down into 
 the cabin to my wife and seven children, thinking every minute 
 would be the last I had to live in this world ; expecting every 
 moment to go to the bottom. I took my wife by the hand as she 
 
lay in bed in the cabin, which I thought mj^self a happy man to 
 have her by the hand, at the same time (and I laid myself down by 
 her) to think I should die in her arms along with her, gave me 
 a great satisfaction. But she being in a great deal of trouble at 
 the same time, I did not let her know the imminent danger we 
 was in, tiU about two o'clock in the morning those passengers that 
 lay in the hold of the vessel came running to the cabin, and beged 
 for God's sake we would permit them to come in ; that a plank in 
 the side of the vessel had given way, and the sea was pouring in, 
 and the vessel was sinking ; and they begged that thej' might be 
 permitted to stay in the cabin till we all went to the bottom to- 
 gether. Until this my wife did not know the danger we was in. 
 I then insisted on the captain to go in search to see where the 
 plank had given way in the vessel, which I myself went along with 
 him, and found it not quite so bad, but that we had a great deal of 
 water in the hold, that had got between the ceiling and the vessel, 
 and had broke its wa}^ through, and made as much noise as if a 
 plank had given way every time the vessel moved. I then desired 
 the Captain to come upon deck with me, which he did ; and I 
 asked him whereabout he thought we was at sea. He told me he 
 could not tell. I then asked him what distance we was from land. 
 He said that was impossible for him to tell, for he had not kept any 
 reckoning, and the reason he gave me for it was that he had forgot 
 to bring pens, ink, and paper. I told him, if he had appl^'ed to me, 
 I had all these things. He then made me answer he had never 
 learned navigation, and that he never was on salt water before ; 
 but he knew how to row a boat in a river ; on which I told him I 
 was sorry we had not a boat, that we might save our lives at the 
 sinking of the vessel, and at the same time I told him, if we had a 
 boat with oars, it was my opinion he knew as little of it as he did of 
 navigation, which he had made a fair acknowledgment to me. I then 
 turned my back to him, almost froze to death, and looked out for 
 daybreak, which at last I was so happy to see ; and every rope on 
 board was, with the breaking in of the sea, froze almost as thick 
 as my thigh, and no person on board able to walk on deck. In 
 this manner we lay at the mercy of the waves, with our sails and 
 rigging torn in ten hundred thousand pieces, that we could neither 
 get them up nor down. The joy it gave me when I saw da3'brake, 
 I am not able to express. About seven o'clock the same morning 
 the captain said he saw a vessel. I intreated him, if he knew how 
 
13 
 
 to steer for that vessel, he would with all speed. He made me 
 answer that he did not understand steering the vessel he was in, so 
 well as he knew how to give directions to another. I asked him 
 how he was to get one, for to my certain knowledge there was none 
 in the vessel that had ever taken a helm in hand before we em- 
 barked on this unfortunate voyage. Some time after he said he 
 thought he never saw so large a Ship before, and desired me to 
 look at it, which I did. I turned round from him, and thought to 
 m3'self how kind good Providence had been to me during the night 
 past to live to see that happy hour. Of the vessel he had been so 
 much surprised at, I soon perceived it was the main land. I ap- 
 plied to him and asked him what land he thought it was. He told 
 me that he was fully convinced that it was Nantucket. I told him, 
 if that was the case, we must all perish very soon ; for the amazing 
 rocks and shoals that lay off Nantucket I could remember very well, 
 as I saw them above Twenty-Two years ago on my passage when 
 I came from London. When I landed at Cape Cod, and told part 
 of my troubles, I asked them the name of the place ; they told me 
 it was Cape Cod. I told them my captain told me, and insisted 
 upon it, that this place was Nantucket. They answered me that 
 Nantucket was above four da^^s' sail from Cape Cod with a fair 
 wind. Now give me leave to return back to the first sight of land. 
 This captain of ours was at the greatest loss to know what to do in 
 this situation, seeing land, for want of a map (which I am of opin- 
 ion had there been one on board he knew no more what to do with 
 than a rat) . Our case I then thought began to be desperate again ; 
 but, providentially for us, the day turned out very fine and warm. 
 "We got clear of all the ice upon deck soon after. I then desired 
 the Captain to order every one upon deck that was on board the 
 Vessel, which was twenty-nine souls. I then turned to them and 
 told them it was by my desire they should all appear upon deck, and 
 in the next place to know what we should all do in this melancholy 
 situation ; that we now appeared coming up to land, and I was of 
 opinion that no soul on board knew what land it was, and we came 
 up with it very fast. We all advised on this matter together, with 
 tears in our eyes ; going where we could not tell. Some was for 
 scuttling the vessel, and sinking her, sooner than fall into the hands 
 of the Americans again. I was not of that opinion, for whilst there 
 was life there was hopes. I was for running the vessel on shore, 
 in the most convenient place that we could see when we drew 
 
nearer to the land, whieti we all agreed to, except the captain ; he 
 was for going to sea again, tliinlving we might fall into the hands 
 of an English man-of-war. I thought the danger so great at his 
 expressing of it, that I immediately objected against it, and so did 
 ever}^ one in the vessel. He then found he stood no chance, but 
 to shore he must go with us ; and accordingly we endeavored to 
 set in for the land as fast as we could. Thank God, there was a 
 strong current at the same time with a full tide in our favor, which 
 brought us in quick. "We then looked out for the safest place to 
 run the Vessel on shore, and in doing of that we struck upon the bar 
 of Cape Cod most violently either seven, eight, or nine different 
 times, which made her shake in such a manner that at every stroke 
 we thought she would have gone to pieces ; and had she not been 
 an amazing strong vessel her bottom must have been out at the 
 first shock. But, luckily for us, we got off the bar ; but our 
 anchor, that was hanging upon a long peak, catched fast hold of 
 the bar, b^^ which means we all endeavored to get the anchor un- 
 tangled, and with great difficulty we accomplished it, as the bar 
 happened to be nothing but sand. I often said to the captain 
 during the length of the night that I was afraid of that anchor that 
 hung upon the long peak, that it would make holes in the bottom 
 of the vessel, which might be the means of our foundering at 
 sea. Upon that he answered me: "Oh, dear, Mr. Allen, I am 
 surprised you should put such a question to me ; you must needs 
 know that iron is heavier than wood, and, as the vessel comes up 
 and goes down with the waves of the sea, the iron of the anchor 
 is so much heavier than the vessel it would naturally go down 
 before the vessel." In this most shocking situation with all our 
 other difficulties we continued, until we got over Cape Cod bar, 
 and soon after we got into Twentj'-Four fathom water (as the fish- 
 ermen told me) , where the captain let go his anchor. I advised 
 him by all means not to let that anchor go that was hanging a-peak. 
 He made me answer, it might do him an injury when he went on 
 shore, if they knew the anchor hung at the peak all the way from 
 Nantasket Road to Cape Cod. Happy was I in myself, that I had 
 lived to see the moment an anchor could be let down to hold us 
 fast in twentj'-four fathom water, to the great relief of all the 
 twenty-nine unfortunate souls on board, though I expected to lose all 
 my property. This was about two o'clock in the afternoon, the day 
 after we left Nantasket Road, the 28th of March. In this situation 
 
15 
 
 we lay in Cape Cod harbor, with all our sails hoisted, as we had 
 hoisted in Nantasket Road ; some all the way up, some half the way 
 up, and some not a quarter of the way up ; torn, to appearance, 
 into ten hundred thousand pieces, all flying. The captain says to me , 
 by way of adviseing with me, seeing no boat come off to us, whether 
 or no we had not better hoist a signal of a white sheet or table- 
 cloth, to let them know we was in distress for want of a boat. 
 The answer I made him was that I thought the above signals was 
 quite suflacient ; that I imagined there was upwards of nine hundred 
 thousand signals more than there need to be, was the reason of no 
 boat coming off to us ; and that by neglect in not knowing how to 
 clear the ropes at sea, so that they got all entangled together ; at 
 which he looked a good deal ashamed of himself, and I imagine 
 his former transactions flew in his face, which occasioned him to 
 have very little to say for himself afterwards. After waiting some 
 time in this distress, we espied a man on shore : we made motions 
 to him, as we could not hear each other speak, for the conduct of 
 our captain was all of a piece ; he had no Speaking-Trumpet on 
 board. At last, we saw another man come up to the fii'st, and 
 then three or four more afterwards. They sat down and conversed 
 together for near an hour, and at last they made motions pointing 
 to the town, which was three miles ofi"; and being very deep sand, 
 and nothing but woods to go through, made the time appear very 
 long to us, without one drop of water on board to wet our mouths 
 withal. At last, to our great joy, we saw a cart with a boat (or 
 cano) in it drawn by ten oxen, and six men more, which came 
 down to our assistance. They soon got the boat into the sea, and 
 two men in it to know from whence we came. We told them we was 
 from Boston with the fleet. They answered they was surprised, 
 for the}^ thought we was from a foreign country, and durst not 
 come near us for fear we had the plague on board (and often de- 
 clared that to me, whilst I remained a prisoner amongst them, they 
 beUeved such another shocking sight was never seen before in all 
 America, coming into any harbor). These two men did not come 
 on board, as we had a Mrs. Wezzle on board with us that had the 
 small-pox, just then on the turn, of which she died. I thought it 
 best to let the two men in the cano know it, as the people in Amer- 
 ica are exceedingly afraid of that disorder. After some conversa- 
 tion, they returned back to the shore and reported our case to the 
 other men, and, after they had conversed with those men on shore 
 
16 
 
 some time, they returned with two more men that had had the 
 small-pox a number of years before, and they came on board of us : 
 this was about seven o'clock in the evening, the 28th of March, 
 1776. 
 
 In this cano, I and mj famil}'^, eleven in number, came on shore, 
 and landed about eight o'clock that evening ; and then we had three 
 miles to go through the woods, before we came to the town of Cape 
 Cod, which I walked, and the rest of my family rode in that dung- 
 cart that brought the boat to our assistance, drawn by ten oxen ; 
 and we arrived in the town about ten o'clock that same evening, 
 and to my great surprise was ordered into a small cottage, not fit 
 to put a hog in, where we remained. And now I beg leave to re- 
 turn to the vessel, which they seized, and all the effects that they 
 could find therein, and I was never allowed to see the vessel more. 
 And the same night a little before high water the}^ weighed her 
 anchor and run on shore as far as they was able, and she never 
 could be got off again. My suspition was that the vessel was run 
 aground, and I have great reason to think so ; that it was done on 
 purpose for the sake of pilfering what effects of mine the}^ could, 
 at the time of unloading the vessel, and for fear she should be 
 brought up to town, and their wicked purpose might be frustrated. 
 I made all the inquiry I could, and from the best information I 
 found this vessel took near three weeks unloading, which might 
 have been done in three days, if they had been so minded ; and, in 
 their account, they charged me to the General Court one hundred 
 and fifty pounds sterling for unloading the vessel and storeing my 
 effects. I had the mortifj'ing news brought me during this severe 
 confinement that there were several carts employed to bring my 
 goods from the vessel to town to be stored ; that they would fre- 
 quentl}^ drop out of the cart, and many has been buried in the sand 
 by private people who attended the unloading the vessel, and there 
 was frequent battles among them, being suspicious of one getting 
 more of my property than another ; and a gentleman of veracity 
 came to me, and expressed concern for my sorrow and troubles, 
 at several different times ; and one day said he had seen one of the 
 compleatest battles he ever had in his life, and all on my account. 
 About fifteen or sixteen men and women was fighting battle roj'al 
 in the fields, condemning one another, and each sajdng the other 
 had taken move of my property than they. The gentleman after- 
 wards begged I would let it go no further from me. And several 
 
17 
 
 other persons came to me and informed me much to the same pur- 
 pose ; and some ready to give their oaths of the same, if ever I 
 stood in need of it afterwards. But the people as incensed as they 
 was against government and their friends, when they heard my 
 case, how I had been used by the captain that brought my family 
 and effects from Boston to Cape Cod, they was ready to tear him 
 to pieces. They called him a fresh-water captain ; that they should 
 not choose to hang a salt-water captain, but a fresh-water captain 
 It would give them the greatest pleasure imaginable ; and it was 
 with great difficulty I could prevail on them not to hang him, as 
 they declared he did not deserve to have time to say. Lord, have 
 mercy upon him, to bring such distress as he had done to twenty- 
 mne unfortunate souls that he had on board of the vessel, now a 
 perfect wreck in our harbor. This affair happened when they 
 brought him on shore up to the town, where they was goino- to 
 sacrifice him ; but at last they reprieved him on my account,''and 
 confined him with the remainder of the passengers in several dif- 
 ferent places ; but they stript the whole of the passengers of all 
 their little effects, which was but trifling, and never allowed them 
 to see them more. In that respect, they was stript of their all as 
 well as myself, so that our situation became all alike. 
 
 This cottage my family and I was put into was to have been 
 pulled down the next morning, had we not have been put in it, 
 from Its ruinated situation. It was melancholy to think that I was 
 brought in comparison from a palace to a hogstye. We had a 
 window to it, with four smaU panes of glass, and two of them 
 broken. There was one door ; but I believe we should have been 
 warmer inside, had there been none. When the wind blew, I am 
 of opinion we should have been more confortable in the open field. 
 There was a roof to this shocking place, but when it rained we had 
 better have been in the open air ; for, after a shower was over, we 
 was obliged to go into the road until it had drained itself off. In 
 this place we were put, eleven of us in number, my family that 
 came on shore with me in the boat, to lay on the ground one 
 amongst another, servants included ; sometimes victuals, sometimes 
 none, but never a quarter of enough. In this situation, we re- 
 mained until the 19th day of April following, being twenty-two 
 days. My wife that was with me, that never before saw any diffi- 
 culties in her Hfe, and by which I had seventeen children, born 
 and christened, and five miscarriages, and was married to her thir- 
 
18 
 
 tj-seven years, and as good a wife and as tender a mother to her 
 children as ever man could wish for, this worth}^ woman, seeing all 
 her effects taken from her, and we wanting the common necessaiies 
 of life, fell a sacrifice to their barbarity', and expired quite broken- 
 hearted, in the fifty-second year of her age of the said 19th day of 
 April ; she l^ing dead, her seven children round her breathless 
 corpse, all in tears. I submit to the humane reader to reflect what 
 heart-breaking and agonizing pains I must feel, and not able to 
 assist them with a morsel of bread at the time. With an immense 
 deal of trouble and great deal of diflScult}^, I got her buried of 
 Sunday the 22d of April, in the afternoon ; and after her death I 
 remained in the same disagreeable cott until the 27th, which was 
 eight days longer, when m3'self and eldest son, then in the seven- 
 teenth year of his age, was taken by a guard, prisoner to Truro, 
 eight miles distant, from my poor six motherless children, destitute 
 of bread, and confined in the guard-house there eight daj^s ; after 
 which time, having nothing to allege to my charge, sent me and 
 my son back again to my poor motherless children, to Cape Cod, 
 where I remained with my seven children, still wanting the com- 
 mon necessaries of life ; and, after crying round me for bread to 
 eat until the 24th of May following, I then obtained, with great 
 diflSculty, a pass to the General Court, then sitting at Watertown, 
 as follows : — 
 
 Provincbtowh, 24th May, 1776. 
 Whereas, Mr. Jolley Allen and son, the bearer, on the 28th of last March, 
 was wrecked on shore at this town, with several others in a sloop from Bos- 
 ton, supposed to be bound to Halifax, in Nova Scotia. Upon their coming 
 ashore, we sent a person to the General Court to inform them of this affair, 
 who upon that sent a committee down here to order them to remain here 
 until further orders, which shall be sent in a short time. They having re- 
 mained here until this time, and having no answer from the General Court, 
 and being impracticable to procure provisions here for their subsistence any 
 longer time, under these circumstances, think it best to let Mr. Jolley Allen 
 and son to go to the General Court to know what they intend to order 
 further concerning them ; he having left his children and effects here as a 
 pledge for his return here again. Colonel Cobb, a member of the General 
 Court for Wellfleet, advised to the above. 
 
 Solomon Cook, ) Selectmen of 
 
 Nathaniel Niokebson, J Provincetown. 
 
 To the Honorable Genebal Court. 
 
 After reading the above pass from under their own hands, which 
 this is a true copy, — having the original with me now in London, — 
 think how hard my case was, to be under the disagreeable necessity 
 
19 
 
 of leaving my s« poor childreu crying for bread, and I not able to 
 get an^ thing for them. Bnt necessity called upon me aloud to get 
 fhe ateve pass to caU me from their hungry cryes, which has been 
 stch many times since in my absence, as would have moved he 
 hear of any one not totally divested of humamty. But, from the 
 dlof the above pass, I left my si. children in that deplorable 
 sUuatL, and neve 'saw one of them until the ^^^J^y ^\^^l2 
 foUowin-, is eighty-four days ; and from the said 16th to the 30th 
 day o s^a id August I had all my dear children with me, and not 
 before. They ^as insulted during my absence as children of the 
 friend of government, as astonishes nature to think of, having 
 neither father nor mother there to take their parts. I am now 
 ".ring one hundred and twenty mUes to Boston, myself and son 
 XLulted on the road in a most barbarous manner all the way 
 I we°nt to my own house when I arrived at Boston, that I had a 
 loL lease of, which I locked up and fastened all the doors and 
 win'dols, and brought the key away with me, but to my grea 
 surprise they had broke open the door, who I cannot teU. The 
 cupier that had then possession of it was my barber that shaved 
 mTfo fourteen years. And it was with the greatest difficulty m- 
 finable that he permitted me and my son to lay in one bed two 
 Shts, for which he charged me eight shilUng sterling, wh eh I 
 paid h m. During my two days' stay in Boston, I was insulted by 
 Smost every one In such a manner that I was glad to get out of 
 town n the evening, and had nine mUes further to trave , m the 
 dJk; myself and son disguising ourselves for fear of being mnr- 
 de*d o7the road before we got to Watertown, which we arrived 
 at on the 31st of May, 1776, about two o'clock in the ^or-iing, 
 1 then laid ourselves down behind a hedge in the Aeld^, <-ed 
 and both hungry and dry, where we slept tiU near ^ej- « "=^0* jn 
 the morning ; and, as soon as we made our appearance m the town, 
 hey was rea^y to tear us to pieces. The General Court, hearing 
 Int, ordered'us both to be coniined, to go under a thorough ex- 
 lination. From the 31st of May to the 10th of June 1776, the 
 General Court was resolving what should be done with ns ; and, 
 of the Uth June, the CouneU had agreed with the General Court, 
 and i took me fiJe days more to get a copy of the Re-lves from 
 the General Court and Council, which made my conSnement in 
 Wat^-town about a fortnight; during which "me - was obl^ed 
 every day, except Sundays, to wait on the General Court and Coun- 
 eU tom s^ven o'clock in the morning till eight o'clock at mght , in- 
 
suited dui'ing the above fortnight in the following manner : Some 
 was for having me sent to the Castle, which was seven miles from 
 Boston b}' land, there to live on bread and water. Others, fearful 
 that by some stratagem I should make my escape from the Castle, 
 was for my being sent to Bridwell to pick oaccum, and kept on 
 bread and water. Others was determined that I should be sent to 
 Cinderbury mines (a place of punishment they have, where few 
 persons ever live to come out of that is confined there, as no day- 
 light is ever seen), and there to be kept under ground on small 
 allowance, bread and water.* This they had partly agreed on ; 
 then they was at a stand how to act with my seven children, which 
 in this manner they had at last agreed to : That my seven Tory 
 children should be divided from each other fifty miles apart, that 
 they should not converse or see each other, and to be put appren- 
 tices to those that would take care to make them earn their daily 
 bread, and that hard enough. In this manner, I expected my poor 
 tender children would be torn from me, and myself banished from 
 them never to see them more. These was the reports that was 
 continually told me by those who came out of the Court from time 
 to time, during the greatest part of the above fortnight, in this tor- 
 menting way impressed me with a heavy load of sorrow. I was 
 almost unable to support mj'self; but, in all my troubles, I never 
 would relinquish my King and country. Some of the General 
 Court as well as the common people said, if the}' had their will, 
 they would have one of those trees (there being several trees face- 
 ing the court-house which they pointed to at the time) stripped of 
 all its branches but eight, and would have me and my seven chil- 
 dren hanged thereon, but me upon the highest branch. This was 
 done for the purjjose of tantalizing and tormenting me ; it was 
 running thorns into my sides hourly ; and as they perceived my 
 pain at such threats, so their joy increased during the above fort- 
 night of my waiting on the General Court, during which time I had 
 delivered six memorials at different times ; the last of which, I be- 
 ing left an only executor to the last will of Mrs. Vintino, of Boston, 
 in which she left a large property behind her to her own relations 
 living in Ireland, which I had received, and had the greatest part 
 
 * It is, perhaps, superfluous to add that there never was any place of con- 
 finement in Massachusetts to which this description can be applied. But Mr. 
 Allen probably refers to Simsbury, now East Granby, Ct. For a full account 
 of the prison at that place, where a considerable number of Loyalists were 
 imprisoned in the Revolution, see Phelps's History of Newgate of Connecti- 
 cut. — Eds. 
 
21 
 
 of it in my own hands at the time of my leaving Boston. In this 
 last Memorial I prayed that the General Court would nominate or 
 appoint such gentlemen as they could depend on to secure the 
 above property and restore it to the legatees agreeable to the said 
 will, out of my effects, which was seized by the said General Court, 
 and then remained at Cape Cod, as plainly shows by my pass from 
 thence, where they acknowledged from under their hands I had left 
 my children and effects as a security for my return. But my re- 
 quest was not granted by the said General Court, nor even an an- 
 swer given to me. It grieved me exceedingly to see those innocent 
 people in a foreign country injured in such a manner, in which I 
 did all in my power to preserve, as being intrusted by the last will 
 of a very worthy woman, and that should likewise be deprived of 
 their right, she having a great dependence on me doing justice to 
 her relations. How hard it will be if ever my property or any part 
 of it should be restored to me, or to my children after my death, 
 to be ruined again upon the account of the said will, which I left 
 the original at the judge of probate's office at Cambridge, four 
 miles from Boston. How am I or my children to escape from so 
 heavy a charge, having acted to the utmost integrity and upright- 
 ness in my intentions ? For had not my property been seized as it 
 was, but I escaped with the fleet and army with ray effects that I 
 had with me, I should and fully intended to remit to Ireland the 
 whole of the fortune of the late Mrs. Vintino the first opportunity. 
 And I now beg leave to submit my case to the candid public to 
 judge whether I myself or the General Court then sitting at Water- 
 town was the thief, that robbed those innocent heirs of their prop- 
 erty. At near the latter end of the above fortnight I attended the 
 said General Court at Watertown, some particular business called 
 my brother, Lewis Allen, to Boston ; and as he was coming 
 through Watertown, stopping to refresh his horse and self, having 
 nine miles further to go to Boston, some people in the town asked 
 him what he intended to do in regard to his brother. My name 
 being mentioned to him greatly surprised him, for he thought I 
 was then at Cape Cod. He came to seek me, and asked me why 
 I did not let him know I was here or intended to come. I told him 
 my reason was, I had brought all these difficulties and distresses on 
 myself. I did not choose to trouble au}^ of my friends, for fear o( 
 bringing them into as great troubles as m3'self. While m^^ brother 
 and me was conversing together, the Council sent for me, and I 
 was informed that the General Court had resolved what should be 
 
3^ 
 
 done with me, and had sent their resolves to the Council. When 
 I attended, two of the Council came down to me, and expressed 
 great concern for me, and told me that the General Court had sen- 
 tenced me (I think the gentlemen said) to Sinderbury mines ; but 
 so hard and dreadful a sentence to an innocent man, who had done 
 no wrong to none of them, so agitated my mind, I really' am not 
 clear whether the gentlemen said Sinderbury mines or not, but I 
 think they did, and my children to be divided, which made my case 
 very hard, being well known to the General Court and the Council. 
 I pra^^ed they would permit me to send for my brother, Lewis Allen, 
 then in Watertown, which was granted, and he came to me. I 
 told him my shocking situation, and then he beged of me that 
 I would give him liberty to see what he was able to do for me ; on 
 which the Council agreed to give him a few hours to send in a me- 
 morial to the General Court, praying relief for his brother before 
 the sentence was passed by the Council, on which my brother sent 
 in the following memorial : — 
 
 To the Honorable the Council and House of Representatives in General Court 
 assembled at Watertown. 
 
 The memorial of Lewis Allen, of Shrewsbury, in the County of Worces- 
 ter and Colony aforesaid, humbly sheweth : — 
 
 That your memorialist hath been informed that this Honorable Court 
 have ordered the goods and chattels the effects of Jolley Allen should be 
 disposed of at public auction for the support of his said children, and that 
 the children unable to support themselves should be disposed of and put out 
 to board as reasonable as possible, and the rest of them to be put to appren- 
 tiseship or bound out to service. Your memorialist would inform this 
 Honorable Court that he is willing to take the four youngest children at as 
 reasonable a price as any person in the community; and the three oldest 
 ones gratis. And that he will give bonds that they shall not become 
 chargeable to the community for their support and maintenance ; and that 
 he will receive and support the said Jolley Allen, and will give security that 
 he shall not depart the Colony, nor hold correspondence with any person 
 knowing them to be inimical to the liberties of America. Wherefore your 
 memorialist humbly prays that he may be permitted to receive said Allen 
 and children upon the terms above mentioned, or upon such other terms as 
 this Honorable Court shall judge for the safety and well-being of the com- 
 munity. And in duty bound shall ever pray. 
 
 Lewis Allen. 
 
 In all our calamities, we ought not to despair, but look up to 
 kind Providence who watches with a gracious and merciful care over 
 us (and will not alwa3's let the wicked prevail) , should order it so 
 that the morning the Resolves of the General Court was sent down 
 to the Council, my brother should arrive in Watertown, and the 
 
23 
 
 Council permitted him time to present the above memorial to the 
 General Court, before they signed my sentence ; as I am of opinion 
 as soon as the Council had agreed with the General Court, there 
 was a guard ready to take me to my banishment, where I must have 
 soon expired of a broken heart as my poor wife had done about 
 two months before. And, upon the above memorial being pre- 
 sented to the General Court, they came to the resolution to with- 
 draw their former Resolve, and sent for the same from the Council, 
 and came to the following Resolve : — 
 
 In the House of Representatives, 10th June, 1776. The committee on 
 the petition of Lewis Allen, reported and read and accepted. 
 
 Besolved, That the prayer of the petitioner be so far granted that he 
 have liberty to take the seven children of the said Jolley Allen, for which 
 he shall be paid out of the proceeds of the sales of the goods and effects of 
 the said Jolley Allen thirty-six pounds eight shillings [which sum in ster- 
 ling makes twenty-seven pounds six shillings], for the maintenance and 
 support of the same ; and the petitioner to give bonds in the sum of one 
 hundred pounds that they shall not become chargeable to the community 
 for any further support and maintenance; and that he shall receive and 
 support the said Jolley Allen, and that he shall not depart the County of 
 Worcester, or hold correspondence with any person knowing them to be 
 inimical to the liberties of America, till further orders of this Court. 
 
 That Mr. Nye, Mr. Wendell, and Mr. Deacon Thomas be a committee to 
 receive all the goods and effects of the said Jolley Allen that can be found, and 
 deliver the petitioner at Boston the children and four feather beds and bed- 
 ding, and the wearing apparel of the children and the late wife of the said 
 Jolley Allen, also his own wearing apparel ; the remainder of the goods and 
 effects to be disposed of by the said committee at public auction, and pay 
 the above sum of thirty-six pounds eight shillings to the said Lewis Allen ; 
 also pay all necessary charges that have arisen or may arise in collecting and 
 transporting said goods and effects ; also the charges for supporting the said 
 Jolley Allen and family in Provincetown, and to be accountable to the Gen- 
 eral Court for the same. 
 
 Sent up for concurrence. J. Wabren, Speaker. 
 
 Li Council 14th June, 1776. Read and concurred. 
 
 John Lowell, Deputy P. 
 
 Consented to. 
 
 William Sever. B. White. 
 
 William Spooner. William Phillips. 
 
 . Caleb CtrsHiNG. B. Austin. 
 
 J. WiNTHROP. T. Gardner. 
 
 S. Holten. Daniel Davis. 
 
 Richard Derby, Jr. D. Sewell, 
 
 T. CusHiNG. D. Hopkins. 
 
 John Whetoomb. 
 A true copy. Attest : John Lowell, Deputy Secretary, P. 
 
I beg leave, though in an improper place, to insert the receipt 
 m}' brother Lewis Allen gave me, the night before I made my es- 
 cape and broke m}^ confinement, at the hazard of m}' life, for fear 
 it should be forgot, only to show the honor of the General Court, 
 notwithstanding their Resolves to allow my brother twenty-seven 
 pound six shillings, as above resolved, with my children, they never 
 gave him one farthing, viz. : — 
 
 Shrewsbdrt, 7th Feb., 1777. 
 
 Received the within named JoUey Allen and family Hth June last, but 
 have received not one farthing from the General Coiu't. 
 
 L. Allen. 
 
 This was the utterance to myself of a heavy heart when I left 
 Watertown, loth June, 1776 : Now farewell, Watertown. I hope 
 no friend of government will ever hereafter fall into your hands, 
 nor receive the hundredth part of the most barbarous and inhumain 
 usage as I have for this fifteen da3's past. On this day I left 
 "Watertown, and have got thirt3'-one miles to go to Shrewsbury, 
 the place of my confinement, and on the greatest part of the road 
 was insulted almost by every one. From my keeping of a shop for 
 the sale of English goods for many j^ears in Boston was known to 
 all the country round ; and not a morsel of bread would an}- of 
 them give me or my son for money ; and when night came on was 
 obliged to go into the woods to lay. Through the mere}' of God, 
 we arrived at Shrewsbur}" the second day, being the 17th of June, 
 Sunda}', very hungrj^, but I cannot saj' I was dry ; b}^ often Ijing 
 down and drinking of the running streem, both me and my son as 
 we went along, was all the sustenance we had. My brother, being 
 obliged to go to Boston on some urgent business, could not go 
 home with us, but gave me money to hire a horse and chaise, but 
 none durst let one to us for fear of being Tarred and Feathered. 
 
 When I got to Shrewsbury, I was in hopes the bitterness of my 
 hard fate was over ; but I soon found, to my inexpressible grief, I 
 was much mistaken, which I beg leave to relate, for the people of 
 Shrewsbury, of the 20th of June, three days after my arrival, ex- 
 pressed most horrid and cruel invectives against me, and threat- 
 ened me most violentlj^, and friends of government infbrmed me 
 so much of their behavior that I durst not venture out of the 
 house, for my life was in imminent danger, I found ; and on the 27th 
 of June, about ten o'clock at night, I was going to my bed half 
 undressed, my brother came up to me and knocked at the door, to 
 
25 
 
 let me know the house was going to be surrounded that night b}"- a 
 very great mob from different towns. At which news I was quite 
 composed, thinldng I must resign my breath as well as my effects. 
 My brother was greatly agitated, thinking he and his family must 
 die along with me, and my poor mother, who was near ninety years 
 of age. The terror was so great on her that I thought she would 
 expire several times ; and then I was exceedingly sorry that my 
 brother had sent a memorial to the General Court for me, as I said 
 to him at Watertown, when he chided me for not writing to him. 
 I said, " No, Lewis, I have brought this difficulty on myself: let 
 me work myself out of it as well as I can, and let me not be the 
 instigation of ruining the whole famil3^" But ray case was so 
 desperate from the General Court, that I was glad to accept his 
 offer, which succeeded for a time, but now it seemed to fall with 
 more violence than ever. We sat up the whole night, but the 
 Shi'ewsbury mob being disappointed by the other towns did not 
 come, and we heard nothing further of them until the 8th of July, 
 which was twelve days, expecting them the first four days that 
 they was coming every minute on us ; the family crying and la- 
 menting da}^ and night the greatest part of the time, saying they 
 was ruined for ever ; and I preparing myself for death as well as I 
 was able. The 8th of July, this mob sent word to Shrewsbury'' 
 mob that the reason of they being disappointed was they could not 
 collect themselves together, but of this night was determined to 
 come and set fire to the house and destroy every thing there was. 
 This farm my father gave, above twenty years before, one Thou- 
 sand Pounds sterling for it. Upon three friends of government 
 hearing of their determination, came and acquainted me of it, 
 about three o'clock the same afternoon, unknown to the mob, or 
 else I must have perished that night. I took this information into 
 consideration immediately. What to do I could not tell ; at last, 
 I bethought myself. About four o'clock, to save the house, effects, 
 and the lives of the rest of the family that was there, I sent for 
 two men of the town who I was informed was the head of the 
 mob. They came to me. I begged the favor of them that I 
 might go to Mr. Stone, their representative,* which lived three 
 
 * Jonas stone, born Aug. 12, 1725, died March 22, 1809. Ward says in the 
 History of Shrewsbury, pp. 424, 425, "He was an ardent friend of his country 
 in her Revolutionary struggle; represented the town in General Court, when 
 held at "Watertown, May, 1775, and rendered long and important services in 
 town and parish affairs." — Ens. 
 
2|^ 
 
 miles off from my brother's. I took no notice to those two men that 
 I knew what was to happen that night, when I first asked them the 
 favor. They answered me the}' durst not grant it. I interceded 
 with them all I could. The}' went back and returned to me about 
 six o'clock the same evening (those two men was officers belong- 
 ing to the rebel army), and when the}^ came to me the second time 
 they had changed their clothes and had put on their regimentals. 
 They told me then that I had liberty to go to their representa- 
 tive, but they must go with me, which they did. I then took leave 
 of my brother and his family, and happy to think within mj'self 
 that I had bethought m3'self of an expedient to save the lives of 
 my aged mother, my brother, and the rest of the family that was 
 in the house, to get out of the house from them, that they should 
 not fall a sacrifice with me, as I expected nothing but present 
 death with going out with them two men. Soon after, I left the 
 house to go this three miles of ground, in going of which the mob 
 had placed themselves in small parties about a quarter of a mile 
 distance from each other, and as I passed them, and most of 
 the houses, no tongue can express the ill-treatment and abusive 
 language I received ; and happj' was I to think I had escaped 
 with my life to the Representative's house, he being the repre- 
 sentative for the town of Shrewsbury, and a constant attendant 
 on the General Court, was well acquainted with all the afflictions 
 the General Court had laid on me, that he was full}' satisfied 
 that no one had any business with me ; they had afflicted me as 
 much as could be done as they thought, and that I had no busi- 
 ness to wait of him. I told him I waited upon him to know if 
 I had broke the resolves of the General Court, or what I had 
 done to the people of Shrewsbur}', and I begged leave to state 
 my case as follows : That I was well informed that there was mobs 
 to assemble from difl'erent towns that night, and was to surround 
 my brother's house, and, if they could not lay hold of me they 
 was determined to destroy it and every thing therein by fire ; 
 for they was determined to have my life, and, if he should refuse 
 me to sta}' in his house, begged he would let me have a private 
 room for half an hour to prepare mj'self for death. Mr. Stone 
 answered me, saying, "Mr. Allen, I never knew you to tell me 
 a falsit}^ in your life, and it is hard for me to think ill of my 
 townsmen." Upon that, he turned round to the two officers that 
 came with me, and conversed with them upon the matter I had 
 
27 
 
 just related to him. The two officers was greatly surprised when 
 they found I knew all the plot, and hesitated some time before 
 they could answer Mr. Stone clearly ; but at last they did con- 
 fess that was the intent of the mob, to come upon me that night, 
 and how I knew it they could not tell. I desired leave to wait 
 upon him, and we had granted him that favor. On this, Mr. 
 Stone took the two officers into another room, and staid there 
 about a quarter of an hour : their conversation I can form no 
 judgment of, but on their return I applied to Mr. Stone in these 
 words: " Sir, what am I to do in this deplorable situation I am 
 now in? Do you receive me in your house, or'do you not? " He 
 answered me, "I am sorrj' for 3"ou, and that you may sta}^ in my 
 house." I told him I would pay him with the greatest honor, 
 which I did. During the time I staid at Mr. Stone's house, which 
 was eight daj^s, he used me very kindly ; but, poor man, I was ex- 
 ceedingly sorry for him and his family, for I had not been but two 
 daj's there, when the mob threatened to destroy him, and burn his 
 house and all his effects with fire, declaring he was a greater Tory 
 than I was for taking me in, and this repeated several times, say- 
 ing he deserved to be sent out of the world as quick as I m^'self, 
 and that he was the last person they should have thought of acting 
 so, being their representative ; which greatly alarmed his wife and 
 children, to mj' great trouble. And, on ni}' leaving his house and 
 settling with liim about eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 16th 
 of Jul}^, he expressed great concern for me, and if it was in his 
 power he would take a pleasure in serving me. On my quitting 
 his house, I went the roadway to my brother's house again. 
 Whilst I was going the roadwa}", the mob rising, and knowing the 
 country better than me, took a shorter way through the fields to 
 Mr. Stone's house, where they sent one before them to inquire for 
 me. They received an answer from Mr. Stone himself that I had 
 left his house and gone to mj'' brother's. Accordinglj^, this man 
 went to the rest of the mob to acquaint them thereof, and they 
 immediately set off after me, to my brother's, where they found 
 me. The}^ sent two men to inquire of my brother if I was there. 
 He asked them what their business was with me. They told him 
 it was not his business to know ; they wanted me, and they would 
 have me ; and, if he would not consent to it, they would have me 
 out of the house by force. Upon that, he declared they should 
 not ; which they answered they was determined they would, or 
 
28 
 
 else die by it. On wliieh a scuffle ensued, and they got the better 
 of my brother, and got into the house, and was forcing their way 
 through it, breaking ever}^ thing before them. This happened 
 about half after twelve o'clock the same day. The first and sec- 
 ond attempt was to have been in the night ; not succeeding, they 
 was now determined to take the day, that every one should see 
 what they did do. Hearing the scuffle and uproar in the Parlour, 
 I came in and asked what was the matter. These two men made 
 me answer, and said they came to demand my body, and was deter- 
 mined to have it, or they would lose their lives in the cause. As I 
 now appeared before them, I asked them what they wanted to do 
 with me. They told me I should soon see that. I asked them 
 whether they wanted to lay violent hands on me. They said they 
 was determined to do that to the very utmost of their power, if I 
 did not give up m3'self to them immediately. I asked, upon these 
 words, what difference would it be their seizing me or I to give 
 myself up. Thej' made me this reply: "If you deliver yourself 
 up to us, 3'ou shall not be hurt ; if you do not, all the punishment 
 we are able to lay upon you we will do, if we take you bj^ force." 
 I asked them both directly whether they had any honor in them. 
 They both told me I was a scoundrel. Upon that word, I asked 
 them if they would give me their honor I should not be hurt if I 
 gave mj'self up to them. They accordingly did, and I said to 
 them, " I hope it is that part of honor that my life might not be 
 taken from me." Upon which they answered me that was owing 
 to m}^ behavior whilst I was with them. Accordingly, I went with 
 them, and was greatly astonished to see the number of people 
 waiting for them. The}^ took me and marched me back the three 
 miles I had come that morning to Mr. Stone's house ; insulted the 
 greatest part of the way too inhuman to put pen to paper to de- 
 scribe, and joined by other mobs on the road, all in chorus one 
 with another. At about three o'clock, the mob arrived at the rep- 
 resentative's house, and asked if Deacon Stone was at home ; the 
 answer they received was no, that he was in the field ; and seeing 
 so many people gathered together about the house, they stood 
 amazed, and me in the middle of them a prisoner. They sent a 
 boy with that body to show them where their representative was in 
 the field at work, which greatly' surprised him (I thought he looked 
 wild) at seeing so large a mob of people should make their appear- 
 ance before him in the field, and in looking about him happened to 
 
29 
 
 see me, almost fatigued to death, and broken-hearted in the midst. 
 Upon which he said to them, "Ho, ho! what's your will with 
 me ? " Upon which they began to ask the meaning of my leaving 
 his house that day. " Ah, my Townsmen," said he, " are you 
 the people that threaten to set my house in flames and destroy all 
 my efl'ects? I now know you all well, and know how to make a 
 proper return of the whole of you to the General Court ; and what 
 are you come about, or what is your business with Mr. Allen?" 
 They answered, "We are all in a body come upon that account, 
 that he shaU not live in the town of Shrewsbury, nor no king of 
 the Tories, nor no villain like him, that went off with the fleet and 
 army;" but insisted of carrying me back to the General Court, 
 then sitting at Watertown. He answered them, saying, " What 
 has this here mob to allege against Mr. Allen? Has he broke his 
 confinement ; has he insulted any of the townspeople ; has he been 
 disguised in liquor; has he been guilty of any misdemeanor 
 amongst you since he has been here? If he has, I will save you 
 the trouble of sending him to the General Court ; but I will send 
 him under a strong guard, and that immediately." The speaker 
 of this mob made answer, and said there was not one of those 
 articles to lay to his charge or any other whatsoever ; but as a 
 body that had appeared before him, all friends to the United 
 States of America, and that regard for their thirteen stripes, that 
 they would not suffer no such a villanous Tory to be in the town 
 of Shrewsbury ; but at the hazard of all then- lives was determined 
 to have me out of it, and that immediately. Upon which their 
 representative said to them, " I understand you now all plainly," 
 and said he was thoroughly tired, and desired they would all sit 
 down in the field with him, which they did except myself (I suppose 
 it was in order that none of them should get away clandestinely, if 
 they had so minded) ; I left standing, ready to sink into the earth, 
 a spectacle for the whole mob to gaze on during their conversation, 
 and to make their remarks on, and loading me with abuse ; setting 
 no regard upon the presence of their representative between whiles. 
 This mob being seated, their representative began to open the con- 
 versation to that whole body as follows: "Now I am seated, I 
 now understand your conversation right weU. You want me to 
 send that man that you have a prisoner, under a strong guard, 
 to Watertown to the General Court, where they are now sitting. 
 Had you any crime in particular against him, I would do it ; but I 
 
m 
 
 plainly see j'oii have none. Now I will give 3'ou my opinion as 
 3'our Representative : this man lived eight da3's with me ; I never 
 lived with more satisfaction than during the time he was in my 
 house, no further than this, often having been told that my house 
 was going to be set on fire and destro3'ed during the greatest part 
 of the time he lived with me. I have said to a great many of my 
 townsmen, if that was the case, I would make them build me up a 
 better in the room of this I have. And 3'ou want me trul}" to send 
 this man who is standing up among us to Watertown, thirty-one 
 miles, which is because I took him into my house, and you had 
 not the satisfaction of murdering him eight daj-s back ? Now you 
 all know I am Representative ; I have this to say to 3'ou, now 
 3'ou are calml}' sitting with me : you are aU the transgressors, not 
 only upon me, but this man 3'Ou have made a prisoner of, and now 
 with you, and if I knew where to send for a sufficient guard to 
 surround you all, j'ou are the people I ought to send to the Gen- 
 eral Court for disobej'ing the General Court's orders, and not this 
 man, who by j'our own confession having nothing to lay to his 
 charge that I can find out by an}- of you. You even say he has 
 not broke his confinement. You all sa}' you are all friends to the 
 United States, and the thirteen stripes ; you are the people that 
 wants to pull down the United States, and tear the thirteen stripes 
 to pieces. I cannot see an}' occasion the town of Shrewsburj' has 
 for any representative. Although I have been 3'our Representative 
 for a number of years, and alwa^-s have done in the General Court 
 eveiy thing that lay in m}' power for the prosperit}' of the town of 
 Shrewsbury ever since I have been 3'our Representative, in promot- 
 ing such salutary laws as was serviceable to the town of Shrews- 
 bur}', I am now convinced this body that appears now before me, 
 the}' seemly are determined to break through the laws I have been 
 stri\dng to hold up to the utmost of my abilities ; but now I find it 
 is impossible for me to do it any longer. And now I see plainly the 
 minds of this body, which is the greatest part of this town, that 
 you have no occasion for a representative : I am determined to serve 
 you no longer, appoint who you will." Upon this, the foreman of 
 the mob got up and spoke to the mob in these words : ' ' V[e are like 
 to have a long and disagreeable conversation ; I move that a guard 
 of six men take the prisoner away, that he may hear no more of 
 it." And accordingly the guard took me to the Representative's 
 house, being near the field, and staid with me there during the 
 
. 31 
 
 short conversation that passed whilst I was with this guard, the 
 purport of which I am unacquainted with. In about twenty min- 
 utes after, the whole mob came out of the field and demanded my 
 body ; on which the guard marched me into the midst of them . 
 From between twelve and one o'clock, they took me out of my 
 brother's house, they marched me sixteen miles, until two o'clock 
 the next morning. In this sixteen miles, they took me to North- 
 borough ; the Militia of the town with their guns and bayonets fixed 
 was drawn up ready to receive me, to my great surprise (from 
 which I imagined they had sent some of their part}' a shorter way 
 to give them notice) . They applied to the Representative of that 
 town * and stated their case, and he told them likewise that they 
 was entirely'' wrong, and if they persevered to carry me to Water- 
 town, as they had nothing to allege against me, it was his opinion 
 that I should be sent back and they would be all made prisoners ; 
 but they might do as they pleased, for had I broke m}^ confinement, 
 or any ways done amiss, he would have sent his guard to Water- 
 town with me. Upon this second repulse, they, finding themselves 
 in the wrong, did not know how to act for some time. But a little 
 while after the body agreed to draw up an instrument for me to 
 sign, which was for me to consent to be shot through the heart if 
 I attempted to come off my brother's Farm ; which instrument I 
 refused to sign, saving I never would sign my own death-warrant ; 
 but as my presence was so disagreeable, and if it would give any 
 satisfaction to them to draw up any thing that would not take my 
 life immediately, I would sign it (there I had given my word) . 
 The}' then paused a httle, and withdrew, and transversed the sen- 
 tence to five hundred stripes, which I signed as follows : — 
 
 NoBTHBOBOUQH, 16th July, 1776. 
 
 Whereas, I have been unfriendly to the common cause of America, and it 
 being grievous to the good people of Shrewsbury for me to walk the streets, 
 I promise and engage to abide within the limits of the farm of Lewis Allen 
 of said Shrewsbury, excepting to attend public worship at the meeting-house 
 in the first precinct of said Shrewsbury, and if found without the said boimds 
 I consent to receive any punishment they shall inflict not exceeding five 
 hundred stripes on the naked back. And I further promise not to send any 
 letter to any person, unless first shown to some person whom they shall ap- 
 point for that purpose. 
 
 Witness my hand. Jolley Allen. 
 
 * The representative from Northborough at that time was John Ball. —Eds. 
 
32^, 
 
 Many a time I was exceedingly sorry since I had given my word 
 to sign the aforesaid instrument, for reason I was always deter- 
 mined to brake my confinement the first opportunity, even at the 
 hazard of m}^ life ; not thinking that they would have taken the ad- 
 vantage of my word to la}^ on me so hard a sentence. But I had given 
 my word, and could not go from it, otherwise I never should have 
 consented to have done an}^ such thing, for I was sensible, if I had 
 been taken after I broke my confinement, that I could not have 
 been able to a gone through the above punishment from their savage 
 conduct to me ; must have died in the operation. About two 
 o'clock in the morning, they marched me back to my brother's 
 farm, their place of confinement, not approving what their General 
 Court had done to me ; where I remained well watched, may be 
 depended on, for the sake of what I had signed. But some friends 
 of government who used to come to bemoan their hard fate with me 
 in the night, which durst not come at any other time, has frequently 
 told me what a kind hand of Providence was over me for me to sign 
 the aforementioned instrument, as a party of the mob that took me 
 to Northborough had dug a grave six feet deep, and as I was to walli 
 by they was to shove me in it and cover me up immediately, that 
 none might ever know what was become of me ; but kind Provi- 
 dence would have brought the whole to light, I make no doubt. 
 This it seems was their determination before drawing the aforesaid 
 instrument for me to sign. During my confinement, I beg leave to 
 mention my son, then in the seventeenth year of his age, being then 
 at Boston striving to do what lay in power for me, but to no eflfect ; 
 the General Court hearing that the mobs from other towns came to 
 Provincetown and broke open the stores where my effects lay, and 
 took out whatever thej'^ pleased and carried them away, and like- 
 wise burnt the Vessel for the sake of the iron. Amongst my effects 
 taken away, there was a crimson silk damask bed which cost One 
 Hundred Fifty Pounds Sterling ; and as every one was for getting 
 all they could, it was torn to pieces, and some got enough to make 
 capasheens, others to make bonnets ; and those that could get no 
 bigger, made shoes of them, which my own children saw worn be- 
 fore they left the Cape, and came to me at Shrewsbury. The Gen- 
 eral Court, as I said before, hearing of these plunderers, ordered my 
 son, then at Boston, to go with an empty vessel to Cape Cod, and 
 bring the remainder of my eflfects away with him ; but, on his ar- 
 rival at Cape Cod, the people there refused to deliver them to him. 
 
33 
 
 saying the General Court had no right to the goods, as they came 
 into their harbor in the greatest distress imaginable ; that the Vessel 
 and cargo was their property, a wreck from sea. On which my 
 son and vessel returned to Boston, with only my other six poor 
 children, and four beds and bedding which the General Court had 
 ordered. And my children came to me at Shrewsbury : this was 
 in the month of August, and not before, that I received my dear 
 children. 
 
 I hope the candid reader will permit a parent to leave his own 
 present troubles awhile, and lament on his son, who in the eigh- 
 teenth year of his age, and never knew what hardships was before, 
 being always brought up very tenderly with me, but being separated 
 from me, and losing his mother, and cruelly insulted, am informed 
 he died quite broken-hearted, for want of his father being there to 
 take his part. In this youth, I have lost a very promising and duti- 
 ful child, and my other six dear children a loveing and kind brother, 
 was advancing in life very fast to be enabled to defend himself and 
 protect them, which friendly aid they have stood in great need of 
 since I arrived in England, After receiving my six poor children, 
 I continued in my confinement until I received Mr. Wendell's 
 letter, a copy of which is as follows : — 
 
 Watertown, 19th Sept., 1776. 
 The General Court have resolved that you be permitted to go to Cape Cod, 
 there to sell so many of your effects as are sufficient to discharge your debts 
 in Provincetown, and you are to settle and pay off the same. After that is 
 done, you will assist the selectmen of that town in forwarding the remainder 
 of your effects up to Boston, to be deposited in the hands of Mr. Pitts and 
 myself, till the further order of the Court. This is the best that can be done 
 at present, and hope you'll perform the business with integrity. I must de- 
 sire to see you before you go down to the Cape, as I shall write by you, and 
 give you some directions. 
 
 Call at the Secretary's office at the Council Chambers for the resolves of 
 Court. Tours, 
 
 Oliveb Wendell, 
 
 One of the Court's Committee. 
 
 On the receipt of the above letter, I greatly feared it was a 
 scheme laid to get me off the farm, in order that the mob might 
 inflict me with the punishment of five hundred lashes. I durst not 
 go until my brother had got a pass for me from Dr. Flint, chair- 
 man of the committee of Shrewsbury, which took him three days to 
 procure for me, and is as follows : — 
 
# 
 
 In compliance with Mr. Wendell's directions, Jolley Allen, the bearer here- 
 of, is permitted to go to Cape Cod or elsewhere, agreeable to what the Com-t 
 
 shall order. 
 
 Edward Flint, 
 
 Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence, &c., at Shrewsbury. 
 
 Bhbewsbubt, 23d Sept., 1776. 
 
 The next morning after I received the above pass, I set off to 
 Watertown for the copy of the Kesolves of the General Court, 
 which is as follows : — 
 
 Ik the House op Representatives, Sept. 18, 1776. 
 Resolved, That Jolley Allen be permitted to collect and make sale of so 
 much of his effects at Cape Cod as shall be suflScient to discharge the debts 
 incurred by him and his family at Provincetown since March last; and, after 
 settling and paying said debts, that the selectmen of Provincetown deliver 
 the remainder of his effects into the hands of Mr. Wendell and Mr. Pitts, of 
 Boston, who shall be accountable to this Court for the same that may be de- 
 livered to them. 
 
 Sent up for concurrence. J. Wabben, Speaker. 
 
 In Council, Sept. 18, 1776. Read and concurred. 
 
 Jno. Aveky, Deputy Secretai-y. 
 
 Consented to by the major part of the Council. 
 
 A true copy. Attest : Jno. Aveky, Deputy Secretary. 
 
 On receiving the said Resolve from the secretary's office, I went 
 to Boston that same evening, and attended on Mr. Wendell at his 
 house (I took care to have a copy of the Resolve before I gave it 
 him) , and entered into conversation immediately^ on the subject of 
 my going to the Cape. Afterwards he sat down and wrote a letter 
 to the selectmen of Provincetown, which he sealed (or I would 
 have had a copy of it also) , desiring me to go as quick as possible 
 I could contrive to get to Provincetown with this letter. (At this 
 time of leaving Shrewsbury, I thought it very prudent to have my 
 eldest daughter with me, which was then in the nineteenth year of 
 her age, for fear of any accident happening to me of being mur- 
 dered on the road ; hearing the mobs had broke open all the ware- 
 houses where my effects lay, and took out what they pleased, and 
 left the remainder, by which means I thought my life in danger, 
 was the reason of me taking my daughter with me.) On leaving 
 Mr. Wendell and he giving me the above letter, he said if I found 
 any difficulty, or that the people of Cape Cod refusing to deliver 
 me the goods, to tell them they had once disobliged the General 
 
35 
 
 Court, and let them take care how they offended the General Court 
 again, if ever the town wanted or should ask a favor from them. 
 But, before I left Mr. WendeU, I asked how I was to go to the 
 Cape. He said the best way I could. I told him I had no money, 
 how was I to go two hundred and forty miles thither and back 
 agam. He said he had no directions from the General Court, and 
 therefore he could do nothing in it. I answered, " Sir, you know 
 they have taken away all my property ; I have nothing left that I 
 can come at ; I cannot go without support ; and pray, sir, am I to 
 stay m Boston or return to Shrewsbury?" Besides, I had my 
 daughter with me, as I did not know from the cruelty I had re- 
 ceived at Shrewsbury but that I might be murdered by the way in 
 going or coming back ; for that reason, I had brought my daughter 
 with me, that she might be a witness of my funeral, that the Gen- 
 eral Court might know what was become of me. After waitino- 
 two days in Boston, Mr. Pitts, the other Court's committee man"^ 
 sent for me, and gave me twenty dollars in paper money, which is 
 Four Pounds Ten ShiUings sterling, and desired I would make 
 what haste I could there, and come back as quick as possible, 
 which I did to the great astonishment of the people of Province- 
 town, for they never expected to see me again. And to my great 
 surprise on my arrival in Provincetown, and delivered Mr. Wen- 
 dell's letter to the selectmen, on reading which they told me 
 neither I nor the General Court had any right to my effects, as I 
 came into their harbor in the greatest distress ; that the like was 
 never seen before ; and refused to give me up the effects, untH I 
 told them of the message that Mr. Wendell gave me beside the 
 letter. On which, the selectmen had a consultation together, and 
 then agreed to let me have the effects, and gave me an account, 
 which I never before was able to obtain, for unloading the vesseU 
 and storing the effects. They charged One Hundred and Fifty 
 pounds sterhng ; but, on my disputing so unjust and enormous an 
 account, they agreed to take Seventy-Four SterUng, and this ac- 
 count they afterwards acknowledged to be a very heavy charge 
 when thus reduced, as wiU appear by the subjoined certificate. 
 Being obliged by order of the Court to seU the effects at Province- 
 town to discharge the said sum, I am weU satisfied in my own 
 mind what was there sold, foj- the above sum of Seventy-Four 
 pounds sterling, would have *sold in Boston for Five Hundred 
 Guineas sterhng. Such was the advantage taken of me, and never 
 
36 ^ 
 
 ■ allowed me what was left besides, after the above sale. I did the 
 best that la}' in my power from Mr. Pitts and Mr. Wendell's di- 
 rection to me, ordering me to assist the selectmen. I hired a 
 vessel to take the remainder of my effects to Boston, as appears 
 by the receipt at the bottom of the bill of lading, as follows : — 
 
 Provincetown, Oct. 9, 1776. 
 
 Received the above goods and articles on board the schooner Ester, which 
 I promise to deliver at Boston, to Oliver Wendell and John Pitts, Esqs., or 
 their order, danger of the seas only excepted, they paying freight thereof, 
 eight pounds lawful money, as witness my hand. 
 
 Bureau, mahogany table, six mahogany chairs omitted. 
 
 Henry Atkins. 
 
 My trouble from the conduct of the Court has been very great, 
 on the above occasion, and never thanked for it, though at the 
 same time recommended by the selectmen of Provincetown, as 
 follows : — 
 
 These are to certify that Jolley Allen hath suffered a very heavy loss in 
 being cast on shore, in his house-furniture being stove, damaged, and de- 
 stroyed, and his papers it is presumed were all lost with his books and 
 accounts, and a very large quantity of china, glass, and other ware destroyed 
 in the vessel. His charges here hath unavoidably arisen to a large sum on 
 what little he saved out of the whole, which charges he hath paid with honor 
 by the sale of his effects, in which sale he hath done the most he could to 
 save the remainder, to whom it shall be ordered by the General Court. 
 
 Nehemiah Nickebson, ) Selectmen of 
 Solomon Cook, ) Provincetown. 
 
 Pbovihcetown, Oct. 9, 1776. 
 
 If my effects was but little, how came they to charge One Hun- 
 dred and Fifty Pounds sterling for unloading and storing the same ? 
 I and my daughter went in the vessel with the remainder of my 
 effects. I was very soiTy we did not meet with some English man- 
 of-war to carry us into some other Port, for had there been but ever 
 so little it would have been of service to me. But though the mobs 
 at several times had stolen so much, and those sold at Cape Cod 
 to so great a disadvantage, there was a gi'cat quantity left. But 
 unfortunatel}^ for us we got safe to Boston, and I waited on Messrs. 
 Wendell and Pitts, and gave them the BiU of lading, and a copy 
 of every one's name and where they lived that bought any of my 
 effects at Cape Cod ; also what they gave for them. Mr. Wendell 
 and Mr. Pitts both agreed that my Effects should be put into Mr. 
 Wendell's store, and the vessel was ordered round to his Wharf, 
 
37 
 
 and I was desired to see the vessel unloaded, and likewise to see 
 them safe stored, and make out a just account and give them, 
 which I did ; and, when done, I waited on Mr. Wendell with the 
 account. He asked me if every thing was stored. I told hmi it 
 was, only a crimson silk Curtain in which I put all my plate and 
 the plate I had by me belonging to the late Mrs. Vintino (I have 
 before mentioned). He answered me : " How can I give a true 
 return to the General Court of your fidelity, if you do not let me 
 have all the plate? " I replied, I thought my lodgings a fitter place 
 than his warehouse to keep the plate. He answered, he thought 
 his house a fitter place, and ordered me to bring it there the next 
 morning, saying, " Mr. Allen, if I had ever such a mind to sen^e 
 you, I could not ; how can I make a proper return of all your effects 
 delivered to me? I can only say you have delivered to me all the 
 remainder of your effects except one silk curtain and your plate. 
 I make not the least doubt in life," added he, " but what you will 
 have all your effects returned to you, and that immediately by our 
 General Court, on my making your return to them with the charac- 
 ter the Selectmen of Provincetown has given of you to me, which I 
 shall lay before the General Court in your behalf." Upon which, 
 I delivered the silk Curtain and all my plate I was possessed of, 
 the next morning, to Mr. Wendell and Mr. Pitts, two famous Se- 
 lectmen, who call themselves honest men of the town of Boston, 
 which promised to do every thing in their power to serve me. But 
 I never heard from them afterwards : it plainly appeared they 
 meant to serve themselves, and not me, for when I left the Plate in 
 their hands they ordered me immediately to my confinement, and 
 not to be within forty miles of any seaport, this 27th of October, 
 1776, which is thirty-three days from the time I left Shrewsbury to 
 the time I returned ; and there I remained, as much insulted as 
 before, playing at bo-peep with them, as they watched me very nar- 
 rowly. I often baffled them, for sometimes I would stay in the 
 house for a week, and make my appearance again ; sometimes a 
 fortnight and three weeks, and once I confined myself for a month, 
 and then made my appearance. During this space, I used to keep 
 myself close in the house, they used to be upon the watch, and 
 often would say I was gone ; and when I did appear, to the great 
 surprise and astonishment, was insulted in such a manner that my 
 life was in danger. The reason of my confining myself was that, 
 when I should be so fortunate as to make my escape, they should 
 
38 ^ 
 
 not suspect me. In this manner I continued from tlie 28th day 
 of March, 1776, I fell a sacrifice amongst them, to the 8th day of 
 February, 1777, — I think to the best of my knowledge is three 
 hundred and seventeen days. 
 
 And then kind goodness appeared to me, by three friends of 
 government, that lived eighty miles' distance, hearing how 
 barbarously I had been treated, and how \'iolently used by the 
 Americans, came to my relief at the hazard of their lives and 
 fortunes, which they was determined to effect that I might not 
 suffer any longer amongst them, in which through God's good- 
 ness they succeeded, and brought me away triumphant with them 
 about the hour of one o'clock in the morning.* And we arrived 
 at New London about two o'clock the next day, eight}' miles from 
 the place of my confinement ; and about two o'clock the next morn- 
 ing, being Mondaj^ the 10th of February, I went on board the 
 Amazon frigate of thirty- two guns, commanded by Captain Jacob- 
 son, who generously received me at that hour in the night, and 
 took me in his own apartments and loaded me with kindnesses, as 
 much as could be, as a friend of government. I continued with 
 him until the Thursday following. I applied to him to be landed : 
 he ordered his boat out with reluctance, and begged to keep me 
 on board to carry me safe himself to New York, for fear I should 
 fall into the hands of the Americans again ; but I being desirous 
 of getting there, and he not knowing the exact time of his going, 
 granted my request and brought the King's Frigate under sail to 
 see me safe landed, for if any of the American boats, of which 
 there was several in sight, should offer to come after me, he would 
 have sunk them. He was induced to this from motives of human- 
 ity, as my sufferings had been so great, for which kindness I can 
 never sufficiently thank him, but shall always remember his name 
 with the greatest gratitude. And after I was landed I had one 
 hundred and twenty miles to go to New York. I was in imminent 
 danger all the way of being taken, but through the mercy of God I 
 escaped, and arrived at New York safe of Monday following, the 
 17th day of February, about sunset, and waited on Sir William 
 
 * Mr. Allen's nephew, Thomas Allen, Jr., by request of his friends, took 
 him in a chaise from Shrewsbury to New London : there his friends, Capt. 
 Pardon Tillinghast Taber, Capt Thomas Wilson, and Samuel Taber, carried 
 him in a small boat to the frigate Amazon, lying off Fishers' Island, and com- 
 manded by Capt. Jacobson, who took him to New York. His friends were 
 recognized on their way from the ship, and imprisoned. F. M. S. 
 
39 
 
 Howe immediatelj", and he desired me to wait of his brother, Lord 
 Howe ; and, when I came to his Lordship, found the General there 
 before me. I told his Lordship and the General part of my diffi- 
 culties, and I hearing there was a fleet bound to England, I begged 
 his Lordship would give me a passage in the said fleet, which his 
 Lordship readil}^ granted, and ordered a pass for me to go on board 
 a brig Two Hundred and Eighty tons, commanded by Captain 
 Montgomery, as I had not money to pay my passage, nor even to 
 lay in any stores for m3^self. After I received Lord and General 
 Howe's directions for my pass, was obliged to call Captain Bow- 
 master out of bed, as the fleet was getting under sail, as he was 
 appointed to make out passes, and I was near losing my passage. 
 I was obliged to give half a Guinea for a boat, and the}" put me on 
 board the wrong vessel, which I went aboard of the 18th of Febru- 
 ary. But, lying at Sand}^ Hook one day, I was desirous to go on 
 board a ship-of-war which I was informed that General Robinson 
 was in, whom I well knew for many years. The captain ordered 
 his boat out, and went with me. When I came on board. General 
 Robinson received me very kindly, and expressed great concern 
 for my losses, which he well knew. On the 19th day of February, 
 we sailed from Sandy Hook, and arrived in England the 19th day 
 of March following, and arrived in London the next day, the 20th 
 March, 1777, and the first inquiry I made was after my wife's sister, 
 Mrs. Lewington, and to my great grief found her doubty chained 
 down, raving mad, in Bedlam ; she thinking m^'self, wife, and seven 
 children had all fell a sacrifice to the barbarity of the Americans. 
 I thought to have lived comfortable during my stay in England 
 with her ; but I thank God she is now out of Bedlam, and much 
 better than could be expected. 
 
 The next day I applied to Messrs. Harrison and Ansley, No. 50 
 Bread Street, Cheapside, London, who I at the beginning of the 
 troubles in America, I had sent from Boston two hundred and 
 thirty pounds sterling in bills of exchange, and desired them to 
 put the money out at interest upon good security for my use, think- 
 ing it might some time or other be of service to my family, little 
 expecting^ at that time that I should ever come to London again 
 myself. But, to add grief to my sorrow, I found not one shilling 
 of the money paid to them ; but the bills lay in their hands all 
 protested, which bills I have now by me. I being so long out of 
 Loudon, I was almost as great a stranger, though born and 
 
40 
 
 brought up in it, as those that had never seen the place. Having 
 been out of it twenty-two years, most of my friends and acquaint- 
 ance was dead and gone away ; my distress was so great that it 
 ahnost overcame me, and had I not a gone to the New England 
 Coffee House, where I saw many Boston and New England gentle- 
 men, I know not what would have become of me. By seeing of 
 them revived my drooping spirits, and finding mj'self deprived 
 of this money in London, as I thought to have received to have 
 helped to relieve myself and children, I did not know what to do. 
 
 Necessity obliged me to apply to kind government ; and, on 
 Wednesday, the 26th of March, 1777, I went to wait on the Right 
 Honorable Lord George Germain, and present to him a memorial. 
 It not being levee day, Mr. Cumberland, his Lordship's secretary, 
 behaved to me verj^ genteelly, and told me to come early the next 
 day ; he expressed a very great concern for my troubles, and intro- 
 duced me to several gentlemen of his acquaintance, and offered at 
 the same time to do me all the service that lay in his power ; of 
 which kindness I shall never forget, and I pra^- to God that he 
 may be rewarded for the same, as his humane and friendly offers 
 greatly relieved my troubled and afflicted mind at that time. 
 
 The next day, Thursday the 27th March, about one o'clock, I 
 was introduced to the Right Honorable Lord George Germain, 
 who very graciouslj^ received me at his Levy, and did me the honor 
 to cause me to sit down by him. Mr. Cumberland then presented 
 my memorial to his Lordship, who likewise received it as kindly as 
 he did myself, and returned it to his secretary, and ordered him to 
 read it. And his Lordship heard it throughout very patiently, 
 and afterwards his Lordship asked me a great many questions 
 relating to my sufferings, «&;c., all which I answered. But his 
 Lordship has never been acquainted with very few of my difficul- 
 ties, but upon the mentioning those few (with the blessing of God, 
 and the tender simpathizing feelings of his Lordship for those in 
 distress, which is well known is his Lordship's characteristic by 
 those who have the honor of being known to him) , my troubled 
 and afflicted heart was soon alle\'iated and eased by his Lordship 
 gracious^ condescending to sa}' to me he would take care of me. 
 And a short time after I was ordered to wait of Mr. Row, at the 
 King's treasmy, who gave me an order on the Bank ; and from 
 this place' I receive m}^ daily bread once a quarter, or else I must 
 have perished in London ; for which great kindness and attention 
 
41 
 
 in Ms Lordship to me, I shall always remember with the utmost 
 gratitude, and that his Lordship may enjoy every blessing this 
 life can afford, and a crown of glory after his leaving this trouble- 
 some world, is and ever will be the ardent prayer of his most 
 grateful humble servant, 
 
 JoLLEY Allen. 
 
 I shall with the greatest gratitude ever pray for the prosperity 
 and welfare of my good King and native country', and I hope to 
 live to see the time that this my native country will be triumphant 
 over all her enemies. 
 
 But for fear death should come upon me, being now in the sixty- 
 fourth year of my age, and having six poor children now living in 
 America, I fear in great distress, which could I by any means get 
 them over to England, would have this my case printed and made 
 as public as possible, to show the depravity of nature, and how 
 cruel mankind can be to their fellow-creature when divested of 
 parental affection and true religion, which is the case of the 
 Americans at this time. 
 
 I have likewise seen General Eobinson (now Governor of New 
 York) since I came to England, and he has expressed the warmest 
 friendship for me, and assured me he would use all his interest in 
 his power for me when opportunity served, and gave me leave to 
 make use of his name on all or every occasion that might offer or 
 likely to be of use to me, for which kindness I shaU always retain 
 the most grateful remembrance. 
 
 My case is different from a great many : I have neither houses 
 nor lands in America, if even the times were settled ; I have sacri- 
 ficed my all for the good of the English nation (all for my good 
 King and Native country, whom I pray God may always triumph 
 over all her enemies), and this will very plainly appear to my 
 executors after my death, which I desire may be printed and made 
 known to the world. I should have done it long ago, as I said 
 before, only for my poor children, which I fear is wanting bread 
 in America. If I should not live to see the times settled, I leave 
 it to my executors to publish the whole or any part of my writings 
 that is most agreeable to them. 
 
 I desire and beg some able penman will take up my hard case 
 after my death to state my great troubles properly to the world for 
 my six poor children, both fatherless, motherless, and friendless, 
 
42 
 
 wlio has lost their all in the above glorious cause, -which I hope 
 kind Providence will protect and bring them through this trouble- 
 some world. Those six children never knew what it was to be 
 cold or hungrj" before those troubles came on in Boston, but always 
 had a plenty of every thing, which is well known to all the inhab- 
 itants of Boston. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 RECORD OF THE FAMILY OF ALLEN. 
 
 The Allen Coat of Arms, engi\avecl on a Silver Tankard. Per 
 bend rompu, six Martletts counterchanged on the Shield. The 
 Crest is an Eagle, with the wings elevated. The Tankard is 
 massive, and very beautifully engraved, and is now owned by a 
 gi-eat-great-grandchild of Captain Nathaniel Allen, who was com- 
 mander of a Packet-Ship which sailed between London and Boston. 
 
 All the articles for his Table, on board his Ship (that could con- 
 veniently be so), were of solid Silver, such as Gravy-Boats, Cans 
 (instead of Tumblers) , Poringers, Tea-Pot, Sugar Dish, Cream- 
 Pitcher, Pepper Box, Punch Ladle, Silver Knives and Forks, 
 Spoons, &c. Many of these articles are still in the family. There 
 is a "Damask Table Cloth" now owned by one of his great- 
 great-grandchildren, off from which King George II. and his 
 suite dined, by invitation from Capt. Allen, on board his Ship. 
 He was married in London when very young; had two sons, 
 Nathaniel and Jolley ; his wife died, and he married Dorcas 
 Bowes of London ; they had twelve children ; two sons, Thomas 
 and Samuel, were born in London, and came to Boston, New 
 England, with their parents, in 1734 or 1735. 
 
 On the Kecords of Christ Church, Boston, there is recorded the 
 Baptisms of ten, of Nathaniel, and Dorcas Allen's chUdren, and the 
 deaths of five. William, Baptized July 13th, 1735, was married to 
 Rebecca Delap, May 1st, 1760 : they had children ; one son was a 
 Lieutenant in the Brittish Navy in 1781, and was on board the 
 Ship Namur with his Father, who left the Navy, and was residing 
 in London, August 10th, 1786. Henry Jolley, Baptized May 1st, 
 1737, Died August 31st, 1739. Lewis, Baptized at his Father's, 
 August 19th, 1739, Died Aug. 31st, 1739. Richard, Baptized 
 November 16th, 1740, Died February 6th, 1741. Elizabeth, Bap- 
 
44 
 
 tizecl November 8, 1841, Died August 22nd, 1742, A Son, name 
 not given, Baptized Feby 6th, 1743, Died Sept. 21st, 1743. Na- 
 thaniel, Baptized Dec. 9tli, 1744, I cannot trace; neither Sarah, 
 Baptized October 27th, 1745 ; think they must have died in Shrews- 
 bury, Mass. 
 
 Lewis, Baptized September 29th, 1747, married, in 1770, Mary 
 Adams of Worcester ; no children. In March, 1778, he bought an 
 Estate in Leicester, Mass., of Joseph Henshaw of Boston. He 
 had 136 Acres of Land, including some adjacent Laud, which he 
 had previously owned. He paid two thousand five hundred pounds 
 sterling for it all. The Mansion House upon it was built by Mr. 
 Henshaw, in 1771, of materials brought from Boston; is now 
 standing. Mr. Allen named the place "The Mount Pleasant 
 Estate," and kept it in fine repair. There was a small Maple 
 Grove on the place : in that, he, at his request, was buried. The 
 Lot was reserved when the Estate was sold in 1783. He died 
 Nov. 7th, 1782 ; and, in Washburn's History of Leicester, Lewis 
 Allen is spoken of as a loss to his friends and the Public. 
 
 Caleb was Baptized at home, May 8, 1749 ; he married Eliza- 
 beth Davis of Norwich, Conn. ; no children. He died in Provi- 
 dence, Rhode Island, 1774. 
 
 Nathaniel, eldest son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen, is mentioned in 
 both his Father's and Step Mother's wills. There is no evidence 
 that he ever came to America. 
 
 Jolley, second son of Capt. Nathaniel Allen, came to Boston in 
 1754 or 1755, with his wife (whose maiden name was Eleanor 
 Warren) , by whom, he says in his manuscript, he had seventeen 
 children that lived to be Christened. 
 
 I only find a Record of nine Births at City Hall, and of but eight 
 Baptisms at King's Chapel : one was private. The seven Baptized 
 in the Church, each had three Sponsors. The names of his chil- 
 dren were, Jolley, Baptized Easter Day, April 10th, 1757, Died 
 Sept. 18th, 1776. Eleanor, born Dec. 1st, was Baptized Dec. 10th, 
 1758 : she was engaged to Pardon Tillinghast Taber, but died with 
 quick consumption (just before they were to have been married) 
 at her cousin Thomas Allen, Jr.'s, in 1780. Mr. Taber was the 
 only brother of Mr. Allen's wife. 
 
 Henry Warren, born May 11th, was Baptized May 23d, 1760, 
 and Died August 24th, 1762. Johanna, born August 12th, 1762, 
 was Baptized August 22nd, 1762, Died March 22nd, 1765. They 
 
45 
 
 were Buried in the Family Tomb under King's Chapel. Ann, born 
 March 19th, Baptized March 31st, 1765, Died at her cousin Thomas 
 Allen's in 1782, with consumption. Jolley, born December 22nd, 
 1766, was Baptized January 9th, 1767. He lived some 3^ears (after 
 his Father went back to London) with his cousin Thomas Allen, 
 on the Mount Pleasant Estate, then went to sea ; he married while 
 abroad ; was in London in 1786. 
 
 Jolley, son of Jolley and Eleanor Allen, went in 1800 to New 
 London, Connecticut, with his wife, and daughter Mary, aged four 
 years. They kept house in that City for some time, then removed 
 to New York, where they had other children. He went to Sea, 
 and we have not heard from him since. Of Sarah, born Oct. 15, 
 1769, there is no Record of Baptism. She married-Hurlbut.Na- 
 thaniel, son of Jolle}' and Eleanor ; was Baptized in private, Oct. 
 28th, 1770 ; lived with his cousin Thomas Allen, Jr., from 1778 until 
 he chose to be a mariner. In a letter to his cousin, from England, 
 in 1800, he said he was soon to leave for the West-Indies ; that 
 he owned both Ship and Cargo. That was the last information 
 received from him. 
 
 Charlotte was Baptized May 13th, 1772, in King's-Chapel, where 
 her Father, Jolley Allen, owned Pew No. 54 : that is the only trace 
 of Charlotte I can find. 
 
 Thomas Aliened, son of Nathaniel, and oldest son of Nathaniel 
 and Dorcas Allen, was born in London, England, Sept. 19th, 1728, 
 and came to Boston with his parents. Between 1749 and 1752 he 
 probably spent some time in the Island of Maderia, where, it is said, 
 he made a large fortune. On his return he settled in New London, 
 Conn. ; and on Oct. 29th, 1753, he married Elizabeth (Christo- 
 phers), widow of John Shackmaple, Jr. Her Father was Richard 
 Saltonstall, a prominent man, and a Judge of the Superior Court 
 in 1711 : her Mother was the oldest daughter of Governor Gurdon 
 and his wife Jerusha (Richards) Saltonstall. Thomas and Eliza- 
 beth Allen had but one child, Thomas, born Sept. 10th, 1755 ; was 
 Baptized in St. James Church. Thomas Allen, senior, was a 
 Merchant on Main Street, N. L., near the Ferry Wharf, and was 
 also engaged in Commerce ; owning 16 sail of Vessels. He kept 
 the first Marine List in New London, commencing in 1770, and 
 ending with his death, Nov. 19, 1793. He was voted into the 
 Boston Marine Society" as a Marine Member, March 4th, 1760 ; Paid 
 4 lbs 10 shillings 0. for his Certificate of Membership. Rev. R. A. 
 
46 
 
 Hallam, D.D., in liis Annals Q0^t. James, New London, saj's, 
 Thomas Allen was a man of substance and extensive business, and 
 for a long time a foremost man in the Episcopal Church ; was a 
 Warden eleven years. He died Nov. 19th, 1793. 
 
 Samuel. 2nd, son of Nathaniel and Dorcas Allen, was born in 
 England; married Elizabeth f- they had four children, — Samuel, 
 born April 28th, 1754 ; James; Nathaniel; and Elizabeth, who was 
 born in 1760. Samuel, Senior, died in 17G0 at New Providence, 
 Bahama Islands. He was a Merchant. 
 
 Thomas Allen, Jr., son of Thomas and Elizabeth (Christophers) 
 Allen, was married, by Rev. Mathew Graves, to Amelia, daughter 
 of Pardon and Elizabeth (Harris) Taber, April 23d, 1878. After 
 their marriage the}' lived on his Farm, which he named Mount 
 Pleasant, in New London (Great Neck). In 1793 removed with 
 his wife and seven children to Fishers Island, which was nine miles 
 in length, and contained five thousand Acres of Land. Mr. Allen 
 hired it of Francis Ba^' Winthrop, for twenty-six hundred Dollars 
 per year. There were 12 families who were his Tenants. He 
 emploj'ed five or six girls to Spin and weave, and had Dairy 
 women at each end of the Island. They made two sixty pound 
 Cheeses daily, also Butter. He kept one hundred Cows, two 
 thousand Sheep, also raised Horses and Mules. Raised Wheat, 
 oats, &c. Mr. Allen hired Mr. Westcote, who was both Chaplain 
 and Teacher for the children of his Tenants and his younger ones. 
 His older children were sent to boarding School. He resided 19 
 years upon the Island, and entertained a great many. He owned 
 a Sloop named Betsey, in which he carried his friends to and 
 from New London and Stonington. In 1812 he purchased the 
 Nightingale Farms in Pomfret, Conn. : one contained 520 and the 
 other 280 Acres of Land. In 1828 he was one of a committee 
 who hired Rev. E. B. Kellogg to officiate in Pomfret, Conn. A 
 parish was organized ; and Thomas Allen, Jr., was appointed 
 first wai'den, which office he held till his death, 1844, or, rather, 
 till disabled by disease. Christ Church, Pomfret, was built in 
 1829 ; and he gave the lumber for it : he and his famil}^ were 
 among the active workers in that church until 1845, when they 
 removed to Boston. 
 
 Thomas Allen, Jr., sold his large Farm, and moved to the small 
 one in 1829; there his wife died, Jan}' 14th, 1838; and he died 
 May 16th, 1842. Thomas and Amelia had nine sons and three 
 
47 
 
 daughters. Elizabeth, born Nov. 20th, 1779, died June 13th, 1863. 
 Thomas, born June 18, 1781, married Eunice, daughter of Caleb 
 Johnson, Oct. 16, 1804. They had three sons and three daughters. 
 He died May 22nd, 1817, in New London; and his wife died in 
 Buffalo, N.Y., June 18, 1861. The 3d child of Thomas and 
 Amelia was Lewis, born May 2nd, 1-783 ; married, Sept. 18, 1805, 
 Mary Denison, daughter of Denison and Waty (Burrows) Smith. 
 They had three sons and seven daughters. He died May 3d, 1844 : 
 his wife died Oct. 21st, 1854. 
 
 William, son of Thomas and Amelia, born March 13th, 1785, 
 was married by Rev. Daniel Fogg in Trinity Church, Brookl}^!, 
 Conn., Jany 18th, 1815, to Emily, daughter of John Wilks and 
 Mary Chandler. He died March 20th, 1833 : his wife died April 
 26th, 1882. They had five sons and five daughters : one son died 
 in infancy. 
 
 Frances Taber, daughter of Thomas and Amelia Allen, born 
 March 21st, 1787, was married in St. James Church, New London, 
 by Rev. Solomon Blakesley, to Jesse Denison Smith, son of Col. 
 Oliver and Mary (Denison) Smith, July 26, 1815. They had one 
 child, Frances Mary, born July 30th, 1816. Jesse D. Smith was 
 drowned Nov. 4th, 1817, off the Azores, or Western Isles. His 
 wife died March 14th, 1877. 
 
 Samuel, son of Thomas and Amelia, born Oct. 11, 1789, died 
 Nov. 8, 1806. 
 
 Nathaniel, son of Thomas and Amelia, born June 23d, 1791, 
 graduated at Yale College, Sept. 11th, 1812. He married, in 
 Claiborne, Alabama, Martha Helen Foster. He died August 
 5th, 1822 : his widow married Edward L. Smith. She died May 
 15th, 1857. 
 
 George, son of Thomas and Amelia, born Sept. 21st, 1793, mar- 
 ried Sarah, daughter of Nicodemas and Mary (Thomas) Burch, 
 March 19, 1837. They had four children : their only son died 
 Feby 22nd, 1845. George Allen died Dec. 22, 1844. 
 
 Amelia, daughter of Thomas and Amelia, born July 10, 1795, 
 died June 23d, 1852. John, born May 18, 1797, married Lucy 
 Johnson, Oct. 18, 1818. They had four children. In 1824 he 
 went on a Sealing- Voyage (for his health) with his brother-in-law, 
 Capt. Robert Johnson, to the Antarctic Ocean. Neither Capt., 
 Passengers, Crew, or Vessel have ever been heard from. Their 
 only son, John Wolcott, was a Cavalry Ofl3cer in the Union 
 
48 
 
 Army, and was shot vi0k acting as a scout in Iowa. He left 
 two sons. 
 
 Henry Nelson, son of Thomas and Amelia, born May 27, 1799, 
 married Jane Cellina Foster, Dec. 10th, 1824. They had one son 
 and one daughter : the son died in infancy. 
 
 Pardon, 12 child of Thomas and Amelia Allen, born July 12th, 
 died July 16, 1802. 
 
 Caleb (son of Thomas and Eunice Allen) married and settled 
 in New London in 1831. In 1836 he was chosen Alderman. In 
 1837 he was elected State Senator from the seventh District of 
 his native state. From 1838 to 1841 he was Post-Master. In 
 1841 he was elected Maj'or of New London, and held the office 
 until 1843, when he resigned, to move with his family to Western 
 New York. He died in Sinclairville, N.Y., May 4, 1876. 
 
 Lewis Denison, Frederick Lee, and Thomas H. C. Allen were 
 sons of Lewis and Mary Denison Allen. 
 
 Frederick Lee was born May 20th, 1820 ; was a Druggist in New 
 London ; he married Waitstill Lippett, June 4th, 1849. He was 
 Ma3'or of that City from 1862 to 1871 : he was also a member of 
 the Legislature in 1867 and 1868. In 1871 he was State Senator. 
 He died Feby 25th, 1872. 
 
 Boston, Mass., April, 1883. 
 
 [" The Boston Evening Post," March 2d, 1767.] 
 
 Just imported from London, by Jolley Allen, at his Shop about midway 
 between the Governors and the Town House, and almost opposite the 
 Heart and Crown, in Cornhill, Boston, A very large assortment of Eng- 
 lish and India goods, fit for all seasons; too many to enumerate sepe- 
 rately in an Advertisement. Superfine Serges, of most colours, at 36 
 shillings (O. T.) per single yard, and cheaper by large quantities. Sil- 
 ver Ribbons, very genteel, at 7 shillings, 6 pence (Old Tenor) per single 
 yard. Women's Lynn made Calimanco Shoes, at 30 Shillings (O. T.) 
 per pair. A good assortment of Irish Linens, to be sold at a very low 
 rate ; and all the above mentioned assortment of English and India goods, 
 he is determined to sell at as low a rate as is in his power, to make room 
 for a very large assortment of English Goods, that is to come in the first 
 Ship that sails from London to Boston in the Spring ; which goods, he is 
 convinced, will come so low charged to him, as that he will be able to 
 sell, in the Wholesale or Retail way, as cheap, if not cheaper, than can be 
 bought at any Store or Shop in Town. |@^ The following ready made 
 Cloaths to be sold by Wholesale or Retail. Viz. Coats, Silk Jackets, 
 
49 
 
 Shapes, and Cloth Ditto. Stocking Breeches of all sizes, and most 
 colours; Cotton Velvet, Cloth, Thickset, Duroy, Everlasting, and Plush 
 Breeches; Sailors' great Coats, and outside and inside Jackets; check 
 Shirts, Frocks, and long, wide Trowsers. Scotch Bonnets, and blue 
 milled Stockings. All the above Cloaths will be sold at a very low rate, as 
 said Allen is going to quit that branch of Business. If any person in- 
 clines to purchase the whole or part of the above cloathes, they may 
 find it greatly to their advantage. English, European, or West India 
 Goods wiU suit for pay. ^^ |@=* He deals for Cash only, except for the 
 above articles of C loathing. 
 
 Choice London Bohea Tea, by the Chest, Hundred, Dozen, or half 
 Dozen, at the lowest prices, with great encouragement to Retailers, at 
 34 shillings (O. T.) by the single pound, 17 shillings half pound, and 
 8 shil. and 6 pence the quarter pound. Also choice French Indigo, 
 by large or small quantities. The above Tea and Indigo are warranted 
 of the best kind: if they prove otherwise, will be taken back, and the 
 money returned by the said 
 
 JOLLKY AXLEN. 
 
 He has likewise the best of No. 4 Pins, at 3 pounds, 17 shillings, per 
 Dozen. 
 
 [" Boston Gazette," Sept. 24, 1767.] 
 
 NOW READY FOR SALE AT THE MOST REASONABLE RATE 
 
 BY 
 
 JOLLEY ALLEN, 
 
 AT mS SHOP, ALMOST OPPOSITE THE HEART AND CROWN, m CORNHILL, 
 
 BOSTON. 
 
 Superfine, middling, and low- 
 prized Broad Cloths, such as scarlet 
 crimson, black, claret. Blue, and 
 cloth-coloured, some of the cloth- 
 coloured as low as 33 shOlings (Old 
 Tenor) per yard. Superfine, mid- 
 dling, and low prized Kerseys of 
 various colours ; with a large assort- 
 ment of plain Krapt Beaver coating, 
 bath Beavers, and coat bindings. 
 Superfine London and German 
 Serges of most colours at 36 shillings 
 (O. T.) per yard, and some at 33 shil- 
 lings. Bearskins of different colours. 
 Red and blue Diffles and Shags, 
 
 plain and silk sagathy's and duroys 
 of the newest and most fashionable 
 colours, very cheap. Neat Damas- 
 cus Nankeens for Men's Jackets. 
 Black, and cloth coloured, cotton 
 Velvets. Men's and women's black 
 silk Velvets. Rich black Satin's for 
 Men's Jackets, and White ditto. 
 Worsted Plush and Hair Shag of dif- 
 ferent colours. Velvet Shapes for 
 Jackets, plain and figured, everlast- 
 ing, and Draw boys. Thickset and 
 Fustians of all colovirs and prices, 
 with black, scarlet, and crimson 
 worsted Thicksets. London and 
 
f60 
 
 Bristol shalloons, tammies, durants, 
 and calimancos of all colours and 
 prices. Blue, green, and cloth-col- 
 oured half Thicksets. Scarlet, crim- 
 son, pink, red, and green Baizes, of 
 a yard and two yards wide, and 
 Flannels. Striped and plain Swan- 
 skins of all prices. Osnabirgs, 
 ticklinburgs, and dowlass Blankets 
 of aU sorts. Men's, women's, and 
 children's cotton, thread, and wor- 
 sted hose. Men's yarn Stockings. 
 Single and double cotton Kilmarnock 
 Caps, scarlet, crimson, and striped 
 worsted Caps. Bucki'am and stay 
 trimmings of all sorts. Coloured 
 thread of all kinds. Best silk 
 twist. Silk and Hair. Mohair, and 
 sewing sUks of all colours. Best 
 double washed Buttons, some of 
 them new fashioned ; white and yel- 
 low, common, ditto. Death-head, 
 basket, needle-worked, horn, and 
 horse-hair Buttons of all colours. 
 Horn and ivory Combs, Penknives, 
 Razors, Scissors, thimbles. Ink-pots, 
 Shoe, knee, and stock-Buckles, Muff 
 Boxes, Sleeve Buttons, pins and 
 needles of all sorts, writing paper, 
 quills. Ink powder. Sealing-wax, and 
 wafers. Wide and narrow lute- 
 strings, very good, which will be 
 sold at a low rate. Light and dark 
 ground calicoes and patches, some 
 very low prized. Men's sUk Caps. 
 Striped Cottons and bengals. Half 
 yard and yard wide poplins and 
 crapes. Worsted Damask grograms 
 and brolioes. Best Camlets, double 
 and twisted both ways, low prized. 
 Yard wide stuffs. Green, cloth- 
 colour'd, and striped bambleteens. 
 Yellow canvass, and marking ditto, 
 with crewels, and worsteds of all 
 shades and colours. English and 
 
 Scotch bed-ticks and plaids. White, 
 figured, and plain fustians and dim- 
 othy, f and | and yard wide garlix. 
 Large assortment of Manchester and 
 Scotch checks, some apron width. 
 A large assortment of Irish Linen, 
 all widths and prices. Men's long 
 black sUk handkerchiefs. Linen 
 and cotton handkerchiefs, some 
 very large. Knit Patterns for Jack- 
 ets and breeches. Silk knee straps. 
 Long silk and worsted money 
 Purses. Diaper, Russia Linen, and 
 table cloths. All sorts of garlix, and 
 cambric, thread, &c. A large assort- 
 ment of silver and other Ribbons, 
 low priced, with necklaces. Ear- 
 rings, and pendants. Head flowers 
 and breast flowers and soliteers. 
 Rich crimson, green, white, blue, 
 and black sprigged satins and sar- 
 cenets, to be sold near the sterling 
 cost. A large assortment of Capu- 
 sliire silks, of the above colours, and 
 some black, as low as 30 shil.(0. T.) 
 per yard. Large and small Roman 
 handkerchiefs, and Barcelona Hand- 
 kerchiefs, by the dozen, or single. 
 Plain and flowered gauze Handker- 
 chiefs. A large and fresh assortment 
 of cloth- coloured trimmings for La- 
 dies' Gowns and Sacks. Wide and 
 narrow common persians, black, 
 white, pink, blue, and crimson 
 ditto. Pealing Satins of various 
 colours. English and India, black 
 and coloured, Taffeties. Taffety 
 Persians and plain persians. Snail 
 lace, and gimp of all colours. Wo- 
 men's silk gloves and mitts, some 
 extraordinarily good. Men, wo- 
 men, and children's worsted, kid, 
 and Lamb gloves and mitts. White 
 and black, blond, trolly, and bone 
 and lappet, Lace. Scarlet and white. 
 
51 
 
 blue and white, and crimson and 
 white, Lace. Plain and flowered 
 Gauze. Paris net and catgut. 
 Leather Mount, ivory stick, paddle 
 stick, and bone stick Fans. Chil- 
 dren's ditto. A large assortment of 
 cambric and Lawn ; some yard wide 
 and flowered Lawns. Broad and 
 narrow binding, linen and diaper 
 tape. Silk, cotton, and thread 
 laces, and silk ferrets. A large 
 assortment calimancoes, half yard 
 and half quarter wide ; very good 
 
 at 12 shillings (O. T.) a yard. Wo- 
 men's English flowered and plain 
 russet Shoes, of several colours, 
 and very good, at a dollar a pair. 
 Women's Lynn made callimanco 
 shoes, at 32 shil. 6 pence, and 
 some at 30 shillings (O. T.), a pair. 
 Children's best made English Mor- 
 rocco leather Pumps. Women's 
 English everlasting Shoes. Women's 
 black and .coloured hats and bon- 
 nets. Women's Chip hats and 
 Bonnets, &c., &c. 
 
 LIKEWISE 
 
 Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Nutmegs, Allspice, Race, and ground Ginger, 
 Pepper, Chocolate, Coffee, Rice, Raisins, Currants, and best English 
 Mustard. English loaf Sugar, by the hundred, or single loaf, at 7 shillings 
 (O. T.) by the single pound, and cheaper by the quantity. Very good loaf 
 Sugar, made here, by the hundred, or single loaf, at six shillings, 6 pence 
 per single pound, and cheaper by the quantity. 
 
 1®=" Choice Jamaica, and other brown Sugars, by the Barrel, Hundred, 
 or smaller quantity, some as low as 3 shil. per single pound, and cheaper 
 by the quantity. 
 
 INDIA CHINA. 
 
 Neat blue and white China, long Dishes, various sizes, enamelled 
 Plates. Blue and white ditto, enamelled Punch Bowls, blue and white 
 ditto of various sizes. Enamelled Cups and Saucers, burnt in, ditto with 
 blue and white China Cups and Saucers. Glass, Delph, and Stone Ware, 
 both flowered and plain. Such as Decanters, Wine Glasses, Beakers, 
 Cruets, Saltcellars, Stone-Plates, Cups and Saucers, Cream-Pots, Tea 
 Pots, Bowls, Mugs, Pickle-Pots, &c., by the crate, or smaller quantities. 
 
 '^^ Cotton Wool, very good and very cheap. Kippen's and Tillock's 
 Snuff. Hard Soap. The best of Poland and common Starch, by the 
 Barrel, Himdred, Dozen, and single poimd. Choice French Indigo by 
 the large or small quantities. 
 
 Excellent London Bohea Tea. By the Chest, Hundred, Dozen, or half 
 dozen, or by the single pound, half pound, and quarter pound, cheap. 
 
 g@= The above Tea is warranted of the best kind, and if it proves 
 otherwise, after trying it, will be taken back, and the money returned, by 
 the said 
 
 JoLLEY Allen. 
 
 N.B. Tea and Indigo are articles I am never out of. 
 
 1^ My Town and country Customers may depend upon my being sup- 
 
^2 
 
 plied with all the above Articles the year round, by Wholesale and 
 Retail, and as cheap in proportion as those which have the prices fixed 
 to them, as I deal for Cash only. 
 
 All this is only a single advertisement. I copied it from " The 
 Boston Gazette." 
 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 45. — Thirteenth line should read. . . . She married 
 
 Ilurlbut. Nathaniel, son of Jolle}- and Eleanor, etc. 
 
 Twenty-third line should read, Thomas Allen, third 
 son of Nathaniel, etc. 
 
 Page 46. — Fifth line should read, Samuel, second son of 
 Nathaniel and Dorcas Allen, was born in England ; married 
 Elizabeth ; they had four children, etc. 
 
 Page 47. — Tenth line from bottom, for 
 " Homan." 
 
 Thomas" read