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 WITH 
 
 INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX 
 OF PARALLEL PASSAGES 
 
 BY 
 
 TOBIAS J. C. DIEKHOFF, Ph. D., Lit. D. 
 
 ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF GERMAN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 
 
 AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 
 
 NEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO 
 

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 Copyright, 1902, 1915, by 
 T. J. C. Diekhoff 
 
 Entered at Stationers' Hall, London 
 
 Nathan der Weise 
 E. p. 2 
 
 NOV 20 1915 
 

 CONTENTS 
 
 ^f 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction .......... 7 
 
 I. Nathan as a Religious Polemic 
 
 I. The Genesis of Nathan 7 
 
 II. The Religious Content of Nathan 42 
 
 Nathan in Theory and Practice 
 
 a) The Parable 43 
 
 b) Nathan in Life and Practice ...... 47 
 
 II. Nathan as a Work of Art 
 
 General Remarks 51 
 
 Nathan as the Central Character ....... 52 
 
 Frequently raised Objections discussed ...... 66 
 
 III. The Sources of Nathan 70 
 
 IV. Historical Foundation ........... 70 
 
 Text o .. 75 
 
 Notes 283 
 
 Appendix of Parallel Passages . ... „ ...... . 339 
 
PREFACE 
 
 'T^o put another edition of Nathan the Wise on the market 
 ■^ may need a word of justification. Without depreciating 
 what other editors have done before me, I venture to hope 
 that my work will not be entirely without merits of its own, 
 which may give it a right to exist. The editions already 
 accessible — both those of German and those of English or 
 American origin — seem to be addressed to a class of students 
 less mature in judgment than the ones with whom I have 
 to deal, and whom I have had in mind in preparing the 
 notes. To these I have endeavored to make accessible the 
 most important material necessary for a critical study and a 
 correct appreciation of Nathan. 
 
 The Introduction aims to make clear the historical set- 
 ting, and to establish a view point from which Nathan can 
 be seen advantageously. Particularly in the second part, 
 dealing with Nathan as a Work of Art, I have been obliged 
 to differ in several important instances from the current views. 
 It is a safe literary principle to endeavor to justify the poet 
 in what he chooses to make of his work — at least to give 
 him credit for having good reasons for doing what he does, 
 and then to try to discover what these reasons may be. 
 Especially in dealing with a work so carefully elaborated in 
 the minutest details this rule must be insisted upon. 
 
 The notes are more of a literary character, explaining 
 linguistic points only where the ordinary grammar and 
 dictionary fail. 
 
 An entirely new feature is the Appendix. It explains 
 the views propounded in Nathan in relation to other works of 
 Lessing, and from works which we may be reasonably sure he 
 read. It condenses in a comparatively few pages the scattered 
 parallels found in the reading of many weeks. A student 
 with the inclination and time to do further work will find in 
 the list of books mentioned a tolerably trustworthy guide ; 
 the ordinary reader who is not satisfied with a merely super- 
 
 5 
 
6 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 ficial understanding will find in the passages quoted some 
 of the more striking parallels and references. 
 
 The text is based on Lachmann's edition of Lessing's 
 works, newly revised by Franz Muncker. The punctuation 
 has been faithfully preserved, even in a few instances where 
 a change seemed desirable to me. The reasons are given 
 in the notes. 
 
 TOBIAS DIEKHOFF. 
 
 PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION 
 
 The orthography agrees with the Prussian rules in vogue 
 at the time of the first publication of this book. Since then, 
 the following words and their derivatives have lost the h after 
 the initial t: Tal, Ton (clay), Tor, Tran, Tr'dne, tun and Tilr. 
 Forms or derivatives of only Tor, Tr'dne, and tun occur in the 
 text and the Notes, and the labor and expense involved in 
 making the corresponding changes in this book at the time of 
 reprinting was found to be out of proportion with the result- 
 ing improvement. But I have availed myself of the offered 
 opportunity to rewrite a good portion of the Introduction. 
 
 The literature bearing on Nathan directly and indirectly 
 is very extensive. A comprehensive list of older treatises 
 is found in an Appendix to the Life of G. E. Lessing, by 
 T. W. Rolleston, a readable little biography. Of later works 
 I mention, as more important, Christoph Schrempf s Lessing 
 als Philosoph, and, by the same author, Lessing; Friedrich 
 Loofs, Lessing als Theologe; Paul Lorentz, Lessings Philo- 
 sophic; Ernst Kretzschmar, Lessing und die Aufkldrung; 
 Albert Schweitzer, Von Reimarus bis Wrede; Wolfgang 
 Liepe, Das Religionsproblem im neueren Drama von Lessing 
 bis zur Romantik. 
 
 Ann Arbor, August, 191 5. 
 
 TOBIAS DIEKHOFF, 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 1. Few works of German Literature have occasioned 
 so much discussion and so much comment as Lessing's 
 Nathan the Wise, And it is true that, though thoroughly 
 enjoyable and intelligible in itself, Nathan, as few other 
 works, gains in depth and beauty by an intelligent intro- 
 duction and commentary. 
 
 For it is not only a work of art of very high rank, and 
 as such less in need of commentary; but it is also a religious 
 polemic, and many thoughts, gems even to the eyes of 
 the uninitiated, receive their full luster only when set in 
 their proper surroundings. 
 
 To do full justice to Nathan, the student must pay at- 
 tention both to its artistic, and to its polemic, or religious 
 side. Though these two are inseparably interwoven in the 
 play, we shall, for the sake of clearness, separate them in 
 our discussions, and consider 
 
 I. NATHAN AS A RELIGIOUS POLEMIC 
 
 I. The Genesis of Nathan 
 
 2. It has long been, and is still the fashion to speak 
 Plea for °f Nathan as the great plea for religious tolera- 
 Toieration? tion. Its relation to the religious writings preced- 
 ing it ought to suggest, at least, that it was not toleration 
 about which Lessing was primarily concerned. Nathan was 
 meant as a mirror to the Christianity of Lessing's day, a 
 call from the letter to the spirit, an appeal from the intellect 
 to the heart, from faith in theological speculation to love 
 and service. And only in so far as Christian love and 
 common humanity involve and bring forth toleration, Nathan 
 is a plea for toleration. 
 
 3. Avowedly, Lessing's series of religious, or theological 
 
 n . . polemics, of which Nathan is the last, were 
 
 Change in r 
 
 Religious directed against the orthodox theologians of his 
 Views. time. This fact alone was sufficient to gain for 
 Nathan, regardless of its content, an undesirable reputation 
 
8 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 among the majority of Christian contemporaries. The work 
 was stamped as anti-Christian. And many Christians in 
 our day, failing to take cognizance of the change that has 
 since taken place, look at Nathan with misgiving and supect 
 some hidden attack upon their faith. But the orthodoxy 
 of Lessing's time, and the faith of intelligent Christians 
 of the present are totally different matters. Protestant 
 theology of to-day is certainly much more nearly in harmony 
 with Lessing than with his opponents. 
 
 4. It is both the privilege and the duty of every gen- 
 The eration to work out its own ethical and religious 
 Purpose of ideals, and to determine for itself what is ortho- 
 Nathan. dox, an( j w hat is not. Convictions honestly earned 
 and ideals earnestly pursued have a quickening power of 
 inestimable value. But when passively received as an in- 
 heritance, and accepted thoughtlessly in the form of dogma 
 from a former age, they easily become dead weights to all 
 advancement and vital virtue. Fortunately, almost every 
 generation brings forth its own monitors and prophets, who 
 revivify old, and raise up new ideals, pointing a self- 
 satisfied age to work and duty. A stern call to duty Nathan 
 was in its day; and though the duty of that generation 
 may not in every particular be ours, a call to duty Nathan 
 can and should be to us also, — if we may assume with its 
 author that, though a work of art exists primarily for its 
 own sake, yet it is not incompatible with its nature to have 
 also some ethical purpose, at least some ethical lesson. 
 
 5. The age in which Lessing lived, as many other ages, 
 Tenor of was finely and comfortably established in the 
 the Time, religious inheritance from the fathers. The dog- 
 mas in which the life and faith of the Reformation had 
 found its formal expression, were confidingly accepted; but 
 the principles for which the Reformation had stood, the 
 liberty which it had arduously won for the individual, had 
 been lost. The champions of freedom had themselves turned 
 despots. "Luther, man great but misunderstood," — Lessing 
 
INTRODUCTION g 
 
 laments — "you did set us free from the yoke of tradition; 
 who will now set us free from the much more irksome yoke 
 of the letter ?" The bulwark of the great reformer in his 
 fight against indulgences and other "meritorious works", his 
 famous phrase "by faith alone", was for his followers an 
 all too tempting invitation to underestimate, if not to dis- 
 pense with, aggressive Christian work. Passive, languid, 
 intellectual subjection to the words of Scripture and dogma 
 was the essence of Christianity. "Of what merit is it," says 
 Lessing, "to believe rightly, if we do not live accordingly? 
 How fortunate it would be if you (i. e. the reformers) had 
 left us as many pious successors as you have left us learned 
 ones." Religion was in danger of degenerating into specu- 
 lative theology, and faith into mere credulity, if not super- 
 stition, which, with characteristic zeal, set no limits to its 
 belief, and measured a man's religion by the multitude of 
 things he took for granted or confessedly believed. The 
 Bible was considered to have been dictated by divine in- 
 spiration to the very letter, not only in the original languages, 
 but for not a few — consistently enough — also in its trans- 
 lations. The reaction against this unnatural mental servitude 
 found expression in two movements, which, though springing 
 from the same source, soon became hostile to each other. 
 The one is known as Pietism, the other as the Enlightenment. 
 Lessing was influenced by both ; more deeply by the latter. 
 6. The nineteenth century has hardly been just in its 
 estimate of the German Enlightenment. It was the 
 Enlighten- outgrowth of the Renaissance, and shared with it the 
 ment; optimistic faith in man. But many of the fanciful, 
 
 nncip es. nQt tQ ga y f an tastic, tendencies of the Renaissance 
 had been outgrown, and calm, rigid reason held sway, often 
 leaving but too little room for the artistic elements con- 
 tained in all fancy. Even for the highest representatives 
 of the Renaissance, nature was in every part endowed with 
 a soul. The absoluteness of natural laws had not yet been 
 postulated, and even men rightly numbered in the ranks of 
 
10 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 scientists recognized the influence, and courted the favor of 
 sprites and spirits, now friendly, now hostile to men. The 
 entire chapter of astrology and alchemy is a record of super- 
 stition so gross, and, in its widely extending influence, so 
 strange, that we can hardly reconcile it with its surrround- 
 ings. The Enlightenment resolutely made an end of all 
 this. Spirits and magic charms fell into discredit. The 
 gloom of witchcraft and heresy trials was dispersed by the 
 'new light. 
 
 The Renaissance was, for the rules of conduct, and the 
 sources of its development, still largely dependent on the 
 civilizations of the past. In religion, the dogma delivered 
 from the fathers ; in science, philosophy and art, the Greeks 
 and Romans were accepted as authorities without question- 
 ing. Indeed, even the Christian religion was in no small 
 danger of being paganized. The Enlightenment cut loose 
 from authority in every field, convinced that in his own 
 intellect the individual has at hand a means quite adequate 
 for the regulation of his conduct, and for an explanation of 
 the world in all its phases. 
 
 7. The father of the German Enlightenment was Leib- 
 
 .^ „ niz; its most brilliant and versatile exponent was 
 Specifically ' m . \ 
 
 German Lessing. As compared with the same intellectual 
 Elements, movement on English and French soil, the German 
 phase has some quite distinctive features. Two centuries 
 before, the Italian Renaissance, well on the way toward 
 paganism, had, under the influence of the German mind, 
 developed into the Reformation. And the impulse given by 
 this movement made the German Enlightenment predomi- 
 nantly theological and moral. 
 
 The Anglo-French representatives have often been 
 credited with greater consistency. They are more radical, 
 more ready to deny what does not fit in with their more 
 onesidedly naturalistic philosophy ; but they are for that very 
 reason less universal than Leibniz and his school, less 
 adequate than they in the explanation of the world in all 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 II 
 
 its phases. They know of God as the creator preeminently. 
 They, more like Spinoza, recognize in the world only active, 
 but aimless causes. Leibniz, and with him his followers, 
 reckon, in the explanation of the universe, not only with 
 original cause, but also with original purpose. The Anglo- 
 French Enlightenment conceives of God as the creator, the 
 architect of this world, which, once created, moves and be- 
 haves obedient to unalterable, innate law. The preservation 
 of the world is a part of its creation: it was made with the 
 tendency to perpetuate itself. Miracles in the religious sense, 
 as involving a cessation of the innate general laws of nature, 
 are impossible, inconsistent with the nature of God, and 
 therefore inconceivable. Leibniz and the German Enlighten- 
 ment, deistic throughout, and too clearly conscious of the 
 inestimable cultural value of the Christian religion, dis- 
 tinguish more clearly between the world of nature, and the 
 moral or spiritual world. The world of nature is in an 
 unconscious relation to God as its creator:- the moral, spiritual 
 world is in a conscious relation to him as also its sovereign, 
 its father. The whole universe is not aimless, but has a 
 purpose, which is the self-revelation of God. The world 
 of nature reveals him in his power especially; the world 
 of moral beings reveals him in his love and wisdom, or 
 rather, in these two sides of the world lying open to our 
 view, he manifests the corresponding two sides of his nature. 
 8. As a descendant, a continuation of the Renaissance, 
 the Enlightenment was a protest against external 
 Historical authority, primarily that of the church, ultimately 
 p er= authority of any kind, except one's own reason. 
 
 Human reason is assumed to be the same in all ages 
 and in all climes, endowed with essentially the same natural 
 tendencies, the same relative appreciation of values, the same 
 modes of thought. It is, in its essential nature, independent 
 of the varying forms of civilization. It finds its expression 
 in essentially the same standards of social life, of legal 
 order, of moral law, the same aesthetic canons, the same 
 
12 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 faith in God, and worship of God. By the nature of his 
 own mind, man is autonomous, superior to any external 
 authority, is his own law-giver, and has the right to be his 
 own law-giver. In so far as he uses his own mind and 
 evolves the standards for his living; in so far as he compares 
 and judges by them existing other standards, whether of 
 social and political, or of religious life and conduct, in so 
 far, and only in so far, he enters upon his age of majority, 
 in so far he is enlightened. Only what can be clearly deduced 
 or accounted for by a process of reasoning can be true; and, 
 conversely, everything else must be false. The teachings 
 of the prophets and apostles, says Lessing, are not true 
 because it was the prophets and apostles that wrote them, 
 but they wrote them because they are true. They wrote them, 
 he might have said also, because they were enlightened. 
 
 With such views, any historical perspective is impossible. 
 Human reason, e. g., can arrive at but one cause of the uni- 
 verse, but one God; therefore, monotheism, as such, must 
 be right, and polytheism must be wholly wrong. Human 
 reason can conceive of God as revealing himself in his 
 creation, in the orderly course of the universe only; there- 
 fore all other revelation must be an imposition. Wise men 
 of other ages were considered as being in essential agreement 
 as to their views of life and their motives of living with 
 the leaders of the Enlightenment: no other motives are 
 conceivable. Whatever, in morals and religion, is at variance 
 with these, is superstition, due to an insufficient use of the 
 innate, God-given mental powers. Homer would have been 
 an excellent poet, Mendelssohn suggests, if only he had not 
 labored under the superstitious belief in so many gods who 
 feel and act after the manner of men. The most brilliant 
 eras of the past seem to the Enlightener dim and dismal in 
 comparison with his own. 
 
 9. An ally of the Enlightenment in its struggle against 
 Pietism. established religious institutions, notably against 
 the orthodoxy of the time, was the other movement known 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 13 
 
 as Pietism. It insisted, above all things, on practical religion. 
 But the pietist, far from basing his creed on the declarations 
 of reason, felt happy and secure and blessed in his religious, 
 more or less mystical emotions and feelings, so much 
 spurned by the Enlightenment. And Pietism was indeed 
 productive of many noble, devoted Christian lives, and 
 erected monuments to its earnestness and zeal in orphan 
 asylums, schools for the poor, and other charitable institu- 
 tions. Lessing pays a tribute to this movement in his 
 Essay, Gedanken iiber die Hermhiiter, the Moravian Brethren, 
 affiliated with the Pietists. 
 
 10. A third influence, finally, came from France, but 
 Storm and gained its full strength only later. It is the 
 Stress. beginning of the movement known in German 
 thought and literature as the Storm and Stress Movement. 
 The impulse was given by Rousseau, especially in his Emile. 
 Here, too, the sources of right living and of consequent 
 human happiness are found in man himself. But, instead 
 of depending for the norms of life and conduct upon in- 
 tellectual speculation, this new movement — agreeing in this 
 respect with Pietism — laid the main stress upon feeling. 
 Rousseau's demand, "Back to nature, back to the stage of 
 humanity in which an exuberant civilization had not de- 
 stroyed the mystic unity of feeling and intellect,'' is a mani- 
 festo against Enlightenment, which, while it made human 
 life rigid and dutiful, had, by systematically making war upon 
 all feeling, deprived it of many of its sweetest charms and 
 rendered it poor and insipid. 
 
 As is usually the case, the adherents of the new move- 
 ment, particularly in the realms of art, went beyond all proper 
 bounds in their zeal for deliverance from the irksome bonds, 
 and Lessing, with great appreciation for Goethe's genius ap- 
 parent also in his early works, felt no little inclination to enter 
 the lists against him, as one of the foremost representatives 
 of the new school, for his utter disregard of what had hitherto 
 been regarded authoritative principles of art. 
 
14 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 ii. But, in their opposition to Orthodoxy, Pietism and 
 Opposition Storm and Stress united with the Enlightenment. It 
 to seems like the irony of fate that Orthodoxy should 
 
 Orthodoxy. i iave found its chief opponent in the Enlighten- 
 ment, when in reality both were suffering from the same 
 disease. The orthodox theologians had by strictly log- 
 ical processes constructed a system, which was by no 
 means the work of bunglers and half-philosophers, as 
 Lessing himself confessed. They had used the same reason 
 from which the Enlighteners expected everything. Thej 
 were no less firmly convinced of its infallibility, and no less 
 successful in extirpating the more tender and delicate things 
 of life. Religion had died under their hands, and theology 
 flourished. The difference between the two movements of 
 thought consisted in the assumptions from which they started, 
 Orthodoxy basing its system upon certain dogmas externally 
 delivered through the Reformation ; the Enlightenment on 
 the other hand starting out with the assumption that, 
 independent of all history, man has within him the data 
 from which his intellect, by a formal logical process, can 
 produce the only right system of philosophy, ethics, and reli- 
 gion. The immediate reaction against Orthodoxy was Pietism ; 
 the immediate reaction against the Enlightenment was the 
 Storm and Stress movement. 
 
 12. Of course, it is not to be supposed that these various 
 Blending of movements were kept clearly distinct, or that any 
 the Move- large number of men clearly represented any one 
 ard of them without being more or less affected by 
 
 Gradations, the others also. Thus a large number of theo- 
 logians, known as Neo-theologians at the time, were more 
 or less thoroughly in sympathy with the spirit of the En- 
 lightenment. Some were faithful adherents of the Lutheran 
 church, and only ventured to apply the apparatus of secular 
 philology to the text of the Bible. Others went one step 
 further ; they cut loose from every creed but still upheld the 
 Revelation, which, they claimed, never contradicts reason, 
 
INTRODUCTION lS 
 
 if only rightly construed. And, accordingly, they applied 
 their construction. Still others regarded not onl y the creeds 
 as contradictory to reason, and as being invented by am- 
 bitious priests, but also indulged in uncurbed criticism and 
 denunciation of Revelation itself. 
 
 13. At a time when three such important movements 
 r sent= were struggling with a system which had gained 
 ative strength and influence in two centuries of almost 
 
 Men * undisturbed peace, and, at the same time, each fight- 
 
 ing for supremacy with little less than fanatic zeal, Lessing 
 lived and worked. Frederic II. * was the model of potentates, 
 Voltaire the idol of literary circles, and for a considerable 
 time the idol of Lessing. What was more, theologians by 
 profession began to make radical changes in the customary 
 order of things. Ernesti in Leipzig, hardly equalled by any 
 of his contemporaries in thorough and comprehensive knowl- 
 edge of classic ancient literature, and a theologian of no 
 mean repute, advocated the application of the whole appa- 
 ratus of philological Science to the books of the Bible. 
 Michaelis, another theologian, was decidedly in sympathy 
 with the Enlightenment, and made his doctrines popular 
 through the attractive form of his lectures at the University 
 of Gottingen. Semler, agreeing with Spinoza in many of 
 his views regarding the canonical books, whose inspiration 
 he denied, published early in the seventies his Freie Unter- 
 suchung des Kanons, and thereby almost induced Lessing, as 
 early as 1774, to issue under the title Eine noch freiere 
 Untersuchung des Kanons Alien und Neuen Testamentes, a 
 part of the Fragments, destined to play so conspicuous a 
 part in Lessing's controversy afterward. Moses Mendelssohn, 
 
 * A few representative names are merely mentioned to serve as an 
 index to further reading. Cf. Harold Hsffding, A History of Modern 
 Philosophy. Translated, London 1900, Macmillan. Or YVilh. Windel- 
 band, A History of Philosophy. Translated, Macmillan. N. Y. and 
 London, and Isaac A. Dorner, History of Protestant Theology, 
 Edinburgh, 187 1. 
 
1 6 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 one of the noblest leaders of the German Enlightenment 
 and the greatest modern reformer of Judaism, was Lessing's 
 bosom friend with whom he carried on philosophic dis- 
 cussions. 
 
 14. To these influences in Lessing's life may be added his 
 Lessin 's nome training and his early education. His father 
 Environ= was a pious Protestant clergyman, whose sincerity 
 ment - and uprightness never failed to command the 
 
 reverence of the son, though the slackness of the latter's 
 correspondence, and the intervals between his visits at 
 home, greater than even the imperfect means of travel at 
 the time would seem to necessitate, might suggest at least 
 a doubt as to the ardor of that filial devotion which has 
 been ascribed to Lessing by many biographers. The in- 
 fluence of such a home was carefully fostered at the Cloister 
 School of St. Afra. Lessing himself characterizes the time 
 in which he lived, and the position he took in regard to 
 some of its movements, in his Bibliolatrie. He says: 
 ' ' The better part of my life — whether for better or worse — 
 belonged to a time when, in a sense, evidences for the 
 truth of the Christian religion were the fashion . . . . No 
 wonder that I, too, was occupied with this sort of reading 
 and soon so engrossed that I found no peace until I had de- 
 voured every novelty appearing in this field . . . Not long, 
 and I sought no less eagerly every article written against 
 religion, and gave it the same patient, impartial hearing 
 which I had hitherto considered due only to writings in 
 favor of religion. I was tossed from one side to the other, 
 wholly satisfied by neither. Both were .dismissed from time 
 to time with the resolution no sooner to pass final judg- 
 ment quam utrimque plenius fuerit peroratum. So far probably 
 the experience of many is similar to mine. In other respects 
 I am more likely to be alone .... The more conclusive 
 evidence one side meant to adduce in favor of the Christian 
 faith, the more doubtful I became. The greater the effront- 
 ery and insolence with which the other side trampled it in 
 
INTRODUCTION yj 
 
 the dust, the more I was inclined to uphold it, at least in 
 my heart." 
 
 15. Very early in life Lessing showed this interest in 
 Religious religious matters. Even the New Year's letter, 
 interest w hich in 1743 the boy of fourteen addressed to 
 pendence^ nis father, gives fair promise of a character 
 Thought. << which will not remain at ease where the 
 accident of birth placed him, unless he remains for good 
 reasons/' And in 1749 Lessing wrote to his father, who was 
 troubled, not entirely without cause, about his son's con- 
 struction of his pious advice: "We will leave it for time 
 to prove who is the better Christian : the one who has an 
 apt memory for the tenets of Christianity, and parades them 
 without much vital understanding, goes to church and 
 complies with the ceremonial as a matter of custom ; or 
 the one who has at some time entertained reasonable doubt 
 and by way of investigation reached conviction, or is, at 
 least, making a fair attempt to reach it. The Christian 
 religion is not a bequest to be accepted in good faith from 
 the parents. As a matter of fact, most people do receive it 
 as a paternal inheritance ; and they plainly show in their 
 conduct the genuineness of their confession. As long as I 
 do not see observed one of the foremost injunctions of 
 Christianity : to love our enemies, I cannot help doubting 
 whether those are Christians indeed, who are Christians by 
 profession." About the same time Lessing published a 
 poem: Die Religion. In the preface he says: "The first 
 canto is particularly devoted to the doubts which, owing to 
 the internal and external misery of man, can be raised 
 concerning everything divine. The poet expressed them in 
 a soliloquy resulting from the quiet of a lonesome, troubled 
 day. Do not imagine that he is losing sight of his subject 
 when he seems to be straying in the labyrinths of intro- 
 spection. Introspection, a realization of our own condition, 
 has always been the nearest, and, I may add, the surest 
 road to religion/' 
 
1 8 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 16. All through life Lessing kept up this interest in 
 Difficulties theology, and wrote his thoughts quite exten- 
 terminin s ^ ve ^y particularly in connection with the con- 
 Lessing's troversy from which Nathan sprang. He was 
 Chanffein" unusua lty well versed in ancient and modern 
 his Views, literatures, and had studied the Church Fathers 
 with a thoroughness that challenged men professional in 
 that particular field. But, an ardent friend of keen dialectics, 
 he delighted, now and then, in speculations too venture- 
 some for the average, and he took the part of the stigmat- 
 ized sometimes to the extent of a fault. This may in some 
 measure account for the diversity of opinion regarding his 
 religious views. But this diversity is largely due to the 
 peculiar shape which Lessing's theological writings assumed 
 owing to the time, and more to the circumstances attend- 
 ing their composition. Fortunately his letters have been 
 preserved to a large extent, and furnish an excellent com- 
 mentary on many of his works. One of them (to Moses 
 Mendelssohn, Jan. 9, 1771) shows that Lessing himself was 
 aware of a change in his views, of a return from an extreme 
 radicalism which would have vied in denunciation of every- 
 thing pertaining to the Christian dogma with the most 
 radical of the Neo-theologians, to a more conservative, 
 charitable position. He says: "I have been fearing, not 
 only since yesterday, that in discarding certain prejudices 
 I have cast away somewhat too much, which I shall have 
 to recover. If I have not done so ere this, I have been 
 prevented from it by the fear that gradually I should again 
 drag into my house the whole rubbish/' 
 
 17. This change in Lessing's views is one source of 
 Diplomacy, confusion. Besides, he says many things not 
 from conviction, but because his opponent cannot deny 
 them, and must, admitting them, weaken his own posi- 
 tion. As Lessing puts it himself, he makes many state- 
 ments yvpvcKjriicwg, which he would not make doyfianicwg, 
 or as he writes to his friend Elise Reimarus, the daughter 
 
INTRODUCTION Ig 
 
 of the Fragmentist, who is to be mentioned later : "I am 
 glad you so well understand the tactics of my last pamphlet. 
 I shall resort to stratagems in my dealings with Goeze, of 
 which he is surely not aware/'' In regard to the same 
 matter Lessing writes to his brother Karl : "In a few days 
 you will also receive a pamphlet . against Goeze. With 
 respect to him I have undoubtedly put myself in a position 
 in which he cannot touch me as non-Christian. " 
 
 18. If, in spite of all this, Lessing opposes the views of 
 Relative tne new scno °l of theologians more assiduously, 
 
 Position to if anything, than those of the Orthodox, it 
 and N o= was ow * n & to their inconsistency, and the dis- 
 theoiogians. crepancies in their system. They made the fruit- 
 less attempt of bringing into harmony with their rationalistic 
 theories the Biblical views of man's relation to God, and of 
 the nature of the world. Creative days interpreted as creative 
 periods and similar well-meant untruths would be quite in 
 keeping with their tendencies. However little to Lessing's 
 taste they might be, the views of the Orthodox were at 
 least consistent. Orthodox theologians professedly did not 
 try to adjust their doctrines to the canons of human reason. 
 They were an open enemy, as Lessing says on one occasion, 
 —you know where to find them. They had agreed to have 
 a partition placed between philosophy and theology. The 
 new school "tears down this partition, and under the 
 pretense of making of us rational Christians, converts us 
 into extremely unreasonable philosophers." Lessing openly 
 agrees that the old system of theology is false, yet to him 
 it is far more acceptable than the system which the new 
 school intends to put in its place. He wishes with all his 
 heart that every one might think rationally about religion, 
 but prefers to pursue his own course in advancing rational 
 religion. He has no desire whatever to maintain the old 
 system, but neither is he anxious to do away with the old, 
 as long as he sees no new one, worthy of the name, with . 
 which to replace it. 
 
20 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 19. This was his position with respect to the Orthodox 
 Doubtful! an d the Neo-theologians of his time, and it can 
 Tactics. easily be understood. But when, in his controversies, 
 and notably in a letter to the Duke of Brunswick, he boasts 
 of being considered the stanchest defender of the Lutheran 
 doctrine in Germany, one finds it difficult not to condemn 
 such a statement. Tactics of this kind, even though 
 employed as strategic measures called for by the needs of 
 the literary campaign, are hard to justify, particularly 
 when one remembers Lessing's repeated charges of duplicity 
 and hypocrisy leveled against Goeze and other opponents. 
 It is not necessary blindly to worship a great man in 
 order to prove our admiration. Lessing himself says in 
 his Dramaturgie\ " The true genius does not even believe 
 that we recognize and appreciate his perfections, though we 
 laud them extravagantly, unless he perceives that we have 
 also eyes and appreciation for his weaknesses." And his 
 brother Karl significantly suggests that the Neo-theologians 
 might with equal justice, in view of their aims, lay claim 
 to some forbearance regarding their methods. 
 
 It is quite plain, in spite of repeated statements to the 
 contrary, that Lessing did not always contend solely in 
 behalf of the principle at stake. He writes, June 9, 
 1766, to Klotz, with whom he was afterward involved in 
 a bitter literary controversy: "Do we write merely for 
 the sake of establishing our position ? It seems to me I 
 have done as much for truth if, through my failing 
 to discover it, I induce some one else to find it, as if I 
 had found it myself." How different Nov. 20, 1770, in a 
 letter to Heyne: "It does not matter at all who of us two 
 is in the right, so long as Klotz is not. 7 ' 
 
 And thus it is, after all, not so easy to construe Lessing's 
 creed from his own writings. 
 
 * ' Was ihr den Geist der Zeiten /teisst, 
 
 Das ist im Grund der Her 7' en eigner Geist, 
 
 In dem die Zeiten sick bespiegeln" 
 
INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 20. Very often important and deep principles found and 
 Lessing's enunciated by great masters are by a shallow 
 Advance following formulated into dogmatic systems void 
 Thought of °^ a ^ n ^ e - Leibniz fared no better in this respect 
 his Day. than the average great man. It may well be that 
 Lessing was led to discover the fundamental weakness of 
 the Enlightenment, the lack of historical sense, by a better 
 understanding of the father of the Enlightenment, of 
 Leibniz himself. He suggested that, instead of insisting 
 too stoutly upon the correctness of his personal judgment, 
 Leibniz, in his investigations of the truth, never laid stress 
 upon his own preconceived opinions, but was firmly con- 
 vinced that no opinion could at any time hold sway which 
 was not true in some certain sense, not correct from some 
 certain angle. And he was considerate enough to turn and 
 twist any opinion until he succeeded in discovering this 
 certain angle, in explaining this certain sense. Lessing had, 
 at one time in his life, pretty well agreed with the common 
 view of his age. All historical religions had, also for him, 
 been but corruptions of what the Enlightenment was pleased 
 to call Natural Religion. But he learned to discover develop- 
 ment in history, and to give to each stage of development 
 its due appreciation and its due honor. "Why should we 
 not prefer," he says, "to see in any revealed religion nothing 
 but the course in which, at any given place, human reason 
 found it possible to develop, and is still developing? Why 
 ridicule or berate any revealed religion?" Lessing recognized 
 at least the historical importance of the various revealed 
 religions ; recognized the advancement made by the adherents 
 of revealed religions in the course of time. Nevertheless, 
 for him also there was no revelation supernatural in the 
 ordinary sense. God did not, at some few times, reveal 
 himself to the fathers, but God continuously reveals himself 
 to man, in our days as well as in the days of old. Lessing 
 hopes for a still better revelation or gospel to come. 
 
 This does not imply that revelation for Lessing is in 
 
22 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 any less degree God-given. But inasmuch as God vouch- 
 safes to reveal himself in all ages to every human heart, 
 according to the measure of its receptiveness, the extraordi- 
 nary, not necessarily the miraculous, element is excluded 
 from all revelation. Revelations differ not in essence, but 
 only in the degree of clearness and intensity. 
 
 If that is not Christian faith, it is certainly heroic and 
 confiding faith. And a faith enabling Lessing to find the 
 viewpoint of other ages, and to be congenial with them, and 
 charitable, appreciative of them ; in particular of the spirit of 
 the Reformation. 
 
 The controlling doctrine of the Reformation, in opposition 
 to the exaltation of "good works," had been "justification by 
 faith alone." Man was incapable of good works : "there is no 
 health in us". God was primarily the judge, whose justice 
 could, in spite of man's innate weakness, insist on perfection. 
 The all-absorbing problem of religion was, how, in spite of 
 our weakness, to reconcile God. Orthodox theologians of 
 Lessing's day were still engaged upon that problem, — the 
 problem of the atonement. 
 
 The Enlightenment, on the other hand, asked first, how 
 to make peace with ourselves. In ourselves we have the 
 norms and sources of moral improvement; to our own con- 
 sciences we are first of all responsible. The Reformation 
 had emancipated man from the control of the hierarchy: 
 Semler and Michaelis and other theologians of the Enlighten- 
 ment, and not least of all Lessing, emancipated him from 
 the thralldom of the letter and of the dogma, and made him 
 free, immediately responsible to himself and his God. God 
 does not have to be reconciled. His purposes with man 
 are fatherly and kind. Our actions, our conduct are not 
 perfect, but as perfect as we can make them in our given 
 weakness. If we act as we can, we act as we must, and 
 God can not and does not ask the impossible. 
 
 But while the Enlightenment, historically blind, spurned 
 the acquisitions of the Reformation, and hurled invectives 
 
INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 against the Reformers as well as against the prophets of 
 earlier ages, Lessing recognized that he was but progressing 
 in their course, acting in their own spirit, opening his eyes 
 and heart to a new revelation, when he announced that the 
 purpose of all creeds, of all revelation, is to advance human 
 perfection, is to educate us to the point where we shall love 
 the good because it is good, where we shall be God's children 
 in life rather than in speculation and creed. God to be ever 
 more clearly revealed in all nature as law and order, in all 
 men as wisdom and goodness and love, — that is Lessing's 
 program for science and religion. Modern theologians are 
 ready to grant "that credit is undoubtedly due to Lessing, 
 the untiring seeker after truth, for having furthered an his- 
 torical appreciation of the Scriptures and of the older dog- 
 matic literature; along with others, he thus prepared a 
 rejuvenation of theology."* 
 
 21. Thoroughgoing in his thinking as Lessing was, God's 
 being the cause not only of the processes in nature 
 of the Will around us, but also of those within us, precluded 
 Denied. f or hj m j-he freedom of the will. But Lessing is 
 not a fatalist of the vulgaf kind. "Force and compulsion, 
 constraining me to do what I conceive as best, how much 
 do I prefer them to the bare ability to act, under the same 
 circumstances, now one way, now another ! I thank my 
 creator that I must, that I must what is best. If within 
 these limits I take so many false steps, what would I do if 
 quite left to myself, if I were abandoned to a blind force, 
 which is controlled by no law, and subjects me to chance, 
 none the less chance because it has its origin within my 
 own self."t Lessing's determinism may be denned in a few 
 words thus: the more nearly a man attains to perfection, 
 the more absolutely is he compelled to definite action. God 
 can not be otherwise than perfect in his dealings. Man, in 
 his conduct, is determined foremost by rational, moral 
 
 * Loofs. Les sings Stellung zwn Christenlnm. Halle, 19 10. 
 t Lessing's Prelude to Jerusalem 's Philosophic Essays. 
 
24 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 causes tending to definite results. Where these causes are 
 made non-effective, it is not by blind chance, but by certain 
 irrational tendencies and psychological forces, feelings and 
 emotions, stimulated partly by our physical nature. 
 
 22, This is not inconsistent either with man's nature nor 
 _ with the purposes of God. Man was not to appear 
 
 migration on the scene perfect, but he is to grow perfect. 
 of Souls. Lessing knows of no future reward or punishment 
 in their common meaning. Every evil deed as well as every 
 good deed must be of eternal consequence, to be sure; but 
 the trend of humanity as a whole, and of the individual soul, 
 is constantly directed by God to a higher plane, until we shall 
 be ready for the new, eternal gospel, faith in which will mean 
 virtue for its own sake alone, regardless of reward or punish- 
 ment. The progress is exceedingly slow, and man with his 
 limited vision is apt to become impatient. But let me not 
 despair of thee, eternal Providence; not even if thy steps 
 should seem, at times, to retrograde. 
 
 "Thou hast so much to take along in thy eternal course, 
 so many digressions to make. And what if it were well-nigh 
 established that the large, slow wheel, advancing the race to 
 its perfection, were only set in motion by smaller, quicker 
 wheels, of which each brings an individual to the same des- 
 tiny ? Just so ! The very path on which the race arrives at 
 its perfection must also be traversed by each individual, by 
 one sooner, by another later. Traversed in one and the 
 same life? Well, no! — But why could not every individual 
 man have been in this world more than once? Why could 
 not I, too, have taken at one time all the steps toward my 
 perfection, to which temporal rewards and punishments alone 
 can induce men? And why not at another time all those 
 which the prospect of eternal reward aids us so strongly to 
 take? Why should I not return as often as I am capable 
 of attaining new knowledge, new accomplishments? Do I 
 acquire so much at one coming that, possibly, it would not 
 be worth while returning?" 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 23. After all, the elements entering into Lessing's the- 
 Probabie °l°gy are not so easily discernible. For our 
 Creed. purpose the question of just how much he owes 
 
 to Leibniz or Spinoza, to Hume and Bayle, or Tertullian 
 and St. Augustin, is of no great importance. It is certain 
 that he did not subscribe, without reserve, to the system of 
 any one of them, but had his own views, though he never 
 developed them into a well-defined, rounded system. He 
 openly declared his aversion to every sort of revealed or 
 positive religion, though he did not subscribe in his riper 
 years to the monstrous insinuations of men like Reimarus, 
 and some of his Eng 1 sh predecessors, e.g. Gibbon. The 
 creed which he assigns to the so-called Natural Religion 
 was probably in the main also his creed, and his also the 
 relative position of natural religion to positive or revealed 
 religion. "To recognize a God ; to form of him conceptions 
 most worthy of him ; and to have due consideration of these 
 conceptions in all our actions and thoughts, is the complete 
 content of all natural religion. To this natural religion 
 every man is inclined and in duty bound, according to the 
 measure of his strength. This measure is different in different 
 men, and modifies accordingly the natural religion of every 
 man. On this account certain disadvantages arose, not 
 interfering with the natural liberty of man, but proving 
 cumbersome in his social relations with others. These dis- 
 advantages it was considered necessary to obviate." In 
 this attempt positive religions originated, differing according 
 to the various times, and the varying conditions of human 
 society, and receiving their sanction from their different 
 founders, who pretended that the conventional part came 
 from God as well as the essential, only indirectly. "That 
 which makes a positive religion necessary, and modifies 
 natural religion in every state according to the natural and 
 accidental peculiarities of each state, I call its inherent truth; 
 and this truth inherent in positive religions is as great in 
 one as in the other. Hence all positive and revealed 
 
26 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 religions are equally true and equally false. Equally true, 
 because it has been equally necessary among all peoples to 
 come to some agreement regarding some externals in order 
 to attain harmony and union in their public religion ; 
 equally false, because the results of the compromise do not 
 exist merely alongside the essentials, but they weaken the 
 essentials and encroach upon them. The best revealed or 
 positive religion is the one containing the least conventional 
 additions to natural religion, the one least interfering with 
 the beneficial effects of natural religion." 
 
 24. The above is nearly the entire fragment entitled, 
 
 Uber die Entstehung der geoffenbarten Religion, 
 
 on which together with another short one, called Das 
 
 Practical Christentum der Vernunft, contains probably all 
 
 Religion. . , . - , -^. 
 
 the germs of Lessmg s speculative theology. Di- 
 rected more to the practical side are among other utter- 
 ances his Testament Johannis and the Gedanken uber die 
 Herrnhuier. 
 
 In his letter justifying him in his position with his 
 father, quoted in § 15, traces of his practical side are 
 apparent. Schwarz says: " Morality is for Lessing always 
 a correlate of religion, and the capability of moral appli- 
 cation and productivity is the criterion for the truth or 
 falseness of any religion." Without investigating whether 
 Lessing carried out his principle in every point, in theory, 
 at least, he most emphatically advocated a sublime religion 
 of morality and mutual love. Not only in the two essays 
 mentioned, but wherever he addresses himself to religious 
 subjects, the practical side of religion is emphasized. One 
 quotation must serve for a multitude: "Little children, love ye 
 one another. This was the last will and testament of St. John, 
 by which of yore a certain Salt of the Earth was wont to 
 swear. Nowadays this Salt of the Earth swears by the 
 Gospel of St. John, and I am told, that since this change 
 it hath somewhat lost its savor." From the content we are 
 justified in substituting for the "Gospel of St. John" Dogma 
 
\ 
 
 INTRODUCTION 27 
 
 in general, and, correspondingly, for the ''Salt of the Earth" 
 Orthodoxy. 
 
 25. In the Fliegende Blatter aus dem Rauhen Hause zu 
 Estimate of H° rn ^ Hamburg, the organ of the central 
 Lessing's committee for home missions of the German 
 Character. Evangel i cal Church, the following brief estimate 
 of Lessing's character is given: ''In true, genuine, chaste 
 morality, indeed in heroism of real, self-denying love, not 
 sensual passion, Lessing ranks far above all our great poets, 
 and above most great men generally. As far as it is possible 
 to be a Christian in deed without faith in Christianity, so far 
 Lessing was a Christian, and in this he puts to shame the 
 multitudes of those who, in spite of their name, in spite of 
 what is Christian about them, are not Christians in deed 
 and in truth, but often only in form." 
 
 26. From the preceding general sketch some idea can 
 The Frag= ^ e obtained as to Lessing's relation to the Frag- 
 ments, merits, the controversy about which was the im- 
 mediate cause of the publication of Nathan the Wise. 
 
 27. In the year 1770 Lessing had been appointed 
 Reimarus. librarian in Wolfenbiittel, by the Duke of Brun- 
 swick. From Hamburg he brought with him a work of 
 the learned professor Hermann Samuel Reimarus. The 
 author, whose specialty had been oriental and classical 
 philology, had, among his contemporaries, enjoyed the repu- 
 tation of a great scholar, but his views were not considered 
 discordant with the orthodoxy of his day. A number of 
 his works which dealt with religious topics appeared in 
 as many as four or more editions and were universally 
 regarded as good and wholesome even for wider circles. 
 Lessing was perfectly correct, when, in the controversy 
 that followed, he pointed out to his opponents that the 
 man they were now maligning had not very long before 
 been regarded as a model scholar and a stanch defender 
 of the faith. All of Reimarus' hostility to Christianity was 
 subordinated to his greater enmity against Atheism and 
 
28 NATHAN DER VvEISE 
 
 Materialism. Brought up in a sturdy Christian family, he 
 had long and earnestly struggled with his doubts as to the 
 truth of Christianity, until he had finally resolved for him- 
 self to investigate its claims. The result was the work 
 which Lessing published under the title of Fragments of 
 an Anonymous. The first draft was completed early in the 
 forties, and the author modified and improved it till his 
 death in 1768. Reimarus himself had called it "Apology 
 or Defense of Reasonable Worshipers of God." Being of 
 a retiring nature, and unable to speak his last word with- 
 out endangering the reputation and social position of him- 
 self and his family, he had not intended his work for 
 publication. He felt no desire to trouble the world with 
 his views, or to be the cause of any disturbance. He says 
 himself: "The work may remain in obscurity for the use 
 of intelligent friends. With my consent it will not be pub- 
 lished until the times are more enlightened. Rather let the 
 common herd err a while longer, than that I, however 
 innocently, should give them any offense, and provoke an 
 outburst of mad religious fanaticism." The children of 
 Reimarus, Lessing's intimate friends, intrusted the manu- 
 script to him. 
 
 28. Why he felt called upon to publish the work, with 
 Manner of whose author he certainly did not, at this time, 
 PubHca= agree, without much reservation, is a question 
 probable which cannot be answered with absolute cer- 
 Purpose tainty. He himself says, "I have drawn the 
 author into the world, because I would no longer dwell 
 under the same roof with him ... A third party, I 
 thought, must either more closely unite us, or separate 
 us, and this third party can be no other than the 
 public." He rightly expected from this publication a con- 
 troversy, in which he would have an opportunity to express, 
 and above all things to clarify, his own views. At any rate, 
 in 1 77 1 Jacobi and Mendelssohn in vain tried to dissuade 
 him from publishing the manuscript. For the present, how 
 
FCTRODUCTION 
 
 2 9 
 
 ever, Lessing's project failed owing to the scruples of the 
 publisher, who refused to undertake the publication as long 
 as the official censors would not subscribe their "Vidi/' 
 which, according to the views of Nicolai, who was certainly 
 most liberal, could hardly be expected from Christian 
 theologians. But in the year 1774 Lessing found a way 
 to carry out his plan. As librarian he had been edit- 
 ing since 1773 a periodical, Contributions to History and 
 Literature. — From the Treasures of the Ducal Library in 
 Wolfenbiittel This periodical was exempt from the in- 
 spection of the censors, and thus a welcome medium for 
 the publication of the Reimarus manuscript, which, accord- 
 ingly, appeared as seven Fragments of an Anonymous 
 Author, Fragmente eines Ungenannten. 
 
 29. It is of no advantage to give a detailed account of 
 c t t of ^ ese Fragments. Most readers would find them 
 the Frag= tedious and uninteresting in spite of their great 
 ments. learning and intense zeal. A true disciple of 
 his time, indeed by some considered to be the best 
 exponent of the Enlightenment, Reimarus lacks all ap- 
 preciation of historical development, ruthlessly condemns 
 and himself lacks all poetic imagination, and adds to this 
 an inveterate hatred against the Jewish race, whether 
 ancient or contemporary. In general, he walks in the paths 
 of the English Deists, of whom he mentions, among others, 
 Bayle. With uncompromising frankness he denies the possibil- 
 ity of a divine revelation intended for all men, and credible 
 in all ages. He accords to neither Old nor New Testament 
 the character of Revelations or the divine origin claimed 
 for them. The saints of the Bible, who are commonly 
 regarded as models of piety and are represented as having 
 enjoyed the special favor of God, he finds, in numberless 
 cases, guilty of gross immorality. The belief in miracles in 
 the Biblical sense is absurd, even dangerous, and wholly 
 incompatible with any reverent view of God. And so he sees 
 in the miracle accounts, notably that of the crossing of the 
 
3 o NATHAN DER VtelSE 
 
 Red Sea by the Israelites, and that of the Resurrection, 
 gross absurdities and irreconcilable contradictions. In a 
 final Fragment, which Lessing did not publish, however, 
 until 1778, when his campaign against Goeze was closed, 
 Reimarus declares that even the establishment of the Chris- 
 tian religion was based on self-deception on the part oi 
 Christ (who was, however, in every respect a noble man), 
 and on villainous imposture on the part of the disciples 
 and the early missionaries. 
 
 30. It is significant that of all the other religions men- 
 Evident tioned not one is accused of such gross absurdity 
 Unfairness and intolerant bigotry as the Christian religion. 
 
 ° f . Even the thoroughly hated Tews are said to have 
 
 Reimarus G J J 
 
 to Christ= tolerated the Proselites Portae among them without 
 lamty. molestation. Christians are unwilling to show this 
 fairness to the Deists, though they are not separated from 
 them by any greater gulf. Lessing himself points out in 
 what respect the two cases are not parallel. The Proselytes 
 were tolerated on condition: "the Deists demand un- 
 conditional toleration. They want the liberty of attacking 
 the Christian religion, and yet expect to be tolerated. That 
 is no doubt extravagant, and surely claiming more than 
 was ever granted to their supposed predecessors in the 
 ancient Jewish church. " 
 
 31. The entire investigation is carried on in order to 
 Personal show the justness of the Deists in claiming the 
 Element, same toleration at the hands of enlightened 
 men as is accorded to all sorts of heretics, Jews, Turks 
 or heathen. Through all the bitter invectives, even through 
 the frequent instances of frivolity with which the worst 
 possible construction is put upon characters and events 
 sacred to the hearts of many, there shines an austere 
 morality, a cold reverence for the deity and a stoic 
 trust in its providential guidance which command for 
 the author a respect as cold as his for the feelings of 
 his fellows, 
 
INTRODUCTION 3 1 
 
 32. That the Fragments had at one time been, in the 
 Lessing's main, an expression of Lessing's own views, we 
 Attitude to j^^ little doubt. His Origin of Revealed 
 
 the Frag= d J 
 
 ments; Religion we have largely quoted, and need only 
 P ubHshln in re ^ er to ^ e ideas developed there. Even more 
 them. to the point is the uncompleted essay Von der 
 
 Art und Weise der Fortpflanzung und Ausbreitung der chr. 
 Religion, in which a very plain parallel is drawn between 
 the disciples of Christ and the immoral and intriguing Ro- 
 man priests of Bacchus. Much less closely Lessing was in 
 touch with the Fragments at the time of their publication. 
 We have to remember the letter to Mendelssohn, mentioned 
 above, in which he admits having gone too far in his re- 
 nunciation. Possibly because he could no longer subscribe 
 to the views expressed in the essay on the Fortpflanzung 
 und Ausbreitung der christlichen Religion, it was not pub- 
 lished while he lived, and can, in this case, serve only as 
 an index to his views when they were most radical. When 
 Lessing professed to have published the Reimarus manu- 
 script with the purpose of ministering to the truth, we have 
 indicated in what sense he might have really meant what 
 he said. Herder, himself a theologian, and certainly a man 
 whose testimony is not to be despised, says in 1781, the 
 year of Lessing's death: "I, who knew Lessing personally, 
 knew him at a time when the Fragments were probably in 
 his hands, and were occupying his mind, as I must judge 
 from a number of utterances ; I, who also heard him express 
 himself on matters of this nature, and think that I am 
 sufficiently acquainted with his position as to what is manly 
 love of truth, — I am, for myself, convinced (which may weigh 
 little with others) that he undertook also the publication 
 of these Fragments solely and sincerely for the advancement 
 of truth, w 7 hich he desired to see investigated, tested, and 
 established from all sides, in a free and manly spirit. He 
 himself has said this so often, so emphatically, so un- 
 equivocally; the whole manner in which he published the 
 
32 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 Fragments and, as a layman, at most ventured here and 
 there a thought in refutation ; and in general Lessing's 
 character as it must be impressed on all who knew him 
 (and others certainly ought to judge and speak of it cau- 
 tiously) : all this is for me a warrant of the purity of his 
 philosophic conviction, that in this also he worked toward a 
 good end, namely — I repeat — toward a freer investigation 
 of the truth, and a truth so momentous as this history 
 must be for every one believing in it. Now, if this truth, 
 this history, alone of all truth and history, may not be in- 
 vestigated, or may not be investigated with reference to every 
 doubt and every doubter, it was not Lessing's fault — but in 
 our day no theologian, and no believer in religion would 
 be likely to make any such assertion." And yet — when 
 Lessing asks orthodox — not to say Christian — theologians of 
 his time to consider the publication a deed intended for the 
 glorification of the truth, he must certainly have been 
 aware that the truth he meant, and the truth for which the 
 theologians were contending, and with honest conviction, 
 too, were wholly different matters. 
 
 33. But two wholly different matters also were the 
 What Jus= P r i yate convictions, the results of scholarly in- 
 dication vestigations of the foremost theologians — com- 
 lishing? paratively few in number — and the doctrines which 
 Purpose were being disseminated from the pulpits. To 
 of. his this day the pulpits and the professorial chairs 
 
 Comments. ^ not seem to accord entirely. And Les- 
 sing, having complained of this discrepancy with some 
 success to the famous philologian and theologian Michaelis 
 of Gottingen, may have intended to force men of learning 
 to make public the secrets of their studies and their lecture 
 rooms. The introduction and the notes which he appended 
 to the Fragments were professedly intended to check the 
 harm that might issue from them ; at the same time they 
 very skillfully opened up the controversy. They pointed 
 out that the objections of the fragmentist were directed 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 33 
 
 entirely against the theoretical side of the Christian religion, 
 and might possibly alarm the learned theologian who sees 
 his theories endangered, but surely not the Christian who 
 feels in his heart the reality and force of his religion. They 
 show in what way the objections, or some of them, might 
 be met. Much of these notes is diplomacy on Lessing's part, 
 surely not his honest conviction. He means to reassure a 
 religious mind troubled by the assaults of the fragmentist, 
 by pointing out that the entire historical foundation of 
 Christianity might be undermined without detriment to his 
 religion. What does it matter whether the report about 
 Christianity will stand the test or not? For the believer 
 Christianity is here, and in its possession he has a warrant 
 of its reality. — Of course, the parallelism between Chris- 
 tianity and Mohammedanism or any other existing religion 
 suggests itself, and it would be strange if Lessing had not 
 seen it. He speaks from his heart when he points out that 
 the belief in a verbal inspiration of the Bible is wholly un- 
 tenable, and when he emphasizes the practical side of 
 Christianity as over against the thoughtless and unfruitful 
 confession of faith in the mysteries of the dogma. 
 
 34. But these notes really served to confine the attacks 
 Opponents, made from all quarters of theologians entirely to 
 the Fragments and their author ; the publisher was practically 
 unmolested. 
 
 35. Schumann had advanced as the best evidence of 
 Beweis des the authenticity of the Revelation the anodei^g 
 Geistes und nvevpaTog nal Swd/uecog of Origen, the evidence of the 
 
 der Kraft; ... .. jrj- 1 .., 
 
 Testament divine spirit and or divine power ; the spirit s 
 johannis. working in the Old Testament being evident 
 from the fact that its prophecies are fulfilled in the New; 
 divine power is manifested in the miracles accompany- 
 ing the teaching of Christ and believed in even by the 
 heretics of the first centuries. Against him Lessing 
 directed two answers: Uber den Beweis des Geistes und 
 der Kraft, and Das Testament Johannis, Prophecies ful- 
 
34 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 filled, miracles accomplished in my own presence are one 
 thing — mere reports of them are quite different things. 
 "Accidental historical truth can never be made a proof of 
 necessary rational truth." All we have of the miracles, or 
 of Christ's own words, or of the inspiration of the authors 
 of the Bible is a report. All these things are for us merely 
 matters of history and can never be so well attested that on 
 them alone any one should be willing to rest his eternal 
 welfare. "This, this is the ugly, wide gulf which I cannot 
 cross, oft and earnestly as I have attempted the leap. If 
 any one is able to help me across, let him do it, I beg, 
 I implore him. He will be a Godsend to me." 
 
 36. Next in order came his Duplik in answer to an 
 Dupiik. attack by Pastor Ress upon the objections against 
 the Resurrection. Lessing characterizes the respective po- 
 sition of the three parties involved thus: "The Fragmentist 
 insists : The Resurrection of Christ is not to be believed, 
 also because the reports of the various Evangelists are 
 contradictory. " 
 
 "I reply: The Resurrection of Christ may be a matter 
 of fact, although the reports of the Evangelists are contra- 
 dictory. " 
 
 "Now a third party appears and says: The Resurrection 
 of Christ is unquestionably to be believed, because the reports 
 of the Evangelists are not contradictory." 
 
 "The reader will please notice this 'also because/ this 
 'although' and this 'because/ He will find that on these 
 particles all but everything depends." 
 
 Lessing then proceeds to consider, one by one, the 
 answers, which Ress proposed to the Fragmentist's ob- 
 jections. He proves every one of them to be absurd and 
 insufficient, and "rather an accusation against the Evan- 
 gelists than an answer to the Fragmentist," because Ress 
 was not concerned about the credibility of each Evan- 
 gelist, but about the validity of a certain harmony of the 
 Gospels of his own creation, which, if it could be proved, 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 35 
 
 would indict the Evangelists far more than the Frag- 
 mentist ever had any right or desire to do. , Ress* argu- 
 ment was in the main that the Gospels are not to be 
 considered as minutes of a case at hand, but as accounts 
 written at later times under divine influence, with different 
 purposes in view. And from this he draws the strange 
 conclusion that there can be no contradictions in them, 
 and the expositor merely needs to supplement the account 
 of one Gospel by that of the others. — The good-natured 
 tone in which Lessing had answered Schumann, and which 
 prevails also in the opening pages of the Duplik, yields, 
 in the end, to a passion and bitterness of which the cause 
 seems hardly to lie in the discussion in hand. Lessing 
 himself says in conclusion: "I am very well aware that 
 my blood runs differently now that I end this Duplik 
 than when I began it. I began so calm, so firmly deter- 
 mined to say everything I should have to say with calm- 
 ness .... and I end with so much passion, can not deny that 
 I have said many things with so much ardor and interest as 
 I should be ashamed to display in a case where my neck 
 was at stake." The great sorrow of his life had come upon 
 him while at work on the rejoinder. Death had deprived 
 him of wife and child. The happiness of his home life 
 and the hope of greater happiness to come had enabled 
 him to treat the follies of his opponents with the kindliness 
 of a humorist. His hope had turned to despair, his joy to 
 bitterness, his humor into the lash of scorn. 
 
 Numberless other opponents arose, nine to one in defense 
 of the accounts of the Resurrection. To some of them 
 answers are found, in more or less fragmentary form, in 
 Lessing's posthumous works. Till the end of 1777 not a 
 single attack had been directed against Lessing himself. 
 
 37 '. Only one man seems to have discovered the points 
 . in which orthodoxy might with perfect fairness at- 
 
 (joeze and J ° r 
 
 his tack Lessing as the publisher of the Fragments. 
 
 Position. j^ n £ k e pointed, them out without any apparent 
 
36 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 great bitterness. This man was Johann Melchior Goeze,* 
 first pastor in the Church of St. Catherine in Hamburg, a 
 man to whom Lessing himself, in earlier years, ascribed 
 fair talents and considerable scholarship, a man whose 
 hospitality, if not whose friendship, Lessing had not deemed 
 it beneath him to accept. That this man should attack 
 the Fragments and incidentally, also their publisher, can 
 fully be understood from the position he held as a minister 
 of the Gospel which had been maliciously slandered, and 
 need not be reduced to any petty personal feeling he may 
 have had against Lessing owing to a courtesy which Lessing 
 as librarian had unintentionally denied him. In his contro- 
 versy springing from the Fragments, Lessing had openly 
 declared that the theory of the verbal inspiration of the Bible 
 is untenable. "Goeze is the last champion of orthodoxy 
 who rigidly and fiercely defends every tittle and iota of the 
 Biblical word,f and does not move an inch from the foun- 
 dation of faith laid in the Augsburg confession, on which 
 the generations following had with arduous thought and 
 toil reared their dogmatic system .... No one could expect 
 that he, who knew no fear of men, would tacitly allow the 
 anti-Christian anonymous Fragmentist and the agent inter- 
 ested in his behalf, to break into the fold. For wherever, and 
 in whatever form, during these decades of great theological 
 reckoning, a challenge had been given to Christianity, Goeze 
 had taken up the gauntlet. Should he now be silent, because 
 he had at one time been Lessing's 'sturdy Goeze/ and 
 because his brilliant former visitor, in spite of a trifling 
 
 * Of the more noted biographers of Lessing, Erich Schmidt, by far 
 the most thorough and scholarly, is also the only one who does justice 
 to Goeze without apologizing as if it were an injustice to Lessing. 
 Schmidt also published Goeze's Polemics against Lessing, under the 
 title of Goeze s Streitschriften gegen Lessing GOschen'sche Verlags- 
 handlung, Stuttgart. 
 
 f For a concise and lucid exposition of the whole question of Biblical 
 inspiration and the gradually changing attitude of the theologians 
 toward it, cf. Gennrich, Der Kampf um die Schrift, Berlin, 1898. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 37 
 
 misunderstanding, still held a place in his heart? His whole 
 past in the service of the church militant, and his im- 
 pregnable conviction of his duties as a minister of the 
 Gospel, in these times of danger, called him to arms." 
 
 38. Goeze knows he is standing for the large majority of 
 Relative contemporary orthodox theologians, and at the 
 Position of same t j me Lessing claims to be a stanch de- 
 
 Qoeze and ° 
 
 Lessing. fender of the Lutheran church. If both mean 
 what they say, they must certainly differ widely in their 
 criteria of orthodoxy. Goeze had never hesitated to con- 
 fess his faith, and thus plainly to state his position in the 
 controversy. Can his repeated demand that Lessing as the 
 defender of the Fragmentist should plainly state what reli- 
 gion he considered as the Christian religion, and what 
 religion he himself confessed, justly be regarded inquis- 
 itorial as Lessing makes it to appear? Goeze says, for 
 instance, on p. 66 of his Polemics as cited above: "If in 
 this instance he plays again on the words Christian Reli- 
 gion, ... if by Christian Religion he understands, with Tin- 
 dal, Natural Religion. I grant his whole conclusion: but 
 in that case, how about sincerity and honesty, which any 
 honorable author owes to his readers, especially in dealing 
 with a subject of so much moment?" If their contro- 
 versy, for him at least, was to be more than a mere 
 wrangling in words, it was not only desirable, but abso- 
 lutely necessary to get a definite understanding of their 
 relative points of view. It did not fit into Lessing's plan. 
 The answer which Goeze received in the Notige Antwort 
 auf eine sehr unnbtige Frage is in one sense Lessing's 
 definition of the Christian faith and doctrines, but in no 
 sense Lessing's confession of his own faith. It is only in 
 one sense his definition, because he himself confesses in one 
 of his letters that by his tactics he intended to set the 
 Catholics against the Protestants, as Paul of old divided 
 the Sanhedrim. And to Elise Reimarus he writes: "Since 
 Goeze made the mistake of asking, not what of the Christ- 
 
3« 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 ian religion I believe (but Goeze did ask this question), but 
 what I consider to be the Christian religion, I have won 
 the contest." And so he had. Goeze was silent. 
 
 39. Lessing had arrayed Catholic against Protestant 
 
 in demanding recognition for ecclesiastical tradi- 
 
 Gist of 00 
 
 Lessing's tion. He asserted that the criterion of fellowship 
 Argument. j n ^e Christian church was the acceptance of the 
 so-called Regula Fidei, the Rule of Faith, which, he in- 
 sisted, and rightly, had been used in this capacity before 
 the canon of Scripture had been established. "The letter 
 is not the spirit, and the Bible is not religion. The Bible 
 contains more than belongs to religion, and it is a mere 
 hypothesis that the Bible is as infallible in this 'more' as it 
 is in the rest. — Religion is not true because Evangelists 
 and Apostles taught it, but they taught it because it is 
 true. From their inherent truth the validity of written 
 traditions must be established, and any possible amount of 
 written tradition can give no inner truth to religion, if it 
 has none in itself." These sentences were the bulwarks of 
 Lessing's position. It seems strange to us that Goeze and 
 his colleagues should have so violently opposed ,them. But 
 they knew, on the one hand, that Lessing agreed with 
 Reimarus particularly in his views regarding the origin of 
 the Bible and the value of the miracles; to their minds, on 
 the other hand, the verbal inspiration of the Bible was 
 the only sure foundation for a creed, and, doubtless, Les- 
 sing's sentences were pregnant with danger to their theory. 
 
 40. Lessing had won the contest. Against his adroitness 
 
 and skill at arms Goeze's heavy armor did not 
 
 Character J 
 
 oftheCon= avail. "Victories decide wars, but they are very 
 troversy. doubtful proofs of a just cause, or rather, they 
 are no proof at all/' With these words Lessing introduces 
 his essay on the Moravians. Every one admits that the 
 controversy was carried on from Lessing's side with a 
 wealth of learning and brilliancy for which his opponent 
 did not begin to be a match, but it is only fair to admit 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 39 
 
 also that his weapons were not entirely free from the poison 
 of malice and calumny. Goeze was rather coarse and 
 clumsy, sometimes ; Lessing answered with insinuations 
 derogatory to Goeze's character which were wholly unnec- 
 essary and surely not worthy of him. In his zeal for the 
 principle which he meant to establish he was wholly unjust 
 to the individual. "He has for all time made Goeze the 
 type of narrowness and opposition to science/' says Lessing's 
 biographer Stahr; — but he had no right to do so. "He 
 needed just such an opponent, in whom theological bigotry, 
 with its rude superficiality, its unscrupulous distortion, its 
 logical clumsiness, its hypocritical solicitude for the souls of 
 ethers, was, as it were, personified," Schwarz, himself a 
 theologian, expatiates on Stahr; but Gross, editor of Les- 
 sing's theological writings, certainly with full justice ques- 
 tions his right indiscriminately to take any one for such an 
 opponent. 
 
 41. The inherent value of Lessing's polemic writings 
 
 ft . .is not lessened on that account, and in their 
 
 Outcome of 
 
 the vivacity and beauty of style they are unexcelled 
 
 Quarrel. - n Q erman p r0 se. His work in the field of theol- 
 ogy, as before that in the field of art, proved to be a most 
 powerful stimulus to professional theologians afterward, 
 and though few, if any, of his hypotheses stood the test 
 of more thorough research without some material modifi- 
 cation, it is fair to say that also in the field of New 
 Testament criticism Lessing was a brave and fearless torch- 
 bearer. 
 
 42. It seems like a strange contradiction, the bitterness 
 Occasion of the quarrel and the gentleness and love breath- 
 ^ f i*?. e x ing from the Last Will and Testament of St. 
 
 Publication ° J 
 
 of Nathan. John, which had shed its halo over the begin- 
 ning of the controversy, and in the end pronounced its 
 "Little children, love ye one another, " from the mouth of 
 Nathan the Wise. For the last polemic against Goeze is 
 Nathan. The tenor of the Fragments and of Lessing's 
 
4 o NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 own polemics, rather than some hints thrown out by 
 Goeze, had induced the authorities to prohibit any further 
 continuation of the controversy, and the publication of any 
 theological matter from Lessing's side. On the night of 
 the tenth of August 1778, as he writes to his brother 
 Karl, he conceived the idea of saying his last word in the 
 matter from the stage. Not, indeed, that he meant to 
 yield entirely to the demands of the authorities. For in 
 spite of their prohibition he published a number of pam- 
 phlets against Goeze, and others. But he had to be ready 
 for the worst, as he says, and for emergencies one is never 
 so well prepared as when one has money. To procure 
 money, of which he would be so much in need, in case he 
 should lose his position as librarian, he took up an old 
 dramatic subject, a part of which he had roughly sketched 
 probably after his return from Italy 1776, and prepared to 
 have his Nathan printed by subscription. In a prospectus 
 dated August 8 *, which was more or less privately cir- 
 culated among friends, he says: "Inasmuch as it has been 
 demanded that I should suddenly desist from a kind of 
 labor which I have, doubtless, not carried on with that 
 sort of pious craftiness with which alone it can successfully 
 be carried on, circumstances rather than choice have caused 
 me to take up an old theatrical attempt, which, I see, 
 should long since have received the last finishing touches. 
 For this purpose, it might be thought, I could not have 
 chosen any more unsuitable moments than the moments of 
 vexation, in which one should prefer to forget how the 
 world really is. Yet, not so. The world of my specu- 
 lation is by no means a less natural world, and I should 
 not be surprised if it were not the fault of Providence 
 alone that it is not just as real. — This attempt is of a 
 somewhat unusual nature, and is called " Nathan the Wise" 
 
 * This prospectus must have been dated back, if the statement in 
 the letter to Karl of August 10th is correct. 
 
INTRODUCTION 4 1 
 
 in five acts. Of the exact contents I can say nothing. 
 Suffice it to say that it is well worthy of dramatic treat- 
 ment, and that I shall do everything to be myself satisfied 
 with this treatment/' 
 
 43. Some polemic disturbances, notably an attack by 
 Besetting Professor Semler, and above all things dire pe- 
 Difficuities. cuniary distress, made the labor very burdensome. 
 To his sister, who had asked him for assistance, he wrote : 
 "If you knew with what cares I have had to struggle since 
 the death of my wife, and in how needy circumstances 
 I have been living, you would rather pity than reproach 
 me." Indeed, he was driven to accept a loan of two 
 hundred and twenty-five dollars from a Jewish merchant, 
 Wessely, in order to have the necessary means for the 
 continuation of the work and the unavoidable expenses in 
 publishing. 
 
 44. On the 14th of November 1778 Lessing began to 
 Dates. put the sketch into verse. The second act he 
 began December 6th, the third December 28th, the fourth 
 February 2d, 1779, and the fifth on March 7th. Not count- 
 ing two or three predecessors, because they remained with- 
 out any influence, Nathan is the first German drama in 
 iambic pentameter. 
 
 45. At this place as well as any other we may speak 
 How briefly also of the reception accorded to Nathan. 
 Nathan Lessing himself professedly did not expect the 
 received, play to be admitted to the stage, or at least not 
 for a century to come. No place was sufficiently en- 
 lightened to receive Nathan. "But all hail to the place 
 where this may first be done." The honor fell to Berlin. 
 Only two years after Lessing's death, and hardly four after 
 the completion of the play, April 14th, 1783, it was there 
 produced, though with little or no success. Equally unsat- 
 isfactory were a few other early attempts. The play was first 
 produced successfully on November 28, 1801, in Weimar, 
 under the auspices of Schiller and Goethe, in the modified 
 
42 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 version prepared by Schiller. Since then it has been trans- 
 lated into most of the languages of Europe. In 1842 it 
 was produced in a modern Greek translation in Constanti- 
 nople, and was received with great applause in this center 
 of Mohammedanism. From time to time it still takes its 
 place on German stages,* and less often in England. Its 
 success depends in no small measure on the ability ol 
 the actors, whose roles are anything but easy. 
 
 II. The Religious Content of Nathan. 
 
 46. We have seen in the sketch of the genesis of 
 Nathan as Nathan what purpose the drama was to serve in 
 a Jew an connection with the theological troubles. It is 
 
 Insult to . 
 
 Christian^ not a mere plea tor toleration. I his purpose is 
 ity? served better in an earlier play of Lessing's, Die 
 
 Juden. Neither can it be called an attack upon or 
 an insult to Christianity. To be sure, the noblest char- 
 acter, Nathan, is a Jew, in name and ceremonial at least. 
 But did not also Christ, preaching to the Jews, hold up 
 the Publican and the Samaritan as models of the virtues 
 which he missed in his hearers? Surely not because these 
 virtues were not at all exemplified among his own peo- 
 ple. But, choosing Publican and Samaritan, he implicitly 
 says that their virtues could much more reasonably be ex- 
 pected from the Jews. A similar view we must take of 
 Nathan. 
 
 47. But there is another reason why Lessing made 
 Nathan- Nathan a Jew. Not, indeed, the reason assigned 
 Shyiock. by Kuno Fischer, namely that from Judaism as a 
 religion to Nathan's free Humanity is a much longer step 
 than from Christianity : Nathan is a Jew in name only. 
 The reason lies in the social condition of the time. At 
 the time of the crusades far more than even in Lessing's 
 days, the Jew was without kingdom or nationality, nowhere 
 
 * During the twelve months ending July 1901, forty -rive times, 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 43 
 
 equal with his fellow men, often not even tolerated. m The 
 legitimate product of indignities as those to which he was 
 subjected is Shakespeare's Shvlock. How noble the phil- 
 osophy, the faith, that makes of Shvlock a Nathan, a faith 
 not impossible with a Jew of Nathan's time, and all the 
 more to be expected from Christians, no matter how rarely 
 found among them. 
 
 48. If, however, Nathan has often been regarded as an attack 
 
 upon Christianity, it is in a large measure due to the 
 Theory and fact that the interpretation has been almost wholly 
 Practice. based upon the ring parable. Important as this is, it 
 represents only the theoretical side of Nathan's faith, his theol- 
 ogy. In theology, in externals, Nathan is still a Jew. The 
 practical side, his religion, becomes apparent in the seventh 
 scene of the fourth act, the great scene in which Nathan 
 reveals his heart to the friar. Here we see Nathan in his 
 life and vital principles. And they are Christian. 
 
 49. a) Lessing himself repeatedly referred to the De- 
 the camerone of Boccaccio, First Day, Third Story, 
 parable. Melchisedec the Jew, as the source of his Nathan. 
 Sources. <<j believe I have invented a very interesting 
 episode for it, so that the whole shall be very readable." — 
 Years before he had found this story in Boccaccio, and 
 had then made a rough plan for a drama, which he now 
 carried out with a number of essential changes. — Besides 
 the version of Boccaccio, Lessing knew two or three 
 slightly different ones, found in the Gesta Romanorum, a 
 mediaeval collection of short stories. The parable is older, 
 however, than all of these versions. It was probably in- 
 vented about the year 1100 by a Spanish Jew. About the 
 history of the fable and its transformations, of which 
 Lessing probably knew nothing, Erich Schmidt gives all 
 necessary information in his Lessing, Vol. II, p. 327 f. 
 Lessing followed seemingly in every detail the version of 
 Boccaccio. The few innovations which he makes are, how- 
 ever, full of significance, and change the spirit and scope of 
 
44 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 the whole parable. They are worthy of our attention all 
 the more because Lessing himself says in a letter to Ramler, 
 who read a proof of his manuscript, that on the story 
 especially he had spent much labor. Besides, we know 
 what aim he pursued in the work. 
 
 50. Boccaccio starts in with the ring in possession of 
 Differences the man in the East : Lessing indicates also its 
 between origin: u Aus lieber Hand" It is fair to rec- 
 
 the parable ° 
 
 and its ognize with Kettner and Erich Schmidt as the 
 "AusHeber or ^ ma ^ ^ rst gi yer God, and to assume that 
 Hand." Lessing meant to indicate the divine origin of 
 religion. To be remembered, however, that in his eyes 
 the divine in man would be simply human, giving to this 
 word its best and fullest significance. At all events, reli- 
 gion is not an arbitrary innovation of an idle brain, and 
 a religious consciousness may well believe it to be of divine 
 origin. 
 
 51. Again, with Boccaccio the only advantage attach- 
 The Power m g to tne rm g * s tne primacy in the family. 
 of the Ring. With Lessing the essential quality of the ring is 
 the one which is also ascribed to it in one version of the 
 Gesta Romanorum: it has the secret power of winning 
 favor with God and men; on condition, however, that the 
 owner wears it with this confidence. And this condition 
 again is Lessing's own addition. It is possible that in 
 giving his preference to the version of the Gesta Romanorum 
 Lessing purposely meant to imply that any one implicitly 
 confident of the love of God and men toward himself 
 would, as a matter of fact, beside this religious con- 
 fidence cultivate also religious love and its correlate, moral- 
 ity. If no human activity is called for beside that 
 implied in the condition of faith in the efficacy of the ring 
 (not necessarily in its genuineness), this is probably the 
 case because it seems impossible to distinguish cause and 
 effect : love of God and men and love to God and men, 
 these two phases are inseparable. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 45 
 
 52. It is a suggestive hypothesis of Kettner that in the 
 The Man Man in the East, having received his ring "am 
 in the East. n e fer Hand" we are to see not Judaism, or 
 either of the other two religions considered, but rather a 
 primary state of every religion. "The adherents of every 
 religion," Lessing means to say, "consider themselves the 
 chosen people, as long as they are unshaken in the belief 
 that in their religion alone a revelation is transmitted. And 
 accordingly they claim for their creed validity for the whole 
 world/' The making of two new rings is, then, not to 
 signify the advent of two new religions, but rather the 
 maturing of the consciousness that other religions make 
 the same claim to universality. And this consciousness 
 was certainly very strong with the persons acting in our 
 play. 
 
 53. It is idle to speculate as to whom we are to see 
 
 in the father of the three sons. A parable is not 
 
 The Father . r 
 
 of the three supposed to be applied in every insignificant detail. 
 Sons disre= Accepting Kettner 's hypothesis concerning the 
 the differ= Man in the East, we might see in this father the 
 ences of representative of the consciousness matured to the 
 stage of religious doubt. At all events, this father 
 could not distinguish which one of the three religions had 
 the better claims. And Nathan, too, does not here feel called 
 upon to decide this. The distinguishing dogmatic elements 
 of all religions are equally matters of history; all of them 
 more or less harmless accessories to natural religion. And 
 though the various creeds, each in its peculiar development, 
 and environment, assuredly served a divine purpose, and may 
 be historically appreciated, yet the superiority of any one does 
 not rest upon greater reliability of its sources, but upon its 
 fitness to endow man with clearer visions and higher ideals. 
 Explicitly to decide the question of superiority, Nathan left 
 to Saladin; his own decision we may infer from the seventh 
 scene of the fourth act. Yet, repelled by the conventional 
 over-emphasis upon the importance of creeds for man's ethical 
 
4 6 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 and religious development, Lessing seems to have rather 
 
 underestimated existing differences in this regard. 
 
 54. In the advice of the judge, too, who is Lessing's 
 
 D . own creation and so independent of his model, 
 
 Emphasis r ' 
 
 upon the differences between the existing religions seem 
 
 Morality. tQ ^ e considered of no account. Attention is 
 called to the fact that the virtue of the ring is to be made 
 manifest in winning favor with God and men or — taking 
 for granted that love begets love — in producing love for 
 God and men in the owner. But of the three existing 
 rings not one has the promised power, which must be due 
 to one of two things : either the genuine ring is not among 
 the rings owned by the brothers, or the owner does not 
 fulfill the condition on which the manifestation of its power 
 depends, he does not wear the ring with the necessary 
 confidence in its efficacy. The remedy suggested seems, in 
 its first part, somewhat strange: each one of the brothers is 
 to believe that his ring is the genuine one, and that it 
 has the promised power. The more practical seems the 
 additional advice that each one is to quicken this innate 
 
 power 
 
 ' ' mit Sanftmut, 
 Mit herzlicher Vertraglichkeit, mit Wohlthun, 
 Mit innigster Ergebenheit in Gott." 
 
 And then, after thousands of years, the power of the 
 stones — not of the one stone only — may show itself in 
 their children's children's children. The present judge can 
 not decide between the claims of the various owners; after 
 thousands of years, another, wiser man will occupy his 
 chair and judge. Indeed, it is suggested that possibly 
 the wise father, who might here very well be Providence, 
 made the three rings indistinguishable with a wise pur- 
 pose, in order that one brother might not be favored 
 above the others, but that rather all might have an in- 
 centive to realize the promised power. As a consequent 
 result no decision would be necessarv in the end, be- 
 
INTRODUCTION 4? 
 
 cause if each loves the other, no one would ask for a 
 judgment. Here, as in other places, Lessing seems to 
 put the emphasis on morality, and, as in the Duplik, 
 esteems the effort in the search after the truth more 
 highly than the possession of the truth. Possession of 
 the truth, a religion with power, it seems, is to be at- 
 tained after thousands of years by all the various con- 
 fessions, if they strive in that direction. 
 
 il, Ein gitter Mensch, in seinem dunkeln Drange, 
 1st sick des rechten Weges wo hi bewusst" * 
 
 Probably Lessing thought here of the new, eternal Gospel, 
 which, according to his Education of the Human Race, will 
 supersede the Christian Gospel, as this is an advance over 
 Judaism and Mohammedanism. But it may be reached 
 by the adherents of one creed as well as those of any other. 
 We have seen in another place what he considered to be 
 the best religion. Unimpeded development of so-called 
 Humanity, whatever that may mean for each successive 
 generation, is the end toward which the race is striving. 
 
 55. b) It is fair to assume that in Nathan w T e are to 
 nathan see a representative of this perfect religion. We 
 
 IN I IFE 
 
 AND shall endeavor to do justice to his character in 
 
 practice, the second part. At this place we want to 
 cast a look at the scene mentioned at the beginning of 
 this chapter. It affords us a glance into Nathan's heart, 
 which he had modestly concealed from all but the pious, 
 single-hearted friar, because single-hearted piety alone can 
 appreciate deeds impossible for human nature, unless deeply 
 devoted to God, and completely resigned to his will and 
 purpose. 
 
 And what do we find in his heart? He is human in 
 his tears, in his despair, in his vow of inveterate hatred : 
 he is almost more than human in his resignation to God's 
 
 * Cf. also ^chiller's Worte des Glaubens. 
 
4 8 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 will and ways : * ' Und dock is/ Go//, dock war auch Got/es 
 Ra/schluss das" He is more than human in his conscious- 
 ness of absolute dependence upon God: li Ich will! Wills/ 
 du nur, dass ich will!" More than human in his love for 
 
 enemies : 
 
 ^ich nahm 
 Das Kind, trug's auf mein Lager, kiisst' es, war/ 
 Mich auf die Knie und sch/uchzte: Gott ! auf sieben 
 Dock nun schon eines wieder ! '" 
 
 A.nd almost more than human he is, finally, in the ac= 
 quiescence in God's counsels concerning him ; 
 
 "Und ob ?nich siebenfache Liebe schon 
 Ba/d an dies einz' 'ge fremde Made hen band, 
 Ob der Gedanke mich schon totet, dass 
 Ich meine sieben Sohn in ihr aufs neue 
 Verlieren soil : wenn sie von meinen Hdnden 
 Die Vorsicht wieder fordert, — ich gehorche." 
 
 It seems as if Lessing had reiterated and exemplified in 
 this scene all the essentials of Nathan's religion. And 
 whence are his principles? The good friar involuntarily 
 
 ejaculates : 
 
 ' '•Nathan, Nathan, 
 Ihr seid ein Christ ! — Bei Gott, Ihr seid ein Christ ! 
 Ein bess'rer Christ war nie!" 
 
 To be sure, Nathan at once rejoins : 
 
 ' ' Wo hi tins ! Denn was 
 Mich Euch zum Christen macht, das macht Euch mir 
 Zum Jtiden" 
 
 But Beyschlag's objection to this rejoinder is well founded : 
 the probability of such love for enemies is not given in 
 Judaism, but it is given in Christianity. That is not say- 
 ing that a Jew of to-day would not be capable of it ; but 
 in so far as he practises it, he is realizing a Christian ideal. 
 The Old Testament, the sacred document of Judaism and 
 the truest exponent of its doctrines, nowhere, not even in 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 49 
 
 the Psalms, in which personal piety finds its highest ex- 
 pression, commands love of enemies or exalts it as an ideal 
 for which to strive. A reply to deeds such as the Chris- 
 tians are said to have perpetrated upon Nathan's wife and 
 children is found in the pathos of the 137th Psalm: "By 
 the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, 
 when we remembered Zion." And it closes with the 
 frightful prayer for vengeance upon Babylon which had 
 committed such deeds: "O daughter of Babylon, who art 
 to be destroyed ; happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as 
 thou hast served us. Happy shall he be that taketh and 
 dasheth thy little ones against the stones." Words like 
 these could not stand in the Psalms, if the religion of the 
 Old Testament meant to educate men to that exalted love 
 which Lessing ascribes to his Nathan. "This triumph of 
 humanity, of love to God and men, was brought into the 
 world by him who, dying on the cross, prayed for his 
 murderers, and in virtue of his blood shed for his enemies 
 wrote into the hearts of his followers the new command- 
 ment : ' Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, 
 do good to them that hate you/" — Mendelssohn practically 
 made the same admission when he wrote: "When Nathan 
 had made its appearance, it was rumored, that Lessing had 
 slandered the Christian religion, although he had only 
 ventured to find fault in some particulars with a few 
 Christians, or at most with the Christian church. His 
 Nathan, we must admit, is really an honor to the Christian 
 church. On what a high plain of enlightenment and 
 culture must the people be among whom a man can at- 
 tain this height of sentiment, and develop this nice discern- 
 ment of things human and divine." Possibly these words 
 were not, and are not appreciated because coming from a 
 Jew, and yet they seem to be directly to the point. Nathan 
 is a Jew, "like whom there are few others," a Jew who 
 has been willing to learn from Christianity and certainly 
 lived by its principles more nearly than thousands of Chris- 
 
50 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 tians in name and profession. His ethical principles bear 
 the imprint of Christianity, though he did not seem to rec- 
 ognize it ; but, though followed by a Jew, they remain 
 Christian still. 
 
 56. Thus it appears that Nathan's — and Lessing's — 
 The riorai ideal religion, as far as it goes, coincides with 
 of Nathan. Christianity : ideal Christianity to be sure, but 
 Christianity none the less. Lessing himself was probably 
 aware of this. In the publication of his Nathan he promised 
 "to play a worse trick on the theologians than he could 
 by issuing ten more Fragments. " He expected that in their 
 hearts they would be full of anger, though none would 
 venture to attack the play openly. Lessing's purpose in 
 publishing his Nathan, accordingly, can hardly have been 
 anything more or less than to represent ideal Christianity 
 as a thing to be hoped for, possibly thousands of years 
 hence, and to admonish the theologians of his day, as 
 Christ admonished the Pharisee to whom he told the par- 
 able of the Good Samaritan: "Go ye and do likewise," 
 implying that they had not yet so much as made an at- 
 tempt to reach Nathan's perfection. 
 
 57. We have hinted that Lessing himself,' even when 
 Lessi he wrote his Nathan, had not reached the per- 
 and his fection of his hero. Above all things, there are 
 
 eaI " a number of features in the abominable char- 
 
 acter of the patriarch which are clearly intended to be 
 travesties on Lessing's opponent, Pastor Goeze. The 
 patriarch received even the outward physiognomy of Goeze. 
 The passages in question are given in the Appendix, and 
 we must here content ourselves with referring to them. — 
 We are likely to judge too harshly, when we see that the 
 poet, in point of whole-souled charity and nobleness of 
 spirit could not rise to the creation of his mind and heart, 
 the creation of the sacred hours of his life, hours sancti- 
 fied by death and bereavement. In this instance, too, 
 "He that is without sin, Jet him first cast a stone." Who 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 1 
 
 is he that would not humbly, and yet hopefully, confess 
 that his own life lias but rarely, if ever, come up to his 
 ideal ? 
 
 II. NATHAN AS A WORK OF ART 
 
 58. Nathan was to be the last word in the quarrel 
 Nathan not w ^ tn Goeze, and it was not unnatural for Les- 
 a Satire. sing's friends to expect that it would be bitter 
 and satirical in its tone. Lessing disabused them of this 
 notion, writing in a letter to his brother Karl: "It will 
 be as touching a piece as ever I made.'"' And in these 
 words he characterized his work very well : it is touching; 
 not, indeed, fostering a slovenly sentimentality, but a sturdy 
 tenderness which inspires and exalts us at the same time. 
 59. If the purpose and characteristic effect of tragedy* 
 Tragical in 1S to make us appreciate the power of the good 
 its Effect. i n man, manifesting itself in defiance of evil and 
 malice, Nathan, without being a tragedy, fulfills this pri- 
 mary requisite of tragedy. Indeed, more manifestly than in 
 most of the species of this highest class of dramatic art, 
 we find here genuine goodness celebrating a triumph. 
 
 60. The virtue which Nathan acquired in a life of 
 The Lead= severe self-education and self-denial is exempli- 
 ing idea of fled in deeds, proves its power and efficiency in 
 
 e ay * his dealings with men, and is unreservedly rec- 
 ognized and acknowledged by men, notwithstanding their 
 prejudices and differences of creed. This is the leading 
 idea of the play. 
 
 61. To appreciate Nathan as a work of art, which it 
 The proper is primarily, we must be content to let the hero 
 a Wo"^ 0^° act w ^h m the bounds prescribed for him by the 
 Art. poet. The elements enlisting our interest in any 
 work of art are not primarily Christian or sectarian, but 
 
 * Theodor Lipps, Der Streit i'tber die Ti'agodie. 
 
52 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 human. In the instance at hand, we must above all things 
 disregard the polemic element, rise above our creeds, what- 
 ever they may be, in order that the names may not dis- 
 turb us, and so be prepared to estimate the life which 
 Nathan leads. Taking him quite as the play presents him 
 to us, we can appreciate what a life like his demands and 
 
 what it gives. 
 
 ll Und dock ist Gott ! 
 Dock war auch Gotles Ratschluss das! Wohlan! 
 Ko7nm ! . ube, was du langst begriffen hast, 
 Was sicherlich zu itben schwerer nicht 
 A Is zu begreifen ist, wenn du nur wills t" 
 
 62. This is the sum total of Nathan's experience, this is 
 Nathan's his wisdom. This confidence enables him not only 
 Character to maintain that imperturbable equanimity in all 
 sition in tne trials of his life, but is also the source of 
 the Play, his kindness, his charity and toleration. And 
 these vicissitudes, in turn, were no doubt a means of 
 strengthening Nathan's faith, which is altogether too brave 
 and heroic to have been an inheritance which he accepted 
 from his ancestors without thought or trouble on his part. 
 He paid for it with the dearest treasures of his life. His 
 wisdom is the truth which he had tested in his own ex- 
 perience ; his rule of life and conduct, the love and for- 
 bearance of a heart ennobled, and softened, and tranquil- 
 lized in the joys and sorrows of an eventful life. He had 
 seen the perverseness of the human heart, had felt its forti- 
 tude. A Jew, mercilessly driven to the limits of human 
 endurance, he practised love toward his enemies, and con- 
 strained himself to obey the most exacting injunction of 
 Christianity. — No other character of our play has reached 
 anything like the perfection which Nathan attained in the 
 school of life. And so they all serve as a background for 
 him ; from the proud, youthful, unsettled Templar and the 
 mighty, charitable, but inconsiderate Sultan, to the naive, 
 but well meaning nurse, and the hypocritical, intriguing 
 
INTRODUCTION 53 
 
 patriarch. The characters, individuals in themselves, none 
 the less serve to accentuate the extraordinary qualities in 
 Nathan, and it is worth while to make the comparison. 
 
 63. Between Nathan and Recha exists a most tender 
 Nathan relation. Having received her, as it were, 
 and Recha. from the hand of God as a compensation for 
 his seven sons, he is attached to her with sevenfold 
 love, and has taken the utmost pains with her edu- 
 cation. Possibly in consideration of the position assigned 
 to man by his birth and kinship, he refrained from 
 perplexing the Christian child with dogmatic, sectarian 
 discussions, and emphasized the more the fundamental 
 tenet of his own special religion : he loved her and taught 
 her that God with more than fatherly care provides for 
 those who love Him, and even may work miracles in their 
 behalf. In what sense this is to be taken, he makes clear 
 at the first opportunity (cf. the note to 11. 210 ff. ) emphasiz- 
 ing at the same time another important principle. After 
 her narrow escape from the fire, Recha had been spending 
 her hours in dreamy, grateful contemplation. Nathan 
 rouses her from her fantastic revery, and makes her ready 
 and anxious to express her gratitude to God in good deeds 
 toward his needy creatures. His view of gratitude takes the 
 place of Daja's vagaries. No friend of dead book learn- 
 ing, he has by word of mouth and by example educated 
 his daughter to be an ornament to any family, or any creed. 
 She, in turn, looks up to her father with reverential, lov- 
 ing confidence. All her angelic loveliness the Templar as 
 well as herself recognizes to be the creation of the artist 
 who imagined in the rejected block the divine form that he 
 released, and made it the most eloquent testimonial of all 
 the good and noble within himself. 
 
 64. Comparing Daja with Nathan, we find many good 
 Nathan an d praiseworthy features in her, which have 
 and Daja. generally been quite disregarded. Kuno Fischer 
 finds fault with Lessing for allowing Nathan to commit the 
 
54 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 pedagogical folly of making Daja Recha's companion. It 
 is well to remember the good friar's observation : children 
 above all else need love. And Daja devoted herself with 
 so much loving care to Recha that the orphaned child 
 hardly missed her mother. Possibly, Lessing meant to in- 
 dicate that homely goodness also has its place in the world, 
 and that a man like Nathan could appreciate Daja in spite 
 of her evident limitations. Her solicitude for Recha's 
 eternal salvation never abates, and she is fully confident 
 that the dispensations of Heaven will eventually crown her 
 hopes and efforts in this direction with success, though, in 
 her judgment, the girl's relation to Nathan, the Jew, is 
 pregnant with danger. And, withal, she gratefully appre- 
 ciates Nathan's kindness and magnanimity toward her. In 
 her faith she differs most essentially from Nathan. His 
 foremost demand in matters of religion is truthfulness and 
 clearness, vital experience. Her faith is a matter of un- 
 defined feeling, fantastic devotion ; and rigid truthfulness 
 and honesty with herself is so little her concern that she 
 does not shrink from fostering in Recha the fanciful angel 
 dream. In view of all this we can well excuse Nathan for 
 taking Daja's matters of conscience somewhat lightly. 
 
 65. If with Daja religion was a matter of undefined 
 Nathan feeling, it was naive and generally harmless. The 
 and the patriarch, like his historic prototype, is, in a word, 
 Patriarch. a scounc j re i ? making of religion a cloak to shield 
 him. from the legitimate results of his machinations. He 
 is forever prating about the welfare of the kingdom of God, 
 his resignation to God's will, and his devotion to the 
 church; and talks glibly of divine dispensations which proud 
 human reason should not attempt to fathom. But even 
 without his almost humorous grotesqueness, it would be 
 evident that all this is idle talk in his mouth. His das- 
 tardly plot against the life of the Sultan ought to have been 
 expiated on the gallows, and his crouching before the 
 Sultan's favorite, the Templar, to whom he had laid bare 
 
INTRODUCTION 55 
 
 his villainy, finds in contempt its only adequate return. 
 The only God he knows is his own self, the welfare of the 
 church is his own sordid advantage. He is at heart in 
 every way the opposite of Nathan. Nathan's relation to God 
 is that of reverential, childlike love. He proves in his life 
 and conduct an unfaltering trust in the wisdom and good- 
 ness of God, a trust which, unlike DajVs blind faith, or the 
 prelate's sanctimonious rascality, is not indeed content with 
 flowery phrases, but is rational and contemplative, and yet 
 humbly trusts without clear knowledge, wherever in the 
 presence of the inscrutable ways of God the limits of human 
 understanding forbid us to know. 
 
 66. Apparently Nathan and Saladin are alike in many 
 Nathan and ways : both equally generous, equally frugal, equally 
 Saladin. humble before God and tolerant toward men of 
 different persuasion. And yet in this instance, too, the 
 likeness is almost purely external. The virtues of the Sul- 
 tan are rather spontaneous expressions of a noble, but un- 
 cultivated and untried natural inclination. Nathan's virtue 
 is based on conviction, discernment, reasons, choice of the 
 better. Regarding their generosity Al-Hafi distinguishes 
 aptly, when he calls that of the Sultan prodigality ; that 
 of Nathan wise charity whose barns are ever filled. Saladin 
 gives without consideration or discretion : makes himself a 
 carrion among vultures ; is, in spite of his inexhaustible 
 resources, reduced to pinching poverty, and allows subjects 
 not within the range of his sight to be taxed and drained 
 to the marrow, in order that he may have the means of 
 satisfying lavishly the wants of those whom he sees. At 
 the bottom his liberality is little more than refined selfish- 
 ness. Similarly the toleration of the two men is of an en- 
 tirely different nature. If Saladin does not insist on all 
 trees having the same bark, it is with him not so much 
 the expression of deeply rooted conviction as of indiffer- 
 ence. With Nathan, on the contrary, tolerance is the legi- 
 timate result of the conviction that resignation to God's 
 
56 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 will, the essence of his religion, does in no way depend 
 upon our opinion concerning God. (On the import of this 
 opinion, this "Wahnen uber Gott" cf. the Notes to 1589). 
 As one accepts coin at the value stamped on its face and 
 deposits it in a bag, so Saladin would fain gather truth 
 into his head without reflection or investigation as to its 
 real worth. Nathan is aware of the futility of this attempt. 
 He knows at what price he acquired his wisdom, his con- 
 viction, his faith ; knows also how severely life can put 
 them to the test. 
 
 67. At first sight Sittah seems to reflect little light on 
 Nathan and Nathan's character. And yet she too accentuates 
 Sittah. one side of his being. Good and lovable in other 
 respects, she manifests a slyness and cunning, which is too 
 unscrupulous to be commendable. She herself admits her 
 fault, when, though frankly owning her inclination to cun- 
 ning and sophistry, she at the same time deems it neces- 
 sary to excuse it by reminding Saladin that he is no better, 
 inasmuch as he is merely ashamed of the fox who suggests 
 stealthy, wily tricks, while he does not hesitate to turn the 
 tricks to his account. In Nathan we find the same cun- 
 ning duly tempered: He is "wise as a serpent and guile- 
 less as a dove." Somewhat perplexed at the Sultan's 
 question after truth, he wisely and cautiously clothes his 
 answer in his famous parable, and he prudently restricts 
 Saladin's encomium to the wise man who never conceals the 
 truth, but cheerfully risks everything for it, by the con- 
 dition : il Ja,ja, wenns no tig is/ und nulzt!" — Though 
 he need not be ashamed before God or men of having 
 been the good Samaritan for Recha, and though he did not 
 deny to the Templar, nor conceal from any one else who 
 needed to know that she was a Christian and only his 
 foster child ; still he had found no one as yet whom he 
 regarded entitled to the knowledge ; and even Recha knows 
 nothing of her relation to him. — Anxious to become more 
 intimately acquainted with the Templar, he is unwilling to 
 
INTRODUCTION 57 
 
 reveal to the young knight the cause of his interest in his 
 kinship. 
 
 "Denn wenn ich sie ihm sag', tmd der Verdachi 
 
 1st ohne Grand: so hao' ich gam umsonst 
 
 Den Vater auf das Spiel gesetzt 
 
 ......... Ich bliebe Rechas Vater 
 
 Doch gar zn gem!" 
 
 Thus he manifests everywhere wise, unobjectionable pru- 
 dence, usually aiming at the welfare of others rather than 
 at his own ; nowhere does he, like Sittah, try to take ad- 
 vantage of others. 
 
 68. Toward his chess companion Nathan exhibits a 
 Nathan and superior, self-conscious humor; but with playful 
 ai Hafi. ease incidentally hints at momentous vital ques- 
 tions, and if at any time the light-footed desert philoso- 
 pher is inclined to respond, his words assume an appropriate 
 seriousness. Thus in the famous, ever misinterpreted words : 
 
 "Kein Mensch muss mils s en ; und ein Derwisch ?nusste ? 
 
 Was 7iiuss? er denn P" It is the same playful tone in which 
 he had been conversing with Al-Hafi. The dervish wants 
 to be, above all things, free, uncramped by circumstances 
 and the artificial relations of civilized men ; he had learned 
 from Rousseau. On that account he is eager to resign his 
 influential position at court, in which he has been obliged 
 to do for others what he loathes from his inmost soul to 
 do for himself. On the Ganges, where with bare feet and 
 light heart he walks the burning sands together with his 
 teachers, on the Ganges alone there are men. There no 
 one knows of any constraint, but can take pleasure in act- 
 ing from free choice : ''Kein Mensch muss miissen," least of 
 all a dervish, who can without the least hesitation make 
 up his mind to live for himself. This he has long since 
 apprehended, and this fundamental tenet of his philosophy 
 he no doubt often enough defended with all his extrava- 
 gant one-sidedness against Nathan. In an unguarded mo- 
 ment he now excuses himself for having accepted the 
 
58 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 hateful office at court with the words : " Zwar, wenn man 
 muss!" And Nathan, discovering at once the exposure, 
 cannot refrain from dealing a playful sarcastic thrust : 
 "Kein Mensch muss mussen" has always been the Alpha 
 and Omega of your philosophy, and now you mean to say 
 that you have yielded to a constraint? "Ein Derwisch 
 musste ? Was mussf er denn?" — "Warum man ihn recht 
 bittet, und er fur gut erkennt ; das muss ein Derwisch." — 
 This answer of Al-Hafi quite unexpectedly turns out to be 
 so serious, and above all things so apt, that Nathan for a 
 moment involuntarily abandons his playful tone, and with 
 his whole heart answers: ll Bei unserm Gott! Da sagst du 
 wahr. — Lass dich umarmen, Mensch. Du bist doch noch 
 mein Freund?" As if the last question were to be an 
 apology for having for a moment seemed to trifle with 
 considerations so vital in their influence on human life and 
 conduct. — Really the practical agreement in this matter is 
 the foundation of their friendship. "Warum man ihn recht 
 bittet, und er filr gut erkennt ; das muss ein Mensch" On 
 this principle they agree ; they differ in the manner in 
 which each makes his principle count in his life and con- 
 duct. Al-Hafi sees the unreasonable and perverse in man 
 and the world and is stimulated by it to flee the world 
 and man, and to live a hermit's life. Nathan's eye is no 
 less keen in this respect, but he is stimulated not to flight, 
 but to action in the world. Whatever the dervish recog- 
 nizes as good, that he feels bound to do ; but in order 
 that he may not be bound to do something distasteful to 
 his nature, he returns to the desert to a life of contem- 
 plative ease. Nathan stands unflinchingly in the midst of 
 life and does his duty without taking much thought of his 
 own pleasure or advantage. 
 
 69. Somewhat different is his relation to the good 
 Nathan and fri ar - He too is " wise as a serpent, and harm- 
 the Friar, less as a dove," and yet not in every sense. He 
 is too closely bound by faith in authority to profess openly 
 
INTRODUCTION 59 
 
 what he believes in his heart, and to repudiate openly the 
 power of the patriarch who through his never changing 
 villainy has forfeited every claim to obedience. He sees 
 the wrong, to be sure, but is not able to draw from it the 
 only legitimate conclusion. Patriarch and church are for 
 him the means without which he can not reach heaven. 
 Though he loathes their mandates, yet he feels in duty 
 bound to render external obedience at least, and, foregoing 
 all speculation in the matter, he really seems to consider 
 this obedience a meritorious deed. None the less he longs 
 incessantly for his quiet retreat on Mount Tabor, where he 
 will have no other care than that for his eternal salvation. 
 Thus we find in him too a resignation longing to escape 
 from a world in which numberless ills and evils annoy and 
 oppress him. Nathan, on the other hand, can not be dis- 
 suaded by any human authority, or by the letter of the law 
 from doing that which he considers good and right. He is 
 a man whose conviction is a stimulus to courage and 
 deeds. 
 
 70. Looking at the Templar superficially, we should 
 a hardly find in him a feature reminding us of 
 
 Nathan and J © 
 
 the Nathan. But Nathan detects at first sight: "Die 
 
 Templar. Schale kann ?iur bitter sein, der Kern isfs sicker 
 nicht." The Templar is young and impulsive: "IVer 
 weiss, was wir an seiner StelV ; in seinem Alter ddchten!" 
 In time he promises to be like Nathan in many ways, 
 though probably always more rash, more inconsiderate, 
 more violent, true in this respect to the traditions of the 
 family, as they also assert themselves in Saladin and Assad. 
 At least, he reflects upon himself and his relation to God 
 and the world. And even his mistakes are of such a 
 nature that with time and proper culture they may well 
 be softened into virtues. With Nathan, this has been done. 
 Life has smoothed the sharp, rough edges, and in the at- 
 tractive, harmonious forms moral strength and beauty are 
 blended. 
 
g NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 71. We have tried, in the preceding paragraphs, to gain 
 an advantageous point of view from which to appreciate 
 the various characters, and particularly Nathan's relation to 
 them. We might now proceed to a consideration of the 
 more external means by which our play commands our 
 interest and our admiration. But it is better to appreciate 
 beauty face to face than from a description. The work 
 may speak for itself. However, a few objections have so 
 frequently been raised to the plot and execution of the 
 drama, that it seems but fair to consider them here. We 
 need to gain a point of view in this respect also. 
 
 72. Almost unanimously critics have found that Nathan 
 Wantingin lacks in vividness of action. We can understand 
 Action.* wn y this objection should be raised, and yet, all 
 
 * It is suggestive to compare two utterances of Lessing in this 
 connection. In his Dra?7iaturgie, L.-M. IX, 189, he says : "Die 
 erste Tragodie, die den Namen einer christlichen verdient, durfte 
 ohne Zweifel noch zu erwarten sein. Ich meine ein Stuck, in 
 welchem einzig der Christ als Christ tins interessiert. — 1st ein solches 
 Stuck aber auch wohl moglich ? 1st der Charakter des wahren 
 Christen nicht etwa ganz untheatralisch? Streiten nicht etwa die 
 stille Gelassenheit, did unverdnderliche Sanftmut, die 'seine wesent- 
 lichsten Zilge sind, mit dem Geschdfte der Tragodie, welches Leiden- 
 schaften durch Leidenschaften zu reinigen sucht ? Widerspricht 
 nicht etwa seine Erwartung einer belohnenden Gluckseligkeit nach 
 diesem Leben der Uneigenniltzigkeit, mit welcher wir alle grosse 
 und gute Handlungen auf der Bilhne unternommen und vollzogen zu 
 s ehen wiins chen ? ' ' 
 
 4 Bis ein Werk des Genie s, von dem ?nan nur aus der Erfahrung 
 lernen kann, wie viel Schwierigkeiten es zu ubersteigen ver??iag, diese 
 Bedenklichkeiten unwidersprechlich widerlegt, ware also mein Rat : — 
 man Hesse alle bisherige christliche Trauerspiele unaufgefilhrt." 
 
 It seems almost as if Lessing had attempted to produce this Werk 
 des Genies, and was thinking of these words of the Dramaturgic, 
 when he wrote in a preface to Nathan: "Wenn man endlich sagen 
 wird, dass ein Stuck von so eigener Tendenz nicht reich genug an eige- 
 ner Schonheit sei; — so werde ich schweigen, aber mich nicht schamen. 
 Ich bin mir eines Zieles bewusst, unter dem 7nan auch noch viel weitei 
 mit alien Ehren bleiben darf." 
 
INTRODUCTION 6 1 
 
 the circumstances considered, it is hardly justifiable. A 
 man who, like Nathan, has in every way rounded his char- 
 acter and so fully acquired the mastery of all his passions, 
 cannot pursue a narrowed aim with wild, resistless im- 
 petuosity. His goal is not a virtue, but virtue, and of 
 virtue moderation is a part, if virtue is not, as Aristotle 
 would have it, itself moderation. In a drama, where 
 Nathan is to be the mam character, there can be no place 
 for violent passion. The calm, quiet tenor of the play is 
 wholly in keeping with the character of Nathan as the 
 hero. 
 
 73. It has further been objected that the poet who in 
 c - his Dramaturgie passed such severe judgment upon 
 
 Happen- miracles and all incidents looking at all like 
 mgs ' chance should in his Nathan give such a wide 
 
 range to this element. And it must be admitted that the 
 charge is not entirely without foundation, though the points 
 in question can to some extent be explained. We might 
 bear in mind that in the creed of Nathan, as in that of 
 Orsina in Emilia Galotti, nothing under the sun is to be re- 
 garded as chance, that the word chance or accident is a 
 blasphemy. But disregarding this, most of the events in 
 Nathan that seem like chance are put into causal relation 
 with fine acumen, . and are psychologically quite possible. 
 That the Templar was pardoned is explained by his similar- 
 ity to Saladin's lost brother, though the deed itself was 
 born of mere impulse. The father of this Templar was a 
 Mohammedan, joined in wedlock to a Christian lady, and 
 he presented his children for Christian baptism. He was, 
 moreover, in every way a loving and loveable nature, and 
 it is not at all strange that this man as a Christian knight * 
 should have repeatedly saved Nathan from the sword, and 
 
 * His being a brother of Saladin, and a Christian knight at the 
 same time, is the strangest part about him. But this, too, has its 
 purpose : if it had been different, it would have been most natural to 
 send Recha to Saladin, and not to Nathan. 
 
62 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 should have learned to appreciate him as a Jew unlike 
 most other Jews. There was ample ground for confidence 
 and friendship between the two, and such a relation being 
 established, it was but natural for the father, face to face 
 with death, to intrust his little girl to the care of Nathan. 
 All this seems quite plausible. But it seems rather far- 
 fetched to make the dervish, that peculiar chess companion 
 of Nathan, the private treasurer of the sultan, in. order to 
 establish the connection between Nathan, Saladin, and 
 Assad. And the pious, gentle recluse, the friar, is repre- 
 sented as having been, some twenty years before, the squire 
 of Recha's father, and is now a sort of factotum of the 
 patriarch. It seems, indeed, as if chance were playing 
 almost too prominent a part in all these intricacies. 
 
 74. The chief objection has from the start been di- 
 Recha rected against the relation between the Templar 
 
 and the and Recha. As to the Templar's love for Recha 
 Templar, there [ s no rQ om for doubt ; whether Recha re- 
 turns his love is a matter of discussion. Certainly many 
 things point in that direction ; Nathan thinks she does, so 
 do Daja, the Templar, Sittah, and Saladin ; that is, all the 
 persons with whom she comes into contact ; and we can 
 not very well assume that all of them are quite blind. 
 To be sure, her love is, particularly in its later stages, like 
 the love of most of Lessing's women, something like Emilia 
 Galotti's, cool and reserved ; possibly more that of a sister 
 than that of a bride. We need not assume on that account 
 that the 'voice of nature/ to which Rousseau would have 
 us look for guidance, asserted itself in her. That would 
 probably be more Rousseauic than Rousseau himself. At 
 all events, the Templar loves Recha with all the ardor to 
 be desired ; and it would have been an easy matter to in- 
 tensify her love also sufficiently to remove all doubt as to 
 its existence, granting there is room for doubt. Why then 
 make them turn out brother and sister in the end ? An 
 easy solution is to make this ending a punishment for the 
 
INTRODUCTION 6^ 
 
 Templar's rashness and suspiciousness, as some have done. 
 The Templar assures Nathan that by the exchange he 
 gains rather than loses ; there can therefore be no question 
 of punishment. But even disregarding this, the explan- 
 ation, an outgrowth of the determined effort to find every- 
 where the fateful "tragic guilt," is not worthy of serious 
 consideration. Why, then, should the poet choose this ending 
 after arousing our expectation of an entirely different one? 
 He surely had a reason for his choice, for to end with a 
 wedding would have been quite as easy. But would it also 
 have satisfied the demands which the poet made on 
 himself? 
 
 a) Let us first try to explain psychologically the fact 
 Psychoiog= that a lover suddenly finds in the lady who has 
 
 ic-ai Expia= WQn j^-g a ff ec tions his own sister, and yet de- 
 nation of J 
 the Temp= clares that he gains rather than loses in the 
 
 lar's Fina! exc han^e. — If we might be permitted, in this 
 
 Attitude to °. i " ■ -' . i- , 
 
 Recha. connection to take cognizance or the poet s 
 own experience, we should remember that he wrote 
 his Nathan at the time when he had just returned from 
 the funeral of his wife. His only comfort was that life 
 could not have many similar experiences in store for him. 
 Might not Lessing, when he made the Templar value a sis- 
 ter incomparably more than a wife, have remembered with 
 sad heart his own short happiness and the maliciousness 
 of fate, which after a short year robbed him of his wife and 
 child ? Though Lessing himself never evinced any deep 
 affection for his sister, it was not an unnatural feature in 
 the Templar. In every way like his father, who like Sala- 
 din, Sittah, and Lilla no doubt dearly loved his kin ; he only 
 needed to follow a natural inclination to love Recha as his 
 sister too. To be sure, fraternal love as well as love be- 
 tween parent and child, on the origin of which the Temp- 
 lar speculates, is ordinarily based less on blood relationship 
 than on community of interest, mutual accommodation, and 
 self-sacrifice of each for the other's welfare. And did the 
 
64 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 Templar so much as know of the existence of this sister of 
 his? His words : 
 
 i i Ihr nehmt und gebt mir, Nathan ! 
 Mit vollen Handen beides ! — Nein ! Ihr gebt 
 Mir mehr als Ihr 7nir nehmt ! unendlich mehr!" 
 
 these words, taken at their surface value, — and the 
 Templar does not ordinarily mince matters, and make a 
 virtue of necessity — are psychologically not easy to under- 
 stand. But may we not assume that the Templar knew 
 something of the existence of this sister in Palestine, as he 
 also did of his relationship to Saladin? Might we not 
 even imagine that an undefinable longing for his relatives 
 turned his face to the Orient, when in his uncle, who had 
 been his second father, he had lost his last relative in 
 Germany? It would be by no means impossible, though 
 it is not directly indicated in the play. With this assump- 
 tion, and as far as I can see, thus only, the words of the 
 Templar would find their explanation. The sister, from 
 whom an untoward fate had been separating him all his 
 life, and for whom he had learned to long all the more 
 fervently in total isolation, this sister he could embrace with 
 all ardor, even though he should meet her in the woman 
 whom he had already learned to love. All the more, when he 
 was perfectly aware that this love was not erotic, not based 
 on outward charms, but rather on nobility of soul, on such 
 qualities as only a Jew like Nathan was able to instil. 
 Was it without aim and purpose that Lessing makes the 
 Templar, in his long monologue (V. 3, 11. 3227 ff.) con- 
 template and express himself upon the reason for his love 
 for Recba? 
 
 6) But all this would still be no reason for choosing 
 The Nec= this ending, it would only make this ending 
 essity for psychologically justifiable, not necessary. The 
 
 Choosing r . " . . . . . . , ... 
 
 this necessity 01 the choice lies in the idea which 
 
 Ending. i s to be represented in the play : the complete 
 
I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 65 
 
 and unconditional acknowledgment of the virtue incarnate 
 in Nathan, in spite of personal prejudice due to differences 
 of creed. It will be necessary to make a little digression 
 in order to be clear. 
 
 1) The Templar had seemingly at first sight, when he 
 Love at rescued Recha from the fire, been attracted to 
 First Sight h er# j am aware that this is not the generally 
 
 in Case _ . . . 
 
 of the accepted opinion ; 1 am also aware that this 
 
 Templar, affection would have to undergo a change, if 
 later the Templar is to account for his love for Recha 
 on the ground of superior qualities of heart and intellect, 
 as just mentioned. And yet I cannot avoid this view. 
 How else are the verses in 1. 766 ff., to be explained? 
 
 " . Ich will von Euch an eine That 
 
 Nicht fort und fort erinnert sein, bei der 
 
 Ich nichts gedacht, die, wenn ich druber denke^ 
 
 Zum Rdtsel von mir selbst mir wird. 
 
 Des Madchens Bild 
 
 1st langst aus meiner Seele, wenn es je 
 Da war." 
 
 The deed in itself certainly contained nothing at which a 
 Templar, a knight, bound by vow and honor to come to 
 the rescue of those in distress, would need to marvel. 
 The marvel, the disquietude is due to the fact that the 
 Templar, the Christian knight, who had of his own free choice 
 pledged himself to celibacy, could not banish the image of 
 the Jewess from his soul. Or should we take him at his 
 word when he tells Daja, whose ready tongue he knows 
 well enough, that Recha's image had long since disappeared 
 from his soul? He knows, according to verse 3228 £, 
 that heretofore they have been ready and even anxious to 
 notice him under the palm trees near Nathan's house. 
 Might not this very fact have been a reason for his being 
 so fond of walking under these palms (V. 786), although 
 he may have been unconscious of his motives ? Daja's in- 
 
66 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 vitation he could not well accept, but if these little, com- 
 paratively harmless attentions of the lady and her maid had 
 really displeased him so much, would it have been impos- 
 sible to find other palms in Jerusalem affording a prome- 
 nade for the annoyed young knight? — Verses 1636 f., seem 
 to oppose this view. 
 
 " Das war das Mddchen nicht. 
 
 Nein, nein, das war es nicht, das aus de??i Feuer 
 
 Ich holte. — Denn wer hatte die gekannt 
 
 Und aus dem Feuer nicht geholt, wer hatte 
 
 Auf mich gewartet? Zwar — verstellt der Schreck" 
 
 This seems to indicate that the real appreciation of Recha's 
 charms dates from the Templar's second meeting with her. 
 But could it not as well mean that the image of the 
 maiden which he harbored in his soul is far excelled by 
 the reality? That the Templar did indeed not until then 
 learn fully to prize her? Just what he meant to say after 
 his zwar — , we do not know, but the dash indicates clearly 
 that verstellt der Schreck is only an afterthought, an attempt 
 to mislead his hearers. — Above all things, we can also, 
 with this assumption, understand his persistent refusal to 
 accept Recha's expression of her gratitude, for w T hich we 
 could otherwise assign no reason but senseless obstinacy. 
 Not because he lacked all feeling and every vestige of 
 courtesy did he refuse, but because he was still too thor- 
 oughly a Templar to be ensnared by any woman, especially 
 by a Jewess. Is not that what he means to say in his 
 monologue, verses 2 1 1 1 f . : 
 
 "Ihm auszubeugen war der Streich zu schnell 
 Gef alien, tinier den zu kommen ich 
 So lang und viel mich weigerte." 
 
 Does it not seem as if he had with conscious self-restraint 
 avoided the blow? That he was for this reason so little 
 anxious to see her? If later, (1. 2724) he tells the Sultan 
 that he had refused to reap thanks where he had not sown 
 
INTRODUCTION 67 
 
 them, we must bear in mind that even then, after his 
 second meeting with Recha, he was ashamed before the 
 Sultan to confess his love for her. 
 
 2) In this state of mind Nathan finds the Templar. 
 HisFriend= His thanks are at first as rudely spurned as 
 ship with Daia's. The religious prejudice of the Templar 
 
 Nathan for . J _ ,. _ . & r J tt f 
 
 Recha's 1S °* httle importance even now. He does 
 Sake. not hate the Jews, but despises them on ac- 
 
 count of their pride, — and, it is not to be overlooked, 
 a pride which they transmitted to Christians and Moham- 
 medans — insisting that their God is the only God. To 
 be consistent, the Templar must also extend his contempt to 
 Christian and Mohammedan. And he does so ; as he indi- 
 cates when he expects that Nathan will be amazed because 
 he, a Christian, a Templar, should confess to such views. 
 But as soon as he detects in Nathan a kindred soul, a 
 man, who in the ordinary sense of the word is no more a 
 Jew than he himself is a Christian, he offers his friendship, 
 and now burns with desire to know Recha. He sees her. 
 And soon he is not satisfied with Nathan's friendship : he 
 wants also to call him father, but undoubtedly only for 
 Rechds sake. For when Nathan, for reasons unintelligible 
 to the young knight, hesitates to accept him, his ardor to- 
 ward Nathan suddenly abates : he sees in him a man 
 tolerant in words only, a Jewish wolf, making philosophy 
 his sheep's clothing; intends without much ado to put 
 him to the knife ; would not be surprised if the Jew would 
 foist a brother upon Recha, as he had done a father. 
 
 3) Now, if in the face of all this Nathan once more 
 Reverence P roves his nobility ; if now again, as in the 
 of Nathan's great trial of his life, at Darun, he preserves in 
 
 aracter. ^ Q midst of affliction his calmness, in the face 
 of malice and slander, his love and forgiveness ; in short, if 
 once more all the circumstances prove him to be not a 
 mere babbler, but what he really is, — the Wise, the Good ; 
 and if in consequence now the Templar asks him again to 
 
68 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 remain Recha's father, and manifests in the tone of his 
 words how much he too desires to be his child — now in 
 a different relation — it is done this time not for Recha's 
 sake, with whom any father might be an acceptable acces- 
 sory, but for Nathans own sake, for the sake of the virtue 
 for which he stands. 
 
 c) And this, it seems to me, is the reason for the 
 Objections P ecu ^ ar relationship between Recha and the 
 to the Templar. Another explanation has found con- 
 
 AiiToricai siderable favor, by which the ending is interpreted 
 interpreta= allegorically. The family which was separated 
 tion. by religious prejudice, intolerance, is said to 
 
 be united again by the humane liberality of Nathan and the 
 other characters concerned. The family is to represent the 
 whole human race, separated by creeds, united by creed- 
 less, ethical, natural religion. But several considerations 
 militate against the view. There is nothing in the char- 
 acters as we have them to necessitate any separation of the 
 family in the first place. Saladin and his sisters, as well 
 as Assad, if liberal enough to unite, were also liberal enough 
 not to separate on account of differences of creed. But if 
 we accept the separation as an accomplished fact, the fam- 
 ily circle would have been as much established through a 
 wedding as through a recognition, and, besides, there would 
 have been an excellent opportunity to exemplify Saladin's 
 and Sittah's liberal ideas about marriage between members 
 of different creeds. Finally it seems forced to interpret 
 the ending allegorically, as representative of the relations 
 and hopes of races and creeds. 
 
 75. Now we can understand the Templar's position. 
 The Final You give me more than you take from me — he 
 Harmony, means to say — infinitely more, — the sister for 
 whom I had been longing in my hours of isolation ; you 
 restore to me my father, who called you his friend ere I 
 was born, and made you father of my sister; you were his 
 most trusted friend on earth, and are most fit to meet him 
 
INTRODUCTION 69 
 
 in his heaven. — More than that. Nathan restores to the 
 Templar his own self, his peace of mind, an unsullied 
 conscience. For who could not detect from the long 
 argumentation, the sophistical pros and cons regarding the 
 right which he thinks he has to Recha (1. 2130 flf.)., in 
 spite of his being a Templar, that in his inmost soul he still 
 feels bound by his vow to celibacy? Though wedlock 
 with Recha would be "a falling with men" ("mi/ Mannern 
 fallen"}, a fall it would be none the less. This too can 
 now be obviated. He need not live without Recha : she 
 is bound to him by sacred ties ; and the charms of other 
 women with their fascination for other men had ever been 
 lost on him. He remains what he has ever been, and 
 pledged his honor to be, — a Christian, a Templar, — of a 
 peculiar kind, to be sure, as Nathan continues to be a 
 Jew, whom the pious friar would welcome as a brother in 
 his Lord ; and as Saladin remains a Mohammedan. As a 
 professed Christian, though merely in name, he chooses of 
 his own free will, without ulterior motives, the Jew as his 
 father, for the sake of his virtue alone ; as a Christian, he 
 remains the nephew of Saladin and Sittah. To these he 
 is bound by the ties of blood, to Nathan with bonds woven 
 by virtue and nobility of soul, to Recha by both. 
 
 In conclusion a few lines from Tilthey's biography of 
 Schleiermacher, p. 59: " Nathan entstand. Wer ihn las, der 
 empfand nicht nur um sich, unsichtbar, den A tern der neuen 
 Zeit ; er lernte sie begreifen, ja lernte ihr Miibilrger zu sein. 
 In diesem Menschen ist der Gedanke der Aufkldrimg zur voll- 
 endelen Schbnheit verklart. Und um ihn ist eine dichteri- 
 sche Welt gebildei, in welcher, was Lessing in bittreni, un- 
 verstandigem Kampfe sah, tiefverstehend eins das andere auf 
 Grund der hochsten sittlichen Ideen, geschwisterlich heiter, 
 sich die Hdnde reicht" 
 
70 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 III. THE SOURCES OF NATHAN. 
 
 76. Just a word remains to be said about the sources 
 of Nathan. The origin of the parable has been mentioned. 
 The data concerning the history of the time, and especially 
 concerning Saladin, Lessing found largely in Marin's History 
 of Saladin. — Two other novels, or stories, from Boccaccio 
 are supposed to have furnished, besides the name Nathan, 
 who might, however, also be a namesake of the prophet, 
 some details, namely Decamerone X, 3, and V, 5. The 
 resemblance seems less striking. (Erich Schmidt, II, 349 f., 
 gives the content of the stories.) — The enthusiasm with 
 which Marin describes Saladin and his position in the 
 crusades had been kindled by Voltaire's writings. Traces 
 of some influence exercised by Voltaire's Le fanatisme ou 
 Mahomet le prophete, his Zaire, and his Les Guebres, ou la 
 tolerance have been found in Nathan. 
 
 IV. HISTORICAL FOUNDATION. 
 
 77. It needs hardly to be mentioned that Lessing was 
 summary wholly independent in the use of these sources, 
 of the His= anc [ managed historical dates and events also with 
 
 torica! Sit= . . . . . . , 
 
 uation as= tne sovereignty unquestionably belonging to the 
 sumed in dramatist. He himself says: "Regarding the his- 
 ay ' torical facts lying at the basis of the drama, I 
 have quite disregarded all chronology, and have even made 
 use of the names quite as it best suited my purpose." 
 
 The nearest we can get to the date of the play is the 
 year 1192; the place, Jerusalem. — The Christian Kingdom 
 of Jerusalem had been established in the year 1100 by 
 Baldwin I., a brother of the pious Godfrey of Bouillon who 
 had been too humble to wear a crown during his life, 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 71 
 
 though valiant enough to conquer and protect the Holy 
 Sepulcher. But the kingdom was not of long duration. 
 The conquerors were jealous of each other; the enihusiasm 
 of European knights had to some extent subsided; the 
 orders of the Knights of St. John and of the Templars were, 
 partly owing to their increasing worldliness and consequent 
 moral decadence, unable at length to prevent the gradual 
 decay of the state. In the year 114 6 Sultan Nureddin had 
 conquered Edessa, the bulwark of the Christian empire in 
 the East, and forty years later Jerusalem itself was engulfed 
 in the ruin. 
 
 "While the Christian occupants were giving themselves 
 up more and more to the softening influences of the cli- 
 mate and the loosened responsibilities of life far away from 
 their proper homes, the Mohammedan power in the South 
 had been gaining a new impulse from the career of the 
 most remarkable leader of the whole crusading period. 
 Saladin was the subordinate governor of Egypt under the 
 rule of the Turks in Asia, but through personal talent and 
 ambition rose to the practically independent control of the 
 whole of Syria as well. His personal uprightness of char- 
 acter, his devotion to his cause and his cultivation of learn- 
 ing and the arts of life stand out in favorable contrast to 
 the barbarism of most of the leading princes of the crusad- 
 ing army. His policy seems to have been at first to get on 
 with the Christian occupants, if possible, by treating with 
 them on equal terms, and allowing them liberty to main- 
 tain their settlement, if they would in turn let him alone. 
 This reasonable policy was, however, in direct contrast to 
 the intolerant spirit of the crusaders. Repeated treaties were 
 violated with impunity by individual Christians, who in the 
 year 11 78 won their last victory over the formidable enemy 
 in the battle of Ramla, near Ascalon, and thus postponed 
 the fall of Jerusalem by the space of a few years. — In 
 this battle the Christian knight Wolf von Filnek, represented 
 to be Saladin's brother Assad, of whom history knows 
 
7 2 
 
 NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 nothing, however, finds his death. — At last, in despair of 
 keeping the peace on these terms, Saladin sounded the 
 crusading note among the excited Mohammedan population 
 of Syria and Egypt. The result was a fair and open fight 
 near Tiberias, in which the Christian army was totally de- 
 feated, and the king and the chief leaders captured. The 
 power of life and death was in Saladin's hands, but he 
 used it only against those who had openly violated their faith 
 with him. " Among them were many of the Templars. On 
 the third of October 1187, Saladin marched in triumph into 
 Jerusalem. The symbols of Christianity disappeared, but 
 the Christians themselves and the pilgrims from Europe 
 were treated kindly — quite in contrast with the example 
 they had given on previous occasions. The office of the 
 Patriarch of Jerusalem was henceforth vacant — contrary to 
 our play. 
 
 The news of the fall of Jerusalem kindled anew the cru- 
 sading zeal of all Europe. Frederic Barbarossa, Philip 
 August II. of France, and Richard the Lion-hearted started 
 each on a new expedition. Frederic had successfully led 
 his army, after the customary battles and adventures on 
 the way with their attendant losses, to the boundaries of 
 Syria, when on the tenth of June 11 90 he lost his life in 
 the endeavor to cross the Saleph river in Cilicia. Here 
 Daja's husband, one of the many knights attempting a res- 
 cue, was drowned also. As Daja, according to her account, 
 accompanied her husband, she could hardly have reached 
 Jerusalem before the end of 11 90, and could at the time 
 of our play not have been Recha's nurse for more than a 
 year or two, which, again, does not agree with other state- 
 ments. 
 
 The remnants of Frederic's army were led on to Pales- 
 tine by his son Frederic of Suabia and Leopold of Austria. 
 They joined the dethroned king Guido de Lusignan, who 
 after having been released from his imprisonment by the 
 magnanimity of Saladin, was besieging Ptolemais (or Acre). 
 
INTRODUCTION 73 
 
 Richard and Philip reenforced them and Acre was won. 
 Richard particularly distinguished himself, and his fame 
 spread throughout the Orient, but at the same vime en- 
 kindled the jealousy of the allies who withdrew with their 
 troops and started on the homeward march. Richard and 
 Saladin mutually respected and esteemed each other, and 
 soon a truce was made (verse 647 f.). Indeed, projects 
 of a union between Saladin's brother Malek el Adel (Les- 
 sing's Melek) with Richard's sister, the widow of William 
 of Sicily, were fostered. The prospective marriage between 
 Sittah and a brother of Richard is an invention of the poet. 
 
 While these negotiations are under way, our play opens. 
 An attack of the Templars upon the fortress of Tebnin 
 had just been repulsed by Saladin. As Philip had returned, 
 and there was no Patriarch of Jerusalem, the negotiations 
 going on between them, according to verses 670 ff., are 
 unhistorical. — Also Saladin's father as treasurer (verse 403) 
 is unknown to history. 
 
 The presentiments of death which Saladin entertains in 
 our play (2635 and 3175), were soon fulfilled. He died 
 the third day of May 1193, loved by his friends and his 
 people, respected, and even idealized by his foes. 
 
Hainan ber tDetfe. 
 
 <£in bramattfcfyes ©ebicfyt 
 in fiinf 2tuf3ugcn. 
 
 Introite, nam et hie dii sunt! 
 
 — Apud Gellium. 
 
 Don 
 iottfyolb Cpfyraim £efftng, 
 
 1779. 
 
 75 
 
perfonen* 
 
 Sultan Salabin. 
 
 Stttal}, beffert Sd?tt>efter. 
 
 Hainan, ein reiser 3ube * n 3erufalem. 
 
 Hed^a, beffen angenommene Colter. 
 
 Da\a, eine (Efyriftin, aber in bem ^aufe bes 3 u & en / <*ls <SefelI= 
 
 fcfyafterin ber Hecfya. 
 (Ein junker £em$>elt}ert\ 
 (Ein XJerttnfcfy* 
 
 Der patriarch t>on 3erufalem* 
 (Ein 2Uofterbrui>er* 
 (Etn (Emir nebft t>erfd?iebenen 2ttatnelucfen bes Salabin. 
 
 ZHe Scene ift in 3erufalem. 
 
 76 
 
(Erftet 2luf?ug* 
 
 (£rfter Jluftrttt. 
 
 (Scene: ^lur in Hatfyans £?aufe.) 
 
 Hat t\ an von ber Hetfe fommenb. Dai a tfym entgegen. 
 
 €r ift es ! Hatfyan ! — <8ott fei ettng Danf, 
 X)a^ 3l?r bod? enblid? einmal tmeberfommt 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 3a, Daja; <3ott fei Danf I Dod? roarum enbltd}? 
 
 £)ab' id? benn efyer ttneberfommen toollen? 
 5 Unb ttneberfommen fonnen? Babylon 
 
 3ft von 3 er ufalem, tx>ie id) bzn IDeg, 
 
 Seitab balb recbts, balb linfs, 3U nefymen bin 
 
 (Benotigt toorben, gut sroeifyunbert ZTTeilen; 
 
 Unb Scfyulben etnfaffteren, ift genrif 
 10 2ludj fein (5efd)dft, has merfltd} forbert, bas 
 
 So Don ber f}anb fid? fcblagen laf t. 
 
 IDie elenb, elenb fydttet 3*? r inbes 
 I}ier toerben fonnen ! (£uer f^aus 
 
 © Hatfyan, 
 
 Das brannte. 
 So fyaV idj fcfyon t)ernommen* — (Bebe (Sott, 
 I5 Daf id? nur alles fdjon t>ernommen kabzl 
 
 77 
 
78 Hatfyan bcr IDeife. 
 
 Unb tr>are leid?t t)on (Brunb aus abgebrannt 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Darin, Daja, fatten ttnr ein neues uns 
 (Sebaut; unb etn bequemeres* 
 
 Sd?on tc>af?r ! — 
 Dod? Red) a wax bet einem £?aare mit 
 20 Derbrannt- 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Perbrannt? H)er? metne Kedja? fte? — 
 Das t?ab' id? nid?t gefyort — Hun bann! So f?dtte 
 3d? feines £?aufes mef?r beburfh — Derbrannt 
 Bet etnem £)aare ! — £)a ! fte ift es tr>ot?[ ! 
 3ft tDtrfltd? rooljl rerbrannt! — Sag' nur t?erausl 
 25 £?eraus nur! — tIote mid?: unb martre mid? 
 XIid?t langer* — 3 a / fi e ift t>erbrannt 
 
 IDen'n fte 
 (£s tpdre, tourbet 3^ r von mir es fyoren? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 IDarum erfd?redeft bu mid? benn? — (D Hed?ai 
 (D meine Utd)a\ 
 
 (£ure? (£ure Ked?a? 
 
 3 olDenn id? mid? ttneber je enttr>of?nen mufte, 
 Dies Kinb mein Kinb 3U nennen ! 
 
 Icennt 3*? r a ^s, 
 
Viatfyan ber It)etfe. 79 
 
 Was 3f? r beft^t, mit eben fo Dtel Hedjte 
 Das (£ure? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Ziidfts mit grcf erm ! 2IUes, toas 
 3d? fonft befiije, fyat Hatur unb (Bliicf 
 35 IHir $ugeteilt Dies (£igentum allein 
 Danf id) ber Cugenb* 
 
 (D toie teuer laft 
 3fyr Sure (Siite, Icattjan, mid? besablen ! 
 IDenn ©fit', in folder Ztbftdjt ausgeiibt, 
 Ziodj ©iite fyeifen fann! 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 3n foldjer 2tbftd?t? 
 40 3^ tpeldjer? 
 
 2T£em ©etoiffen . . ♦ 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 Dor alien Dingen bir ersdfylen ♦ 
 
 d5ett)iffen, fag' id? ♦ . . 
 
 Daja, laf 
 
 2Ttein 
 
 Hatfyxru 
 
 IDas in Babylon 
 ^fir einen fdjonen Stoff idj bir gefauft 
 So reicfy, unb mit (£>efd?macf fo reicfy ! 3d? bringe 
 45 ^iir Ucd)a felbft laum einen fd?onern mit 
 
 Data* 
 
 IDas fyilft's? Denn mein ©eroiffen, muf id} (Eud) 
 Icur fagen, laft fid) Idnger nicfyt betduben* 
 
80 Hatl^an ber tt)etfe. 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Unb rote Me Spangen, trie Me (Dfyrgefyenfe, 
 XPie King unb Kette Mr gefalien trerben, 
 50 Die in Damascus id} bir ausgefudjt: 
 Derlanget mid} 5U fefyn. 
 
 So fetb 3t}r nun! 
 H)enn 3*? r nur fdjenfen fount! nur fcfyenfen fount ! 
 
 Xcimm bu fo gem, als idj bir get)': — unb fdjroeig! 
 
 Unb fd?tt>eig! — IDer 3tr>eifelt, Hatfjan, ba$ 3^ r tiic^t 
 
 55 Die (£fyrlid}feit, bie (Srofmut felber feib? 
 Unb bod? ♦ ♦ . 
 
 Dodj bin id} nur ein 3 u ^ e - — &dt, 
 Das toillft bu fagen? 
 
 Daja, 
 
 H)as id} fagen ttnll, ■ 
 Das tr>i§t 3^ r MT er « 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hun fo fdjtpeig! 
 
 3a\a. 
 
 3d? fdjmeige* 
 XDas Strdflidjes t>or <Sott fyierbei gefcfyiefyt, 
 60 Unb id} nid}t fyinbern faun, nicfyt dnbern faun, — 
 Xiid}t faun, — fomm' uber (£udjl 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Komm' uber mid) ! — 
 ZDo aber ift fie bznn? wo bleibt fie? — Daja, 
 IDenn bu midj fyintergetjft I — XDeif fie es benn, 
 Daf id} gefommen bin? 
 
Zlatlian ber tPetfe. 81 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 Das frag' id? (£ud? 1 
 6 5 Hod) 3tttert if?r ber Scared burd? jebe Hert>e* 
 Hod? malet ^euer ifyre Pfyantafie 
 <gu allem, was fie malt 3 m Sdjlafe wddft, 
 3m H)ad?en fd?ldft it?r (Seift: balb roeniger 
 2lls Cier, balb mef?r als (Engel. 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 2trmes Kinb ! 
 70 H)as finb toir 2TTenfd?en ! 
 
 Diefen ZHorgen lag 
 5ie lange mit t>erfd?lofnem 2Iug', unb tr>ar 
 IDie tot. Sdjnell fuf?r fie auf, unb rief: „§ovd)l fyord}! 
 Da fommen bie Kamele meines Paters t 
 l}ord?! feine fanfte Stimme felbft!" — 3 n ^ em 
 
 75 Brad? fid? it?r 2tuge ttneber: unb it?r ^aupt, 
 Dem feines 2trmes StiHje ftd? ent3og, 
 Sturst' auf bas Kiffen. — 3^?/ 3 ur Pfort' t?inaus ! 
 Unb fiel? : ba fommt 3^ r u)at?rlid? I f ommt 3*? r 
 
 a>al?rltd? ! — 
 IDas tDunber! il?re gan3e Seele roar 
 
 80 Die <§eit l?er nur bei (£ud? — unb ifynt, — 
 
 nattian. 
 
 Bei ii?m? 
 Bei tr>eld?em 3*?™? 
 
 Bei if?m, ber aus bem ^euer 
 Sie rettete. 
 
 IDer roar bas? tr»er? — ZDo ift er? 
 XDer rettete mir meine &td}a? tper? 
 
82 Uattian ber IDetfe. 
 
 (£in junger tTempelfyerr, ben, toenig Cage 
 85 <5ut>or, man t?ier gefangen eingebracfyt, 
 Unb Salabin begnabigt fyatte. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 IDte? 
 (Ein Cempelfyerr, bem Sultan Salabin 
 Das £eben lief? burd? etn gehng'res IPunber 
 Wat Rtfya ntdfyt 3U retten? <£>ott! 
 
 CDfyn' tfyn, 
 qo Der fetnen unrermuteten (Betxrinft 
 ^rifcfy uneber ruagte, tr>ar es aus mit ifyr, 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 tDo tft er, Daja, btefer eble ZITann? — 
 tDo tft er? ^iifyre mid} 511 fetnen ^ufen. 
 3fyr gabt ifym bocfy furs erfte, was an Scfya^en 
 953^ €ud) gelaffen fyatte? gabt ifym alles? 
 Derfpracfyt tfym mefyr? toett mefyr? 
 
 TD'w fonnten txnr? 
 Ziatiian. 
 
 retort? rttc^t? 
 
 (Er fam, unb ntemanb roeif tpofyer. 
 <£r gtng, unb ntemanb toeif toofyin. — (Dl)ri alle 
 Des £}aufes Kunbfdjaft, nur von feinem (Dfyr 
 
 !oo (Seleitet, brang, mit t>orgefprei3tem ZHantel, 
 
 (£r ftifyn burcfy ^lamm' unb Hand) ber Stimme nadj, 
 Die uns urn f}iilfe rtef. Sdjon fyielten roir 
 3fyn fur Derloren, als aus 2£aucfy unb ^lamme 
 ZHit eins er r>or uns ftanb, tm ftarfen 2lrm 
 
 io 5 (£mpor fie tragenb* Kalt unb ungeriifyrt 
 
Hainan ber Wex\e. 83 
 
 X?om 3 au d?3en unfers Danfs, feijt feine Beute 
 (Er niebcr, brdngt fid} unters Dolf unb ift — 
 Derfdjumnben 1 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Hid}t auf immer, toil! id} fyoffen. 
 
 Hacfyfyer bie erfteu Cage fafyen tr>ir 
 no3f?n untern Palmcn auf unb nieber toanbeln, 
 Die bort bes 2Iuferftanbnen (5rab umfdjatten* 
 3d? nafyte mid? ibm mit (£nt3ucfen, banfte, 
 (Erfyob, entbot, befd}tt>or, — nur einmal nod? 
 Die fromme Kreatur ju fefyen, bie 
 n 5 Hid}t rufyert fonne, bis fie ifyren Danf 
 <gu feirxen ^iifen ausgetoeinet 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Hun? 
 &a\a. 
 
 Umfonft! (Er roar 311 unfrer Bitte taub; 
 
 Unb gof fo bittern Spott auf mid} befonbers . • . 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Bis baburd} abgefdjrecft . . . 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 Hid}ts toeniger! 
 
 120 3d? trat ifyn jeben Cag von neuem an; 
 £ief jeben Cag von neuem mid} rerfyofynen, 
 IDas litt id} nid}t von ifym ! XDas tjdtt' id} nidjt 
 Hod} gern ertragenl — 2lber lange fd}on 
 Kommt er nid}t mefyr, bie Palmen 3U befudjen, 
 
 225 Die unfers 2tuferftanbnen (Srab umfdjatten; 
 Unb niemanb tr>ei§, xvo er geblieben ift — 
 3fyr ftaunt? 3*? r jtnnt? 
 
84 tlatfjan bet rDeife. 
 
 Viattyan. 
 
 3d} iiberbenfe mir, 
 VOas bas auf einen (Seift, tt>ie Sedjas, toofyl 
 ^iir (£inbrud? madden muf . Sid} fo t>erfd}mdl}t 
 
 i 3 o Von bem 3U finben, ben man I}od}3ufd}di§en 
 Sid} fo ge3ttmngen fiifylt; fo tr>eggeftofen, 
 Unb bod} fo ange3ogen toerben; — traun, 
 Da miiffen f}er3 unb Kopf fid} lange 3anfen, 
 (Db ZTTenfdjenfyaf, ob Sdjtrermut ftegen foil. 
 
 135 ©ft fiegt aud} feines; unb bie pfyantafie, 
 
 Die in bzn Streit fid} mengt, mad}t SdjtDdrmer, 
 Bei toeldjen balb ber 2(opf bas f}er3, unb balb 
 Das f}er3 b^n Kopf muf fpielen* — Sd}limmer tlaufcfy t — 
 Das le^tere, rerfenn' id} Ked}a ntd}t 
 
 140 3ft £ed}as ^all: fie fd}tt>drmt 
 
 T>a\a. 
 
 So liebenstrmrbig ! 
 
 2tllein fo fromm, 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 3ft bod} aud} gefdjtoarmt ! 
 
 Dornefymlid} eine — (grille, roenn 3*? r n>ollt, 
 3ft ifyr fefyr toert. <£s fei ifyr tEempelfyerr 
 Kein 3 r ^ifd?er unb f eines 3 r ^ifd}en ; 
 
 145 Der (£ngel einer, beren Sdjutje fid} 
 
 3f}r fleines i}er3, t>on Kinbfyeit auf, fo gem 
 Dertrauet glaubte, fei aus feiner IDolfe, 
 3n bie er fonft perfytillt, aud} nod} im ^euer ; 
 Urn fie gefd}toebt, mit eins als tTempelfyerr 
 
 150 f}ert>orgetreten* — £dd}elt nidjt ! — IDer toeif ! 
 £aft ldd}elnb tr>enigftens ifyr einen IDafyn, 
 3n bem fid} 3ub' unb Ctjrift unb ITtufelmann 
 Pereinigen; — fo einen fiifen XDafynl 
 
Hattfan ber IDeife 85 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 2tud? mir fo fug! — (Set?, toacfre Daja, gel?; 
 issSiel?, was fie mad?t; ob id? fte fpred?en fann. — 
 
 Sobann fuel?' id? ben rotlben, launigen 
 
 Sd?ut$engel auf. Unb tuenn tf?m nod? beliebt, 
 
 f}ienieben unter uns 311 toallen; nod? 
 
 Beliebt, fo ungeftttet Hitterfd?aft 
 160 ^u treiben: finb' id? ifyn gettnf ; unb bring' 
 
 Daia* 
 3fy* unternel?met r>ieL 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 2Tfad?t bann 
 Der ffi§e tDafyrt ber ftifern IDa^rfyeit piafe: — 
 Denn, Daja, glaube mtr; bem 2T£enfd?en ift 
 (£in UTenfd? nod? immer lieber, als ein (£ngel — 
 165 So txrirft bu bod) auf mid?, auf mid? nid?t siirnen, 
 Die (£ngelfd?tpdrmerin gefyeilt 3U fet?n? 
 
 3fyr feib fo gut, unb feib 3ugleid? fo fd?limm ! 
 
 3d? get? 1 ! — Dod? t?ort ! bod) fef?t ! — Da f ommt fte felbft 
 
 <5tr>etter 2luftritt* 
 Hecfya, unb bie Dortgett. 
 
 So feib 3^ r es bed) 9 an 5 un ^ 9 ar r me * n better? 
 170 3d? glaubt', 3^? r fyattei (£ure Stimme nur 
 
 t)orausgefd?icft VOo bleibt 3^ r ? &) as fur Serge, 
 ^tir IDtiften, was fur Strome trennen uns 
 Denn nod?? 3^ r cttmct IDanb an JDanb mit tfyr, 
 Unb eilt nid?t, (£ure Jledja 3U umarmen? 
 
86 Zlatlian ber IPeife 
 
 175 Die arme &zd)a, bie tubes rerbrannte ! — 
 
 ^aft, faft t>erbranntel ^aft nur. Scfyaubert nid^t ! 
 €s ift ein garff ger Cob, rerbrennen* (D I 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 ITEein Kinb ! mein Hebes Kinb ! 
 
 Hecfyu 
 
 3^? r muftet iiber 
 X)en (Eupfyrat, Cigris, 3 0r ^ an 5 ti£> er — wer 
 
 xSoXDeif toas fur IDaffer all? — IDie oft l)aV id} 
 Urn (Eudj gejittert, efy' bas ^euer mir 
 So nafye taml Denn feit bas ^euer mir 
 So nafye fam: biinft mid? im IDaffer fterben 
 (Erquicfung, £abfal, Kettung. — Dod? 3*? r f e ^ 
 
 185 3 a nicfyt ertrunfen : id}, id? bin ja nicfyt 
 
 Perbrannt ZDie tpollen trir urrs freu'n, unb (Boti, 
 (Bott lobenl <£r, er trug (£ud? unb ben Hadjen 
 2tuf ^li'igeln feiner unfi djtbaren (Engel 
 Die ungetreuen Strom' fyiniiber, (Er, 
 
 190 <£r toinfte meinem (Engel, ba% er fidjtbat 
 2tuf feinem toeif en ^ittidje, mid} burdfy 
 Das ^euer truge — 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 (ZDeifem ^ittidjel 
 3a, ja ! ber roei^e t>orgefpreiste XTtantel 
 Des tEempelfyerrn*) 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 (Er ftcfytbar, ftd^tbar mid? 
 i 95 Durcfys ^euer trug', von feinem ^ittidje 
 VtvwihfL — 3^ a tf°r itf? h a ^ einen (Engel 
 t)on 2lngefid)t 5U 2tngeftdjt gefefyn; 
 Unb mein en (Engel. 
 
Zlatftan ber IPetfe. 87 
 
 Viartian. 
 
 Hecfya tt>dr' es tr>ert; 
 Unb ttmrb' an ifym nidjts Sdjon'res fefyn, als er 
 
 csooiln ifyr. 
 
 Hectja (lad?elnb). 
 
 IDem fdjmeic^elt 3^ r / Tmift Paler? roem? 
 Z)em (Engel, ober (Eucfy? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Dod? fydtt' and) nur 
 (Etn XTTenfd) — ein ZHenfcfy, rote bie Hatur fie tdglidj 
 (Setodfyrt, bir biefen Dienft er3etgt: er tnflfto 
 $ixv bid) etn (Engel fein. (Er muff unb toiirbe* 
 
 205 Xcidjt fo etn (Engel; netn ! etn txrirf licfyer; 
 (Es roar getr>if etn toirflicfyer! — fjabt 3^ r > 
 3f?r felbft bie ZTtogltc^feit, ba% (Engel finb, 
 Daf <8ott 311m Beften berer, bte ifyn lieben, 
 2lucfy IDunber fonne tfyun, mid) nid)t gelefyrt? 
 
 210 3^? Iteb* tfyn ja. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Unb er liebt bid?; unb tfyut 
 $iix bid), unb beinesgletcben, ftunblidj JDunber; 
 3a, tjat fie fdjon son aller (Etoigfeit 
 ^iir eud} getfyan* 
 
 Das fyor' id? gem* 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Wk? tDetl 
 
 (Es gan3 natiirlidj, gan3 alltdgltdj flange, 
 
 215 IDenn bid) etn eigentlicfyer tEempelfyerr 
 
 (Berettet fatter follt' es barum tr>emger 
 
 (£in IPunber fein? — Z)er XDunber fyocfyftes ift, 
 
88 Zlathan ber IPeife. 
 
 Daf uns bie roafyren, ecfyten IDunber fo 
 2Ultdglid) toerben fonnen, roerben follen. 
 220 £)fyn' biefes allgemeine IDunber, fydtte 
 (£in Denfenber rootjl fdjtperlid) IDunber je 
 (Senannt, tr>as Kinbern blog fo fyeifen miifte, 
 Die gaffenb nur bas Ungetpofynlidjfte, 
 Das XTeufie nur t>erfoIgen- 
 
 &a\a (3U rcatfym). 
 
 IDolit 3Ijr benn 
 
 225 3fyr obnebem fdjon iiberfpanntes ^irn 
 
 Durcfy fold)erlei Subtilitdten gan3 
 
 <5erfprengen ? 
 
 Viattyan. 
 
 £af mid) I — Zlteiner %td)<x wax 9 
 €s tDunbers nidjt genug, baf fie ein ZHenfd) 
 (Berettet, roelctjen felbft fein Hemes IDunber 
 
 23 o(£rft retten mfiffen? 3a, fein fletnes IDunber I 
 Denn tr>er fyat fdjon gefyort, ba% Salabin 
 3e eines tEempelfyerrn rerfdjont? Daf je 
 (£in Cempelfyerr t>on ifym rerfcfyont 3U roerben 
 Derlangt? gefyofft? ifym je fur feine ^reifyeit 
 
 2 35 2Tte^r als bzn lebern (Burt geboten, ber 
 
 Sein €ifen fdjleppt; unb l?od?ftens feinen Doldj? 
 
 Das fdjlief t fiir mid}, mein Pater. — Darum eben 
 IDar bas fein tEempelfyerr; er fdjien es nur. — 
 Kommt fein gefangner Cempelfyerr je anbevs 
 2 4 o2lls 3um getoiffen 'Globe nad) ^tvufahm; 
 (Befyt feiner in ^tvuiakm fo frei 
 limber: roie fydtte mid) bes Xcacfyts freitxnllig 
 Denn einer retten fonmn? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Siefy ! trie finnreicfy* 
 
Hainan berXPeife. 89 
 
 3e£t, Daja, nimm bas ZDort. 3d? fy<*&' es i<* 
 245 P on bit, 6af er gefangen t?ergefd?icft 
 
 3ft toorben, (Df?ne ^tpetfel tr>eift 5u mef?r* 
 
 Hun ja* — So fagt man freilid? ; — bod} man fagt 
 (gugleid?, baf Salabtn ben Cempelfyerrn 
 Begnabigt, tr>etl er feiner Bruber einem, 
 
 250 Den er befonbers lieb gefyabt, fo dfynlid? fefye. 
 Qod) ba es t>iele 3roan3ig 3 a ^? re ^ er / 
 Daf biefer Bruber nid?t mefyr lebt, — er t?ief , 
 3d? toeif nid?t rote; — er blieb, id? roeif nid?t too: — 
 So flingt bas ja fo gar — fo gar unglaubltd?, 
 
 255 Daf an ber gan3en Sad\t roof?l nid?ts tft. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (£t, Daja ! IDarum mare b^nn bas fo 
 
 Unglaublid? ? Dod? roof?l nid?t — rote's rootjl gefd?ief?t — 
 
 Urn lieber etroas nod? Unglaublid?ers 
 
 <gu glauben? — IDarum f?dtte Salabin, 
 
 260 Der fein (Befd?u)ifter insgefamt fo liebt, 
 3n jiingern 3 a ^ ren ctnen Bruber nid?t 
 Xlod} gan3 befonbers lieben fonnen? — Pflegen 
 Sid? 3tr>et <£>efid?ter nid?t 3U dt?neln? — 3ft 
 (£in alter (£inbrucf ein t>erlorener? — IDirft 
 
 265 Das ndmlidje nid?t mef?r bas ndmlid?e? — 
 
 Sett roann? — Wo ftecft f?ter bas Unglaublid?e? — 
 (£i freiltc£>, roeife Daja, roar's fur bid? 
 Kein IDunber mef?r; unb beine IDunber nur 
 Bebiirf . . . rerbienen, trnll id) fagen, (Blauben. 
 
 vo 3*? r fpottet. 
 
 IDeil bu meiner fpotteft. — Dod? 
 2tud? fo nod) f &zd}a, bleibet beine Settung 
 
90 XI at 1} an be r VO etfe. 
 
 (Etn IDunber, bem nur moglid?, ber bie ftrengften 
 (Entfdjluffe, bie unbdnbigften (Entiourfe 
 Der Kontge, fein Spiel — toenn nid?t fein Spott — 
 275 <3ern an ben fd?tr>dd?ften ^dben lenft 
 
 Kedja* 
 
 2Ttein Pater! 
 
 ITtein Pater, roenn id} irr', 3^ r totft, id? irre 
 
 Iciest gem. 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Dielmefyr, bu laf t bid? gern belef?ren* — 
 
 Siet?! eine Stirn, fo ober fo getr>dlbt; 
 
 Der Hiiden einer Hafe, fo t>ielmet?r 
 280 2tls fo gefufyret; Ztugenbrauen, bie 
 
 2luf einem fd?arfen ober ftumpfen Knod?en 
 
 So ober fo fid} fd?ldngeln; eine £inie, 
 
 (£in Bug, ein IDinfel, eine ^alt 1 , ein TTial, 
 
 (£in Xcid?ts, auf etnes rotlben (Europders 
 285 ©efidjt: — unb bu entfommft bem ^eu'r, in 2lften! 
 
 Das roar' fein IDunber, trmnberfiicfytges Volt? 
 
 XParum bemiifyt if?r benn nod? einen (Engel? 
 
 3aia. 
 
 Vdas fd?abet's — Zcatfyan, roenn id? fpred?en barf — 
 Bei allebem, t>on einem (Engel lieber 
 2 9 o2tls einem ZHenfdjen fid? gerettet benfen? 
 $ixl)lt man ber erften unbegreiflicben 
 Urfad?e feiner Kettung nid?t fid? fo 
 Diel ndfyer? 
 
 Ziatlian. 
 
 Stol3 ! unb nid?ts als Stol$ ! Der Copf 
 Von (Eifen trill mit einer filbern ^ange 
 29s (Bern aus ber (Blut gel?oben fein, um felbft 
 (Etn Copf t>on Silber fid? 3U btinfen* — Pal? ! — 
 Vinb was es fdjabet, fragft bu? toas es fd?abet? 
 
ZXattian ber IDeife. 91 
 
 IDas fyilft es? bflrft' id? nur fyintoieber fragen, — 
 Denn bein „Std} <Sott um fo tnel ndfyer fiifylen", 
 
 300 3ft Unfinn ober (Bottesldfterung* — 
 
 2tllein es fd?abet; ja, es fd?abet allerbings* — 
 Kommt! fyort mir 3m — tlxdft toafyr? bem IDefen, bas 
 Did? rettete, — es jet ein (£ngel ober - 
 <£tn ITTenfd?, — bem mod?tet ifyr, unb bu befonbers ; 
 
 30s ©em trieber stele grofe Dienfte tfyun? — 
 
 Zcid?t toafyr? — Hun, einem (Engel, tx>as fur Dienfte, 
 ^iir grofe Dtenfte fount ifyr bem roofjl tfyun? 
 3fyr fount ifym baxxhn; 5U ifynt feufjen, beten; 
 Konnt in (Entjucfung fiber tfyn 3erfd?mel3en; 
 
 : ioKount an bem Cage feiner ^eier faften, 
 
 2Ilmofen fpenbem — 2ttles nicfyts. — Denn mid? 
 Ddud?t immer, ba$ il?r felbft unb euer Xcdd?fter 
 £?ierbei tpeit mel?r getrinnt als er. <£r wivb 
 Hid?t fett burd? euer faften; roirb nid?t reid? 
 
 3 i 5 Durd? eure Syznbzn; wivb nid?t l?errlid?er 
 Durd? eu'r (£nt3iicfen; nrirb nicbt mdd?tiger 
 Durd? eu'r Dertrau'n. Xcid?t roafyr? 2tllein ein ZHenfdj ! 
 
 <£t freiiid? l?dtt' ein ZHenfd?, etroas fur ifyn 
 <gu tt)un, uus mel?r ©elegenfyeit t>erfd?afft 
 320 Unb <5ott toeif, roie bereit tr>ir ba3U roaren! 
 2tllein er tpollte ja, beburfte ja 
 So t>olIig nid?ts; roar in fid}, mit ftd? fo 
 Dergniigfam, als nur (Engel finb, nur (Engel 
 5ein fonnen, 
 
 (Enblid?, als er gar t>erfd?tt)anb ♦ ♦ . 
 
 Vlattyan. 
 
 325 £>erfd?tr>anb? — H?ie bzxxn t>erfd?tr)anb ? — Sid? untern 
 
 Paimen 
 
92 Hatfyctn ber Itfetfe 
 
 Hicfyt ferner fefyen lief? — H)te? ober fyabt 
 Jfyr unrflicfy fcfyon ifyn tpeiter aufgefudjt? 
 
 Daja. 
 
 Das nun tt>ofyl nid?t 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hidjt, Daja? nidjt? — Da fief? 
 Hurt tx>as es fcfyab't! — (Sraufame Scfytpdrmerinnen ! — 
 330 IDenn biefer (Engel nun — nun franf getoorben I ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Kranf! 
 
 Daja* 
 
 Kranf ! <£r ttnrb bocfy nicfyt ! 
 
 ICeldj falter Scfyauer 
 Befdllt mid} I — Daja ! — ZHetne Stirne, fonft 
 So toarm, fufyl'! ift auf einmal (Eis. 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 (Er ift 
 (£in ^ranfe, btefes Kltmas ungeroofynt; 
 3353ft jung ; ber fyarten 2Irbeit femes Stanbes, 
 Des f}ungerns, IDacfyens ungetr>ofynt 
 
 Kranf! franfl 
 
 Das roare mogltcfy, meint ja Hatfyan nur. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Hun liegt er ba ! fyat tr>eber ^reunb, nod? <0elb 
 Sicfy ^reunbe 3U befolben* 
 
 Xcdia. 
 
 Wq, mein Dater! 
 
Xlatban bet Vdtxfo. 93 
 
 ttattyan. 
 
 34 o£tcgt ofyne IDartung, ofyne Hat unb (gufprad)', 
 (Etn Haub ber Scfymersen unb bes Cobes ba! 
 
 Hecfra, 
 IDo? tr>o? 
 
 VLatfyan. 
 
 <£r, ber fur etne, bie er nie 
 (Sefannt, gefefyn — genug, es roar etn ITcenfdj — 
 3ns T feu'r fid? fturste . . . 
 
 Icatfyan, fdjonet tfyrerl 
 
 Vlatban. 
 
 345 Per, was er rettete, ntcbt ndfyer fennen, 
 
 Zctd?t roetter fefyen mod)!', — um tfym btn Danf 
 <gu fparen • . ♦ 
 
 Scfyonet tfyrer, Hatfyan ! 
 
 Hainan 
 
 IDeiter 
 
 21 ud) mcfyt 511 fet?n t>erlangt', — es trdre benn, 
 Daf er 311m 3tt)ettenmal es retten follte — 
 350 Derm g'nug, es ift etn ITtenfd? . . . 
 
 Sa\a. 
 
 fjort auf, unb fefyt! 
 Hatban, 
 
 Der, ber fyat fterbenb fid) 311 laben, ntdjts — 
 2tls bas Betouf tfetn btefer Cfyat ! 
 
 3^r totet fte ! 
 
 f}ort auf I 
 
94 Hatffctu fccr IPetfe. 
 
 n<xtt\an. 
 
 Unb bu fyaft ifyn getotet! — 
 f^dtt'ft fo ifyn toten fonnem — Hzd)a\ Kecfyal 
 * 5 5<£s ift 2tr5net, mcfyt (Sift, tr>as id? bir reidje* 
 
 (£r lebt ! — f omm 311 bir I — ift and) vooljl nicbt franf; 
 Xlxdft einmal franf! 
 
 ©eurif ? — nid?t tot? ntdjt franf? 
 
 n<xrt\an. 
 
 ©etrng, nxd?t tot! — Denn ©ott lofynt ©utes, fyier 
 ©etfyan, aud) fyier nod}* — ©el) ! — Begreifft bu aber, 
 3 6olDie tnel an bad) tig fcfytodrmen leicfyter, als 
 ©ut fy an be In ift? IDie gem ber fcfylafffte ZTTenfd} 
 2tnbdd)tig fdjtodrmt, um nur, — ift er guseiten 
 Sid? fdjon ber 2lbftdjt beutlidj ntdjt berouft — 
 Um nur gut fyanbeln nidjt 3U biirfen? 
 
 365 ZUein Pater ! laft, lag t (£ure. 2?ed?a bocfy 
 Hie roieberum allein 1 — Xcidjt waifx, er f ann 
 TXnd} tr>ofyl t>erreift nur fein? — 
 
 nattyan. 
 
 ©cfyt ! — 2lllerbings. — 
 3d? fefy', ^ or t trtuftert mit neugier'gem Blicf 
 <£tn ZTcufelmann mir bie bclabenen 
 syoKamele* "Kennt ifyr tfyn? 
 
 £}a ! (£uer Deranfcfy* 
 XDer? 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 95 
 
 Daja, 
 
 (£uer Derurifcfy; (£uer Sc£?ad?gefeII 1 
 
 2ll=£)aft? bas 2H^aft? 
 
 3ei?t bes Sultans 
 Scfyaijmetfter* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 H)ie? 2lI=I}aft? tErdumft 5u toieber? — 
 (£r ift's ! — toafyrfyafttg, tft's ! — f ommt auf uns 3U. 
 375 f}tnetn mit eudj, gefcfyuunb ! — Was toerb' id? fyoren ! 
 
 Dritter Jluftrttt. 
 Hatfyan unb ber DertPtfd?. 
 
 Ketft nur bie 2lugen auf, fotpett 3^ r fount! 
 
 VLatfyan. 
 
 Btft bu's? Btft bu es mdjt? — 3 n liefer Pracfyt, 
 (£iu Perroifd) ! . . . 
 
 Hun? JDarum benn ntcfyt? £dft ftcf? 
 2lus etnem Derttnfd) b^nn mcfyts, gar ntcfyts macfyen? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 380 (£t trofyl, genug ! — 3^ ^acfjte mir nur tmmer, 
 Der Derttnfcfy — fo ber recite Derurifcfy — troll' 
 2tus ftcS? rttdjts madjen laffem 
 
 Beim Propfyeten! 
 
96 XCatlian ber IDetfe. 
 
 Daf id} fein renter bin, mag and} tpotjl rcafyr fein, 
 ^tt>ar tr>enn man mu§ — 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 ZTTuf I Derunfcfy! — Derroifdj muf? 
 3 85l{ein ZTtenfcfy muf miiffen, unb etrt Dertoifcfy miifte? 
 XDas miift' er btnn? 
 
 Derttnfdj* 
 
 IDarum man ifyn recfyt bittet, 
 Unb er fur gut erfennt: bas muf ein Dertpifcfy* 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Bet unferm (Sott! 6a fagft 6u trafyr* — £af bid? 
 Umarmen, ZHenfdj. — Du bift bodj nod} mein ^reunb? 
 
 Derttufd}* 
 
 390 Unb fragt nidjt erft, was id} getoorben bin? 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Crot* bent, was bu getoorben! 
 
 Sertvtfctt* 
 
 Konnf id} nidjt 
 (£in Kerl im Staat getr>orben fein, bes ^reunbfdjaft 
 (£udj ungelegen rodre? 
 
 VlatVian. 
 
 VOtnn bein f?er3 
 Xlod} Derttnfdj ift, fo tr>ag' id}S brauf* Der Kerl 
 395 3 m Staat ift nur bein Kleib. 
 
 Das and) geefyrt 
 IDill fein* — Was meint 3*? r ? tatet! — VDas wav id} 
 7Xn (£urem f}ofe? 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 97 
 
 natulan. 
 
 Dernnfcfy; toeiter nicfyts. 
 Vod) nebenfyer, trafyrfcfyeinlicfy — Hod). 
 
 Hun ja! 
 2Tfein ^anbroerf bet (£ucf? 311 t>erlernen* — Hod) ! 
 4 ooIcid)t Kellner aucfy? — (Beftefyt, 6af Salabin 
 2T£icfy beffer fennt — Scfyaijmeifter bin id? bet 
 3fym tporben* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Du? — bei ifym? 
 
 t?erftet?t: 
 Des fleinern Scfcaijes, — benn 6es grofern toaltet 
 Sein Pater nodj — bes Scftai^es fiir fein £}aus. 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 405 Sein f}aus ift grof. 
 
 Deruufd^ 
 
 Hnb grofer, als 3^ r glaubt; 
 Denn jeber Bettler ift von feinem f^aufe* 
 
 Qod) ift ben Bettlern Salabin fo feinb — 
 
 Daf er mit Stumpf unb Stiel fie 311 rertilgen 
 Sid) rorgefe^t, — unb follf er felbft bariiber 
 410 ^um Bettler tuerben* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Brat)! — So mein' idj's eben* 
 
 Derttnjd}* 
 
 £r ift's aucfj fctjon, troij einem! — Denn fein Sd)a% 
 
98 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 3ft jeben £ag mit Sonnenuntergang 
 Die! leerer nod?, als leer. Die ^lut, fo f?od? 
 Sie morgens eintrttt, ift bes XHittags langft 
 415 Derlaufen — 
 
 ttatban. 
 
 XDeil Kandle fie 3um t£eil 
 
 £)erfd?lingen, Me 311 fullen ober 5U 
 Perftopfen, gleid? unmoglid? ift 
 
 Setwifd}* 
 
 ©etroffen ! 
 
 Zlattian. 
 
 3d? fenne bas! 
 
 €s taugt nun freilid? nid?ts, 
 H)enn ^urftenjSeier unter Ztfern ftnb. 
 420 Dod? finb fte Ztfer unter (Seiern, taugt s 
 Hod? 3ef?nmal rueniger. 
 
 VLatVian. 
 
 (D nxdji bod), Dertr>ifd?l 
 Zcid?t bod?! 
 
 53erttufctj* 
 
 3I?r f?abt gut reben, 3*? r ' — Kommt an: 
 Was gebt 3^ r tnir? fo tret' id} meine Stelf 
 (£ud? ab. 
 
 Was bringt bir beine Stelle? 
 Devttuicti* 
 
 4 2 5 Hid?t met Dod? (£ud?, <£ud? f ann fte trefflid? tr>ud?em< 
 Denn ift es (£b& im Sd?a£, — roie ofters ift, — 
 So 3iet?t 3^? r <£ure Sd?leufen auf: fd?ieft t>or, 
 ttnb nel?mt an <^ n f en / was €ud? nur gefdllt 
 
Hat tyan be r IDeife. 9^ 
 
 Uatfyan. 
 
 Hud) 3in$ rom gins ber ginfen? 
 
 X>erunfd}* 
 
 ^retlid? ! 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Bis 
 43o2Tfetrt Kapital 311 lauter <?>infen voivb. 
 
 Derttufdj* 
 
 Das locft (Eucfy nid?t ? — So fcfyretbet unfrer ^reunb= 
 
 fchaft 
 Hur gleicfy ben Scfyeibebrief ! Derm rcaljrlicl} fyab' 
 3d? fefyr auf (£udj gerecfynet. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 JDa^rlid?? Wk 
 Denn fo? tr>ie fo bcxxn? 
 
 ^ a f 3*? r m i r me i n 2t mt 
 435 ZTtit (£fyren toiirbet fiiljren tjclfen ; 6a§ 
 3<i? all3eit offne Kaffe bet (£ud? Ijdtte. — 
 3fyr fd?uttelt ? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Hun, rerftefyn ttnr uns nur redjt! 
 £)ier giebt's 3U unterfcfyetberL — Du? roarum 
 Xtxdft bu? 2tl=£jaft Derarifdj ift 3U allem, 
 440 Was \&i permag, mir ftets ttnllf ommen. — 2tber 
 2tM}aft Defterbar bes Salabin, 
 Der — bem — 
 
 Derttnfcfy* 
 
 (£rriet icfy's nidjt? Daf 3*? r bod) i^tner 
 So gut als flug, fo flug als roeife feib! — 
 (Bebulbl Was 3*? r a ™ ^ a fi unterfcfyetbet, 
 
ioo ttatfyan ber EDetfe. 
 
 445 Soil balb gefdjiebeu toieber fetn. — Sefyt ba 
 Das (£fyrenfleib, bas Salabtn mir gab* 
 (£1? es rerfdjoffen ift, efy es 3U £umpen 
 ©etrorben, rote fie einen Dertoifd? fleiben, 
 £)dngfs in 3 eru f a ^ em am ^^d, unb 
 
 450 3d? bin am (Sanges, too id) leid?t unb barfuf 
 Sen fyeifen Sanb mit meinen Sefyrern trete. 
 
 Dir afynlidj g'nug ! 
 
 Dein fyodtftes ©ut! 
 
 VLatlian. 
 
 XJerttujd}, 
 
 Unb Sd)ad} mit ifynen fpiele. 
 
 Serttufdj* 
 
 Denf t nur, was mid} t>erftifyrte ! - 
 Damit id? felbft nidjt Idnger betteln biirfte? 
 455 Den rexdjen XTtann mit Bettlern fptelen fonnte? 
 Dermogenb tpdr' im £)ui bzn reidjften Bettler 
 3n einen armen Heidjen 5U r>ertpanbeln? 
 
 nattyan. 
 
 Das nun toofyl nidjt* 
 
 Derttnfdi* 
 
 IDeit etroas 2lbgefd)macfters I 
 3d? fiifylte mid? 511m erftenmal gefcfymeicfyelt; 
 4 6oDurdj Salabins gutters gen Wafyn gefdjmeidjelt — 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Der roar? 
 
 Derttnfd}. 
 
 <£in Bettler nriffe nur, trie Bettlern 
 <?>u IHute fei; ein Bettler tjabe nur 
 (gelernt, mit guter ZDeife Bettlern geben. 
 
Hatfyart ber IDetfe. 101 
 
 „Dein Dorfafyr," fpracfy er, „tr>ar mir tuel 511 fait, 
 465 ^u raufy* fir gab fo unfyolb, tr>enn er gab; 
 (£rfunbigte fo ungeftum fid} erft 
 Had? bem (Empf anger ; rite 3ufrieben, bag 
 (Er nur ben ZTTangel fenne, tr>ollt' er aud} 
 Des XTfangels Urfad}' uriffen, urn bie (Babe 
 470 Tiad} biefer Urfadj' ftljig absurodgen. 
 Das roirb 2tl=£jafi ntdjtl So unmilb milb 
 XDtrb Salabin tm £)afi nicfyt erfdjeinen I 
 2ll=£)aft gleicfyt rerftopften Hofyren nidjt, 
 Die ifyre flar unb fttll empfangnen JDaffer 
 475 So unrein unb fo fprubelnb toiebergeben. 
 2ti=£)afi benft; 2ll^afi fxi£?It rote id?!" — 
 So lieblid? Hang bes Doglers Pfeife, bis 
 Der ©impel in bem Icetse roar, — 3^? ©ed! 
 3d? eines ©ecfen (Beef! 
 
 (Bemad?, mein Dertr>ifcfy, 
 480 (Bemad? I 
 
 Uerttnfclj* 
 
 (£t teas! — €s roar' nidjt (Becferet, 
 Bei fjunberttaufenben bie ZTTenfdjen brucfen, 
 2tusmergeln, pliinbern, martern, rourgen; unb 
 <£in Utenfdjenfreunb an ein3eln fdjeinen tx>ollen? 
 (£s roar 1 nidjt (Becferei, bes ^odjften ZTtilbe, 
 485 Die fonber 2tustt>af)l fiber 35^ unb (Bute 
 Unb ^lur unb ZDiiftenei, in Sonnenfdjetn 
 Unb Hegen fid? r>erbreitet, — nad^udffen, 
 Unb nidjt bes f}od?ften immer r>olle ^anb 
 <5u t^aben? JDas? es tx>dr' nidjt (Becferei ♦ ♦ , 
 
 natVian. 
 
 49o©enug! fyor' auf ! 
 
 Derttufd}* 
 
 £aft meiner (Becferet 
 
102 Hatfyctn ber IDetfe. 
 
 ItTid? bod? nur aud? ertodfynen ! — ZPas? es todre 
 
 Hid?* (Sederei, an fold?en (Becfereien 
 
 Die gute Seite bennod? aussufpiiren, 
 
 Urn Ztntetl, biefer guten Sette toegen, 
 
 495 2tn biefer (Sederet 3U nel?men? f}e? 
 
 Das nid?t? 
 
 nattyan. 
 
 2tl=£?afi, mad?e, ba% bu balb 
 3n beine tDufte tr>ieber forrtmft. 3^} furcate, 
 ®rab' unter ItTenfdjen mod?teft bu ein ZHenfd? 
 <gu fein t>erlernen, 
 
 Derttnfdj. 
 
 2?ed?t, bas furd?t' id? and}. 
 5 oo£ebt trofjl! 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 So f?aftig? — IDarte 6oc£?, 2tl=£?aft. 
 (£ntlduft btr benn bie XDiifte P — IDarte bod?! — 
 Daf er mid? fydrtel — £}e, 2tl=£?afi! I?ier! — 
 IPeg ift er; unb id? f?dtt' it?n nod? fo gern 
 Xlad) unferm £empelf?errn gefragt. Permutlid?, 
 505 Daf er it?n fennt 
 
 Pierter 2tuftritt. 
 Daja etlt fyerbet. Hatfyan. 
 
 © rcatf?an, Hatf?an ! 
 
 Uatlian. 
 
 Was giebt's? 
 
 Hun? 
 
 T)a\a. 
 
 (£r laf t fid? ttneber fet?n ! (£r laft 
 Sid? toieber fef?n I 
 
Hatfyan ber lt)eife. 103 
 
 ZDer, Daja? tr>er? 
 
 <Er! er! 
 Ziatlian. 
 
 <Er? er? — VDann laft ftcf? ber nicfyt fefyn! — 3 a f°/ 
 Itur euer (Er fyeif t er, — Das follt' er nicfyt ! 
 510 Unb tx>enn er aud} ein (Engel todre, mdjt! 
 
 Daja, 
 
 (Er toanbelt untern Palmen toieber auf 
 
 Unb ab; unb bricfyt t>on geit 3U geit ftd? Datteltu 
 
 Sie effenb? — unb als tTempelfyerr? 
 
 Daja* 
 
 IDas qudlt 
 3fyr mid?? — 3*? r gierig 2tug' erriet ifyn Winter 
 
 5 i 5 I)en btdjt Derfdjrdnf ten palmen fd?on ; unb folgt 
 3fym unserrucft. Ste laft (£ud? bitten, — (£ud> 
 Befd?tt>oren, — ungefdumt ifyn ansugefyn* 
 (D eilt! Sie tr>irb (Eucfy aus bem ^enfter toinfen, 
 (Db er fyinauf gefyt ober roeiter ab 
 
 52 oSid} fdjidgi © eilt! 
 
 ZiatVian. 
 
 So txrie id? t>om Kamele 
 (Beftiegen? — Sdjicft fid) bas? — (Sefy, eile bu 
 3f?m 3U; unb melb' ifym meine IDieberfunft. 
 ©ieb ad?t, ber Biebermann Ijat nur mein Vfans 
 3n meinem 2tbfein nid?t betreten roollen ; 
 525 Unb fommt nidjt ungern, roenn ber Dater felbft 
 3fyn laben laf t. (Sefy, fag', id) laff ifyn bitten, 
 3fyn fye^lid? bitten . ♦ t 
 
104 Hatt?an ber IDetfe. 
 
 2111 umfonfi! €r fommt 
 <£ucfy ni&it — Denn f ur3 ; er fommt 3U fetnem 3 u ^n< 
 
 Viattyan. 
 
 So gel), gel? toenigftens tfyn an3ufyalten; 
 53o3^? n toenigftens mil betnen 2lugen 3U 
 
 Begletten* — <£>efy, id? fomme gleid? Mr nad). 
 
 (Hatfyan etlt fytnetn, unb Daja fjeraus.) 
 
 ^finfter 2luftritt 
 
 (Scene: em plat} mtt palmen, unter oelcfyen ber (Eempelfyerr 
 
 auf unb nteber ge^t. <£tn Klofterbrubcr folgt tfnn in etniger 
 
 (Entfernung con ber Sette, immer als ob er tint anreben ux>lle.) 
 
 £empeltjert\ 
 
 Der folgt mir nidjt t>or langer XDeile ! — Siefy, 
 
 XDte fdjielt er nad? ben I^dnben ! — (Suter Bruber, ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 3d? fann <£ud? aud> roofy! Pater nennen; nidjt? 
 
 2iloftevt>rubet\ 
 
 Hur Bruber — Caienbruber nur; 3U Menem 
 
 Sempelfyerr* 
 
 535 3 a / S u * er Bruber, toer nur felbft was fydtte ! 
 Bet ©ottl bet ©ottl id? tjabe nidjts — 
 
 Unb bocfy 
 'Rzili toarmen Danf ! (Bott geb' (£ud? taufenbfadj 
 VOas 3^? r S ern Q>zhm toolltet. Denn ber XPille 
 540 Unb ntdjt Me &abz madjt bzxx <£>ebet\ — 2ludj 
 ZDarb id? bem ^errn 2llmofens tpegen gar 
 Xlxdft nacfygefdjicft. 
 
Zlattian ber XPetfe. 105 
 
 Dod? aber nad?gefd?icft? 
 
 ttlofterfcrubev* 
 3<^; <*us bem Klofter. 
 
 £empelt}ert% 
 
 tDo id? eben jeijt 
 (Ein Hemes pilgermaf?! §u finben f?offte? 
 
 Hlofterbruber* 
 
 545 Die tTifcfte toaren fd?on befei§t : fcrnm' aber 
 Der f}err nur txneber mit 3uriicf. 
 
 ^empelberr* 
 
 ID03U? 
 3^ fyabe ^leifd? u)ot?l lange nid?t gegeffen: 
 illlein roas tout's? Die Datteln fmb ja reif* 
 
 Klofterbruber* 
 
 Xcefym' ftd) ber ^err in ad?t mit biefer ^rud?t, 
 550 ^u tnel genoffen taugt fte nid?t; r>erftopft 
 Die 2TEU3; mad?t meland?olifd?es (Sebliit. 
 
 €emj>el^err. 
 
 ZDenn id? nun meland?olifd? gern mid? fut?lte? — 
 Dod? biefer IDarnung tx>egert rourbet 3^ 
 ZHir bod) nid?t nad?gefd?id!t ? 
 
 2tlofterfrrttbet\ 
 
 (D nein ! — 3d? foil 
 555 ZTTid? nur nad? (£ud? erfunben ; auf ben ^atyx 
 (£ud? fut?len* 
 
 Unb bas fagt 3*? r m * r f° Mbft? 
 
106 Hainan bcr tDetfe. 
 
 VOavum nid?t? 
 
 tlempelfyerr* 
 
 ((Ein t>erfd?mi£ter Bruber!) — {}at 
 Das Klofter (£uresgleid?en met?r? 
 
 2ilofterfcru5et\ 
 
 IDeif nid?L 
 3d? muf get?ord?en, lieber f)en\ 
 
 Vinb ba 
 5 6o (Bel?ord?t 3^? r ^ enn au d? ol?ne r>iel 3U Fliigeln? 
 
 IDdr's fonft ge{?ord?en, Iteber ^err? 
 
 (Daf bod? 
 Die <£tnfalt immer Hed?t befydlt!) — 3*? r bixvft 
 ZTTir bod? aud? roofyl t>ertrauen, toer mid? gern 
 (Senauer fennen mod?te? — Daf 3^ r ' s M&fi 
 565 Xcidjt fexb, roill id? toofyl fd?tr>orem 
 
 ttlofterbruber* 
 
 (^iemte mir's? 
 Unb frommte mir's? 
 
 JDem 3iemt unb frommt es bznn 
 Daf er fo neubegierig ift? IDem benn? 
 
 2ilofterfcru5et\ 
 
 Dem Patriard?en ; muf id? glauberu — Denn 
 Der fanbte mid? (£ud? nad}. 
 
 Eempeifyerr. 
 
 Der Patriard?? 
 
Hatfyan bet ID eif c. 107 
 
 szoKennt ber bas rote Kreu3 auf tx>ei£em ZHantel 
 Hid?t bcffer? 
 
 Kenn' ja id?'s ! 
 
 Hun, Bruber? Hun? — 
 3<3} bin ein tlempelt?err ; unb em gefangner. — 
 Se£' id? fyinsu : gefangen bei Cebnin, 
 Der Burg, bte mit bes Stillftanbs letter Stunbe 
 
 575 JDir gern erftiegen fatten, um fobann 
 2luf Sibon los ju get?n; — fef^ id? I?in3u: 
 Selb3U)an3igfter gefangen unb allein 
 Pom Salabin begnabiget: fo roeif 
 Der Patriard?, was er 3U rotffert braud?t; — 
 
 58o2JEet?r, als er braud?t. 
 
 ttlofterfcruber* 
 
 XDol?l aber fd?tr>erlid? mef?r, 
 
 ills er fd?on toeif. — (£r triif t' aud? gern, roarum 
 
 Der I}err ron Salabin begnabigt toorben; 
 
 (£r gan3 allein* 
 
 <Zempelt}ert% 
 
 IDeif id? bas felber? — Sd?on 
 Den £}als entbloft, fniet' id? auf meinem ZUantel, 
 
 585 Den Streid? erroartenb: als mid? fd?drfer Salabin 
 3ns 2tuge faft, mir ndt?er fpringt, unb trinft. 
 ZUan i?ebt mid? auf; id? bin entfeffelt; trull 
 3f?m ban! en ; fef?' fein 2lug' in tEl?rdnen : ftumm 
 3ft er, bin id?; er gebt, id? bleibe* — IDie 
 
 590 Hun bas 3ufamment?dngt, entrdtfle fid? 
 Der Patriard?e felbft 
 
 'Klofterfcruber* 
 
 (£r fd?lieft baraus, 
 
108 ttatfyan bcr IDeife. 
 
 Dag (Sott 3U grogen, grofen Dingen (£udj 
 ZTTuff aufbefyalten fyaben. 
 
 iZempelljerr* 
 
 3<*/ 3" grofen! 
 (£in 3 u & enm abd?en aus ^ em ^ eur 3 U ^tten; 
 595 2tuf Sinai neugier ge Pilger $u 
 ©eleiten; unb bergleicfyen mefyr* 
 
 2ilofterl>ru5ei\ 
 
 IDirb fd?on 
 Hod? fommen ! — 3f* in3tr>ifdjen and) nidjt libeL — 
 Dielleidjt fyat felbft ber Patriarch bereits 
 IPeit ttridjfgere (Sefdjdfte fur ben f}errm 
 
 {Zempeltjerr* 
 
 600 So? meint 3fy r / Bruber? — X}at er gar <£udj fdjon 
 ZDas merfen laffen? 
 
 ^ilofterbruber* 
 
 <Et, ja u>ofyll — 3d? foil 
 Den fjerrn nur erft ergriinben, ob er fo 
 Der ZTTann tpotjl ift* 
 
 ^empelljerr* 
 
 Hun ja; ergninbet nur! 
 Qd? h^H bod? fefyn, toie ber ergriinbet!) — Hun? 
 
 bo 5 Das fiir3'fte tpirb xvoi)l fein, ba$ id} bem fyvvn 
 ©an3 grabe3U bes Patriarcfyen ZDunfcfy 
 <£roffne. 
 
 Wotyl 
 
 ttlofterfcrufcer* 
 
 (Er fydtte burcfy ben f^erm 
 
Hatl^an fcer IPeife. 109 
 
 (£in Briefd?en gem befteltt 
 
 ^empel^err* 
 
 Durd? mid?? J^? &tn 
 Kein Bote. — Das, bas tr>dre bas <0efd?dft, 
 610 Das toeit glorreicber fei, als 3 u ^nmdbd?en 
 Dem ^eu'r entreifen? 
 
 Ittuf 6odj tx>ol?l! Deun — fagt 
 Der Patriard? — an biefem Briefd?en fet 
 Der gan3en (Eljrtften^eti fel?r tnel gelegen* 
 Dies Briefd?en tr>ot?l beftellt 311 Iqabzn, — fagt 
 615 Der Patriarch, — toerb' einft im fjimmel (&oti 
 IViit einer gart3 befonbern Krone lof?nen* 
 Unb biefer Krone, — fagt ber Patriard?, — 
 Sei niemanb txmrb'gcr, als mein f}en\ 
 
 ^empeltjerr* 
 
 2tls id?? 
 
 lUofterbrufcer. 
 
 Denn biefe Krone 311 r>erbienen, — fagt 
 620 Der Patriard?, — fei fd?tr>erlid? jemanb aud? 
 ©efdjicfter, als mein ^err. 
 
 €empetfyerr* 
 
 2Hs id?? 
 
 Klofterbruber* 
 
 €r fei 
 fjier frei; fonn' uberall ftd? I?ier befefyn; 
 Perftet?', trie eine Stabt 3U ftiirmen unb 
 <5u fd?irmen ; fonne, — fagt ber Patriard?, — 
 625 Die StdrF unb Sd?tr>dd?e ber pon Salabin 
 Heu aufgefut?rten, innern, 3toetten ZTTauer 
 
no Tlatfyan ber ttfetfe. 
 
 Tim beften fdjdijen, fte am beutlidjften 
 
 Den Streitem ©ottes, — fagt ber Patrtard), — 
 
 Befcfrretben. 
 
 ^empeliierr* 
 
 (guter Bruber, toenn id) bod) 
 Hurt aud) bes Briefcfyens ndfyern 3 n ^? a ^ tr>ufte* 
 
 ^ilofterfcvuber* 
 
 3a ben, — ben tr>et§ id) nun toofyl nid)t fo red)t 
 Das Briefd)en aber ift an Konig Pfytlipp* — 
 Der Patriard) ♦ . , 3^ ^ a ^' rciicfy oft getrunbert, 
 IDte bod) ein fjeiliger, ber fonft fo gan3 
 635 3 m fjtmmel lebt, 3ugleid) fo unterrtdjtet 
 Von Dingen btefer ZDelt 3U fein fyerab 
 Sid) laffen fann* €s muf if?m fauer toerben* 
 
 €empelt}err* 
 
 Hun benn? Der Patrtard) ? — 
 
 2llojtett>rufcet\ 
 
 XDeif gan3 <jenau, 
 (5an3 3ut>erlaffig, rote unb too, tote ftarf, 
 640 Don roeldjer Seite Salabin, im ^aU 
 <£s roilig ttneber losgefyt, feinen ^elb3ug 
 (£roffnen txnrb* 
 
 Das tpeif er? 
 
 Klofterfcruber* 
 
 3a, unb mod)t' 
 (£s gern ben Kontg P^iltpp trnffen laffen : 
 Damit ber ungefdfyr ermeffen fonne, 
 645 (Db bie (Befafyr benn gar fo fd)recfltd), urn 
 XTtit Salabin bzn IDaffenftiiieftanb, 
 
XI at I] an bcrlDeife. m 
 
 Den (£uer (Drben fd?on fo brat? gebrod?en, 
 <£s fofte tr>as es toolle, tr>ieber fyer 
 (5u ftellen, 
 
 £empell}ert\ 
 
 IDeld? ein Patriarch 1 — 3 a f° 5 
 6 5 o Der liebe tapfre ZTtann rotll mid? ju feinem 
 (Semeinen Boten; rotll mid? — 3um Spion* — 
 Sagt <£uerm Patrtardjen, guter Bruber, 
 So r>iel 3^ r m ^ ergriinben fonnen, roar' 
 Das meine Sad?e nidft — 3^? muffe mid? 
 655 Viock) als (Befangenen betrad?ten; unb 
 Der Cempelfyerren einjiger Beruf 
 Set mit bem Sd?tr>erte brein $u fcfylagen, md?t 
 Kunbfdjafterei 3U tretbetu 
 
 2tlofter&ru&et\ 
 
 Dad?t' id?'s bod) ! — 
 tDtlTs audj bem £?errn nid?t tbm fefyr Derubeln. — 
 
 660 <?)tt>ar fommt bas Befte nod?. — Der Patriard? 
 f}ierndd?ft fyat ausgegattert, rote bie ^efte 
 Sid? nennt, unb too auf £ibax\on fte liegt, 
 3n ber bie ungefyeuern Summen fiecfen, 
 ITtit roelcben Salabins rorficfyt'ger Pater 
 
 665 Das ^eer befolbet, unb bie ^uriiftungen 
 Des Kriegs beftreitet Salabin Derfiigt 
 Von ^eit 3U ^eit auf abgelegnen IDegen 
 lead? biefer ^efte fid?, nur faum begleitet — 
 3fyr merft bodf? 
 
 £entpelf}ert% 
 
 nimmermefyr ! 
 
 VOas tt)dre 6a 
 670 VDofyl leid?ter, als bes Salabin fid? 3U 
 
ii2 Zlattian ber XPetfe. 
 
 Bemdcfytigen? ben ©araus ifym 3U madden? — 
 3fyr fcfyaubert? — © es fyaben fcfyon ein paar 
 ©ott'sfiircfyt'ge 2T£aromten ftdj erboten, 
 XDcnn nur ein toacfrer XUann fie fiifyren tc>olle, 
 675 Das Stticf 5U tDagem 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 Unb ber Patriarch 
 
 £)dtf and? 5U btefem roacfern XHanne mid? 
 
 (Erfefyn ? 
 
 ^ilojterbrufcer* 
 
 <£r glaubt, bag Konig Pfyilipp tr>ofyl 
 Don ptolemais aus bie f^anb Ijier3U 
 Tim beften bieten fonne. 
 
 {Zempelfjerr* 
 
 XHtr? mir, Bruber? 
 
 68o2Ttir? ^abt 3^ r Ntcfyt gefyort? nur erft gefyort, 
 
 2Das f tir Perbinblidjfeit bem Salabin 
 
 3d} fyabz? 
 
 Klofterfrruber* 
 
 VOoifl fyab' idj's gefyori 
 
 Sempeiljerr* 
 
 Unb bod}? 
 liIofterbvubet\ 
 
 3a, — meint ber Patriarch, — bas roar' fcfyon gut : 
 ©ott aber unb ber (Drben ♦ . ♦ 
 
 €empel^err. 
 
 iinbern nidjts! 
 685 ©ebieten mir f ein Bubenftiicf ! 
 
 ttlofterfcruber* 
 
 (Setoff ntd)t! — 
 Hur, — meint ber Patrtardj, — fei Bubenftiicf 
 Vox ZHenfdjen, md?t aucfy Bubenftiicf t>or ©ott 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 113 
 
 3d? tr>dr' bem Salabin mein £eben fcfyulbig: 
 Unb raubt' ifym feines? 
 
 2Uofterbrubet\ 
 
 Pfui ! — Sod? bltebe, — metnt 
 690 Der Patriate^, — nod? immer Salabin 
 
 (Ein ^einb ber (Efyriftenfyeit, ber (£uer ^reunb 
 <gu fein, fein 2led?t ertoerben fonne. 
 
 ^reunb? 
 2ln bem id) blof mdjt totll 3um Sdjurfen tperben; 
 <?>um unbanfbaren Sdjurfen? 
 
 ?ilo)tcvbvubev. 
 
 2lllerbings ! — 
 695 <?>tt)ar, — metnt ber Patriarch, — bes Danfes fei 
 VTian quitt, r»or ©ott unb ZTTenfdjen quitt, tpenn uns 
 Der Dienft um unferttoillen nidjt gefeftefyen, 
 Unb ba t>erlauten toolle, — meint ber Patriarch, — 
 Daf (£ud) nur barum Salabin begnabet, 
 700 IDeil ifym in Surer ZUien', in (Euerm IDejen, 
 So roas r»on feinem Bruber etngeleucfytet ♦ ♦ • 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 2lud? biefes roeif ber Patriarch; unb bod)? — 
 
 2tfy! todre bas getxnf ! HI), Salabin ! — 
 
 IDie? bie Hatur fydtt' aucfy nur ein en ^ug 
 705 Don mir in betnes Brubers ^orm gebilbet: 
 
 Unb bem entfprddje nxd)ts in meiner Seek? 
 
 VOas bem entfprddje, fount' id) unterbriicfen, 
 
 Um einem Patriarcfyen 3U gefallen ? — 
 
 Hatur, fo liigft bu nidjt! So ttnberfpricfyt 
 710 Sid? ©ott in feinen IDerfen nidjtl — (Befyt Bruber! — 
 
 (Erregt mir meine (Salle nicfyt! — ©efyt! gefyt! 
 
H4 VLaii\an ber XX>etfe. 
 
 1ilofterfcru&et\ 
 
 3d} get}'; unb gel}' t>ergnugter, als id? fam, 
 Derjeifye mir ber l^err* IDtr Klofterleute 
 Sinb fdjulbig, unfern (Dbern 3U gefyordjen. 
 
 Sedjfter Jluftritt. 
 
 Der Cempelfyerr unb Da\a, bte ben Cempelfyerm fcfyon erne 
 gettlang con tuettem beobacfytet fyatte, unb fid? nun ifym naljert. 
 
 715 Der Klofterbruber, roie mid} bunft, lief in 
 
 Der beften £aun' iljrt nid}t — Dod} muf id? mein 
 Pafet nur tpagen* 
 
 £etnpell}ert\ 
 
 Hun, Dortrefflidj ! — £ugt 
 Das Sprid)roort tt>ot}l : baf ZHond} unb IDeib, unb IPeib 
 Unb XTiond) bes tleufels beibe Krallen finb? 
 720 <£r totrft mid} fyeut aus einer in bie anbre* 
 
 ZDas fef}' id}? — (Ebler fitter, <£ud}? — (Sott Danf I 
 <Bott taufenb Danf ! — XDo fjabt 3t?r bznn 
 Die gan3e ^eit geftecft? — 3^r feib bodf vooiji 
 Zcid}t franf getpefen? 
 
 €etnpelijert\ 
 
 XTein, 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 (Sefunb bod}? 
 
 tZempelfyerr 
 
 3a. 
 
 7 2 5 It)ir toaren (£urettr>egen toafyrlid} gan$ 
 Befummert. 
 
£tatf}attberlt)etfe. 115 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 So? 
 
 3^ tpart getxnf t>erretft? 
 
 (Errateni 
 
 Unb famt fyeut erft txneber? 
 
 <£>eftern. 
 
 2tucfy Hecfyas Dater tft fyeut angefommen. 
 Unb nun barf &ed?a bod/ wofjl fyoffen? 
 
 XDas? 
 
 VDavum fte (£ucfy fo Sfters bitten laffen. 
 730 3^ r 22ater label (£ucfy nun felber balb 
 
 2tufs brtnglicfjfte. (£r fommt ron Babylon; 
 
 ZTTtt 5tr>an3tg fyocfybelabenen Kamelen, 
 
 Unb allem, voas an ebeln Spesereten, 
 735 2tn Stetnen unb an Stoffen, 3 n ^^ en 
 
 Unb Perften unb Syrten, gar Stna, 
 
 Koftbares nur gerodfyren, 
 
 Kaufe nid)t$. 
 
 Sein Polf Derefyret ifyn als einen ^iirftem 
 Qod} ba% es tfyn bzn tr>eifen Hainan nennt, 
 
n6 ZTatfyctn ber IDeife. 
 
 740 Unb nidjt pielmefyr ben ^etdjen, fyat mid? oft 
 (Serounbert 
 
 £empell}ert\ 
 
 Seinem Volt ift reid? unb toeife 
 Dielleidjt bas namlidje. 
 
 Dor allem aber 
 gait's tt?n btn (Suten nennen miiffen* Denn 
 3t?r ftellt <£udj gar nicfyt vox, rote gut er ift 
 745 2Xls er erf uljr, rote tnet (£ud? Hecfya fdjulbig : 
 Was t^dtt', in biefem 2Xugenbltcfe, nidjt 
 (Er alles (£ud? getfyan, gegebenl 
 
 Derfudjt's unb fommt unb fefyt! 
 
 (Etl 
 
 £empell}err* 
 
 IDas benn? tote fdmell 
 <£in Ztugenblicf t>oruber ift? 
 
 l}att' id?, 
 75 oH)enn er fo gut nicfyt roar', es mir fo lange 
 
 Bei tfym gef alien laffen? meint 3^ r etioa, 
 
 3d? fiifyle meinen JDert als Cfyriftin nicfyt? 
 
 2tud? mir toarb's r»or ber IDiege nid?t gefungen, 
 
 Daf id? nur barum meinem (E^'gematjl 
 755 Xiad} palaftiua folgen ttmrb', urn ba 
 
 €in 3 u ^ttttidbdjen 3 U ^3te^n^ <£s roar 
 
 ZTTein lieber Sfy'gemafyl ein ebler Knedjt 
 
 3n Kaifer ^riebricfys ^eere — 
 
Hainan ber IDeife. 117 
 
 tlempelfyerr* 
 
 Don ©eburt 
 (gin Sdjroeiser, bem Me (£f?r' unb ©nabe tt>arb 
 760 IfTit Seiner Kaiferlid?en IHajeftdt 
 
 3n einem ^luffe 3U erfaufen* — IDeib ! 
 
 IDie t>ielmal fyabt 3fy r m * r ^as fd?on ersdfylt? 
 
 £}ort 3^? r ^enn 9 ar ™d?t au f m ^ 3 U t)erfolgen? 
 
 3a\a. 
 
 Derfolgen ! lieber <2>ott ! 
 
 3a, ja, r>erfoIgen. 
 
 765 3d? tDtll nun einmal (£ud? nid?t toeiter fefynl 
 Hid?t fyoren ! IDill ron (£ud? an eine Cf?at 
 Hid?t fort unb fort erinnert fein, bet ber 
 3d? nid?ts gebad?t; bie, rcenn id? briiber benfe, 
 ^um Xdtfel von mir felbft mir wxvb. ^roar mod?f 
 
 770 3^? fte nid?t gern bereuen* 2tber fefyt; 
 (greignet fo ein ^all fid? uneber: 3*? r 
 Seib fd?ulb, votnn id? fo rafd? nid?t fyanble ; tpenn 
 3d? mid? t>ort?er erfunb', — unb brennen laffe, 
 Was brennt 
 
 Beroat?re ©ottl 
 
 {Zetnpelfjertr, 
 
 Von fyeut an tf?ut 
 775 2T£ir ^n (Befallen tr>enigftens, unb fennt 
 
 ZHtd? toeiter nid?t. 3d? bitt' (gud? brum. 2lud? laft 
 Den Pater mir t>om fjalfe. 3 U ^ ift 3ube. 
 3d? bin ein plumper 5d}rx>ab\ Des ZTldbd?ens SUb 
 3ft langft aus meiner Seele; u>enn es je 
 780 Da tr>ar. 
 
n8 HatfyanberlDetfe. 
 
 Dod} (£ures ift aus ifyrer nid}t 
 
 £empelfyerr. 
 
 VOas foil's nun aber 6a? was foil's? 
 
 IDer u?etf ! 
 Die ZTIenfdjen fmb nid}t immer, was fie fdjeinen. 
 
 £empell}ert\ 
 
 Dod} felten ettx>as Beffers* (<Er gety.) 
 
 JDartet bod}! 
 IDas exit 3t?r? 
 
 G;empeit}ert\ 
 
 XDeib, mad)t mir bie Palmen nid}t 
 7 8 5 Derfyaf t, roorunter id} fo gem fonft toanble ! 
 
 So ge^ bu beutfd}er Bar ! fo gel} ! — Urtb bod} 
 ZUuf id} bie Spur bes tEieres nid}t t>erlieren. 
 
 (Ste gefyt ifym con tpeitem nad?.) 
 
Xtatfyan ber Itfetfe. 119 
 
 Swextev 2luf?U£* 
 
 (Erfter Uuftritt 
 Die Scene: bes Sultans palaft. 
 Salabin unb Sittafy fptelen Scfyad?. 
 
 IPo btft bu, Salabtn? IPie fpielft bu fyeut? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Icidjt gut? J^? bdd)te bod). 
 
 Sittatt. 
 
 $iiv mid); unb faum* 
 ypoHtmm biefen <gug 3urucf* 
 
 Salabtn. 
 
 VOavumV 
 
 SittaM. 
 
 Der Springer 
 VOxvb unbebecft. 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 3ft tpafyr. Hun fo! 
 
 So sie^ 
 3d? in bie <8abeL 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 IDteber tr>afyr. — Sdjad} benn ! 
 
120 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 VOas f?ilft bit bas? 3d? f e ^ e r>or: un ^ ^ u 
 Sift, rote bu tparft 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 2lus biefer Klemme, fet?' 
 795 3d? tr>ol?l, ift of?ne Bufe nid?t 5U fommen. 
 ZHag's ! Himm ben Springer nur. 
 
 SittaVi. 
 
 3d? txnll ifyn nid?t 
 3d? gel?' t>orbeu 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 Du fd?enfft mir nid?ts. Dir liegt 
 Tin biefem Plaice mefyr, als an bem Springer. 
 
 Kann fein* 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 ITtad?' beine Hed?nung nur ntcfjt of?ne 
 800 Den IDirt Denn fiel? ! VOas gilt's, bas tr>arfi bu nid?t 
 Permuten? 
 
 Sittati. 
 
 ^reilid? nid?t IDie fount' id? aud? 
 Permuten, ba% bu beiner Konigin 
 So miibe rodrft? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 3d? meiner Konigin? 
 
 3d? fet? nun fd?on : id? foil f?eut' meine taufenb 
 805 Dinar', fein Haferind?en met?r getoinnen* 
 
 Salafcin* 
 IDie fo? 
 
Hainan bet W etfe. 121 
 
 ^rag' nod? I — ZDeil bu mtt ^leif, mtt aller 
 <5etr>alt rerlieren ttnllft — Dod? babet finb' 
 3d? meine 2?ed?nung nid?t Denn aufer, baf 
 (£in fold?es Spiel bas unterl?altenbfte 
 sioHtdjt ift: getoann id? immer nid?t am meiften 
 XTixt bir, toenn id? r>erlor? IDann t?aft bu mir 
 Den Sai§, mid? bes rerlornen Spieles tr>egen 
 <gu troften, boppelt nid?t Ijernad? gefd?enft? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 (£i ftet?! fo t?dtteft bu ja rpot?l, roenn bu 
 8i 5 Perlorft, mtt ^leif r>erloren, 5d?rr>efterd?en? 
 
 SittaM. 
 
 ^um toenigften fann gar toofyl fein, ba% beine 
 ^reigebigfett, mein liebes Briibercben, 
 Sd?ulb ift, baf id? nid?t beffer fpielen lemen* 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 XDir fommen ab t)om Spiele* ITTad?' ein <£nbz I 
 
 So bleibt es? Hun benn : Sifadfl unb boppelt Sd?ad?l 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Xtun freilid?; biefes 2lbfd?ad? t?ab' id? nid?t 
 (Befefyn, bas meine Konigin 3ugleid? 
 ITtit niebertxnrft 
 
 StttatN 
 
 XDar bem nod? absufyelfen? 
 £a§ fef?m 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 Hein, nein; nimm nur bie Konigim 
 825 3^? tt)ar m ^ biefem Steine nie red?t glucflid?* 
 
122 Hatfyart bcr IPctfe. 
 
 Blo£ mtt bem Stetne? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 ^ort bamtt! — Das ttjut 
 ITtir mdfts. Denn fo ift alles toteberum 
 <gefd?tii?i 
 
 VOk fyofUd? man mtt Konigtnnen 
 Derfabren miiffe : fyat mein Bruber mtcfy 
 8 3 o <gu tDofyl gelefyrt (Ste lagt fie ftefyen.) 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 Xcimm, ober ntmm fie ntcfyt! 
 3d? I?abe fetne mefyr* 
 
 ID05U fie nefymen? 
 Scfyadj ! — Sdjadj ! 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 Hur wetter* 
 
 Scfyad? ! — unb Sdjad? ! — unb Scfyad) ! - 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 Unb matt! 
 
 Xixd)i a>an$l bu 3tefyft ben Springer nod? 
 Dastmfdjen ; ober roas bu madjen txnlift 
 835 (Bletd)tuel! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 (5an3 reefy t ! — Du fyaft geroonnen : unb 
 2tI=I}afi jafylt. — ZHan laff tfyn rufen ! gletdj! — 
 Du fyatieft, Sittafy, ntcfyt fo unrecfyt; id} 
 
HatBan bcr ttfexfe. 123 
 
 XDav nicfyt fo gans beim Spiele; roar 3erftreut. 
 Hub bann : tr>er giebt uns fcenn bie glaiten Steine 
 
 840 Beftdnbig? bte an uicbts erinnern, ntcfyts 
 Bc5cicbnen* £}ab' id? mit bem 3 mam ^enn 
 (Befpielt? — Docfy was? Derluft to ill Portoanb. Xlidft 
 Die ungeformton Steine, Sittafy, ftnb's, 
 Die mid? Derlieren macbten : beine Kunft, 
 
 845 Dein rufyiger unb fdmeller BlicE . ♦ , 
 
 2lud? fo 
 IDtllft Du ben Stacbel bes Derlufts nur ftumpfen. 
 (Senug, bu roarft jerftreut; unb mefyr als id}* 
 
 Salabiru 
 211s bu? ZDas fydtte bid? serftreuet? 
 
 Deine 
 
 ^erftreuung freilid) nicbt ! — <D Salabin, 
 850 IDarm roerben wit fo fleif ig toieber fpielen ! 
 
 SalaMn. 
 
 So fpielen toir um fotnel gieriger! — 
 2XE? ! tpeil es trueber losgefyt, rrteinft bu ? — ZHag's! — 
 Hur 3u! — 3^? ^? a ^ e n ^t 3ucrft ge3ogen; 
 3d) fydtte gern bzn Stilleftanb aufs neue 
 855 Perldngert; fydtte meiner Siitab gern, 
 ©em einen guten Utann 3ugleid? rerfcfyafft* 
 Unb bas muf Kicfyarbs Bruber fein : er ift 
 3a Jlicfyarbs Bruber. 
 
 H)enn bu beinen Kidjarb 
 Itur loben fannft ! 
 
124 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 tDenn unferm Bruber ITfelef 
 86oPann Ridfavbs ScfytDefter tpar' 5U tetle tr>orbeu : 
 fya ! tt>elcfy ein £)aus jufammen I f}a, ber erften, 
 Der beften £}dufer in ber XDelt bas befte! — 
 Du fyorft, id) bin micfy felbft 5U loben, and) 
 Icidjt fauL 3^? biinf mid} meiner ^reunbe toert- — 
 865 Das fydtte ZHenfcfyen geben follen ! bas I 
 
 §ab' id} bes fcfyonen Craums nidjt gleidj gelacfyt? 
 Du fennft bie (Cfyriften nicfyt, trnllft fie nidjt fennen. 
 3^ Stols ift: <£^riften fein; nidjt ZHenfcfyen* Denn 
 Selbft bas, roas, nod) von ifyrem Stifter Ijer, 
 
 8 7 oinit ZTtenfdjlidjFeit ben Ztberglauben tr>ur3t, 
 Das lieben fte, ntdjt roeil es menfcfylidj ift: 
 IDeifs (Efyriftus lefyrt; tpeil's (Efyriftus I?at getfyan. — 
 tDofyl ifynen, baf er fo ein guter IHenfdj 
 Xlod) roar I XDoifl ifynen, ba% fie feine tTugenb 
 
 s 7 5 2tuf t£reu' unb (Blauben nefymen tonmnl — Vodf 
 Was tlugenb? — Seine tEugenb nicfyt; fein' Hame 
 Soli liberal! r>erbreitet roerben; foil 
 Die Hamen aller guten ZHenfcfyen fcbdnben, 
 Derfdjlingen* Urn ben Xiamen, um ^n Hamen 
 
 38o3ft ifynen nur 3U tfyun. 
 
 Salabhu 
 
 Du meinft: tparum 
 Sie fonft perlangen tr>urben, ba% and) ifjr, 
 2lud) bn unb ZTCelef, (£fyriften fyiefet, el?' 
 2lls (£fy 1 gemafyl ifyr (Lfyriften lieben roolltet? 
 
 Sittali. 
 
 2>a tr>ofyl! 2tls wax' von (Lfyriften nur, als (£fynften, 
 
Hatfyan ber IPeife. 125 
 
 885 Die £iebe ju gerodrtigen, tpomit 
 
 Der Stopfer ITcann unb ZITdnntn ausgeftattet ! 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 Die (Efyriften glauben mef)r 2trmfeligfeiten, 
 
 2tts baf fie bie nidjt audj nod) glauben fonnten ! — 
 
 Unb gteicbtrofyl irrft bu bid)* — Die Cempelberren, 
 
 890 Die Cfyriften nicbt, finb fcfpulb : finb mcfyt, als (Efyrtften, 
 2lls tTempelfyerren fdjulb. Durd) bie allein 
 IDirb aus ber Sa&z mdfts. Sie roollen 2tffa, 
 Das Xicbarbs Sdjroefter unferm Bruber 2X£elef 
 ^um Brautfdjaij bringen miifte, fcblecbterbings 
 
 8 95 rcid)t fafyren laffem Daf bes fitters Dorteil 
 (Sefafyr mdjt laufe, fpielen fie ben UTond), 
 Den albern ITCondj. Unb ob trielletdjt im ^luge 
 <£in guter Streid? geldnge : fyabeu fie 
 Des ZDaffenftilkftanbes 2lblauf faum 
 
 900 (£rtr>arten fonnen* — £ufttg I Uur fo roeiter! 
 
 3fyr f^erren, nur fo roeiter ! — ITcir fd?on redjt I — 
 IDdr' alles fonft nur, tote es miifte. 
 
 Hun? 
 Was irrte bid) benn fonft? Was fonnte fonft 
 Did) aus ber ^affung bringen? 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 Was von je 
 905 2Ttidj immer aus ber ^affung fyat gebrad?h — 
 3d) wax auf Sibanon, bei unferm Dater* 
 (£r unterliegt ben Sorgen nod? . . . 
 
126 23 a tlj cut bcr IDetfe. 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 <£r Fann nid)t burcfy; es flemmt fid} allerorten; 
 <£s fdjit balb 6a, balb bort — 
 
 Was flemmt? was fefylt? 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 9 io IDas fonft, als teas id? f aunt 511 nennen toiirb'ge ? 
 IDas, tr>enn idj's fyabe, mir fo uberfliiffig, 
 Unb fyaV idj's nicbt, fo unentbefyrlid) fdjeint. — 
 IDo bleibt 2tl=£jaft bcnn? 3fl niemanb nad? 
 3bm aus? — Das letbige, t>ertx>iinfd)te (Belb! — 
 
 915 ©ut, £}aft, baf bu fommft. 
 
 <5toeiter 2tuftrttt 
 Der Dernrifd? 2ll = ^aft. Salabtn. Stttafy, 
 
 Die (Belber aus 
 Ztgypten ftnb r>ermutlid) angelangt, 
 IDenn's rtur fein Did ift 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 f^aft bu Had}rid)t? 
 
 m-Qafi, 
 
 3d? mc6t. 3^ benfe, ba% id? fyier fte in 
 (Empfang foil nefymen. 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 ^a^r an Sittaf? taufenb 
 920 Dinare ! On (5ebanfen bin= unb fyergefyenb.) 
 
Zlattyan ber IDetfe. 127 
 
 <5afyf ! anftatt, empf ang ! <D fd?on ! 
 Das ift fur tr>as nod} tt>eniger als nidjts. — 
 Tin Sittafy? — tr>ieberum an SittaE? ? Unb 
 Derloren? — toieberum im Sd}ad} r>erloren? — 
 Da ftefyt es nod} bas Spiel! 
 
 g 25 Znem (SIM? 
 
 Du gonnft mir bod) 
 
 Ul-fyan (bas Spiel betra&tenb). 
 tDas gonnen? JDenn — 3^ r roift ja n>ofyl. 
 
 Sittafy (ifym tpinfenb). 
 Bft! £?afi! bft! 
 
 2U-^aft (nod? auf bas Spiel gericfytet). 
 ©onnt's (Eucb nur felber erftl 
 
 Sittaf*. 
 
 tfi^aftl bft! 
 
 Ul-Qafi (311 Stttaty. 
 
 Die IDeifert tparen (£uer? 
 3fyr bietet Scfjadj? 
 
 (But, baf er nicbts gefyort! 
 
 2U-4<tfi. 
 
 Hun ift ber <?>ug an ibm? 
 
 Sittab (ifym nafyer tretenb). 
 
 So fage bodj, 
 930 Daf id} mein <8elb befommen fann. 
 
i 2 8 XTatfyan ber IDeife. 
 
 Ul-^afi (nod? auf bas Spiel get^eftet). 
 
 Hun ja; 
 3fy* follt's befommen, rote 3^ rs f* ets befom.mem 
 
 IDie? bift bu toU? 
 
 Das Spiel ift ja nid?t aus* 
 3fyr fyabt ja nid?t rerloren, Salabin* 
 
 SalaMn (!aum fyinfyorenb). 
 Dod?! bod? I Be3a^n besafjl'l 
 
 9 35 Da ftefyt ja (£ure tConigim 
 
 SalaMn (nod? fa). 
 
 (Silt nid?t; 
 (5et?ort nidjt mefyr ins SpieL 
 
 SxttaVi. 
 
 So mad?' unb fag', 
 Daf id? bas <3elb mir nur fawn fyohn laffen ! 
 
 Ul-^afi (nod? immer in bas Spiel uerticft). 
 
 Derftetjt fid), fo roie immer. — ZDenn aud? fd?on; 
 JDerin aud? bie Konigtn nid?ts gilt : 3*? r f e ^ 
 94 oDod? barum nod} nid?t matt. 
 
 5alabtn (tritt fyin3u unb n?irft bas Spiel um). 
 
 2d} bin es; ttnll 
 <£s fein* 
 
Hatha n be rlPetfe. 129 
 
 3a fo ! — Spiel rote (Seurinft! So trie 
 (Setronnen, fo bz$al)lL 
 
 Salabxn (311 Stttafy). 
 
 XDas fagt er? roas? 
 
 Sittal} (von geit 311 geit bem Baft nrinfenb). 
 
 Du fennft ifyn ja, (Er ftrdubt ficE? gem ; [aft gern 
 Sid? bitten ; ift voolfl gar ein toenig neibifd?- — 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 9 45 2tuf bid? bod) nicbt? 2tuf meine Sdjroefter nid)t? — 
 XDas fyor' id), f^afi ? Iceibifd?? bu? 
 
 M-Bayi. 
 
 Kann fein ! 
 
 *Kann fein! — 3* ^tt' ibr £>irn vooijl lieber felbft; 
 &)dr' lieber felbft fo gut, als fie. 
 
 Zittab. 
 
 3nbes 
 f}at er bod} immer ricbtig nod) be$afylt. 
 950 Un6 tr>irb audj fyeut besafylen. £af ifyn nurt — 
 ©ef? nur, 2ll=:6afi, get?! 3* tr»ttl bas (Selb 
 Sd?on Ijolen laffen. 
 
 Hein; id? fpiele langer 
 Die XTtummerei nicbt mil. (Er mug es bod> 
 (Einmal erfabren. 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 XD^v ? unb roas? 
 
 Sittati. 
 
 2ll=^afi! 
 
130 Hatfyau ber XPetfe. 
 
 955 3P ^iefes bein Derfprecfyen ? f^dltft 5u fo 
 ZTcir IDort? 
 
 IDie fount' id) glauben, baf es fo 
 IPeit gefyen roiirbe* 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 Hun? erfafyr' id? nid)ts? 
 
 3d) bttte bid), 2tl=f)aft ; fei befd)eiben* 
 
 Das ift bod} fonberbar ! IPas fonntc Sittafy 
 960 So feierlid), fo trarm bet einem ^remben, 
 Bet eincm Derttnfd) lieber, als bet mir, 
 Bet ifyrem Bruber fid) t>erbitten toolkit, 
 2ll^aft, nun befell' id) + — Hebe, Derttnfd)! 
 
 £af eine Kleinigfeit, meiu Bruber, bir 
 965 Xl\d}t ndfyer treten, als fie tourbig ift. 
 Du toetft, id) fyabe 3U t>erfd)iebnen 2Tcalen 
 Diefelbe Summ' im Bd}ad} von bir gerponnen* 
 VLnb roeil id) jetjt bas (5elb nid)t notig fyabe; 
 ZDeil jetjt in f)afts Kaffe bod} bas <gelb 
 97 oXl\d)i eben all5iu)duftg ift: fo finb 
 Die Poften ftefyn geblieben* 2lber forgt 
 Zcur nid)t! 3^ will f* e tr>eber bir, mein Bruber, 
 Tiod} f^aft, nod} ber Kaffe fdjenfen. 
 
 IDenn's bas nur rodre ! bas ! 
 
 3a, 
 
 Sittali. 
 
 Unb mefyr bergleicfyen* 
 
HatfjaubcrtDctfe. 131 
 
 975 2Judj bas tft in ber Kaffe fiefyn geblieben, 
 IDas bu mir einmal ausgeroorfen; tft 
 Sett trenig ItTonben ftefyn geblieben. 
 
 ZU-gaft- 
 
 Hod? 
 Hkfyt alles. 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Hod? nidjt? — ZDtrft bu reben? 
 ttl-Qafl. 
 
 M 
 
 Seit aus Ztgypten toir bas (2>elb ertoarten, 
 
 980 fytt fte ♦ . • 
 
 Zittati (311 Salabtn). 
 
 XD05U ifyn fyoren? 
 
 Hidjt nur nicfyts 
 Befommen ♦ * . 
 
 5alabin* 
 
 (Suites XTfdbdjen ! — 2lud? beiber 
 ZTCit Dorgefdjoffeu. Icidjt? 
 
 ttl-Qafl; 
 
 Den gan3en f}of 
 
 <£rfyalten; (Euern 2tufroanb gart3 aUein 
 
 Beftrittem 
 
 Salabim 
 
 f}a ! bas, bas ift meine Sd?tr>efter! (fie umarmenb), 
 
 985 JDer fyatte, btes 3U f onnen, mid? fo reid? 
 ©emadjt, als bu, mein Bruber? 
 
 Ul-Qafl. 
 
 XDirb fcfyon and} 
 
132 HatfyanbertPetfe. 
 
 So bettelarm fte roieber mad)en, als 
 <£r felber ift. 
 
 SataMn. 
 
 3d} arm? ber Bruber arm? 
 IPann fyafr id) mebr? toann roeniger gefyabt? — 
 990 (Ein Kleib, ei n Sd^toert, ein Pferb, — unb einen <£>ott ! 
 IDas braucfy' id) meijr? IDann farm's an bem mtr 
 
 feijlen? 
 Unb bod), 2ll=f}afi, fount' id) mtt Mr fdjelten- 
 
 Sdjilt nid)t, mein Bruber. IDenn id) uuferm Pater 
 2lud) feine Sorgen fo erleid)tern fonnte! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 995 211) ! 2tt) ! Icun fd)ldgft bu meiue ^reubigfeit 
 2tuf einmal tr>ieber nieber! — Ulir, fur mid) 
 ^et)lt nid)ts, unb faun nid)ts fefylen. 2lber iijm, 
 3fy m feblet; unb in ifym uns alien* — Sagt, 
 IDas foil id) mad)en? — 2tus Hgypten fommt 
 
 1000 EUelletcbt nod) lange nid)ts. IDoran bas liegt, 
 IDeif ©ott. <£s ift bod) ba nod) alles rufyig* — 
 2lbbred)en, ein3iel)n, fparen, tr>tll id) gem, 
 ZHir gern gefallen laffen ; roenn es mid), 
 Blof mid) betrifft; blof mid}, unb niemanb fonft 
 
 1005 Darunter leibet. — Dod) toas fann bas mad)en? 
 (Ein Pferb, ein 2{leib, ein Sd)toert, muf id) bod) 
 
 babem 
 Unb meinem ©ott ift aud? nid)ts ab^ubtngen. 
 3t)m g'niigt febon fo mtt tr»enigcm genug; 
 ZTtit meinem £)er3eiu — 2tuf bzn Uberfdjuf 
 
 1010 Von beiuer Kaffe, £)aft, fyatt' id) fefyr 
 ©erecfynei 
 
 Uberfd)uf ? — Sagt felber, ob 
 
Ztatban ber IDetfe. 133 
 
 3f?t mid? nicbt E?dttet fpief en, toenigftens 
 ZTTid? broffeln laffen, toenn auf Uberfd?u§ 
 3d? ^OTt (£ud? roar' ergriffen toorben. 3 a / 
 1015 2luf Unterfd?leif ! has voav 511 toagen, 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Hun, 
 
 IDas mad?en roir benn aber? — Konnfeft bu 
 Dorerft bet niemanb anberm borgen, als 
 Bet Sittat?? 
 
 JDurb' id? btefes Dorred?t, Bruber, 
 1020 ZTtir fyaben nefymen laffen? ZTcir r>on tfym? 
 2tud? nod? beftefy' id? brauf. Hod? bin id? auf 
 Dem Crocfnen rollig nidjt. 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Hur rollig nid?t! 
 Das fefjlte nod?! — ©el? gleid?, mad?' 2tnftalt, £?aft! 
 Himm auf bei tr>em bu fannft! unb rote bu fannft! 
 
 1025 <$5cfy, borg', t>erfprid?, — Icur, fjaft, borge nid?t 
 Bei benen, bie id? reid? gemad?L Denn borgen 
 Von biefen, mocbte roieberforbern l^eifen. 
 ©el? ju bzn (Beijigften ; bie tuerben mir 
 2tm liebfien leifyen, Denn fte roiffen tool?!, 
 
 1030 ZDie gut if?r ©elb in meinen J^dnben roudjert 
 
 3d? fenne beren feine* 
 
 <£btn fallt 
 Xilit ein, gefyort 5U t?aben, £?afi, ba% 
 Dein ^reunb 3urucfgefommen. 
 
134 Hat I) an ber IPcifc. 
 
 ai-^afi (betroffen). 
 
 ^reunb? mein ^reunb? 
 
 JDer mar' benn bas? 
 
 Deirt f?od?gepriefner 3 u ^ e - 
 
 ©epriefner 3ube? f?od? von mir?. 
 
 io 35 Dem <£>ott, — 
 
 ZTTid? benft bes 2tusbrucfs nod? red?t tr>of?I, bes einft 
 Du felber bid? von it?m bebienteft, — bem 
 Sein (8ott t>on alien (Stitern biefer ZDelt 
 Das fleinff unb grofte fo in t>oliem ZHag 
 Srteilet fyabe* — 
 
 1040 Sagt' id? fo? — ZPas meint' 
 
 3d? benn bamit? 
 
 Das fleinfte : 2?eid?tum, Unb 
 Das grdfte: U)eist?eit 
 
 IDie? Don einem ^ubznV 
 Von einem 3 u ^ en ^tt' id? bas gefagt? 
 
 Das bdtteft bu r>on beinem Icatfyan nid?t 
 (gefagt? 
 
 Ul-^afi, 
 
 3a fo ! t>on bcm ! pom Hatfyan ! — ^iel 
 1045 Vfixv ber bod} gar nid?t bet. — XDal?ri?aftig ? Der 
 
Zlatfyan ber IPetfe. 1^5 
 
 3ft enblidj txneber fyeimgef ommen ? (£i ! 
 So mag's bod) gar fo fcblecbt mil ifym nicfyt ftebn* — 
 ©aii5 redjt: ben nannt' einmal bas Volt ben XDeifen ! 
 Den Hetdjen and). 
 
 Sitta^ 
 
 Den Hetcfjen nennt es itjn 
 1050 3^fet mebr als je. Die ganse 5tabt erfdjallt, 
 Was er fur Koftbarfeiten, toas fur Scbdtse, 
 (£r mitgebradjt 
 
 Ul-gaft- 
 
 Hun, ift's ber Heidje roteber: 
 So ttnrb's and) toobl ber IDeife uneber fein* 
 
 Sitta^ 
 JDas metnft bu, §a% voznn bn biefen angingft? 
 
 lU-Safi- 
 
 1055 Unb toas bet ifym? — Dod? tuofyl ntdjt borgen? — 3 a / 
 Da Fenrtt 3^ r ^ n * — € r borgen ! — Seine IDeisfyeit 
 3ft eben, ba% er niemanb borgt 
 
 Zittab. 
 
 Du fyaft 
 
 2T£ir fonft bod? gans ein anber Bilb ron tfym 
 
 (Bemadjt 
 
 m-Bayu 
 
 ^ur Hot trnrb er (Eud? IDaren borgen* 
 1060 ©elb aber, (Selb? (5elb nimmermefyr! — <£s ift 
 (£in 3 u ^ e ftetlidj iibrigens, rote's nid)t 
 Diel 3 u ^ en Stebt (Er fyat Perftanb; er roeif 
 <§u leben; fpielt gut Sdacb. Dod) seidmet er 
 3m Scblecbten fid) nicbt mtnber, als im (Buten 
 1065 Von alien anbern 3 ll ^ en aus * — ^ u f ^en, 
 2luf bzn nur reebnet nidjt — Den 2lrmen giebt 
 
i^6 ¥(att\an ber XDetfc. 
 
 (£r 5tx>ar; unb giebt melietcfyt trot§ Salabim 
 IDenn fcfyon nidjt gan3 fo tnel : bod? gan3 fo geru ; 
 Dod? gan3 fo fonber 2tnfefyn* 3 U ^' un ^ £fyrift 
 io 7 o Unb XHufelmann unb Parfi, alles ift 
 
 ZittaVt. 
 
 Unb fo ein ZHann . ♦ . 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 IDie fommt es benn, 
 Daf id} r>on biefem ZITanne nie gefyort? ♦ * . 
 
 Der follte Salabxn nidjt borgen? nicfyt 
 Dem Salabxxx, ber nur fur anbre braucfyt, 
 1075 Xlxift fid? P 
 
 m-gafi. 
 
 Da fefyt nun gleid) btn 3 u ^ er t toieber; 
 
 Den gan3 gemeinen 3 u ^ en I — ©laubt mir's bod} I — 
 
 (£r ift aufs &zbzw (£ud) fo eiferfiicfytig, 
 
 So neibifd)! 3 e ^es Sofyn r>on ©ott, bas' in 
 
 Der IDelt gefagt txrirb, 3<3g' er lieber gan3 
 io8o2tlIein. Hur barum cbcxx leifyt er Mnem, 
 
 Damit er ftets 3U geben fyabt. XDeil 
 
 Die ZTCtlb' ifym im ©efetj geboten; bie 
 
 (Befdlligfeit ifym aber nicfyt geboten : madjt 
 
 Die ZTCtlb' ifyn 3U bem ungefdlligften 
 1085 ©efellen auf ber IDelt. ^wax bin id? feit 
 
 ©eraumer ^eit ein roenig iibern ^uj| 
 
 VTixt ifym gefpannt; bod} benft nur nidjt, ba% id) 
 
 3fym barum nidjt ©erecfytigfeit er3eige* 
 
 (Er ift 3U allem gut: blo^ ba3u nidjt; 
 1090 Blof ba3u tpafyrlidj nidjt 3^? will an <$ S^id? 
 
 Hur gefyn, an anbre tEfyiiren flopfen ♦ ♦ ♦ Da 
 
Xlatl\an ber XDetfe. 137 
 
 Beftun' id? mid? foeben eines ZHofyren, 
 
 Der reidj unb get3tg ift> — 3^? S^E?'; id? gel?\ 
 
 Was eilft bu, fyxfi? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 £af if?n ! £af if?n ! 
 
 Dritter Huftriti 
 Stttafy. Salabtn. 
 
 <£ilt 
 1095 (£r bod), als ob er mir nur gem entfdme ! — 
 VDas f?eif?t bas? — £}at er toirflid? fief? in if?m 
 Betrogen, ober — mod?t' er uns nur gern 
 Betriigen ? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 ZDie? bas fragft bu mid?? 3^? H>et£ 
 3a faum, r>on roem bie Xebe roar; unb f?ore 
 noot)on euerm 3 u ^n, euerm Xcatf?an, t?eut 
 <?>um erftenmaL 
 
 3ft's moglid?? bag ein ITtann 
 Sir fo t>erborgen blieb, t>on bem es i?eif t, 
 (Er fyabe Salomons unb Datnbs (Srdber 
 (£rforfd?t, unb roiffe beren Siegel burd? 
 1105 (£in mdd?tiges gefyeimes JDort 311 lofen ? 
 2Ius if?nen bring' er bann von <5eit 311 <?>ett 
 Die unermeflicben Keid?tiimer an 
 Den {Tag, bie feinen minbern Quell t>errtetetu 
 
138 Ha tfya n ber IDetfe. 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 §at feinen ^etcfytum btefer ZTtann aus (Brdbern, 
 mo So tparen's ftdjerltdj ntcfyt Salomons, 
 Ti\d)t Daxnbs (Brdber* Harren lagen ba 
 Begraben I 
 
 (Dber Bofettncfyter ! — Tlnd} 
 3ft fetnes Xetcfttums Quelle rocit ergtebtger 
 tDeit uuerfdjopfltcfyer, als fo ein <£>rab 
 ins Poll ZTtammon* 
 
 Salafcim 
 
 Denn er fyanbelt; rote id} fyorte* 
 
 Setn Saumtter trexbt auf alien Straf en, 3tefyt 
 Durcfy alle IDiiften ; feme Scfytffe liegen 
 3n alien ^dfen. Das fyat mir tr>ofyl el? 
 2tl=^aft felbft gefagt; unb r>olI (£nt3ticfen 
 
 1120 fjtnjugefugt, rote grof , rote ebel btefer 
 
 Setn ^reunb anroenbe, roas fo flug unb emftg 
 (£r 3U ertoerben fur 3U fletn ntcfyt adjte : 
 ^tn3ugeftigt, rote fret r>on Porurtetleu 
 Setn ©etft; fetn f)er3 rote offen jeber tTugenb ; 
 
 1125 IDte etngefttmmt mtt jeber Scfyonfyett feu 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 Unb jei§t fprad) J)aft bod} fo ungeunf, 
 So fait von tfym* 
 
 "Halt nun tr>ofyl md)t; rerlegen* 
 2tls fyalf er's fur gefdfyrltcfy, ifyn 3U loben, 
 Unb tr>olt' tfyn unrerbtent bod} and) md)t tabeln. - 
 1130 IDte ? ober roar' es tpirflicf} fo, ba% felbft 
 
Hatfyan ber tDeife. 139 
 
 Der Befte femes Dolfes feirtem Dolfe 
 Hid?t gari3 entfliefyen fann? baf toirflid? fid? 
 2ll=I}afi fetnes ^reunbs von Mefer Seiie 
 <gu fcfydmen fydtte? — Set bem, rote ifym rootle ! — 
 1135 Der 3 u ^ e f e * wzty ^ber tr>eniger 
 
 2XIs 3ub', ift er nur reid? : genug fiir uns ! 
 
 Balabin. 
 
 Du roillft ifym aber bod) bas Seine mtt 
 (Seroalt nicfyt nefymen, Scfytoefter? 
 
 3a, was f?eift 
 
 Bet bir @etr>alt? XHit ^eu'r unb Scbroert? Hetn, nein, 
 1140 VOas braucfyt es mtt ben Scbtoacben fiir (£>etr>alt, 
 
 211s ifyre Scfytodcfye? — Komm fiir je^t nur mtt 
 
 3n metnen £)aram, etne Sdngerin 
 
 <5u fyoren, bie id? geftern erft gefauft. 
 
 (Es reift tnbes bei mir trielletdjt ein 2lnfd?lag, 
 xu5 Den id? auf btefen Hatfyan fyabe. — Komm I 
 
 Dierter 2tuftritt 
 
 (Scene: vox bem £?aufe bes Hatban, mo es an bte palmen fiofttj 
 Hecfya unb XI a ify an fommen fyeraus. §u ibnen Daja. 
 
 Hectja. 
 
 3fyr babt (£ud) fefyr rertr>eilt, metn Pater. (£r 
 JDtrb faum nod) ntefyr 3U treffen fein. 
 
 Viatban. 
 
 Hun, nun; 
 
 IDenn bier, bier untern Palmen \d)on nid?t mefyr: 
 Docb anbertudrts. — Sei jeijt nur rufyig* — Siefy ! 
 >Kommt bort nid?t Daja auf uns 3U? 
 
i4o Hatfyan bet XDctfe. 
 
 Sie toirb 
 3fyn gan3 gerpif t>erloren fyabzw. 
 
 Ziatfyan. 
 
 2tud? 
 VOoty nid?t 
 
 Sie roiirbe fonft gefd?tr>inber fommen* 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Ste f?at uns tx>ol?l nod? rttd?t gefef?n ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Hun fief?t 
 
 Sie uns. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Unb boppelt ii?re Sd?ritte* Siefy ! — 
 1155 Set bod? nur rut?ig ! rut?ig ! 
 
 Hedja, 
 
 rDolltet 3f?r 
 H)oI?l eine tTod?ter, bie bier ruf?ig rodre? 
 Sid? unbefiimmert liefe, tpeffen H)of?ltt?at 
 3fyr £tbzn fei? 3t?r £eben, — bas if?r nur 
 So lieb, roetl fte es (£ud? suerft t>erbanfet 
 
 n6o 3d? rttod?te bid? nid?t anbers, als bu bift : 
 2lud? tr>emj id? tou^te, ba$ in beiner Seele 
 <Ban3 ettoas anbers nod? fid? rege* 
 
 Was, 
 
 VTuxn Pater? 
 
Hainan ber IDetfe. 141 
 
 Ziatfyan. 
 
 ^ragft bu mid?? fo fd?iidjtern mid?? 
 VDas and} in beinem 3 nnern ^orgefyt, ift 
 1165 Hatur unb Unfdmlb. £a§ es feine Sorge 
 Dir madjen* 2Hir, mir madjt es feine. Hur 
 Derfprid) mir : roenn bein £jer3 Dernefymlidjer 
 Sid? einft erfldrt, mir feiner XDiinfcfye feinen 
 5u bergen* 
 
 Sdjon bie ITfoglicbfeit, mein f}er3 
 1170 <£ud? lieber 3U rerljullen, macbt mid? stttern* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hidjts mefyr fyiert>on ! Das ein= fur allemal 
 3ft abgetfjan* — Da ift ja Daja* — Hun? 
 
 VLod\ tsanbelt er fyier untern Palmen; unb 
 IDtrb gleid? um jene ZHauer fommen* — Sel?t, 
 1175 Da f ommt er ! 
 
 Hect>a» 
 
 711) ! unb fd?einet unentfcbloffen, 
 tDofyin? ob roeiter? ob fyinab? ob red?ts? 
 (Db linfs? 
 
 Daja, 
 
 Hein, nein ; er mad?t bzn IDeg urns Klofter 
 ©errif nod) ofter; unb bann muf er fyier 
 PorbeL — IDas gilt's? 
 
 Hecbt ! red?t ! — E^aft bu ifyn fd?on 
 1180 (Befprocben ? Unb trrie ift er fyeut? 
 
142 ZXattyan ber XPetfc 
 
 VOu immer* 
 
 Uatlian. 
 
 So madjt nur, ba$ er eucfy fytcr mcfyt getoafyr 
 JDtrb* tEretet mefyr 3uriicf. (Sebt lieber gari5 
 £)tnein. 
 
 Xcur etnen Bltcf nod? ! — 2tfy ! Me £)ecfe, 
 Die mir ifyn ftie^lt* 
 
 3a\a. 
 
 Kommt ! fommt ! ber Dater fyat 
 185 ©an3 recfyt 3^ r I au f* ©efafyr, tr>enn er (Eudj ftefyt, 
 Daf auf ber Stelf er umfefyrt- 
 
 2ty ! Me ^ecf e ! 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Unb fommt er plo^Iicf? bort cms ifyr fyert>or: 
 So fann er embers nidbt, er muf eud? fefyn* 
 Drum gefyt bod} nur I 
 
 Kommt! fommt! 3cfy ruetf etu 
 ^enfter, 
 190 2lus bem tr>ir fte bemerfen fonnen* 
 
 3d? (23etbe fytnem.) 
 
Hatha n ber JDeife. 143 
 
 tffinfter 2Iuftrttt. 
 Hainan unb balb barauf ber CCempelfyerr. 
 
 Viatfyan. 
 
 ^aft fcfyeu' id) mid? bes Sonberlings* ^aft mad?t 
 ZTEidj feme raufye tlugenb ftu^em Daf 
 (£in ZTtenfcij bod} einen ZTCenfd^en fo r>erlegen 
 Soli macfyen fonnen ! — f}a ! er f ommt. — Bet ©ott I 
 1195 <£in 3^ n S^ n 9 wi* e *n 2Tfann- 3^? ma 9 ^ n tDotjl 
 Den guten, tro^'gen Blicf ! ben brallen (Sang ! 
 Die Sdjale fann'nur bitter fein : ber Kern 
 3ft's fidjer nid)h — IPo fafy id? bod? bergleicfyen ? — 
 Per3eifyet, ebler ^ranfe . . . 
 
 XVas? 
 
 Xiatban. 
 
 (£rlaubt . . . 
 
 i2oo V0as f 3 u ^ e ? tX)as ? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Daf id) midj unterftefy' 
 (£ud) ansureben* 
 
 1Zempell}ert\ 
 
 Kann idj's roefyren? Dodj 
 Hur fur3. 
 
 ¥iatl\an. 
 
 Der^ie^t, unb eilet nidst fo ftol3, 
 Hid)t fo r>erdd)tlid) einem ITfann roruber, 
 Den 3^ r au f erD ^9 fcud} rerbunben fyabt. 
 
144 Hatfyan ber tDetfe. 
 
 /' 
 
 i2o 5 lDie has? — 211?, faft errat' id?'s, Zud?t? 3J?r fetb , 
 
 nattyan. 
 
 3d? f?eif e Xcatfyan ; bin bes ITtdbdjens Pater, 
 Das Cure (Srofmut aus bem ^eu'r gerettet; 
 Unb fomme ♦ . ♦ 
 
 IDenn 311 banfen:— fpart's! 3d? fyafr 
 Urn biefe Kleinigfeit bes Danfes fd?on 
 
 1210 <?>u Dtel erbulben miiffen* — Dolienbs 3^? r / 
 
 3I?r fetb mir gar nid?ts fd?ulbig, XDuf f id? benn, 
 Daf biefes ZHdbd?en Cure tEod?ter tr>ar? 
 €s ift ber tEempelf?erren PfHd?t, bem erften 
 Dem beften bei3ufpringen, beffen Hot 
 
 1215 Sie fefyn* ZHein £tbtn tr>ar mir ofynebem 
 3n biefem 2tugenblicfe laftig. (Bern, 
 Sef?r gern ergriff id? bie (Selegenfyeit, 
 Cs fur ein anbres Uzbzn in bie 5d?an3e 
 <5u fd?lagen: fiir ein anbres — toenn's aud? nur 
 
 1220 Das ttbzxi einer ^ixbin tr>dre* 
 
 (Srof ! 
 (Brof unb abfdjeulid? ! — Dod? bie tDenbung laf t 
 Sid? benfen. Die befd?eibne (Brofe flfid?tet 
 Sid? t?inter bas 2tbfd?eulid?e, um ber 
 Betrunbrung aus3UtDeid?en» — 2tber tr»enn 
 
 1225 Sie fo bas (Dpfer ber Beaumberung 
 
 Derfd?mdt?t: roas fiir ein (Dpfer benn t>erfd?mdf?t 
 Sie minber? — fitter, roenn 3*? r ^ er n *d?t fremb^ 
 Unb nid?t gefangen roaret, tourb' id? Cud? 
 So breift nid?t fragem Sagt, befefylt: u>omit 
 
 1^30 Kann man Cud? bienen? 
 
3d? bin 
 
 ZXatfyan ber tPetfe. 145 
 
 £etnpelt}ert\ 
 
 3^r? 2Tcit md?ts. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (£tn reiser ZTTann- 
 
 2empelliert\ 
 
 Der retd?'re 3 u ^ e roar 
 2TEtr rite ber beffre 3 u ^ e » 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Diirft 3^? r ^ enn 
 Datum md?t nii^en, was bem ungeacbtet 
 <Er Beffres f?at? nidjt fetnen Heid?tum nii^en? 
 
 ^empelberr* 
 
 1235 Hun gut, bas urill id? aud? nid?t gans t>erreben; 
 Urn metnes IHantels unllen md?t Sobalb 
 Der gan3 unb gar t>erfd?ltffen ; toeber SUA 
 Hod? ^e^e langer fallen roill : f omm' id? 
 Unb borge mir bet (£ud? 3U einem neuen, 
 
 1240 Cud? ober <5elb- — Sefyt nid?t mtt ems fo ftnfter! 
 Hod? feib 3*? r ftdjer ; nod? tft's ntd}t fo tueit 
 Hlit it?m* 3^? r f e *?*5 er U* f° 3^™lid? nod? 
 3m ftanbe. Icur ber etne ^ipfel ba 
 dfat einen garft'gen $Ud; er ift rerfengt 
 
 1245 Unb bas befam er, als id} (£ure Cod?ter 
 Durd?s ^euer trug* 
 
 Hainan (ber nad} bem gtpfcl gretft unb tfyn betrad?tet). 
 
 (£5 tft bod) fonberbar, 
 Daf fo etn bofer ^lecf, 6af fo ein Branbmal 
 Dem ZHann etn beffres (geugnis rebet, als 
 Sein eigner 2Hunb. 3d? mod?f ifyn fiiffen gleid? — 
 -*w Den ^lecfen ! — 211?, t)er3eit?t ! — 3^? fy ai es ungern. 
 
146 Itatfyatt ber tPetfe. 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 Was? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (£ine Cfyrdne fiel barauf. 
 tZempeliierr* 
 
 <£r fyat ber tTropfen mefyr, — (3 alb aber fdngt 
 ITcidj biefer 3 U ^ an 3U rertxrirren,) 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 VOavt 
 
 3fyr tpofyl fo gut, unb fd^icftet €uern ZHantel 
 1255 ilud) einmal metnem ZHabcfjen? 
 
 <ZeinpeH}ert\ 
 
 Was bamtt? 
 
 2lucfy itjren ITfunb an biefen ^lecf 311 bnicfen* 
 Denn €ure Kniee felber 311 umfaffen, 
 tDiinfdjt fte nun tpofyl Dergebens, 
 
 ^empelbert\ 
 
 Hber, 3 u ^ e — 
 3fyr fyetfet Hainan? — 2tber, Zcatfyan — 3^ r 
 1260 Seijt (£ure IDorte fefyr — fefyr gut — fefyr fpitj — 
 3d? bin betreten — 2tUerbtngs — id) fydtte . . . 
 
 Ziatfyan. 
 
 Stellt unb t>erftellt (£udj, ttne 3^ r to oil h 3^? fto&' 
 2lud) fyter (£ucb aus, 3*? r **>art 3 U S ut / 3 U bteber, 
 Urn fyoflicfyer 3U fetn. — Das ZTTdbcfyen, gan3 
 i26 5 ©efuljl; ber tpetbltdje (Befanbte, gan3 
 
 XKenftferttgf eit ; ber Pater tpett entfernt — 
 
ZTatfyan ber IPetfe. 147 
 
 3fyr trugt fiir ifyrcn guten Xiamen Sorge ; 
 ^lofyt tt?re Priifung ; flofyt, urn nidjt 3U fiegen* 
 2tudj bafiir ban! idj (£ud? — 
 
 £empell)err* 
 
 3d) muf geftefyn, 
 1270 3^? r ^ift, rote Cempelfyerren benfen folltem 
 
 Hur Cempelfyerren? foil ten blof? unb blof 
 IDetl es bie (Drbensregeln fo gebieten ? 
 3d) toetf, trie gute IITenfdjen benfen; toeif, 
 Daf alle £dnber gute ZTcenfd^en tragen* 
 
 €empell}ert\ 
 
 i2 75 2T£it Unterfdjieb, bod? fyoffentttdj ? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 3<* tt>of>l; 
 2tn $arb', an Kleibung, an ©eftalt rerfdjieben* 
 
 ^empelfyerr. 
 
 JIudj fyier balb mefyr, balb tr>eniger, als bort 
 
 Xiattyan. 
 
 IHtt biefem Unterfcfyieb ift's ntdjt roext fyer, 
 
 I)er gro^e ZHann braudjt liberal! t>iel Boben; 
 1280 Unb mefyrere, 3U nafy' gepflan3t, 3erfd)lagen 
 
 Sid) nur bie Ztfte* IHittelgut, trie roir, 
 
 ^inb't fid) Ijingegen iiberall in ITtenge. 
 
 XTur muf ber eine nicbt ben anbern mdfeln. 
 
 Hur muf ber Knorr ben Unnbben fyubfefy rertragen* 
 1285 Hur muf ein ©ipfeldjen fid) nicbt rermeffen, 
 
 Daf es allein ber (£rbe nidjt entfdjoffen* 
 
148 VLatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 {Zentpelfyerr, 
 
 Sefyr tDofyl gefagt ! — Dod? fennt 3*? r auc^ bas Volt, 
 
 Das biefe ZHenfcfyenmdfelei 3uerft 
 
 (Setrieben? IDift 3*? r / Hatfyan, toeldjes Volt 
 
 I2 9o^uerft bas ausertodfylte Volt fid? nannte? 
 
 H)ie? toenn id? biefes Volt nun, 3tr>ar nidjt fyafte, 
 Dod? toegen feines Stores 311 t>erad?ten, 
 ZtTid? nid?t entbredjen fonnte? feines Stores; 
 Den es auf (Efyrtft unb IHufelmann t>ererbte, 
 
 1295 Hur fein <Sott fei ber redjte ©oitl — 3^ r f* u4 ?t/ 
 Qa% id), ein (£fyrift, ein tEempelfyerr, fo rebe? 
 IDann fyat, unb too bie fromme Xaferei, 
 Den beffern <5ott 3U fyabtn, biefen beffern 
 Der gan3en IDelt als beften aufsubringen, 
 
 1300 3n ifyrer fd)tr>dr3eften (Beftalt fid) mefyr 
 
 (8e3eigt, als fyter, als je^t? IDem fyier, ttfem jeijt 
 Die Scfyuppen nidjt Dom Huge fallen ♦ ♦. ♦ Dodj 
 Sei blinb, roer trill! — Dergeft, tr>as id? gefagt; 
 Unb Iaft mid? ! (WiU ge^en). 
 
 Vlattian. 
 
 ^a ! 3^? r w ^ t ttidjt, tote r»iel fefter 
 13053^? nun m ^ an ^udj brdngen tperbe, — Kommt, 
 
 IDir miiffen, miiffen ^reunbe fein ! — Deradjtet 
 
 2Jtein Volt fo fefyr 3^ r toollt JDir l?aben beibe 
 
 ttns unfer Volt nidjt auserlefen. Sinb 
 
 IDir unfer Volt? Was f>eift benn Dolf? 
 i 3 ioSinb (thrift unb 3 u ^ e e ^ er £brift unb 3 U ^ 
 
 2tls ITEenfd)? 2tfy! tpenn id) einen mefyr in (£ud? 
 
 ©efunben fydtte, bem es g'niigt, ein ZHenfcfy 
 
 <§u fyeifen! 
 
 tZempelfyerr* 
 
 3^, bei (Sott, bas fyabt ^>t)v f Zcatfyanl 
 
Xlat^an ber IDetfe. 149 
 
 Das fyabt 3^ r ' — Cure §anb I ~ 3^? fcfyame midj 
 1315 <£ud? einen 2Iugenblic? rerfannt 3U fyabem 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Unb id) bin ftol3 barauf* Hur bas (Semeine 
 Derfennt man felten. 
 
 Unb bas Seltene 
 Dergift man fcfytoerlicfy* — Icatfyan, ja; 
 IDir miiffen, miiffen ^reunbe toerben* 
 
 Sinb 
 1320 (£s fcfyon* — £Die tr»irb ftdj meine Xecfya freuen ! — 
 Unb afy ! treld? eine Retire ^erne fcfylief t 
 Sid? meinen Blicfen auf! — Kennt fie nur erft! 
 
 £empelf}ert\ 
 
 3d? brenne vox: Derlangen — JDer ftiir3t bort 
 2lus <£uerm I}aufe? 3f*' s ntcbt ttjre Daja? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 3325 3a rootjl/ So dngftlicfy? 
 
 Unfrer Recfya ift 
 
 Dodj nidjts begegnet? 
 
I co It at I) an ber IPetfe. 
 
 Sed?fter tfuftrttt. 
 Pie Dorigen unb Daja etlicj. 
 
 Zcatfyan! Hatfyan! 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Hun? 
 
 Derseifyet, ebler Hitter, ba% id} (£udj 
 2Tlu^ unterbrecfjen* 
 
 natl\an. 
 
 Xlun, tr>as ift's? 
 
 {Zempelt^err* 
 
 Was ift's? 
 
 Der Sultan fyat gefcfyicfh Der Sultan trill 
 i 33 o (£ud? fprecfyen* ©ott, ber Sultan ! 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 Iftidj? ber Sultan? 
 (£r totrb begierig fein, 5U fefyen, tr>as 
 3d) Heues mitgebradji Sag' nur, es fei 
 Icodj trenig ober gar nicfyts ausgepacft 
 
 Hetn, nein ; er trail nicf^ts fefyen ; tr>ill (£udj fpredjen, 
 1335 €ud? in perfon, unb balb; fobalb 3fy r fount 
 
 Xiattian. 
 
 3d} roerbe fommen- — (£>efj nur ttneber, gefyl 
 
Hainan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Hefymt ja mcfyt iibel auf, geftrenger Hitter. — 
 <8ott, irir finb fo befiimmert, was ber Sultan 
 Vodj uriiL 
 
 Das toirb fid) scigen, (Befy nur, gel? ! 
 
 Siebenter 2Iuftrttt 
 
 Hainan unb ber dempelfyerr. 
 
 £empelfyen\ 
 
 i 34 o So fennt 3*? r ^ n noc *? ntcfyt? — id? meine, Don 
 
 perfon. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Den Salabin? Hod? ntcfyt. J^? fy a ^ 
 3fyn nicbt t>ermieben, nid)t gefucfyt $u fennen. 
 Der allgemeine Huf fpradj triel 5U gut 
 Don ifym, 6a§ id? nidjt lieber glauben roollte, 
 1345 2tls fetjn. Dod) nun, — tt)enn embers bem fo ift, 
 £)at er burd? Sparung (£ures £ebens . . . 
 
 £empelbert\ 
 
 3a; 
 Dem allerbings ift fo. Das £eben, bas 
 
 3d? Ub\ ift fein (Befaenf, 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Durd) bas er mir 
 <£tn boppelt, breifad) £zben fcfeenfte. Dies 
 1350 £)at alles 3toifcben uns rerdnbert; fyat 
 XTtit eins ein Seil mir umgetoorfen, bas 
 TXixd} feinem Dienft auf ettng feffelt Kaum, 
 
152 Hatfyan ber lUetfe. 
 
 Unb faum, fann id? es nun ertparten, tr>as 
 (£r mir suerft befefylen toirb. 3<i? b™ 
 1355 Bereit 5U allem ; bin bereit if?m 5U 
 (5eftef?n, 5af id? es (Euerttoegen bin. 
 
 €etnpelljert\ 
 
 Hod? fyaV id? felber if?m nid?t banhn fonnen : 
 So oft id} and} i£?m in ben tDeg getreten* 
 Der (£inbrucf, ben id/ auf ifyn mad?te, fam 
 
 1360 So fd?neli, als fd?nell er ttneberum r>erfd?tr>unbem 
 U)er tr>eif; ob er fid? meiner gar erinnert 
 Unb bznnod} muf er, einmal toenigftens, 
 Sid? meiner nod? erinnern, urn mein Sd?icffal 
 <Ban3 3U entfd?eiben* Hid?t genug, ba$ id? 
 
 1365 2tuf fein (8ef?eif nod? bin, mit feinem IDillen 
 Hod? leb': id? muf nun aud? von ifym ertoarten, 
 XI ad} roeffen JDillen id? 3U leben t?abe* 
 
 Hid?t anbers; um fo met?r roill id? nid?t fdumen* 
 <£s fdllt t)ielleid?t ein XDort, bas mir, auf (£ud? 
 1370 5 U fommen, 2lnlaf giebt — (Erlaubt, r>er3eit?t - 
 3d? eile — IDann, u>ann aber fefyn txrir (£ud? 
 Bei uns? 
 
 {Zempeltjerr* 
 
 Sobalb id? barf* 
 
 Ziatiian. 
 
 Sobalb 3^? r tpollt 
 
 Xlod) t?eut 
 
 tZetnpeifyerr. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Unb (£uer Hame? — muf id? bitten* 
 
Zlatlian bet IDetfe. jr? 
 
 ZlTetn Xcame roar — ift Kurt von Stauffen* — Kurt ! 
 
 Uatfyan. 
 
 1375 Von Stauffen? — Stauffen? — Stauffen? 
 
 IDarum fdllt 
 (£ud? bas fo auf? 
 
 Von Stauffen? — Des <Sefd?Ied?ts 
 Stub tool?l fcfjon mef?rere . . . 
 
 © ja I t?ier toaren, 
 £}ier faulen bes <3efd?led?ts fd?on mel?rere* 
 VTttin (Dl?eim felbft, — mein Pater rotll id? fagen, — 
 1380 Dod? roarum fd?drft fid? (£uer Blicf auf mid? 
 3e mefyr unb mef?r? 
 
 Vtatfyan. 
 
 (D nid?ts! nid?ts ! U)ie faun 
 3d? (£ud? 5U fel?n ermiiben? 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 Drum r>erlaff 
 3d? (£ud? 3uerft, Der Blicf bes ^orfd?ers fanb 
 Xcid?t felten mei?r, als er 3U finben tt)unfd?te. 
 1385 3<i? fiird?t' il?n, Xcatf?an. £aft bie <geit allmdl?lid?, 
 Unb nid?t bie Heugier, unfre Kunbfd?aft mad?en, 
 
 (€r getjt). 
 Hainan (ber ifym mtt (Erftaunen nadrfiefyt). 
 
 „Der ^orfd?er fanb nid?t felten metjr, als er 
 „<5u finben tr>unfd?te," — 3ft es ^ oc f?/ a ^ °k 
 
ij4 ZTatfyart ber IDetfc. 
 
 3n meiner Seel' er lefe ! — tDafyrlidj ja ; 
 1390 Das fount' aucfy mir begegnen* — Tixd}t allein 
 
 ZDolfs VOud)s f VOolfs (Bang : and} feine Stimme, So, 
 
 Dollfommen fo, toarf Wolf fogar ben Kopf; 
 
 {Irug XDolf fogar bas Scfytoert tm 2trm; ftrtdj XDolf 
 
 Sogar bte 2tugenbrauen mit ber tyanb, 
 r 39 5 (Bletdjfam bas ^euer feines Blicfs 3U bergen- — 
 
 ZDie folcfye tiefgeprdgte Bilber bod} 
 
 ^useiten in uns fcfylafen fonnen, bis 
 
 (£in VOovt, ein £aut fie vot&L — Don Stauffen ! — 
 
 <£>an3 recfyt, gan3 redjt; ^ilnef unb Stauffen* — 
 1400 3<i? to ill bas balb genauer rotffen ; balb. 
 
 Hur erft 3um Salabxn. — Dodj rote? laufdjt bort 
 
 Xiidjt Daja? — Xcun fo fomm nur ndfyer, Daja. 
 
 2ld)tev 2Cuftrttt. 
 Daja. Hatfyan. 
 
 Ziatfyan. 
 
 VOas gilt's? nun briicft's eucfy beiben fcfyon bas ^er3, 
 Zlod} gan3 was anbers 3U erfafyren, als 
 1405 IDas Salabin mir tr>ilL 
 
 Derbenft 3fy rs *fy r ? 
 3fyr fingt foeben an, r>ertraulid?er 
 ZTtit ifym 311 fprecfyen : als bes Sultans Botfcfyaft 
 Uns r>on bem ^enfter fdjeudjtc* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Ztun fo fag' 
 
 3fyr nur, ba% fie ifyn jeben 2tugenblicf 
 1410 (£rroarten barf. 
 
 <£>ett>if ? gettnf? 
 
Hatfyan ber XPetfe. 155 
 
 ViatVian. 
 
 3d} farnt 
 Wild} bod) auf bid) t>erlaffen, Daja? Set 
 2Xuf beiner £)ut; id) Mtte bid?. <£s foil 
 Did? nidjt gereuen- Dein <£>etr>iffen felbft 
 Soil feine Hecfynung babet finben* Hur 
 i 4 i 5 I?erbtrb mir nicfyts in meinem plane, Zcur 
 firjdfyr unb frage mtt Befdjeibenfyeit, 
 ZTtit Hiicftjalt . . . 
 
 ^ a f 3^ r ^°d? nod} erft, fo tr>as 
 (£rinnern fount! — *$d) gety'; gefyt 3*? r nur a ud}» 
 Denn fefyt! id) glaube gar, ba fommt t>om Sultan 
 1420 (gin 5tr>eiter Bof, 2tl=^afi, <£uer Derttnfd}. «5eijtab.) 
 
 Heunter 2luftritt 
 Hat^an. 2U s §afi. 
 
 Ul-^afi. 
 
 £ja ! fya ! 5U (£ud? toollt' id) nun eben toieber* 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 3ft's benn fo eilig? Was t>eriangt er b^nn 
 Don mir? 
 
 IDer? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Salabin- — 3d? fomm', id) fomme* 
 ^u roem? <§um Salabin? 
 
 Sdjicft Salabin 
 1425 Did) nicfyt? 
 
156 Zlatl\ari ber IDetfe. 
 
 ZtTid}? nein* §at er benn fdjon gefcfyicft? 
 
 Hainan, 
 3a freiltcf? fjat er* 
 
 Hun, fo ift es ricfytig. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 XDas? was ift ricfytig? 
 
 Daf ♦ . ♦ id} bin nicfyt fcfyulb ; 
 <0ott roetf , id} bin nicfyt fcfyulb. — Was fyaV id) nidft 
 Don (£ucfy gefagt, gelogen, um es ab3uu>enben ! 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 1430 XDas ab5uu)enben? XDas ift ricfytig? 
 
 m 
 
 Hun 3^? r f e * n 2)^fterbar getr>orben- 3^? 
 Bebaur' (£ud^ Docfy mit anfefyn rotll icfy's nicfyt 
 3d) gel?' Don Stunb' an; geb/, 3*? r i) a bt es fd)on 
 (Sefyort, toofyin; unb toift ben IDeg* — ^abt 3^ r 
 1435 Des IDegs roas 5U beftellen, fagt : id) bin 
 
 <^u Dienften* ^reilicfy muf es mefyr nid?t fetn, 
 2tls toas ein Hacfter mit ftdj fdjleppen fann. 
 3cfy get)', fagt balb* 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Befinn bid? bod), 2tl=f}afL 
 Beftnn bid?, ba% id} nod} von gar nicfyts tr>eif* 
 x 44 olDas plauberft bu benn ba? 
 
HatfyanberlDetfe. 157 
 
 3f?r bringt fte bod? 
 (Bleid? mit, bie Beutel? 
 
 Beutel? 
 
 Hun, bas (Belb, 
 Das 3*? r ^em Salabin t>orfd?iefen follt 
 
 Unb toeiter ift es nid?ts? 
 
 3d? foilt' es tr>ot?l 
 2T£it anfefyn, tote er (2nd? ron Cag 5U Cag 
 
 1445 2tusf?oE?len tDtrb bis auf Me <?>efyen? Sollf 
 (Es rootjl mtt anfet?n, baf Derfd?tr>enbung aus 
 Der toeifen ZTTilbe fonft nie leeren Sd?euern 
 So lange borgt, unb borgt, unb borgt, bis aud? 
 Die armen eingebornen ZTTduscben brin 
 
 i 45 o£)erf?ungem? — Bilbet 3^ r t)ieUeid)t (£ud? ein ; 
 XDer (Euers (Selbs bebiirftig fei, ber roerbe 
 Dod? (Euerm Hate tr>ot?l aud? folgen? — 3 a 5 
 (Er Hate folgen ! IDann f?at Salabin 
 Sid? raten laffen ? — Denf t nur, Xcatfyart, toas 
 
 i 45 5 2Jcir zbzw je^t mit il?m begegnet 
 
 Hun? 
 
 Da !omm' id? 311 it?m, ebcn ba$ er Sd?ad? 
 (Sefpielt mit feiner Sd?roefter» Sittat? fpielt 
 
1 58 Hat ban bcr tt)etfe. 
 
 £(td?t ubel; unb bas Spiel, bas Salabin 
 
 Derloren glaubte, fcfyon gegeben fyatte, 
 
 x 4 6o Das ftanb nod} gan3 fo 6a. J^? W ^ud} fyin, 
 
 Unb feB?e, ba% bas Spiel nod? lange nid?t 
 
 Derloren* 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 (£i! bas wax fur bid? ein ^unb! 
 
 <£r burfte mit bem Konig an ben Bauer 
 
 Hur riicfen, auf i£?r Scfyacfy — roenn idj's (£udj gleid? 
 
 1465 Xcur 3eigen fonnte! 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (D id) traue bir! 
 
 Denn fo befam ber &od)t ^elb: unb fte 
 
 IDar fyin. — Das alles toill id? ifym nun toeifen 
 
 Unb ruf tfyru — Denftl... 
 
 rtat^an. 
 
 <£r ift mdjt beiner TTIeinung? 
 
 (£r fyort mid? gar nicfyt an, unb ttrirft r>erad?tlid? 
 1470 Das ganse Spiel in Klumpen. 
 
 3ft bas moglidj? 
 
 Unb fagt: er trolle matt nun einmal fein; 
 
 (£r tr»ol!e! ^eift bas fpielen? 
 • 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Sdjtuerlid? vool)l; 
 £}etft mit bem Spiele (pielen. 
 
Hattj an ber VO eife. jcq 
 
 Ul-Qafi. 
 
 <SIetd?rDoi}l gait 
 <Es feine taube Huf. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (Selb fan, ®elb t?er! 
 1475 Das ift bas toenigfte* Zlllein bid} gar 
 Hid}t an3uI}oren ! liber einen Punft 
 Von fold}er IDicbtigfeit bid} nid}t einmal 
 <§u I}6ren! Deinen 2tblerblicf nicftt 3U 
 Betounbern! bas, bas fdjreit urn Hacfje; nid}t? 
 
 ttl-Qafu 
 
 1480 2td} tpas? 3^? f a s' £udj bas nur fo, bamit 
 3fyr fefyen fount, tr>as fur ein Kopf er ift. 
 Kur3, id), id} gait's mit tfym nid}t lauger aus* 
 Da lauf id} uuu bei alien fcfymui^gen ZTTobren 
 f^erum, unb frage, toer ifym borgen trill. 
 
 1485 3d}, ber id} nie fur mid} gebettelt fyabe, 
 Soli nun fur anbre borgen. Borgen ift 
 Diel beffer nidjt als betteln : fo tpie leifyen, 
 2tuf XDudjer leifyen, nid}t r>iel beffer ifi, 
 2tls ftefylen. Unter meinen (Sfyebern, an 
 
 1490 Dem (Sanges, braud}' id} beibes nid}t, unb braudje 
 Das H)erf3eug beiber nidjt 3U fein. 2lm (gauges, 
 2tm (gauges nur giebfs 2XEenfd}en. f^ier feib 3fy r 
 Der ein3ige, ber nod} fo tr>urbig rodre, 
 Daf er am (gauges lebte. — IDolIt 3*? r nut? — 
 
 1495 £a§ t il?m mit eins ben piunber gan3 im Stid}e, 
 Urn ben es it}m 3U tfyun. <£r bringt £ud} nad} 
 Unb nad} bod} brum. So roar' bie piacferei 
 2tuf einmal aus. 3^? f^ a ff €uc^ einen DelL 
 Kommt! fommt! 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 3d} bdd}te 3tDar, bas blieb' uns \a 
 
160 Hainan ber IDetfe. 
 
 KsooXlod} immer ubrig. Dodj, 2tl=f}afi, toill 
 3d?'s iiberlegen. XDarte . ♦ ♦ 
 
 Uberlegen? 
 Hein, fo was iiberlegt fid} nidjt 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 ZTur bis 
 
 3d? t>on bem Sultan toieberf omme ; bis 
 3d? 2tbfd}ieb erft . . . 
 
 ZDer iiberlegt, ber fudjt 
 1505 Berpegungsgrunbe, nicfyt 3U biirfen* IDer 
 Sid? Knail unb ^all, tfym felbft 5U leben, nidjt 
 (Entfdjltefen fann, ber lebet anbrer Sflav 
 2tuf immer, — JDie 3fy r roollt ! — £ebt tuofyl ! trie's (£ud) 
 IDofyl biinft — Ittein H)eg liegt bort; unb (£urer ba* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 1510 2tl=£)afi ! Du tPtrft felbft bod) erft bas Deine' 
 Beridjttgen ? 
 
 lid) poffen! Der Beftanb 
 Don meiner Kaff ift nid}t bes ^dfylens toert; 
 Unb meine Hecfynung biirgt — 3*? r °^er Sittat). 
 £ebt tPot?tl (Jib.) 
 
 Hainan, (tfym nad?fefyenb). 
 
 Die burg' id} ! — IDilber, guter, ebler — 
 i 5 i 5 tDie nenn' id} ifyn? — Der tpafyre Bettler ift 
 Dodj ein$ig unb allein ber roafyre Konig ! 
 
 (Don etrter anbcvn Sette ab.) 
 
Haitian ber XPet'fe. 161 
 
 X>vitter Hufmg* 
 
 Srfter 2tuftrttt, 
 
 (Scene: in Hatfyans ^aufe.) 
 
 T&tdqa unb Daja. 
 
 IDie, Daja, brucfte ftdj mem Pater aus? 
 ,,3^? biirf" ifyn jeben 2lugenblicf ertoarten?" 
 Das flingt — nidjt tt>afyr? — als ob er nod? fo balb 
 1520 €rfcbeinen toerbe* — XDte r»tel 2tugenblicfe 
 Stub aber fdjon Dorbet! — 2XB? nun: wcv benft 
 2tn bie rerfloffenen? — 3^ ^tll alletn 
 3n jebem nddjften 2tugenblicfe leben* 
 (£r toirb bod? einmal fommen, ber ifyn bringt 
 
 Daja, 
 
 1525 © ber t>ertr>unfcfyten Botfd^af t ron bem Sultan 1 
 Denn Xcatfyan fydtte ficber ofyne fte 
 3fytt gleicfy mit tjergebradjt* 
 
 Unb tt)enn er nun 
 (Sefommen biefer 2XugenblicE; roenn bann 
 Hun meiner IDiinfcbe todrmfter, innigfter 
 1530 CgrfuIIet ift : tr»as bann? — roas bann? 
 
 VOas bann? 
 Dann fyoff id), ba% and} meiner IDiinfcbe rodrmfter 
 Soil in (£rfullung gefyem 
 
 VOas toirb bann 
 
162 Ztatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 3n meiner Bruft an beffen Stelle treten, 
 Die fd)on t>erlernt, ol)n einen fyerrfdjenben 
 isssIDunfd) aller lDunfd)e fid) 3U befynen? — Hid)ts? 
 2lfy, id? erfdjrecf e ! ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 ITtein, mein IDunfd) toirb bann 
 2In bes erfiillten Stelle treten ; meiner, 
 IKein IDunfd), bid) in (£uropa, bid) in £}dnben 
 <^u toiffen, tr>eld)e beiner toiirbtg finb. 
 
 1540 Du irrft — Was biefen IDunfd) 3U beinem mad)t, 
 Das namlid)e rerfyinbert, ba$ er meiner 
 3c tr»erben fann* Did) 3iet)t bein Datertanb: 
 Unb meines, metnes follte mid) nidjt fatten? 
 (£in Bilb ber Deinen, has in Deiner Seek 
 
 1545 Hod) nid)t t>erlofdjen, follte mefyr t>ermogen, 
 Tils bie id) fefyn, unb greifen fann, unb fyoren, 
 Die IHeinen? 
 
 Data. 
 
 Sperre bid), fo r>iel bu txnllftl 
 Des f}immels IDege finb bes f}immels IDege* 
 Unb roenn es nun bein Ketter felber todre, 
 1550 Durd) bzn fein (£>ott, fur bzn er f ampft, bid) in 
 Das Hanb, bid) 3U bem Dolfe fiifyren roollte, 
 ^iir tr>eld)e bu geboren tourbeft? 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 Daja! 
 
 XDas fprid)ft bu ba nun ttneber, liebe Daja! 
 Du fyaft bod) toafyrlid) beine fonberbaren 
 1555 Begriffe ! „Sein, fein <5ottl fur ben er fampft!" 
 IDem eignet (Bott? roas ift bas fur ein (Bott, 
 Der einem ITfenfdjen eignet? ber fiir fid) 
 
7X at ban be r IPetfe. 163 
 
 2T?u£ fdmpfen laffen? — Unb trie treif 
 
 IHan benn, fur toeldjen <£r&flo§ man geboren, 
 
 i 5 6o!Denn man's fiir ben nid?t ift, auf tr>eld?em man 
 ©eboren? — IDenn mein Dater bid? fo f?orte ! — 
 IDas tljat er Mr, mir immer nur mein (Bliicf 
 So treit r>on if?m als moglid? ror3ufpiegeln? 
 IDas tl?at er bir, b^n Samen ber Pernunft, 
 
 1565 Den er fo rein in meine Seele ftreute, 
 TTEit beines Canbes Unfraut ober Blumen 
 So gem 3U mifd?en? — £iebe, Hebe Daja, 
 (Er toill nun beine bunten Blumen nid?t 
 2tuf meinem 3obzn ! — Unb id? muf bir fagen, 
 
 157° 3^? felber fiifyle meinen 3obcn f roenn 
 Sie nod? fo fd?on il?n fleiben, fo entfrdftet, 
 So ausge3et?rt burd? beine Blumen; fiif?le 
 3n it?rem Dufte, fauerfiifem Dufte, 
 ZTTid? fo betdubt, fo fd?tr>inbelnb ! — Dein (Sefyirn 
 
 1575 3ft toffisfi tnefyr getr>oi?nt 3^? table brum 
 Die ftdrfern Xcersen nid?t, bie il?n rertragen. 
 Icur fd?ldgt er mir nid?t 3U; unb fd?on bein <£ngel, 
 IDie trenig fet?lte, ba% er mid? 3ur Icdrrin 
 <£>emad?t? — Xiod} febdrrf id? mid? t>or meinem Pater 
 
 1580 Der poffe! 
 
 poffe ! — 2tls ob ber Derftanb 
 Hur l?ier 3U ^aufe tr>dre ! Poffe ! Poffe ! 
 IDenn id? nur reben biirfte! 
 
 Darfft bu nid?t? 
 IDann wav id? nid?t gan3 (Df?r, fo oft es bir 
 ©efiel, r>on beinen <£>laubensl?elben mid? 
 1585 <5 U unterfyalten? £)a& id? il?ren tEfyaten 
 Hid?t ftets Betounberung; unb it?ren £eiben 
 £cid?t immer £f?rdnen gern ge3ollt? 3^ r <3laube 
 
164 ZXattian ber tDetfe. 
 
 £d?ien freilid? mir bas f}elbenmdfigfte 
 Tin ifynen nie* Dod? fo r>iel troftenber 
 
 1590 H)ar mir bie £ef?re, ba§ (Ergebenfyeit 
 3n (Sott von unferm lDdt?nen iiber <0ott 
 So gari3 unb gar nid?t abfydngt — £iebe Daja, 
 Das fyat mein Dater uns fo oft gefagt; 
 Dariiber fyaft bu felbft mit ifym fo oft 
 
 1595 Did? eint>erftanben : tparum untergrdbft 
 Du benn allein, toas bu mtt ifym 3ugleid? 
 (Bebauet? — £iebe Daja, bas tft fein 
 (Sefprdd?, toomit wit unferm ^reunb am beften 
 €ntgegenfef?n* $ixv mid} jtDar, ja! Denn mir, 
 
 i6ooITfir liegt baxan unenblid?, ob aud? er * ♦ ♦ 
 
 £)ord?, Daja! — Kommt es nid?t an unfre Cfyiire? 
 IDenn er es rodre! f}ord?l 
 
 <5tr>eiter Ztuftritt 
 
 Hecfya, Daja unb ber Cempelfyerr, bem jemanb rort augen bie 
 Cfyiire offnet mtt ben IDorten: 
 
 Ztur Ijier herein I 
 
 (fafyrt 3ufammen, fa§t fid?, unb unli tfym 3U ^ii^en fallen). 
 (Er ift'sl — ZTtein Setter, at?! 
 
 ^etnpeltjerr* 
 
 Dies 3U r>ermeiben 
 <£rfd?ien id} blof fo fpdt : unb bod} — 
 
 3d? will 
 i6 °5 3 a 5 U ^ en <£ufen ^iefes ftolsen Iftannes 
 
 Icur (Bott nod? einmal banfen; nid?t bem XHanne* 
 
Hainan ber tPeife. 165 
 
 Der Utann roill feinen Danf; rotll ifyn fo roenig 
 2tls it?n ber IDaffereimer toill, ber bet 
 Dem £ofd?en fo gefdjdftig fid? erunefen* 
 
 i6ioDer lief fid? fiillen, lief fid? leeren, mir 
 
 Tixdjts, bit ntdjts : alfo and} ber XHann, TXnd} ber 
 JDarb nur fo in bie (Slut fyineingeftof en ; 
 Da fiel id? ungefdfyr it?m in bzn 2trm; 
 Da blieb id? ungefdl?r, fo roie ein ^unfen 
 
 1615 2tuf feinem XTfantel, il?m in feinen 2trmen ; 
 Bis roieberum, id} roeif nid?t voas, uns beibe 
 f}erausfd?mif aus ber (Blut — Was giebt es ba 
 <5u banhn ? — 3 n <£uropa treibt ber XDein 
 <5u nod} roeit anbern tTl?aten- — £empell?erren, 
 
 1620 Die miiffen einrnal nun fo fyanbeln ; miiffen 
 IDie etoas beffer sugelernte f^unbe, 
 Sotr>ol?l aus ^euer, als aus IDaffer fyolen* 
 
 tZentpelfyerr 
 
 (ber fte mit (Erftaunen unb Unrufye bie gatt3e §ett iiber betradptet). 
 
 (D Daja, Daja ! XD^nn in 2tugenblicfen 
 Des Summers unb ber (Salle, meine Caune 
 1625 Did? iibel anlief , roarum jebe ^f)ort)eit, 
 
 Die meiner <?>ung' entful?r, il?r t?interbringen? 
 Das f?ief fid} $u empfinblid? rdd?en, Daja! 
 Dod? roenn bu nur r>on nun an, beffer mid} 
 Bei it?r rertreten roillft 
 
 2d} benfe, fitter, 
 1630 3d? benfe nid?t, baf biefe fleinen Stad?eln, 
 3f?r an bas f}er5 getporfen, (£ud? ba fet?r 
 <0efd?abet fyabtn. 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 VOk? 3^? r ^ttet Kummer? 
 
166 Ztatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Unb watt mit (£uerm Kummer gei$iger 
 Tils (£uerm £eben? 
 
 £empell}err. 
 
 (gutes, £?oibes Kinbl — 
 i6 35 XDte ift bod? meine Seele 3tt>ifd?en 2tuge 
 
 Unb (Dt?r geteilt! — Das roar bas XHdbdjen nid?t, 
 Hetn, nein, bas tr>ar es nid?t, bas aus bem ^euer 
 3d? t?olte* — Derm trer t?atte bie gefannt, 
 Unb aus bem ^euer nid)t gel?olt? JDer f?dtte 
 1640 2tuf mid? getcartet ? — £>wav — t>erftellt — ber Sd?reci 
 
 (paufe, unter ber er, in 2Infd?auung ifyrer, fid? vok serliert.) 
 
 3d? aber finb' (£ud? nod? bzn ndmlid?en* — 
 
 (Dergletcfyen ; bis fie fortfd^rt, um tfyn in feinem 2Inftaunen 
 3U unterbrecfren.) 
 
 Hun, Hitter, fagt uns bod?, too 3^ r f° lange 
 €>ett>efen? — ^aft biirft' id? aud? fragen: wo 
 
 3*? r i e *?° f^ib? 
 
 <ZempeIi}ert\ 
 
 3d? &w, — vo ° i&l t>ielleid?t 
 1645 Hid?t follte fein* — 
 
 Wo 3*? r geroefen? — 2lud? 
 VDo 3*? r t>ielleid?t nid?t folltet fein getoefen? 
 Das ift nid?t gut. 
 
 Sempelfjerr* 
 
 2tuf — auf — roie t?eift ber Berg? 
 2tuf Sinai 
 
 Kedja* 
 
 2luf Sinai? — 2tt? fd?on ! 
 
Zlatfyan bcr IDeife. i6y 
 
 Hun fawn id? 3ut>crldffig bod) einmal 
 1650 (£rfat?ren, ob cs roafyr . . . 
 
 €empelt)err* 
 
 XDas? tr>as? (Db's roafyr, 
 Da§ nod? bafelbft ber (Drt 3U fel?n, too ZHofes 
 Dor (Sott geftanben, als ♦ . . 
 
 Hun bas rooI>I nid?t 
 Denn voo er ftanb, ftanb cr r>or (Sott* Hub baron 
 3ft mir 3ur (B'niige fd?on befannt. — (Db's tr>ai?r, 
 
 1655 ZTtodjf id? nur gem Don (£ud? erfabren, bag — 
 Daf es bet roeitem nid?t fo miifyfam fei, 
 2tuf biefen Berg fytnauf 3U fteigen, als 
 f)erab? — Denn fet?t; fo r>iel id) Berge nod) 
 ©eftiegen bin, roar's juft bas (SegenteiL — 
 
 1660 Hun, Hitter ? — JDas ? — 3^ r ^ e ^ rt ^ud? t)on mir ab ? 
 ZDollt mid? md?t fef?u? 
 
 ^empelljerr* 
 
 IDeil id? (£ud? t?oren id ill. 
 
 IDeil 3f?r mid) nid?t roollt merfen laffen, ba% 
 3b r meiner (Etnfalt ldd?elt; ba$ 3^ r lad?elt, 
 IDie id? (£ucb bod) fo gar nid?ts H)id?tigers 
 1665 Don biefem t?eiligen Berg aller Berge 
 <gju fragen tx>eif ? Hid?t roat?r? 
 
 £etnpelfyerr. 
 
 So muf 
 3d? bod? (£ud? trneber in bie 2Iugen fef?m — 
 JDas? Hun fd?Iagt 3^ r tf e nieber? nun perbeift 
 Das £dd?eln 3*? r ? tt>te id? nod? erft in ZHienen, 
 
168 Hatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 i6 7 o 3n 3treifelf?aften ItTienen lefen toill, 
 
 Was id? fo beutlicb fyor', J^ r fo t>ernet?mlid? 
 
 XHir fagt — t>erfd?u)eigt? — 2lt? ^edja! Ked?a! IDie 
 
 f}at er fo tr>at?r gefagt: „Kennt fie nur erftl" 
 
 Hedja* 
 XDer l?at? — von tt>em? — €ud? bas gefagt? 
 
 <Zempelt}ert\ 
 
 „Kennt fte 
 1675 Hur erft!" Fjat (£uer Pater mir gefagt; 
 Don (£ud? gefagt 
 
 Unb id? nid?t etoa aud?? 
 3d? benn nid?t aud?? 
 
 Sempelljerr* 
 
 2llleirt tr>o ift er benn? 
 VOo ift benn £uer Pater? 3ft er noc *? 
 Beim Sultan? 
 
 (Df?ne <5tt>eifeL 
 
 Sempeiljert\ 
 
 Hod?, nod? ba? — 
 
 1680© mid? Dergef lid?en ! Hein, nein; ba ift 
 <£r fd?ir>erlid? met?r* — (£r roirb bort unten bei 
 Dem Klofter meiner tt>arten ; gan3 getxuf . 
 So reb'ten, mein' id?, roir es ab. (£rlaubt! 
 3d? gel?', id? i?of if?n • ♦ ♦ 
 
 Das ift meine Sad?e. 
 !68 5 Bleibt, Hitter, bleibt 3^? &nng' if?n unt>er3uglid?* 
 
 Hicbt fo, nid?t fo! (Er fiefyt mir felbft entgegen; 
 
XCatlian ber XX)etfe. 169 
 
 Xi\d}t <£ud}. Da3u, er fonnte letdjt ♦ ♦ . tr>er roetf ? ♦ • ♦ 
 (£r fonute bet bem Sultan letcfyt, ♦ . ♦ 3^ r fennt 
 Den Sultan ntcfjt ! ♦ . . leidjt in Derlegenfyeit 
 ^90 ©efommen fetn* — (Slaubt mir; es tjat (Sefafyr, 
 IDenn id? md?t gefy\ 
 
 (Sefafyr? tr>as fur (Befafyr? 
 
 €empett}ert\ 
 
 (Befafyr fur mid?, ftir (£udj, ftir tfyn : tr>enn idf 
 
 Zixd)t fcfyleumg, fdjleumg gefy\ (2Xb.) 
 
 Drttter Jluftrttt 
 Hed?a unb Daja. 
 
 IDas tft bas, Daja ? — 
 
 So fcfynell? — IDas fommt tfym an? Was ftel ifym auf ? 
 
 1695 IDas jagt tfyn? 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 £aft nur, lajft 3d? benf, es tft 
 Ketn fd)limmes ^etd?en, 
 
 (getdjen? unb xvovon? 
 
 Daf ettoas t>orgefyt tnnerfyalb* (Es- fodjt, 
 Unb foil md)t iiberfodjen. £af t tfyn nur. 
 Hun tft's an (£ucfy* 
 
 Was tft an mtr? Du ttnrft, 
 1700 IDte er, mtr unbegretfltd^ 
 
170 ZlatfyanbertDetfe. 
 
 Balb nun fount 
 3br if?m Me Unrut?' all t>ergelten, bie 
 (£r (Eud? gemadjt l?at + Seib nur aber and) 
 Hidjt allsu ftreng, nid?t allsu radjbegierig* 
 
 XDot>on bu fprid?ft, bas magft bu felber unffen. 
 
 1705 Unb feib benn 3^ r bereits fo rufyig txneber? 
 
 Das bin id? ; ja bas bin id? ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 IDenigftens 
 ©eftefyt, baf 3*? r ^ uc ^ fciner Unrul?' freut; 
 VLnb feiner Hnruf?' banfet, toas 3^ r i e *§t 
 Don XuV genieft 
 
 2T£ir pollig unbetouft! 
 
 i 7 ioDenn was id? t?od?ftens bir geftel?en fonnte, ' 
 VOav\ ba% es mid) — mid? felbft befrembet, trie 
 2tuf einen fold?en Sturm in meinem fKrjen 
 So eine Stille ploijlid? folgcn fonnen, 
 Sein roller 2lnblicf, fein (Sefprad?, fein Cfyun 
 
 1715 ^at mid? . ♦ ♦ 
 
 (Sefattigt fd?on? 
 
 <0efattigt, trill 
 3d? nun nid?t fagen ; nein — bet roeitem nidjt — 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 Den t?eif en hunger nur geftillt 
 
Hatfyart ber IPetfe. 171 
 
 Hun ja; 
 ZDenn bu fo urillft. 
 
 Daja* 
 
 3d) eben nidjt 
 
 <£r ttnrb 
 ZtTtr etoig tr>ert; mir etotg toerter, als 
 
 i 7 2oHtetn £eben bletben: trenn audj'fdjon metn Puis 
 Iciest mefyr bei feinem blofen Xiamen toed^felt; 
 Xiidft mefyr metn f}er5, fo oft id? an tt?n benfe, 
 ©efefytoinber, ftarfer fdjlagi — H)as fd?tDai§'id?? Komm, 
 Komm, Hebe Daja, ttrieber an has ^enfter, 
 
 1725 Das auf bie palmen fiefyt 
 
 9aja* 
 
 So ift er bod) 
 XDofyl nod? md?t ganj geftillt, ber fyetjje hunger, 
 
 Uedja, 
 
 Hun toerb' id? and? bie Palmen trueber fefyn: 
 Hid?t i£?n blof untern Palmen. 
 
 Daja* 
 
 Dtefe Kalte 
 Beginnt aud? tool/l ein neues ^ieber nur. 
 
 1730 XDas Kdlf ? 3^ bin nid?t fait. 3* f e ^ e toat?rlid? 
 Hid?t minber gem, tr>as id? mit Kuf?e fetje. 
 
172 
 
 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 £f?uft bit bod? 
 
 Pierter 2luftritt 
 
 (Scene: <£m 2Iubten3faal in bem palafte t>zs Salabtn.) 
 Salabtn unb Stttafy. 
 
 SalaMn (tm ^eretntreten, gegen bte Cfyiire). 
 
 f^ier bringt ben 3 u ^ en *? er / fobalb er fommt. 
 <£r fd?eint fid? eben md?t 311 uberetlen, 
 
 <£r roar aud? tr>ofyl nid?t bet ber I}anb; nid?t gletd? 
 
 1735 5 U ftnben. 
 
 SalaMru 
 
 Sd?tr>efterl Sd?tr>efter! 
 
 ills ftiinbe bir etn Creffen nor. 
 
 Satabin, 
 
 Unb bas 
 VPixt IDaffen, bte id? nid?t gelernt 3U fufyre'ru 
 3d? foil mid? ftellen ; foil beforgen laffen ; 
 Soli fallen legen; foil auf ©Iatteis fufyreru 
 
 i 74 olDann f?dtf id? bas gefonnt? IDo Ijatt' id? bas 
 (Selernt? — Unb foil bas alles, af?, wo$u? 
 ID03U? — Urn 6elb 311 fifd?en; (Seib! — Urn <0elb, 
 <5elb einem ^ubzn ab3ubangen; <0elb! 
 <5u fold?en fleinen £iften xvdt id? enblid? 
 
 1745 <£>ebr.ad?t, ber Kleinigfeiten f leinfte mir 
 <gu fd?affen? 
 
 3ebe Kleinigfeit, 3U fel?r 
 Derfd?mdt?t, bie rdd?t fid?, Bruber, 
 
 Salabttu 
 
 Ceiber u>af?r* 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 173 
 
 ttnb tr>enn nun biefer 3 u ^ e 3 ar ^er 9 u * e / 
 Pernunft'ge ItTann tft, tote ber Dertoifcfy bir 
 1750 3fyn ebebem befdjrieben? 
 
 Stita^ 
 
 © nun bann! 
 
 VOas fyat es bann fur Hot! Die Scfylinge liegt 
 
 3a nur bem gei3igen, beforglicfyen, 
 
 ^urd?tfamen 3 u ^ en: n ^ ^em suten, ntdjt 
 
 Dem ireifen XTtanne* Diefer tft ja fo 
 1755 Sd)on unfer, ofyne Scblinge* Das Dergnugen 
 
 <?>u fyoren, rote ein foldjer ZTTann ftdj ausreb't; 
 
 ZTtit toeldjer breiften Starf entioeber, er 
 
 Die Stricfe fur3 3erreifet; ober aud? 
 
 XUit tr>eld)er fcfylauen Dorfidjt er bie He^e 
 i 7 6ot?orbei fid? roinbet: bies Dergniigen fyaft 
 
 Du obenbrein. 
 
 Salabtn, 
 
 Hun, bas ift toafyr, (Bettnf ; 
 3d} ft^eue mid} barauf, 
 
 Bitta% 
 
 So fann bid} ja 
 2lud} toeiter nid}ts t>erlegen madjen, Denn 
 3ft's einer aus ber ZHenge blof ; ift's blof 
 1765 <£in 3 u ^e, B>ie e ™ 3 u ^ e : gegen ben 
 
 JDirft bu bid) bod} nicfct fdjdmen, fo 311 fdjeinen 
 JDie er bie HTenfdjen all fid} benft? Dielmefyr; 
 IDer fid? ifym beffer 3eigt, ber 3eigt ftd? ifym 
 ills ©ecf, als Harr, 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 So muf id) ja tr>of)I gar 
 i 7 7°Sd)led)t fyanbeln, bafe von mir ber Sd}Ied}te nidjt 
 Sd}ied}t benfe? 
 
174 Hainan be r IDetfe. 
 
 Craun ! tr>enn bu fd?led?t Ijanbeln nennfi, 
 <£in jebes Ding nad? feiner 2trt 3U braud?en* 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 IDas t?dtf etn IDeiberfopf erbadjt, bas er 
 Xcid?t 5U befd?onen tpuftel 
 
 <?>u befd?onen! 
 
 Salabiru 
 
 1775 Das feine, fpii^e Ding, beforg' id? nur, 
 
 3n meiner plumpen fjanb 5erbrid?t ! — So tt>as 
 IDill ausgefiifyrt fein, trie's erfunben ift: 
 ZTttt aUer pftffigfeit, <0etx>anbtt?eit — Dod?, 
 ZTfag's bod? nur, mag's I 3^? * an 3 e / tt>ie id? fann; 
 
 1780 Unb fount' es freilid?, lieber — fd?led?ter nod? 
 
 2lls beffer* 
 
 Stitaf}, 
 
 Crau ? bir aud? nur nid?t 3U tr>enig! 
 3d? ftef?e bir fur bid? ! IDenn bu nur roillft — 
 Daf uns bie ZHdnner beinesgleidjen bod) 
 So gern bereben mod?ten, nur il?r Sd?tt>ert, 
 1785 3^? r Sd?trert nur fyabt fte fo roeit gebrad?t 
 Der £otr>e fd?dmt fid? freilid?, toenn er mit 
 Dem ^ud?fe jagt: — bes ^ud?fes, nid?t ber £tft« 
 
 Salabim 
 
 ttnb ba% bie IDeiber bod) fo gern b<^n ZITann 
 <gu fid? f?erunter batten! — <5el? nur, get?! — 
 179° 3^ glaube meine Seftion 3U fonnen* 
 
 IDas? id? foil getjn? 
 
 
ZTatfyan ber IPeife. 175 
 
 Salabin. 
 Du roollteft bod? nid)t bleiben? 
 
 IDenn aud? nid?t bletben.. ♦ tm ©efidjt eud? bletben — 
 Dodj fyier tm Heben3tmmer — 
 
 Salabtru 
 
 Da 3U fyordjen? 
 
 2tud? has nicfyt, Sdjtoefter; tpenn id) foil beftefyn* — 
 1795 $ort, fort! ber Porfyang raufcfyt; er fommt ! — bod? ba% 
 Du ja ntd?t ba rertoeilft ! 3^ f e ^ e nad). 
 
 (3nbem fie (id? burd? bie eine £f]iir entfernt, trttt Hat^cm 3U ber 
 artbern herein ; unb Salabin Ijat fid? gefet$t.) 
 
 ^finfter Jluftrttt. 
 •Salabin unb Hainan. 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 Crttt nether, 3 u ^ e I — Icdfyer ! — Hur gan3 fyer ! — 
 Hur ofyne ^urcfyt! 
 
 Die bleibe beinem ^einbe! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Du nennft bid? Hatfyan ? 
 
 Hainan, 
 3a. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Den tr>etfen Italian? 
 
 natl\an. 
 
 1S00 Xcein. 
 
176 Hainan ber XPetfe. 
 
 Salabitt. 
 
 lDof?l! nennft bu bid] md?t; nennt bid? bas Dolf, 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Kann fein ; bas Dolf I 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 Du glaubft bod? nid?t, 6af id? 
 X)erdd?tlid? t>on bes Dolfes Stimme benfe? — 
 3d? fyabt langft getDiinfd?t, ben Zltann 5U fennen, 
 Den es ben IDeifen nennt 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Unb roenn es il?n 
 1805 gum Spott fo nennte? IDenn bem Dolfe toeife 
 Xiid)ts roeiter tpdr' als flug? unb flug nur ber, 
 Der fief? auf fetnen Dorteil gut t>erftef?t? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 2tuf feinen u>af?ren Porteil, mexnft bu bod?? 
 
 Uattian. 
 
 Dann fretltd? tr>ar' ber (£tgennii^tgfte 
 
 iSioDer Kliigfte* Dann roar' freilid? flug unb u>eife 
 
 Hur eins* 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 3d? f?qre bid? ertoetfen, tr>as 
 Du tx>iberfpred?en ttnllft — Des 2Ttenfd?en toafyre 
 Dorteile, Me bas Volt md?t fennt, fennft bu. 
 £?aft bu 3U fennen toenigftens gefud?t; 
 1815 £)aft briiber nadfQzbadft : bas aud? allein 
 ITtadjt fd?on ben IDeifen* 
 
 &u fetm 
 
 Der fid? jeber bunfi 
 
Hainan be r We if e. 177 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 Hun ber Befcbeibenfyeit genug! 
 Denn fie nur immerbar ju fyoren, rr»o 
 IHan trocfene Demunft ertr>artet, efelt (<Er fpringt auf.) 
 !8 2 o £af uns 3ur Sadje f ommen ! 2tber, aber 
 2tufrid)tig, 3 U ^'/ aufridjtig! 
 
 Viattyan. 
 
 Sultan, id) 
 IDtll fidjerlid? bid) fo bebienen, baf 
 3d? beiner fernern Kunbfdjaft tDiirbig bleibe* 
 
 Salabin* 
 Bebienen? rote? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Du folift bas Befte I?aben 
 
 1825 Von allem ; folift es urn btn billtgften 
 
 Prets fyaben. 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 VDovon fpricbft bu? bod) tr>of)l nid)t 
 X)on beinen IDaren? — 5d)ad?ern toirb mtt bir 
 Sd)on meine Sd)toeftet\ (Das ber £)ord)erin !) — 
 3d} fyabe mtt bem Kaufmann ntdjts 3U tfyun* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 1830 So toirft bu ofyne <?>tx>eifel ttnffen tr>olIen, 
 Was id} auf meirtem IDege t)on bem ^einbe, 
 Der allerbing? ftd) toieber reget, etroa 
 Bemerft, getroffen? — IDerm id) unperfyofylen , , 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 2tud) barauf bin id) eben nid)t mit bir 
 1835 ©efteuert. Qavon roeif id) fdjon, fo r>iel 
 3d) uotig fyabe* — fturj; — 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 (Sebiete, Sultan* 
 
178 Zlattian ber XPetfe. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 3d? l?eifd?e beinen Unterrid?t in gan$ 
 Was anberm; gan3 teas anberm, — Da bu nun 
 So toeife bift : fo fage mir bod) einmal — 
 1840 Was fur ein (Slaube, u>as fur ein (5efet5 
 fjat Mr am meiften eingeleudjtet? 
 
 nat^an. 
 
 Sultan, 
 
 3d? bin ein 3 U ^* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Vinb id? ein ZTtufelmann* 
 Der (Efyrtft ift 3tr>ifd?en uns, — Pen biefen brei 
 Keligionen fann bod? eine nur 
 
 1845 Die toafyre feuu — (Ein ITfann, tr>ie bu, bleibt ba 
 Icid?t ftei?en, too ber ^ufall ^er <0eburt 
 3f?n t?ingetr>orfen : ober roenn er bleibt, 
 Bleibt er aus (Etnftdjt, ©riinben, Waty bes Beffern* 
 IDofylan! fo teile beine (£infid?t mir 
 
 1850 Denn mii £af mid? bie ©riinbe fyoren, bzmxx 
 3d? felber nadftugrubeln, nid?t bie <?>eit 
 <£>et?abt £af mid? bie XDafyl, bie biefe ©ritnbe 
 Beftimmt, — t>erftei?t fid?, im Pertrauen — unffen, 
 Damit id? fie 3U meiner mad?e. — XDie? 
 
 1855 Du ftuijeft? toagft mid? mit bem 2luge? — Kann 
 \ ZDofyl fein, ba% id? ber erfte Sultan bin, 
 Der eine fold?e ©rille I?at; bie mid? 
 Dod? eines Sultans eben nid?t fo gan3 
 Unumrbig biinft — Hid?t roal?r? — So rebe bod?! 
 
 iseoSprid?! — (Dber toillft bu einen 2tugenblicF, 
 
 Did? 3U bebenfen? (Sut; id? geb' it?u bir, — 
 
 (®b fie tr>of?l l?ord?t? 3^ totll fte bod) belaufd?en; 
 
 IDill l?oren, ob id?'s red?t gemad?t, — ) Denf nad}\ 
 
 <?5efd?tr>inb bent' nad) ! 3^? fSu'mc nid?t, suriicJ 
 
 1865 <5u fommen- (<£r gefyt in has Hebet^tmmer, nad? tpelcfyem fid? 
 
 Stttafy Wqcbtn.) 
 
XX a t fy a n b e r XP e if e. 1 7 o 
 
 Sed?fter Ztuftritt 
 Hat^an alletn. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 f^m ! fym ! — trmnberlid? ! — H)ie ift 
 ITTtr benn? — £Das roill ber Sultan? tr>as? — J^? bin 
 Jluf ©elb gefaf t; uub er unit — XDaf?r£?eit H)at?rl?eit ! 
 Unb trill fie fo, — fo bar, fo blanf, — als ob 
 Die IPaL7rt?ett 2Xtun3e rodre ! — 3 a / n>enn nod? 
 
 i8 7 oUralte ZHiinse, bie getrogen roarb! — 
 Das ginge nod) ! ZCIIein fo neue ZTtiinse, 
 Die nur ber Stempel mad?t, bie man aufs Brett 
 Hur 5dfylen barf, bas ift fie bod} nun nid?t 1 
 IDie ©elb in Sacf, fo ftrid?e man in Kopf 
 
 1 8 75 2tud) IDaf?rI?eit ein? IDer ift b^nn fyter ber 3 u ^e? 
 3d? ober er? — Dod? trie? Sollf er and} trofyl 
 Die XDafyrfyeit nid?t in XDaf^rljeit forbern? — ^toar, 
 <§tr>ar ber Derbad?t, ba$ er bie XDat?rI?eit nur 
 211$ ^alle braud?e, roar' and) gar 5U f lein ! — 
 
 1880 <gu f lein ? — H)as ift fur einen (Brof en benn 
 <gu flein? — <£>ea>if, getxnf: er ftti^te mit 
 Der C^fire fo ins ^ausl ITtan pod?t bod), bort 
 Dod? erft, tr>enn man als ^reunb fid? nafyt. — J* mu t5 
 Befyutfam getjn I — Unb trie? roie bas? — So gans 
 
 i8s 5 Stodjube fein 5U tpollen, gebt fd?on nicbt — 
 Unb gan3 unb gar nid?t 3 u ^e, gel>t nod? minber. 
 Denn, toenn fein 3 u ^ e / biirff er mid? nur fragen, 
 XDarum fein Zitufelmann? — Das rear's! Das fann 
 2Ttid) retten ! — Hid?t bie Kinber blof , fpeift man 
 
 i8 9 oITcit ZHdrcben ab. — (Er fommt (£r fomme nur! 
 
180 Ha t fy an be r IDetfe. 
 
 Siebenter 2tuftriti 
 Salabtn unb Hatfyan. 
 
 SalaMit, 
 
 (So ift bas ^elb f?ier rein !) — 3d? f omm' bir bod? 
 Hidjt 3U gefd?tr>inb 3uriicf? Du bift 311 Kartbe 
 ZTcit beiner Uberlegung* — Hun fo rebel 
 (£s l?ort uns fetne Seele* 
 
 UatVian. 
 
 lTiod)V and) bod) 
 1895 Die gart3e XDelt uns l?oren* 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 So getxrif 
 3ft Zcatt?an feiner Sad?e? f}a! bas nenn' 
 3^? einen IDeifen ! Hie bie IDafyrfyeit 3U 
 t)erfyet?len ! fur fie alles auf bas Spiel 
 <5u fei§en! £eib unb £eben! (But unb Blut! 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 1900 3a! ja! toenn's notig ift unb nuiji 
 
 SataMn. 
 
 Don nun 
 21 n barf id? ijoffert, einen meiner tEttel, 
 Derbefferer ber XDelt unb bes (Befetjes, 
 ZTtit 2£ed?t 3U fiifyrem 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Craun, ein fdjoner tTitel 1 
 Dod?, Sultan, ef?' id? mid? bir gait3 t>ertraue, 
 1905 €rlaubft bu tx>of?l, bir ein <Sefd?id?tdxn 3U 
 (£r3dl?len? 
 
Hainan 5er W eife. x gi 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 IDarum bas nicfyt? 3d? ^ n fcte 
 (Ein 5 reun ^ getr>efen von (£>efd?id)td?en, gut 
 (Ersa^it. 
 
 liatftan. 
 
 3a, gut er3atjlen, bas ift nun 
 VDol)l tbtn rneine Sadje nid?t. 
 
 Salafcht* 
 
 Sd?on toieber 
 i 9 io So ftols befcfjetben ? — 2T£ad?M ersd^T, er3d£?Ie I 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Dor grauen 3 a *? ren I^t' ein ITTann in (Dften, 
 Der einen 2ving r>on unfcbdi^barem IDert 
 2tus Heber £)anb befaf ♦ Der Stein roar ein 
 ©pal, ber fyunbert fd?one ^arben fpielte, 
 
 i 9 i 5 Unb f?atte bie gefyeime Kraft, vov (Bott 
 Unb 2TEenfd?en angeuef?m 3U macben, tr>er 
 3n biefer ^utterftdjt if?n trug. VOas IDunber, 
 X)af ifyn ber ZTTann in ©ften barum nie 
 Dom finger lief ; unb bie Derftigung traf, 
 
 1920 2tuf eroig it?n bei feinem ^aufe 3U 
 
 (Erfyalten? Hdmlid? fo* (£r lief ben King 
 
 Don feinen Sofyncn bem geliebtefteu ; 
 
 Hub fei^te feft, baf biefer trneberum 
 
 Den King von feinen Sofynen bem t)ermad?e, 
 
 1925 Der it?m ber liebfte fei; unb ftets ber liebfte, 
 (D£?u' 2lnfefyn ber ©eburt, in Kraft allein 
 Des Kings, bas f)aupt, ber ^iirft bes ^aufes tr>erbe* 
 Derftef? mid?, Sultan. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 3d? tterftel?' bid?. IDeiter! 
 
1 82 Hattfau ber tPeife. 
 
 n<xtty<xn. 
 
 So fam nun biefer King, von Sobn 311 Sofyn, 
 
 1930 2tuf einen Pater enblid? von brei Sofynen; 
 Die alle brei ifym gleid? gefyorfam tparen, 
 Die alle brei er folglicb gleid? 3U lieben 
 Sid? nid?t entbred?en fonnte* Hur von <?>eit 
 <^u 5eit fd?ien il?m balb ber, balb biefer, balb 
 
 1935 Der britte, — fo rote jeber fid? mit if?m 
 2tllein bzfanb, unb fein ergiefenb £?er3 
 Die anbzvn 3tr>ei nid?t teilten, — ttmrbiger 
 Des Hinges; ben er bmn and} einem jeben 
 Die fromnxe Sd?tr>ad?I?eit f?atte, 311 t>erfpred?em 
 
 1940 Das ging nun fo, folang' es ging* — 2lllein 
 (£s fam 3um Sterben, unb ber gute Pater 
 Kommt in Derlegenfyeii (Es fd?mer3t if?n, 3u>et 
 Von feinen Sofynzn, bie fid? auf fein XDort 
 Perlaffen, fo 3U frdnfen* — IDas ju tl?un ? — 
 
 1945 <£r fenbet in get?eim 3U einem Kiinftler, 
 Bei bem er, nad? bem ZTTufter feines Hinges, 
 (5tt>ei anbere beftellt, unb roeber Koften 
 Ziod) XHufye fparen t?eif t, fie jenem gleid?, 
 Dollfommen gletd? 3U mad?en* Das gelingt 
 
 1950 Dem Kiinftler. Da er ifym bie Hinge bringt, 
 Hann felbft ber Pater feinen ZHufterring 
 Hidjt unterfd?eiben, $vofy unb freubig ruft 
 <£r feine Sot?ne, jeben insbefoubre; 
 (Siebt jebem insbefonbre feinen Segen, — 
 
 1955 Unb feinen Hing, — unb fiirbt — Du fyorft bod], Sultan? 
 
 Zalabin (ber fid? betroffen von xfyn geroanbt). 
 
 3d? f?or', id? I?ore ! — *Komm mit beinem IfTdrcfyen 
 Hur balb ju fcnbz. — XPirb's? 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 3d) bin 3U (£nbe. 
 
Xlatltan ber IDeife. ^3 
 
 Denn tr>as nod} folgt, r»erfte£?t fid? ja Don felbft — 
 Kaum roar ber Pater tot, fo fommt ein jeber 
 i960 Ktit fetnem King; unb jeber rot II ber ^flrft 
 Des I^aufes fetn* ITian unterfudjt, man janft, 
 Ulan flagi Umfonft; ber redjte King tr>ar nidjt 
 <£rtr>eislid? ; — 
 (na<fy enter paufe, in tr>eld?er er bes Sultans 2Intn>ort ertpartet) 
 
 faft fo unertr>eislidj, als 
 Uns jei§t — ber recite (Slaube- 
 
 Salafcin* 
 
 JDte? bas foil 
 1965 Die 2lnttr>ort fein auf metne ^rage? . . * 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 SoU 
 VTixd) blof entfdmlbigeu, tt>enn xd} bie Kinge, 
 ZTCtr ntdjt getrau' 5U unterfdjeiben, bie 
 Der Pater in ber 2tbftd?t madden lief, 
 Damit fie nidjt 5U unterfdjeiben tr>dren* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 1970 Die Kinge 1 — Spiele nid)t mit mir ! — 3^? bad)te, 
 Daf bte Keligionen, bie id? bir 
 (Senannt, bod} tr>ofyI §u unterfcbeiben rodren. 
 Bis auf bte Kleibung; bis auf Speif unb tCranfl 
 
 IXattian. 
 
 Unb nur von Setten ifyrer (Sriinbe ntcfyt. — 
 1975 Denn griinben alle fid? n\d)i auf (Sefcfyidjte ? 
 (Sefdjrieben ober liberliefert! — Unb 
 (Sefd}id)te muf bod} rcofyl allein auf tEreu' 
 Unb (Slauben angenommen rcerben? — Htdjt? — 
 Hun tceffen Creu' unb (Slauben 3tefyt man benn 
 1980 21 m roemgften in <?)U)eifeI? Dod) ber Seinen? 
 Dod) beren Blut urir ftnb? bod? beren, bte 
 
184 Zt a tl\ an ber IDetfe. 
 
 Port Kinbfyeit an uns Proben ifyrer £iebe 
 (Segeben? Me uns nie getdufcfyt, als too 
 (Setdufcfyt 3u tperben uns fyeilfamer roar? — 
 
 1985 VOu fann id? meinen Pdtern tr>eniger, 
 
 2tls bu ben beinen glauben? ©ber umgefefyrt, — 
 Hann id) von Mr rerlangen, ba% bu beine 
 Porfafyren £tigen ftrafft, um metnen nidjt 
 <5u tt>iberfpred)en ? (Dber urngefefyrt 
 
 1990 Das ndmltdje gilt von btn Cfyrtften* Icicfjt? — 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 (Bet bem £ebenbigen ! Der XHann fyat redjt 
 3d? mu§ t>erftummem) 
 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 £af auf unfre Hing' 
 Uns tpteber fommen* IDte gefagt: Me Sofyne 
 Perflagten fid?; unb jeber fcfytour bem Hicfyter, 
 
 1995 Unmittelbar aus feines Paters f}anb 
 
 Den Hing 5U fyaben* — IDie and) voal)t I — Icad)bem 
 (£r von ifym lange bas Perfpredjen fdjon 
 ©efyabt, bes Singes Porred?t einmal 5U 
 (Beniefen* — JDie nidjt minber toafyr! — Der Pater, 
 
 2000 Beteu'rte jeber, fonne gegen tfyn 
 
 Icid?t falfcfy getr>efen fein; unb elf er Mefes 
 Pon ifym, t>on einem folcfyen lieben Pater, 
 2trgrootjnen laff: elf muff er feine Briiber, 
 So gern er fonft Don ifynen nur bas Befte 
 
 2005 Bereit 3U glauben fei, bes falfdjen Spiels 
 Be3eifyen ; unb er roolle bie Perrdter 
 Scfyon aus3ufinben uriffen; ftd? fdjon rddjen* 
 
 Balabin. 
 
 Unb nun, ber Hidjter? — VTixd) t>erlangt 311 fyoren, 
 VOas bu ben Hicfyter fagen Idffeft Sprid) I 
 
ZXatfyan 6er IDcife. 185 
 
 Vlatlian. 
 
 5010 Der Hid)ter fprad? : IDenn ifyr mir nun ben Pater - 
 Htcfyt balb 3ur Stelle fcftafft, fo tpetf id? eud) 
 Ton meinem Stufyle* Denft ifyr, ba$ id} Hdtfel 
 ^u lofen ba bin? (Dber garret ifyr, 
 Bis ba% ber redjte King ben ZTTunb eroffne? — 
 
 2015 Dodj E^alt ! 3^ fy° re i a / ^er ^^d?te Hing 
 Beftijt bie IPunberfraft, beliebt 5U madden; 
 Dor <5ott unb ZTTenfcfyen angenefym- Das muf 
 (£ntfd?eiben ! Denn bie falfd?en Hinge roerben 
 Dod) bas nidjt fonnen ! — Hun; roen lieben 3tpei 
 
 2020 Von eud? am meiften? — ITTadjt, fagt an ! 3^ r fd?tr>eigt? 
 Die Hinge ttnrfen nur suriicE? unb nidjt 
 Had) aufen? 3 e ^ er Kekt fi&) fel&e* nur 
 2Jm meiften? — (D fo feib 3fy r a ^ e k re * 
 Betrogene Betriiger! (£ure Hinge 
 
 2025 Sinb alle brei nidjt edjt Der edjte Hing 
 Permutlidj ging perloren* Den Perluft 
 <gu bergen, 3U erfei§en, lief ber Pater 
 Die brei fur einen madjen. 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 f^errlid} ! fyerrlid? ! 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 Unb alfo; fufyr ber Hicfyter fort, roenn ifyr 
 2o 3 oHid)t meinen Hat, ftatt meines Sprucfyes, roollt : 
 (Befyt nur! — ZTEeiu Hat ift aber ber: ifyr nefymt 
 Die Sadoz r>6Uig trie fie liegi £}at von 
 (£ud? jeber feinen Hing r»on feinem Pater: 
 So glaube jeber fidjer feinen Hing 
 2035 Den edjten. — UToglid) ; ba% ber Pater nun 
 Die Cyrannei bes einen Hings nid)t langer 
 3n feinem £?aufe bulben roollen ! — Unb getr>i§; 
 Daf er eudj alle brei geliebt, unb gleicfy 
 
186 rcatfyan ber IDctfe. 
 
 (Seliebt: inbem er 3tr>ei nicfyt bviidm mogen, 
 2040 Urn einen 3U begiinftigen, — XDofyan ! 
 
 <£s eifre jeber fetner unbeftodjnen 
 
 Don Dorurteilen freien £iebe nadjl 
 
 <£s ftrebe r>on eud? jeber um Me IDette, 
 
 Die Kraft bes Steins in feinem King an tTag 
 2045 <5u legen ! fomme biefer Kraft mit Sanftmut, 
 
 2T£it fyerslicfter Dertrdglidjfeit, mit IDofyltfyun, 
 
 ZTTit innigfter €rgebenfyeit in (Bott, 
 
 <?ju £}tlf ! Hnb roenn fid? bann ber Steine Kraft? 
 
 Bei euern Kinbes=Kinbesfinbern dufern: 
 2050 So lab' id} iiber taufenb taufenb 3 a ^ re r 
 
 Sie roieberum r»or biefen StufyL Da trnrb 
 
 (£in roeifrer ZTTann auf biefem Stufyle ft^en, 
 
 2tls id) ; unb fprecfyen* (Sefyt ! — So fagte ber 
 
 Befdjeibne Hidjter* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 (Sottl (Sott! 
 
 Salabxn^ ' 
 2055 IDenn bu bid? fufyleft, biefer toeifere 
 Derfprodjne IHann 5U fein : ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Salabin 
 
 (ber auf ifyn 3uftiir3t unb feme fyanb ergretft, bte er bis 
 3U <£nbe rricfyt tpteber fabren lagt). 
 
 2d} Staub? 3d) Tcid^ts? 
 <£> <0ott! 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 IDas ift bir, Sultan? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Hatfyan ! lieber Hatfyan ! — 
 Die taufenb taufenb 3 a *? re beines Kidjters 
 
 
Hatfyan ber IPeife. ^7 
 
 Stnb nod) nid)t urn — Sein &id)terftuf)l ift mdjt 
 2060 Dor metric — (Sefy ! — (Sefy ! — 2lber fet meirt ^reunb. 
 
 nattyan. 
 
 Unb toeiter fydite Salabtn mir nid?ts 
 <?>u fagen? 
 
 rctdjts. 
 
 SalaMru 
 
 Hat^atu 
 
 Hid?ts? 
 
 SalaMru 
 
 ©ar nid?ts* — Unb tsarum? 
 
 Uatfyan. 
 
 3d? fettle nod) ©elegenfyeit getrtinfdjt, 
 Dir eine Bitte rorsutragen. 
 
 SalaMru 
 
 Braud?t's 
 2065 (Selegenfyeit 5U einer Bitte? — Hebe! 
 
 natbatu 
 
 jd) Eomm' t>on einer toeiten Keif, auf tt>eld?er 
 3d? Sdnilben eingetrieben* — ^aft fyab' id) 
 Des baren ©elbs 511 rieL — Die <geit beginnt 
 Bebenflid? toieberum 3U roerben; — unb 
 2070 3d) roeif nicbt recbt, xvo ficber bamit fyin. — 
 Da ba&ft' id), ob nicbt bu pielleicbt, — roeil bod} 
 (£in naber Krteg bes ©elbes immer mebr 
 (£rforbert, — ettoas braucben fonnteft 
 
 SalaMn (tbm ftetf in bte 2Iugen febenb). 
 
 Uatban! — 
 3d? trill nicbt fragen, ob 2ll=^afi fd?on 
 
188 Zlatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 2075 Bet btr getoefen ; — trull ntdjt unterfudjen, 
 
 (Db bid} nidft fonft etn 2lrgtr>ol)n. tretbt, mtr btefes 
 (£rbteten freterbtngs 3U tfyun : ♦ ♦ . 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 (£tn Jtrgtoofyn? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 3d) bin if?n roert — De^etl) mtr 1 — Denn was fytlft's? 
 
 3d) muf btr nur geftefyen, — baf id? tm 
 
 2080 Begrtffe roar — 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Dock) nid)t, bas ndmltd)e 
 Tin mid) 3U fud)en? 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 2lllerbings, 
 
 nattian. 
 
 So tr>dr' 
 
 Uns beiben ja gefyolfen I — Daf id) aber 
 Dir alle meine Barfd)aft nid)t fann fd)icfen, 
 Das mad)t ber juuge Cempelfyerr* — Du fenftft 
 
 2085 3fy n i a - — 3^ m fy a & ^ e * ne 3 ro 1? e P°ft 
 Porfjer nod) 311 be3afylen* 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Cempelljerr? 
 Du urirft bod) metne fdjlimmften ^einbe ntdjt 
 Ilttt betnem <5elb and} unterftti^en roollen? 
 
 3d) fpred)e ron bem etnen nur, bem bu 
 2090 Das £eben fparteft . ♦ . 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 211) ! tooran erinnerft 
 
H a than ber ID etfe. i8g 
 
 X)u mid? ! — £)aV id? bod) biefen Jangling 9 a ^5 
 Dergeffen ! — Kennft bu if?n? — VDo ift er? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 JDie? 
 
 So roetf t bu nid?t, roiemel von beiner <£>nabz 
 $i\v if?n, burd? il?n auf mid) gefloffen? (£r, 
 2095 <£r mit ©efai?r bes neu erfyaltnen £ebens, 
 £?at meine tEod?ter aus bem ^eu'r gerettet 
 
 Salafcitu 
 
 (Er? £)at er bas? — £}a ! barnad? fai? er aus* 
 Das fydtte traun mein Bruber and) getfyan, 
 Z)em er fo dfynelt! — 3ft w bertn nod) i?ier? 
 
 2100 So bring' tfyn E?er 1 — 3^? I? a ^ e meiner Sd?tr>efter 
 Von biefem ifyrem Bruber, ben fte nid?t 
 (Befannt, fo riel erjd^let, ba$ id} fte 
 Seiu (£benbilb bod? aud? muf fef?en laffen ! — 
 (Befy, J?oT tt?n ! — IDie aus einer guten ^at, 
 
 2105 (Bebar fie aud? fd?on blof e £eibenfd?aft, 
 Dod? fo Diel anbre gute tTfyaten fliefen ! 
 ©el?, f?of it?n! 
 
 Hatban (inbem er Salabtns Banb fabren lagt). 
 
 2Iugenblicfs ! Unb bei bem anbern 
 Bleibt es bod? aud?? (21b.) 
 
 2XE? ! baf id? meine Sd?trejtcr 
 Hid?t t?ord?en laffen ! — ^u if?r ! 5U ifyr ! — Denu 
 2noIDie foil id? alles bas it?r nun erjdblen? 
 
 (2lb von ber anbem Sette.) 
 
igo rcatfycnt ber IDetfe. 
 
 2ld?ter 2Iuftrttt. 
 
 (Die Scene: unter bzn palmen, in ber Hafye bes Klofters, tro 
 ber dempelfyerr Zlatfyans tpartet.) 
 
 (gefyt, mit fid? felbft fampfenb, auf unb ab ; bis er losbrtd?t). 
 
 — f^ter bait bas (Dpfertier ermiibet ftilL — 
 Hun gut! 3^ ma 9 ntdjt, mag nid?t ndl?er ttnffen, 
 JDas in mir porgefyt; mag t>oraus nid?t trnttern, 
 2Das t)orgel?n urirb* — ©enug, id? bin umfonft 
 
 2115 ©eflofyn 1 umfonft. — Hub rreiter fount' id) bod? 
 2tud? nid?ts, als fliet?n ! — Hun f omm', tr>as f ommen foil ! — 
 3b m aus3ubeugen, wax ber Streid? ju fd?nell 
 befallen; unter ben 3U fommen, id? 
 So lang' unb r>iel mid} tr>eigerte. — Sie fef?n, 
 
 2120 Die id? 3U febn fo tuemg liiftern roar, — 
 Sie iefyu, unb ber (£ntfd?luf, fte txneber aus 
 Den 2tugen nie 3U laffen — VOas €ntfd?lu§? 
 (£ntfd?luf ift Dorfatj, Cbat: unb id), id? titt, 
 3d? litte blof • Sie febn, unb has (Sefiif?!, 
 
 2125 2tn fie Derftricft, in fie vtxvotbt 5U fein, 
 
 IDar eins. — Bleibt eins* — Von il?r getrennt 
 
 <gu leben, ift mir gan3 unbenfbar; roar' 
 
 IHein &ob, — unb too ttnr immer nad? bem 1£obt 
 
 Hod) ftnb, aud? ba mein &oh. — 3ft bas nun £iebe: 
 
 2130 So — liebt ber tEempelritter freilid?, — liebt 
 Der (£b r ift bas 3ubenmdbd?en freilid?. — §m ! 
 IDas tfyut's? — 3^? § a & in bem gelobten Hanbe, — 
 Unb brum aud? mir gelobt auf immerbar! — 
 Der Dorurteite mel?r fd?on abgeiegt — 
 
 2135 IDas rp ill mein (Drben aud?? 3$ Cempelf?err 
 Bin tot; roar von bem 2tugenblicf ibm tot, 
 Der mid? 3U Salabins <£>efangnen mad?te* 
 
Hatfyan ber IPetfe. igi 
 
 Der Kopf, ben Salabin mir febenfte, mar' 
 lUcxn alter? — 3f* e * n neucr ; ^er r>on client 
 
 2 i 4 oZcicbts meif. mas jenem eingeplaubert marb, 
 Was jenen banb* — Unb tft cm beffrer; fiir 
 Den t>dterlid?en ^immel mefyr gemacbh 
 Das fpiir' id) ja* Denn erft mit it?m beginn' 
 3cfj fo 3U benfen, roie metn Pater bier 
 
 2145 ©ebacbt muf fyabzn; menu man 2Tfdrd>en nicfyt 
 Don ifym mir porgelogen. — XTcdrcbeu ? — bod} 
 <2>an3 glaublicbe; bie glaubltdjer mir me, 
 2tls jei§t gefebienen, ba icb nur (Sefafyr 
 <gu ftraucbeln laufe, mo er fteL — (£r ftel? 
 
 2150 3^? anU m ^ ITcdnnern lieber fallen, als 
 
 ZHit 2{inbern ftebm — Sein Beifpiel biirget mir 
 ^iir feinen BcifalL Unb an meffen Bcifall 
 £iegt mir benn fonft? — 21 rt Hatbans? — CD an beffen 
 <£rmuntrung mebr, als Beifall, fann es mir 
 
 2155 Hod? meniger gebrecbem — IDelcb ein 3 u ^e! — 
 Unb ber fo gan3 nur 3 u ^e febeinen tr>ill ! 
 Da fommt er; fommt mit f>aft ; gliibt beitre ^reube< 
 XDer fam r>om Salabin je anbers? — f)e! 
 ^e, Hatfyan! 
 
 Heunter 2tuftritt. 
 Hatfyan unb ber Cempel^err. 
 
 XDie? feib 3*?r's? 
 
 £empeifyert\ 
 
 3fc t)abt 
 
 2i6oSet)r lang' (£ucfy bei bem Sultan aufgefyaltem 
 
 n<xtl\an. 
 
 So lange nun mobl ntdjt. 3^? tparb im f^ingefyn 
 
i^2 Zlatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 <§u t>iel rertoeilL — 2tt?, tr>afyrlid) Kurt; ber XTTann 
 Stefyt feinen 2?ufym, — Sein Kufym iff blof fein Sdjattetu- 
 Dod? laft vox alien Dingen (£ucfy gefcfyroinb 
 2165 Hur fagen , ♦ ♦ 
 
 H)as? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 €r rotll (£ucfy fprecfyen ; tr>ill, 
 Qa$ ungefdumt 3^ r 3 U ify m fommt. Begleitet 
 ZHidj nur nad) fjaufe, wo \d\ nod} fur ifyn 
 (£rft ettpas anbers 3U rerfiigen £?abe : 
 Unb bann, fo gefyn urir. 
 
 <Zetnpeltjert\ 
 
 Hainan, (£uer fyxus 
 2170 Betret' id? toieber efyer nicfyt * . • 
 
 VLattian. 
 
 So feib 
 
 3fyr bod) tubes fd)on ba getoefeu? fyabt 
 
 3nbes fie bod} gefprochen ? — Hun? — Sagt,: tt)ie 
 
 (SefdUt (£ud? Hed?a? 
 
 ^etnpelljerr* 
 
 • »♦ 
 
 liber alien 2lusbrucf! — 
 
 2tUein, — fie toieberfefyn — bas tuerb' \d) nie I 
 
 2175 Hie! nie I — 3^ r ntiiftet mir 3ur Stelle benn 
 
 Derfpredjen : — ba% id} fie auf immer, immer — 
 
 Soli fonneu fefyn, 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 ZDie tr>ollt 3^? r / ^ a f id? bas 
 Perftef?"? 
 
 Sempelfyerr 
 
 (nad? einer fu^en paufe ifym plotjlid? um ben E)a Is faflenb). 
 
 ZTtein Pater! 
 
Hat ban ber IPetfe. 193 
 
 natVian. 
 
 — 3 un 9 er 2Xfonn! 
 
 tlempelfyerr (ifyn ebertfo pfo^lid? trteber laffenb). 
 
 Ictdjt Sofyn? — 
 2d\ bitt' (Eudj, Hainan! 
 
 nation. 
 
 £ieber junger XHann! 
 
 tlempelfyerr* 
 
 2180 Iciest Sofyn ? — 3^? bitt' (Eucfy, Hatfyan ! — 3^ befdjtDor' 
 (£ud? bet ben erften Banben ber Hatur ! — 
 <?)tefyt ifynen fpdtre ^effeln bod} nid}t vovl — 
 Begniigt (£ud? bod? ein ITtenfd? 311 fein ! — Stoft mid? 
 ITidjt pon <£ud) ! 
 
 Uattian. 
 
 £ieber, lieber ^reunb I ♦ ♦ . 
 
 £empelf}err* 
 
 Unb Sotjn? 
 
 2185 Sofyn ntdjt? — 2tudj bann nidjt, bann nidjt einmal, tuenu 
 
 (£rfenntlid?feit 3um fjersen (£urer tEodjter 
 
 X)er £iebe fcfton ben £Deg gebafynet fydtte? 
 
 2tudj bann nidjt einmal, irenn in etns 311 fdjmei3en 
 
 2tuf (£uern IDinf nur beibe toarteten? — 
 
 2190 3*? r fcfytoeigt? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 3^ iiberrafdjt mid?, junger Hitter* 
 
 €etnpell>err* 
 
 3d? iiberrafdj' (£ud?? — uberrafd/ (£ud), Icatfyan, 
 ZTtit (£uern eigenen (Sebanfen? — 3*? r 
 Perfennt fie bodj in meinem ZHunbe nicfyt? — 
 3dj iiberrafefy' (£ucfy? 
 
194 Hatfyctn ber IDeife. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (£fy id? einmal tretf, 
 2195 IDas fur etn 5tauffen (£uer Pater beun 
 <Setr>efen tft! 
 
 ZDas fagt 3*? r / Hatban? u>as? — 
 3n biefem 2lugenbltde f iit?lt 3^ ntcbts, 
 2lls Iceubegter? 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 Denn fefyt! 3d? ^abz felbft 
 IDofyl einert Stauffen efyebem gefannt, 
 2200 Der Konrab fytef* 
 
 Sempeltjerr. 
 
 Hun — tx>enn mein Pater benn 
 Hun ebenfo gefyeifen fydtte? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 ZDatjrlid? ? 
 
 Sempeltjerr* 
 
 3d? beife felber ja nad? metnem Pater: Kurt 
 3ft Konrab, 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hun — fo tr>ar metn Konrab bod) 
 Zcicfyt (£uer Pater. J)^nn mein Konrab roar, 
 2205 Was 3fy r i rDar ^etnpelfyerr ; roar nie t>ermdfylt 
 
 (D barum! 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 IDte? 
 
 2empeli}eft\ 
 
 CD barum fount' er bod? 
 ZTtein Pater woifl getr>efen fein* 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. jo^ 
 
 Zlattyan. 
 
 £empell}ert\ 
 
 Hub 3^? r nefymt's tuafyrlid) 5U genau ! — Was roar's 
 Denn nun? So was von Baftarb ober BanfertI 
 
 2210 Der Scblag ift aucfy nid)t 311 t>erad)ten* — Dod) 
 (gutlaft mid) immer meiner 2tfyncnprobe. 
 ji? trill (£ud) (£urer txrieberum entlaffen. 
 Iciest sroar, als ob id) ben geringften ^roetfel 
 3n (Euern Stammbaum folate. (Bott befyrite! 
 
 2215 3^ r fount it)n Blatt t>or Blatt bis 2lbrat)am 
 £)inauf belegen* Unb von ba fo tr>eiter, 
 IDeig id) t£jn felbft; urill id) ifyn felbft befd)tr>oren* 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 3b^ toerbet bitter. — Dod) t>erbien' id)'s? — Sd)lug 
 ^>d) benn £ud) fd)on was ab? — 3^ ^ill Cud} ja 
 22 2oIcur bei bem IDorte nid)t bzn 2tugenblicf 
 So faffen. — XPeiter nid)ts. 
 
 (D fo t>ergebtl 
 
 Zempeltievv. 
 
 <£>etr>if? — Zltdjts tpeiter? 
 
 natt\an. 
 
 Hun fommt nur, fommt ! 
 
 ^etnpei^err. 
 
 Wofyn? 
 
 Heinl — 2TTtt in (£uer I}aus? — Das nid)t ! Das nicbt! — 
 Dabrennt's! — 3^? rotll (£ud) fyier ertr>arteu* <£>el)t! — 
 25 Soli id) fie tuieberfebn : fo feE? 7 id) fie 
 Ziod) oft genug* XDo nid)t: fo fat) id) fie 
 Sd)on mel 5U ptel . ♦ . 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 3d) ttrill mid) moglicfyft eilen* 
 
196 Ha tfy an be r lX>etfe 
 
 <gei}uter 2Iuftriti 
 Der dempelfyerr unb balb barauf X)aja. 
 
 Sd}on mefyr als g'nug ! — Des XTTenfcfyen £)irn faft fo 
 Unenblid} t>iel; unb ift bod) mancfymal aud} 
 
 2230 So ploijlid} voU ! t>on einer Kleinigf eit 
 
 So ploi§lid} t>oll! — tEaugt nidjts, taugt nid}ts; es fei 
 2lud} roll troDon es trulL — Docfo nur (Sebulb! 
 Die Seek txrirft ben aufgebunf nen Staff 
 Balb ineinanber, fcfyafft ftd} Haum, unb £id}t 
 
 2235 Unb (Drbnung fommen toieber* — £ieb' id} benn 
 <5um erftenmale? — (Dber roar, teas id} 
 2lls £iebe fenne, £iebe nid}t? — 3ft £tebe 
 Hur tx)as id} jei§t empfinbe? ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 3aja (bie (id? t?on ber Sette ^erbetgefd^ltd^en). 
 
 Hitter! Hitter! 
 £empeU}ert\ 
 
 IDer ruft? — £)a, Daja, 3fyr? 
 
 3d? I}abe mid} 
 2240 Bei ifym t>orbei gefd}lid}en, 2Iber nod} 
 
 Konnt' er uns fefyn, tpo 3^ r ^a ftefyt, — Drum fommt 
 Vod) ndfyer 3U mir, fyinier biefen Baum. 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 IDas giebt's benn? — So gefyeimnist>oll? — IDasift's? 
 
 3a ifobl betrifft es ein (Sefyeimnis, roas 
 22 45 Xrcid} 5U (£ud} bringt; unb jicar ein boppeltes* 
 
Hatty an be r XDetfe. 197 
 
 Das eine tx>eif nur id) ; bas anbre tr>if t 
 Hur 3fyr. — 2Die roar' es, toenn toir taufdjten? 
 Dertraut mir (Euers; fo rertrau' id} (£ud? 
 Das meine* 
 
 tZempell}ert\ 
 
 2T£it Pergniigen, — JDenn id? nur 
 2250 (£rft toeif, tr>as 3^ r f^ r nreines adjtei Dod? 
 Das toirb aus (Euerm voofyl erfyellem — ^angt 
 Hur immer an. 
 
 (Ei benf t 6od) I — Hein, £)err Hitter : 
 <£rft 3^ r 5 i<fy f ol^e. — Denu rerftdjert, mein 
 (Befyeimnis fann (End? gar nid)ts niiijen, roenn 
 
 2255 3^? n ^t juror bas (Sure fyabe* — Hur 
 
 (Befdjtoinb ! — Derm frag' id/s (£ud) erft ab : fo fyabt 
 3^r nid)ts rertraueh Klein (Befyeimnis bann 
 Bleibt mein ©efyeimnis ; unb bas (£ure feib 
 3f?t: los. — Qod) armer Kilter! — Daf t^r Htdnner 
 
 2260 (Etn fold? ©efyeimnis r»or uns JDeibern t?aben 
 <5u fonnen, aucfy nur glaubt! 
 
 {Xempelt}ert\ 
 
 Das tr>ir 3U fyabtn 
 ©ft fetbft nid?t uriffen. 
 
 Hann rootjl fetn. Drum muf 
 3d) freilid? erft, <£udj felbft bamit befannt 
 <?>u madden, fcfyon bie ^reunbfd^aft fyabtn. — Sagt: 
 
 2265 IPas fyicf benu bas, ba$ 3*? r f° Knall unb ^alt 
 (£ud) aus bem Staube madjtet? ba% 3^ r uns 
 So fiijen liefet? — ba% 3^ r nun m ^ Hatfyan 
 Hid)t roieberfommt? — f}at 2Zzd)a benn fo roenig 
 2Iuf (Eudj getoirft? tt)ie ? ober aud), fo r>iel? — 
 
 «2 7 o£o x>iel 1 fo tnel! — £efyrt 3fy r ^ airmen Dogels, 
 
198 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Der an ber Kute flebt, (Beflattre mid) 
 Dod? fennen! — Kurj: geftefyt es mir nur gleid?, 
 Q a % 3*? r f* e K*&t/ liebt bis 3um Unfinn ; unb 
 3d? fag' (£ud? tr>as . . . 
 
 5um Unftnn? IDafyrlid?; 3fy r 
 2 2 75 Derftefyt (£ud? trefflid? brauf, 
 
 Xlnn gebt mir nur 
 
 Die £iebe ju; ben Unftnn trill id? (£ud? 
 
 Crlaffen. 
 
 <£empelfyert\ 
 
 IDeil er fid? t>on felbft t>erftei?t? — 
 <£in Cempelfyerr ein ^nbenmabdti^n lieben ! ♦ . • 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 Sd?eint freilid? trenig Sinn 511 fyabzn. — Dod? 
 32 8o ^uroeilen ift bes Sinns in einer Sad?e 
 
 Tlnd) mefyr, als tt>ir t>ermuten; unb es trdre 
 So unert?ort bod) nid?t, ba% uns ber £)eilanb' 
 2tuf IDegen 3U fid? 3oge, bie ber Kluge 
 Von felbft nid?t leid?t betreten trmrbe. 
 
 Das 
 2285 So feterlid? ? — (Unb fets' id? ftatt bes £)eilanbs 
 
 Die Dorfid?t: f?at fte bann nid?t red?t? — ) 3*? r mad?t 
 VTixd) neubegieriger, als id? tr>ol?l fonft 
 <§u fein getr>of?nt bin* 
 
 CD! bas ift bas £anb 
 Der IDunber! 
 
 {Zempeltierv. 
 
 (Hun ! — bes IPunberbaren* Hann 
 
 
 
Xiatban bcr tDetfe. 199 
 
 2290 <£s and} toofyl anbers fein? Die gan3e JDelt 
 Drdttgt fid) ja t?ier 3ufammen.) — £iebe Daja, 
 Hefymt fur geftanbert an, roas 3^ r ferlangt: 
 Daf id? fie liebe; ba% id) nid)t begreife, 
 IDie ofyne fie id? leben toerbe; ba$ ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 2 2 95 (SetDif? <5etr>if? — So fcfttrort mir, Kilter, fte 
 <gur (Eurigen 3U macben; fie 3U retten; 
 Sie 3eitlid) f)ier, fie etoig bort 3U rettetu 
 
 Urtb trie? — IDie fanrt id}? — Kanrt id) fd)tr>oren, was 
 3n meiner 2Ttad)t nidjt ftefyt? 
 
 $a\a. 
 
 3n Surer ZHadjt 
 
 2 3 ooStet}t es. 3^? feeing' es burd) ein ein3ig XDort 
 
 3n (£ure 2T£ad)t 
 
 €empelfyert\ 
 
 Daf felbft ber Pater nidjts 
 Datoiber f)dtte? 
 
 Daia. 
 
 <£t, toas Dater! Pater! 
 Der Dater foil fd)on mtiffett* 
 
 ^empelfyert\ 
 
 ZTtuffett, Daja ? — 
 Hod? ift er unter Hduber nid)t gefallen* — 
 2305 €r muf nid)t mtiffett. 
 
 Daja. 
 
 Hurt, fo muf er toollert; 
 XTtuf gern am Sttbe tpollen. 
 
 ^empelt}err* 
 
 2Xtu£ unb gertt ! — 
 
200 Hatfyan ber IDeife. 
 
 Pod), Daja, toenn tcf? (£ud) nun fage, 6af 
 3d) felber biefe Sail' ifym an3ufd)lagen 
 Bereits t>erfud)t? 
 
 VOas? unb er fiel nid)t etn? 
 ^empelljerr* 
 
 2310 (Er fiel mit einem ZTltf laut etn, ber mid) — 
 
 Beleibtgte* 
 
 Daja* 
 
 VOas fagt 3^r? — VOu? 3fyr battel 
 Qzxx Sd)atten eines IDunfdjes nur nad) &ed)a 
 3^m bltcfen laffen : unb er roar' vox ^reuben 
 Hid)t aufgefprungen ? fyatte froftig ftd) 
 23 i 5 5uru(Jge3ogen? fydtte Sd)tt>ierigfetten 
 <£>emad)t? 
 
 So ungefdfyr* 
 
 Daja, 
 
 So will id) benn 
 2T£td) langer feinen 2tugenblic? bzbzxxUn — (panfe). 
 
 Vinb 3t?r bebenft (£ud) bod)? 
 
 Daja, 
 
 Der m<mn tft fonft 
 So gut! — 3^? felber bin fo r>iel ifym fdjulbig! — 
 2320 Daf er bod) gar nid)t fyoren txnll ! — ©otl roetf , 
 Das fjerse blutet mir, ifyn fo 3U 3tt>ingeu. 
 
 3d) bitt' (£ud), Daja, fetst mid) fur3 unb gut 
 
23 a tlj an ber IPctfe. 201 
 
 Tins biefer Ungeurijjfyett* Seib 3*? r a ^er 
 Xlod) felber ungeunf; ob, tr>as 3^ r sorfyabt, 
 2325 ©ut ober bofe, fcbdnblicfy ober loblid) 
 
 <5u nennen : — fcbrceigt ! 3^ t^ill rergeffen, ba% 
 3fyr ettoas 3a Derfcfyu>etgen fyabt. 
 
 Das fporrtt 
 2Inftatt 3U fatten. XTun ; fo urigt beun : 2?ed)a 
 3ft feine 3^ n 5 if* — ift eine (Lfyrtfttn. 
 
 £empelberr (fait). 
 
 233 oSo? rDunfd?'(£ud} (Sliicf! flat's farcer gebalten ? £agt 
 (Eucfy nicbt bie IDefyen fcfyrecfen ! — ^abret ja 
 ZHit <£tfer fort, ben £)immel 3U bepolfern, 
 XDenn 3*? r ^ie ^^ ntdjt meljr fount! 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 3Die, Hitter? 
 Perbienet meine Hacfyricbt biefen Spott? 
 2335 Da£ Heci)a eine Cfyriftin ift : bas freuet 
 (Eucfy, einen (Ebriften, einen tTempelfyerrn, 
 Der 3^ r f* e Itebt, nicfyt mef;r? 
 
 ^empelb w ert\ 
 
 Befonbers, ba 
 
 Sie eine Cfyriftin ift von (£urer XUadje* 
 
 211} ! fo rerftefyt 3*? r ' s ? ^° stag's gelten I — Icein I 
 2340 Den roill id) fefyn, ber bie befefyren foil ! 
 
 3br (Slucf ift, langft 3U fein, was fte 3U toerben 
 Derborbeu ift. 
 
 Seinpelljerr, 
 
 (grflart (£ud), ober — gefytl 
 
202 Zlatt\an ber XDeife. 
 
 Sie ift cin (£I?rtftenfinb ; von (Efyrifteneltern 
 (Beboren ; ift getauft ♦ ♦ . 
 
 {Zetnpelfyerr (fyaftig). 
 
 Unb Zcatfyan? 
 
 Htd?t 
 
 2345 3^ r better! 
 
 <Zempelt}evtr* 
 
 Hatfyan nidjt ifyr Pater? — XDt^t 
 3fyr, was 3^ fagtP 
 
 Die IDafyrfyeit, bie fo oft 
 irtidj bluf ge tEfyrdnen tr>einen macfyen* — Xcein, 
 <£r ift it?r Pater nicfyt ♦ . . 
 
 Sempelljerr* 
 
 Unb fydtte fie, 
 211s feine tEocfyter nur ersogen? fydtte 
 2350 Das Cfyriftenfinb als eine 3ubin f^ 
 (grsogen? 
 
 (Sans gettnf . 
 
 £empelt}e*i\ 
 
 Sie tpfigte nicfyt, 
 IDas fie geboren fei? — Sie fydtt' es nie 
 Von tfym erfafyren, baf fte eine Cfyriftin 
 (Beboren fei, unb feine 3ubin? 
 
 Daja. 
 
 Hie! 
 
Zlatfyan ber IDeife. 203 
 
 ^empelberr* 
 
 2355 £r fydtt' in biefem IDafyne nidjt bas *Kinb 
 Blof aufer3ogen? lief bas ZHdbdjen nod? 
 3n biefem H)af?ne? 
 
 £eiber ! 
 
 tZempet^err* 
 
 Ztatljan — ICte ? - 
 Der tr>eife gute Hainan £?dtte fid) 
 (£rlaubt, bie Stimme ber Hatur fo 3U 
 
 2360 Perfdlfcftcn ? — Die (£rgiefung eiues f}er3ens 
 So 3U t>erlenfen, bte, fid? felbft gelaffen, 
 (Bans anbre IDege nefymen toiirbe? — Daja, 
 3fyr Vbt mir allerbings etoas rertraut — 
 Von tDidjtigfeit, — was ^olgen fyaben fann, — 
 
 2365 VOas mid) t>ertxrirrt, — toorauf id} gleidj nicbt toeif , 
 VOas mir 3U tfyun. — Drum laft mir ^eit. — Drum gefytl 
 (£r fommt fyier roieberum Dorbei, €r mod?t' 
 Hns uberfalien I <Set?t i 
 
 3d) tear bes Cobes! 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 3d) bin il)n jeljt 3U fpredjen gan3 unb gar 
 2 37 oIcid}t fdfyig. IDenn 3^ r i*? m begegnet, fagt 
 3f?m nur, baf trrir einanber bei bem Sultan 
 Sd^on finben ttmrbem 
 
 2lber laft (Eud? ja 
 Hid)ts merfen gegen ifyn, — Das foil nur fo 
 Den le^ten Drucf bem Dinge geben; foil 
 2375 (£ud), 2led)a's tpegen, alle Sfrupel nur 
 r^fenefymen! — IDenn 3*? r a ^ er ^ bann, fie nadj 
 
 1 
 
204 Ttatfyan ber tDetfe. 
 
 (Europa fiifyrt: fo lafjt 3^ r ^ oc ^? m ^ n ^t 
 <?>uruc?? 
 
 {Zempelfyerr* 
 
 Das toirb ficfy finben, <£>efyt nur, gefytl 
 
 iHerter 2Xuf?u$* 
 
 (grfter JCuftrttt 
 
 (Scene: in ben Kreu3gangen bes Klofters.) 
 
 Per Klofterb ruber unb balb barauf ber (Eempelfyerr. 
 
 Kloftevfcruber* 
 
 3a, jal er fyat fd)on redjt, ber Patriate^! 
 
 2380 <£s fyat mir fretltdj nod? r»on aUe bem 
 Hidjt t>iel gelingen tr>ollen, tr>as er mir 
 So aufgetragen* — XDarum trdgt er mtr 
 Hud) lauter foldje 5ad?en auf? — 3^ ma 9 
 Xcidjt f ein fetn ; mag nidjt iiberreben ; mag 
 
 2385 litem Hdsdjen nidjt in alles ftecfen ; mag 
 IHein f^dnbefyen nid?t in allem fyabtxx. — Bin 
 3<i? barum aus ber JDelt gefefyieben, id? 
 ^ur mid}; um mid} fur anbre mit ber IDelt 
 Hod} erft red}t 5U DertDicfeln? 
 
 €empell}erv (mtt i?aft auf ifyn 3u!ommenb). 
 
 (Buter Bruber! 
 2390 Da feib 3^ r i a - 3^ M a & <£ud} lange fdjon 
 
 ©efudjt 
 
 2ilofterl>ru5et\ 
 
 ZTTid?, f^err? 
 
 €empell}ert\ 
 
 3^?r fennt mid? fd}on nid}t met). ? 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 205 
 
 7Ho)tevbvnbcv. 
 
 Dod?, bod) I 3^? glaubte nur, bag id? ben f}errn 
 3" meinem £zbzn toieber rite 3U fefyn 
 Befommen toiirbe* Denn id) t?offt' es 3U 
 
 2395 Dem lieben (Bott — Der liebe (gott, ber tr>eif 
 H)ie fauer mir ber 2tntrag toarb, ben id) 
 Dem £}errn 3a tfyun t>erbunben roar. (£r toeif, 
 (Db id? getr>unfd?t, ein offnes (Dt?r bei (£ud? 
 <gu finben; toeif, tr»ie fef?r id? mid? gefreut, 
 
 2400 3m 3 nner f* en gefreut, ba$ 3^ r f° run ^ 
 Das alles, ol?ne tael Bebenfen, r>on 
 (£ud? toieft, tr>as einem Hitter nid?t gejtenit — 
 Hun fommt 3*? r &odj; nun f?at's bod) nad?gett>irf t ! 
 
 €empelfyert\ 
 
 3fyr roift es fd?on, tparum id? fomme? Kaum 
 2405 IDeig id? es felbfi 
 
 2ilofterbrubet\ 
 
 3t?r f?abt's nun iiberlegt; 
 fjabt nun gefunben, ba$ ber Patriard? 
 So unred?t bod) nid?t I?at; ba% (Efyr' unb (Belb 
 Durd? feinen 2lnfd?lag 3U getoinnen ; ba$ 
 (Ein ^einb ein ^einb ift, tr>enn er unfer CEngel 
 2410 2lud? fiebenmal getoefen tt>dre* Das, 
 
 Das l?abt 3fy r nun mit ^leifd? unb Blut errr>ogen, 
 Unb fommt, unb tragt (£ud? tr>ieber an. — 2ld? (Sott ! 
 
 €empel^err. 
 
 litem frommer, lieber IHann ! (5ebt <£ud? 3ufrtebem 
 Desroegen fomm' id? nid?t; besroegen roill 
 2415 3d? nid?t ben Patriard?en fpred?en, Tiodi, 
 Tiod) benf id? iiber jenen Punft, trie id? 
 (Scbad^t, unb trollf um alles in ber IDelt 
 Die gute ZHeinung nid?t rerlieren, beren 
 
206 Xlatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 WL\<t) em fo graber, frommer, lieber IHanit 
 2420 (£inmal gercurbiget. — J<i? fomme blof , 
 Den Pathardjen iiber eine Sacfye 
 
 Urn Hat 3U fragen . ♦ . 
 
 # 
 
 2iiofterbrufcet\ 
 
 3^r ben Patriarcfyen ? 
 (£in Hitter, etnen — Pfaffen? (5id? fd?ud?tem umfefymb.) 
 
 <Sempelf}err* 
 
 3a; — bie Sad?' 
 3ft siemtid? pfaffifd?. 
 
 2iloftert>rubet\ 
 
 (BleidjtDofjl fragt ber Pfaffe 
 
 2425 Den Hitter me, bie Sad)t fei aud? nod) 
 
 So ritterlid}* 
 
 {£empell}err. 
 
 IDeil er bas Porredjt Ijat, 
 
 Sid? 5U rergefyn; bas unfereiner ifym 
 
 Hid)t fet?r beneibet — ^rexlicb, trenn id? nur 
 
 ^iir mid? ju fyanbeln Ijatte; freilid), roenn , 
 2430 3^? Hedjenfcfyaft nur mtr §u geben fydtte : 
 
 VDas braucfyf idj (£uers Patriardjen? 2lber 
 
 ©etoiffe Dinge trnll id) lieber fdjledjt, 
 
 Had? anbrer IDtlten, madden ; als allein 
 
 Xlad) meinem, gut. — ^ubem, id) fefy' nun tx>ofyl, 
 2435 Heligion ift audj Partei ; unb trer 
 
 Sid? brob and) nod) fo unparteiifd) glaubt, 
 
 f}dlt, ol)\\ es felbft 5U ttuffen, bod) nur feiner 
 
 Die Stange. XDeil bas einmal nun fo ift: 
 
 IDirb's fo toofyl red?t fehu 
 
 lilofierbruber* 
 
 Dasu fd)U)eig' id) lieber. 
 2440 Denn id) rerftefy' bzn J^errn ntdjt redjt. 
 
Hainan ber IDeife. 207 
 
 <Zempelljerr* 
 
 Unb bod? ! — 
 (£af fet?n, tr>arum mir eigentlid? 5U tf?un ! 
 
 Urn 2Ttad?tfprud? ober Hat? — Urn lantern, ober 
 <gelef?rten Hat?) — 3d? banf (£ud?, Bruber; banf 
 (£ud? fur ben guten XDtnl — tDas Patriard? ? — 
 2445 Seib 3*? r me ^ n Patriard? ! 3^? tPtll ja bod? 
 Den £I?riften met?r tm Patriard?en, als 
 Den Patriard?en in bem (Efyrtften fragem — 
 Die Sad?' ift bie ♦ ♦ . 
 
 ttlofterbruber* 
 
 Hid?t toeiter, f^err, nid?t roetter ! 
 H)o$u ? — Der fjerr rerf ennt mid?* — IDer r>iel tr>eif , 
 2450 §at r>iel 3U forgen ; unb id? I?abe ja 
 
 ITEid? einer Sorge nur gelobt — (D gut! 
 
 fjort ! fel?t ! Dort fommt, 5U meinem ©tiicf, er felbft* 
 
 Bleibt t?ier nur ftet?m (Er t?at €ud? fd?on erblicft 
 
 ^toeiter 2tuftritt. 
 
 Dcr patriard?, tr>eld?er mit allem getftltcfyen pomp ben einert 
 Kreu3gang fyerauffommt, unb bie Dorigen. 
 
 tZetnpelfyerr. 
 
 3d? tuid?' il?m lieber au$. — VOav 1 nid?t mein WLannl- 
 2455 €in bid er, roter, freunblid?er Prdlat ! 
 Unb toeld?er prunf ! 
 
 ttlofterbruber* 
 
 3I?r folltet il?n erft fef?n, 
 Xlad) f}ofe fid) erf?eben* 3 e ^° ?ommt 
 (£r nur von einem Kranfen* 
 
208 Hainan ber lUeife. 
 
 <Zempell}ert\ 
 
 IDie ftcfy ba 
 Xlidft Salabtn ttnrb fcfydmen miiffen ! 
 
 patriarch (tnbem er ndfyer fommt, tDtrtft bem Bruber). 
 
 f)ier ! — 
 2460 Das ift ja toofyl ber Cempelfyerr* JDas roill 
 <gr? 
 
 2ilofterfcruber* 
 IDeif nicfjt 
 
 patriarch 
 
 (auf tfyn 3uge^enb, inbem ber 2Sruber unb bas (Sefolge 3uriicftretett). 
 
 Hun, f}err Hitter ! — Sefyr erfreut 
 Den brat>en jungen IKann 311 fefyn ! — (£i, nod} 
 So gar jung ! — Hun, mit ©ottes I}ilfe, baraus 
 Kann ettpas toerben* 
 
 Zftefjr, efyrtr>iirb'ger £)err, 
 2465 IDofyl fd?tr>erltrf), als fdjon ift. Unb efyer nodj, 
 XDas rueniger. 
 
 patriarch 
 
 3d? ttmnfcfye tpenigftens, 
 Daf fo ein frommer Hitter lange nod? 
 Der lieben Cfyriftenfyeit, ber Sacbe (SSottes 
 <5u <£fyr' unb ^rommen bliifyn unb griinen moge ! 
 2 47 o Das trurb bznn and) nidft fefylen, tr>enn nur fein 
 Die junge Capferfeit bem reifen Hate 
 Des filters folgen roill ! — IDomit tr>dr' fonft 
 Dem £}errn 3U bienen? 
 
 €empelf}err* 
 
 IHit bem ndmlicfyen, 
 IDoran es meiner 3 u S en ^ fefylt: mit Hat 
 
Hatty cut ber IDetfe. 209 
 
 patriarch 
 
 24 75 Hecfyt gern ! — Hur ift ber Hat aucfy an3unefymen« 
 
 ^empelfyerv. 
 
 Dodj blinblings nicfyt? 
 
 fxttviavdi. 
 
 IDer fagt benn bas ? — (£i freilidj 
 ZITuf niemanb bie Dernunft, bie <£>ott ifym gab, 
 <§u braucfyen unterlaffen, — too fie fyin 
 (Befyort — (Befyort fie aber iiberall 
 
 2480 Denn t)inV — (D nein ! — <?>um Beifpiel: tr>enn uns <2>oti 
 Durcfy einen feiner (Engel, — ift 311 fagen, 
 Durd? einen Diener feines IDorts, — ein ZHittel 
 3dannt 3U madden rourbiget, bas Wofyl 
 Der gan3en (Efyriftenfyeit, bas £)eil ber Kircfye, 
 
 2485 2tuf irgenb eine gan3 befonbre IDetfe 
 <gu forbern, 3U befeftigen : roer barf 
 Sid) ba nod} unterftefyn, bie IDillfur bes, 
 Der bie Pernunft crfcbaffen, nad) Dernunft 
 <?Ju unterfucfyen ? unb bas eroige 
 
 2490 <Sefei§ ber f}errlid)f ett bes ^immels, nad} 
 Den fleinen Hegeln einer eiteln (Efyre 
 <?>u priifen ? — Dod? fyierron genug. — JDas ift 
 (Es bcnn, rooriiber unfern Hat fiir jeijt 
 Der fjerr rerlangt? 
 
 €empel*}err* 
 
 (£>efei§t, efyriourb'ger Pater, 
 2 4 Q5 (Ein 3 u ^ e ^Stt' ein einsig Kinb, — es fei 
 
 (£in ZTtdbdjen, — bas er mit ber grof ten Sorgfalt 
 
 <?>u allem (Suten aufer3ogen, bas 
 
 (£r liebe mefyr als feine Seele, bas 
 
 3fyn roieber mit ber frommften £i§be liebe. 
 
210 Hatfyan ber IPeife. 
 
 2500 Unb nun tr>iirb' unferetnem fyinterbradjt, 
 Dies ZHdbcfyen fei bes 3 u ^ en ^odjter nid?t; 
 (£r fyafr es in ber Kinbfyeit aufgelefen, 
 <£>efauft, geftofyleu, — mas 3fy r roollt; man ttuffe, 
 Das ZHabdjen fei ein (Lfyriftenfinb, unb fei 
 
 2505 ©etauft ; ber 3 u ^ e M a & es nur als 3ubin 
 (Erjogen; laff es nur als 3#bin unb 
 2tls feine Cocfyter fo r>erfyarren : — fagt, 
 (Efyrtpiirb'ger Dater, toas roar' fyierbei rooljl 
 <gu tfyun? 
 
 f>atviav<ty. 
 
 Wild) fdjaubert I — Dod? 3U allererft 
 2510 (Erf [are fid} ber f^err, ob fo ein ^all 
 (Ein ^aftum ober eine. f)ypotI?ef\ 
 Das ift 3U fagen : ob ber I}err fid) bas 
 Hur blof fo bidjtet, ober ob's gefdjefyn, 
 Unb fortfdfyrt 3U gefdjefyn- 
 
 ^empelfjerr* 
 
 3d? glaubte, bas 
 2515 Sei eins, um (£uer fjodjefyrumrben ZTteinung' 
 Blof 5U r>ernef)men. 
 
 patriarch 
 
 (Eins? — ba feb' ber f)err 
 H)ie ftd? bie ftolse menfdjlidje Pernunft 
 3™ <£>eiftltd?en bod} irren f ann. — ZTtit nicfyten I 
 Denn ift ber Dorgetragne ^atl nur fo 
 
 2520 (gin Spiel bes lDii§es : fo rerlofynt es fid? 
 Der ITtube mdjt, im (Ernft ifyn burd^ubenfen* 
 3dj tr>tll ben f^errn bamit auf bas Cheater 
 Dertoiefen b a t , en / rr>o bergleicben pro 
 Et contra fid? mit r>ielem Beifall fonnte 
 
 2525 Befyanbeln laffen. — §at ber £}err mid? aber 
 Hidbt blof mit einer tfyeatral'fcfyen Sdjnurre 
 
Xlatl\an ber IPeife. 211 
 
 ^um beften ; ift ber $all em $af turn ; fydtf 
 (£r fid? tx>ofyl gar in unfrer Diocef, 
 3n unfrer lieben Stabt 3 eru f a ^ em / 
 2530 (Ereignet : — ja alsbann — 
 
 ^emyel^err. 
 
 Unb was alsbann? 
 
 patriarch 
 
 Dann wave mil bem 3 u ^ en forberfamft 
 Die Strafe $u voll$kt)n f bie pdpftliches 
 Unb faiferlicbes Hecfyt fo einem ^rerel, 
 So einer Caftertfyat beftimmen* 
 
 ^empelljerr* 
 
 So? 
 
 patriarch 
 
 2535 Unb $wav beftimmen obbefagte Kecfyte 
 Dem 3 u ^en, trelcfyer einen (Efyriften 3ur 
 2tpoftafie ferfiifyrt, — b^n Sd?eiterfyaufen, — 
 Den f?ol3ftof — 
 
 So? 
 
 patriarch 
 
 Unb tr>ie t>ielmefyr bem J>ubzn, 
 Der mit (Setoalt ein armes (Efyriftenfinb 
 2540 Dem Bunbe feiner Cauf entreif t ! Denn tft 
 Hidjt alles, was man Kinbern ttjut, ©etoalt? — 
 <^u fagen : — ausgenommen, roas bie 'Kircb 1 
 2ln Kinbern tfyut, 
 
 VDcnn aber nun bas Kinb, 
 (£rbarmte feiner fidj ber 3 u ^ e ntdjt, 
 2545 Dielleicfyt im (£lenb umgefommen todre? 
 
212 Hatfyau ber £Detfe. 
 
 patriarch 
 
 tlfyut nicfyts ! Der 3 u ^ e ^trb t)erbranni — Denn beffer, 
 <£s tr>dre fyier tm (£lenb umgefommen, 
 2lls ba% 3U feinem etoigen Derberben 
 <£s fo gerettet toarb* — <?)ubem, tr>as fyat 
 2550 Der Jube (Sott benn t>or3ugreifen ? (Bott 
 
 Kann, toen er retten trill, fcfyon 0^' ifyn retten* 
 
 {Zempelljerr* 
 
 2tudj tro^ ifym, follt' icfj meinen, — felig macfyeru 
 
 fxxtviavdi. 
 
 Cfyut nicfyts ! ber 3 u ^ e ^trb serbranni 
 
 Das gefyt 
 ZHir nafy' ! Befonbers, ba man fagt, cr )c\abz 
 2555 Das ZTtdbdjen nicfyt fotpofyl in fetnem, als 
 Dielmefyr in feinem (Blauben aufer3ogen, 
 Unb fie von (£>ott nicfyt mefyr, nicfyt tr>eniger 
 (Selefyrt, als ber Dernunft gentigt 
 
 fxxtviavdi. 
 
 3-tjut majts! 
 
 Der 3 u ^ e rotrb rerbrannt . ♦ ♦ 3 a / ^dr' allein 
 2560 Sdjon biefertoegen toert, breimal t)erbrannt 
 
 <§u toerben ! — JDas? ein Kinb ofyn' alien (Slauben 
 (£rroad?fen laffen ? — tt)ie ? bie grof e pfticftt, 
 <5u glauben, ganj unb gar ein Kinb nicfrt lefyren? 
 Das ift 3U arg 1 — IHicfy ttmnbert feljr, £)err Sitter, 
 2565 (£ud? felbft ♦ ♦ . 
 
 (Efyrtriirb'ger ^err, bas iibrige, 
 XDenn ®ott trill, in ber Beicfyte* (VOiU gefjn.) 
 
 patriarch 
 
 XPas? mir nun 
 
Zlattyan ber IDetfe. 213 
 
 Iciest einmal Hebe ftefyn ? — Den Bofetoicfyt, 
 
 Don 3 u ^ en m ^ r n ^ nennen? — mir ifyn nidjt 
 
 <gur Stelie fdjaffen ? — (D ba toeif id) Hat ! 
 2570 3d? gefy' fogleid? 311m Sultan. — Salabin, 
 
 Permoge ber Kapitulation, 
 
 Die er befdjrooren, muf? uns, muf uns fdjuijen; 
 
 Bei alien Hecfyten, alien £efyren fcfyui§en, 
 
 Die roir 3U unfrer allerfyeiligften 
 2575 Religion nur immer recfynen biirfen i 
 
 ©ottlob ! ttnr fyaben bas (DriginaL 
 
 H)ir Ijaben feine tyanb, fein SiegeL H?ir ! — 
 
 2ludj mad?' id) ifym gar leidjt begreiflidj, roie 
 
 (Befafyrlid) felber fur bzn Staat es ift, 
 2580 Hicfyts glauben ! 2tlle btirgerlicfye 3anbz 
 
 Sinb aufgelofet, finb 3erriffen, roenn 
 
 Der IHenfd? ntdjts glauben barf. — £}tntx>eg ! fyinioeg 
 
 ITtit foldjem ^rerel I ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Sd?abe, ba% id? nicfyt 
 
 Den trefflid?en Sermon mit beffrer ITtufe 
 
 2585 <2>enie£en f ann ! 3d? bin 3um Salabin 
 
 (Serufen. 
 
 patriarch 
 
 . 3 a ? — ^ un f° — ^ un fretltd? — Dann — 
 
 €empelf}ert\ 
 
 3d? trill ben Sultan t>orbereiten, roenn 
 <£s (£uer f}od?et?rtr>iirben fo gefdllt 
 
 patriarch. 
 
 (D, ofj ! — 3^? treif , ber £>err fyat <£>nabe funben 
 ,590 Dor Salabin ! — 3<*? bitte meiner nur 
 3m beften bei ibm eingebenf 3U fein. — 
 ZTEidj treibt ber (£ifer ©ottes lebiglidj. 
 
214 Hatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 VOas id} su t>iel tfyu', tfyu' id? ifym. — Das toolle 
 
 Dodj ja ber £)err ertodgen ! — Unb ntcf?t toafyr, 
 
 2595 £)err Hitter? bas t>orfyin (£rtr>dfynte von 
 
 Dem 3 u ^n, rDar nur e * n Ptoblema? — ift 
 
 <gu fagen — 
 
 {lempel^err* 
 
 (gin problema. ((Se^t ab.) 
 
 patriarch* 
 
 (Dem id? tiefer 
 Vod) auf ben (Srunb 311 fommen fucfyen muf. 
 Das tr>dr' fo trneberum ein 2tuftrag fiir 
 2600 Den Bruber Bonafibes*) — ^ter, mein Sofyn ! 
 
 (<£r fprtcfyt tm 2lbg,efm mtt bem Klofterbruber.) 
 
 Dritter tfuftritt. 
 
 (Scene: ein gimmer tm palafte bes Salab'xn, in tpelcfyes t>on 
 
 SHaren erne XUenge Beutel getragen, unb auf bem 23oben neben 
 
 einanber geftetlt merben.) 
 
 Salabin unb balb barauf S tttat^. 
 
 Salabtn (ber bct3u fommt). 
 
 Hun toafyrlicfy 1 bas fyat nod} f ein <£nbc. — 3ft 
 Des Dings nod} r>iel suriicf? 
 
 <Ein SHavc. 
 
 VDol}l nod) bie f^alfte. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 So tragt bas iibrige 311 Sittafy* — Unb 
 , XDo bteibt 2It§aft? Das t?ier foil fogteid? 
 2605 2tl=I}afi 3U fid? nefymen* — (Dber ob 
 
Hat fy an ber IP e if e. 215 
 
 2>d\s ntcfyt t>telmefyr bem Pater fdjtde? f^ter 
 ^dllt mir es bod? nur burcfy bte finger. — <?>tx)ar 
 ZTTan ttnrb toofyl enblicfy fyart; unb nun getoif 
 Soli's Kiinfte foften, mtr ptel ab$u$voadzn. 
 
 2610 Bis toemgftens bte ©elber aus iigypten 
 <^ur Stelle fommen, mag bas Ztrmut fefyn 
 IDie's ferttg ttnrb 1 — Die Spenben bet bem (Brabe, 
 IDenn bte nur fortgefyn ! IDenn bte (Efyrtftenptlger 
 VTixt leeren ^dnben nur ntdjt ab3tet?n btirfen ! 
 
 2615 IDenn nur — 
 
 IDas foil nun bas? IDas foil bas (Selb 
 Bet mtr? 
 
 SalaMm 
 
 VCiad} bid) barton bejafylt; unb leg' 
 2tuf Dorrat, tr>enn roas iibrtg bleibt! 
 
 Hod? mtt bem tEempelfyervn ntdjt ba? 
 
 Salabin. 
 3fyn alterorten* 
 
 3ft Hainan 
 (Er fud?t 
 
 SittaM* 
 
 Stefy bod), was tdj fyter, 
 2620 3n^em mtr fo rnetn alt (Sefd^meibe burd) 
 
 Die £)dnbe gefyt, gefunben- (3fym em flein (SemSlbe 3eigenb.) 
 
 £}a ! mein Bruber ! 
 Das tft er, tft er I — VOav er ! roar er ! afy ! — 
 211? tr>acfrer lieber 3 un 9 e / ba$ ^ kid} 
 So friify perlor! IDas fydtf xd\ erft mtt Mr, 
 e 62 5 2ln betner Sett' erft unternommen ! — Sittafy, 
 
 £af mir bas Btlb* 2lud? fertn' tcb's fd>on : er gab 
 
216 Hatfyan ber tt)etfe. 
 
 (£s beiner dltern Sdjtr>efter, feiner £illa, 
 Die eines ZHorgens ifyn fo gans unb gar 
 Hicfyt aus ben 2trmen laffen tr>ollt\ (£s tDar 
 2630 Der letste, ben er ausritt — 2tfy, id? liejj 
 3fyn reiten, unb alletn ! — 2lfy, £tlla ftarb 
 t>or ©ram, unb ijat mir's nie t>ergeben, ba$ 
 3d} fo alletn ifyn reiten laffen * — (Er 
 Blieb toeg! 
 
 Der arme Bruber! 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 £af nur gut 
 
 2635 Setn ! — (Einmal bletben roir bod) aUe roeg ! — 
 <5ubem, — toer tpetf? Der ?£ob ift's ntcfyt allein, 
 Der einem 3^ n S^ n S fetner 2trt bas ^tel 
 Vtvxiidt (Er fyat ber ^einbe mefyt; unb oft 
 (Erliegt ber Stdrffte gleicfy bem Scfyrodcfyften* — Hun, 
 
 2640 Set rote ifym fei ! — 3^? mu f bas Bilb bod? mit 
 Dem jungen Cempelfyerrn t>ergleid?en ; muf 
 Dodj fe£?rt, rote tnel mid} meine Pfyantafte 
 ©etaufdji 
 
 Hur barum bring' tcfy's* 2tber gieb 
 Dod), gieb ! 3^ will bir bas toofyl fagen ; bas 
 2645 Perftefyt ein tr>eiblid? TitQ am beften. 
 
 SalaMn (311 etnem Crmrftefyer, ber ^eretntrttt). 
 
 H)er 
 3ft ba? — ber tEempelfyerr? — (Er fomm'I 
 
 (Eud? nid?t 
 <5u ftoren : ifyn mit meiner Heugier nicfyt 
 <gu irren — 
 (Ste fe^t fid? fetttparts auf ein Sofa unb la§t ben Scfyleter fallen.) 
 
Hat^anbcrll)ctfe. 217 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 <£>ut fo ! gut! — (Unb nun fetn ZEonl 
 VOk ber trotjl fetn trirb ! — 2tffabs &on 
 2650 Sdjldft aud? tr»o£jl tr>o in meiner Seele nod? !) 
 
 Dierter 2Juftrtti 
 Der (Eempelfyerr unb Salabin. 
 
 £etnpell}ert\ 
 3d?, bein (Befangner, Sultan . . ♦ 
 
 ITTein (Sefangner? 
 IDem id? bas £zbcn fd?enfe, toerb' id? bem 
 Hid?t aud? bie ^reif?eit fd?enfen? 
 
 2empelf}err* 
 
 VOas bir 5iemt 
 <gu tl?un, 3iemt mir, erft 3U t>ernet?men, nid?t 
 2655 X?oraus3ufe^en. 2Iber, Sultan, — Danf, 
 Befonbern Danf bir fur mein Ceben 3U 
 Beteuern, ftimmt mit meinem Stanb' unb meinem 
 (£t?arafter nid?t — <£s ftet?t in alien fallen 
 <§u beinen ZHenften roieber. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Braud?' es nur 
 2660 £cid?t roiber mid? ! — £voax ein paar I}dnbe mel?r, 
 Die gonnt' id? meinem ^einbe germ 2tUein 
 31?m fo ein £)er3 aud? met?r 3U gonnen, fdllt 
 ITtir fd?it)ei\ — 3^? fyabe mid? mit bir in nid?ts 
 Betrogen, brat>er junger ZTtann ! Du bift 
 2665 mit Seel' unb £eib mein 2tffa&. Siet? ! id? fonnte 
 
218 tlatfjan ber IPeife. 
 
 Did) fragen : xvo bu benn Me gan3e <?>eit 
 (Befted.1? in toeld)er fjofyle bu gefcfylafen? 
 3n tt>eld)em ©inniftan, Don tr>eld)er guten 
 Dit> biefe Blume fort unb fort fo frifd) 
 
 2670 (£rt)alten toorben ? Siel) ! id? f onnte bid) 
 (£rinnern tpollen, was wxx bort unb bort 
 <5ufammen ausgefiifyrh 3^? fonnte mit 
 Dir 3anfen, ba% bu ein <0ef)eimnis bod? 
 Dor mir gefyabt ! <£in 2lbenteuer mir 
 
 2675 Dod) unterfd)lagen : — 3 a / ^ as f onnt' id) ; toenn 
 3d) bid) nur fafy', unb nid)t aud) mid).— Hun, mag's I 
 Don biefer fiif en tTraumerei ift immer 
 Dod) fo trie! toafyr, baf mir in meinem £)erbft 
 (£in 2tffab uneber bliifyen foil. — Du bift 
 
 2680 <£s bod) 3ufrieben, Hitter? 
 
 2tUes, tr>as 
 Don bir mir fommt, — fei was es tpill — bas lag 
 Tils JDunfd) in meiner Seele. 
 
 Salabtn, 
 
 £af uns bas 
 Sogleid) t>erfud)en* — Bliebft bu wofyl bei mir? 
 Urn mir? — Tils (Lfyrift, als IHufelmann: gleid) r>iel! 
 2685 3 m tr>etfen ZHantel, ober ^amtvlonf; 
 3 m Culban, ober beinem ^il3e : trie 
 Du nrillft ! (Sleid) r>iel ! 3^ f? a & e ™ e t>erlangt, 
 Daf alien Baumen eine Hinbe road)fe, 
 
 Sonft todrft bu wol)\ aud) fd)tperlid), ber bu bift: 
 2690 Der £)elb, ber lieber (Sottes ©drtner tr>dre. 
 
 
Hainan ber ED eife. 2I n 
 
 SalaMn. 
 
 Hun 5ann ; toenn 5u nicfyt fcfylecfyter von mir benfft : 
 So todren roir ja fyalb fdjon ricfytig? 
 
 ©att3! 
 
 SataMn (tfym bie £?anb btetenb). 
 <Etn IDort? 
 
 ^empelfyerr (etnfd?lagenb). 
 
 (Ein ITEann ! — fjiermtt empfange meljr 
 2tls bu mir nefymen fonntefL (5an3 6er Deine! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 26 95 ^uriel <3ett>inn fur einen {Tag! 3ut>iel! — 
 Kam er ntdjt mill 
 
 Sempel^erv* 
 
 JDer? 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 Hatfyan* 
 
 Ellein- 
 
 {lempelljerr (frofttg). 
 
 Hem. 3^ ^ am 
 
 SalaMtu 
 
 VOdd) eine tEfyat r>on Mr! Un6 roeldj 
 (Ein roetfes ©liicf, ba% eine folcfte tlfyat 
 <5um Beften eines folcfyen ITCannes ausfcfylug, 
 
 2700 3 a / JCX ! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 So fait? — Hem, junger 2Ttanu ! tr>enn ®ott 
 
220 Tlatkian ber XPetfe. 
 
 Was (Sutes bnvd} nns tfyut, muf man fo fait 
 Zcidjt fein ! — felbft aus Befdjeibenfyeit fo fait 
 Hidjt fdjeinen toollen ! 
 
 Daf bodj in ber XDelt 
 (£tn jebes Ding fo mandje Seiten fyat ! — 
 2 7 o 5 Pon benen oft fid? gar nidjt benfen Idfft, 
 JDie fie 5ufammenpaffen I 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 J)alte bid? 
 Hur immer an bie beft', unb preife <£>ott! 
 Der roeif , tt)ie fie sufammenpaffen. — 2(ber, 
 IDenn bu fo fcbttnerig fein toillft, junger ITtann: 
 2710 So toerb' and) id} \a toofyl auf meiner f}ut 
 Xdxd} mit bir fyalten miiffen? £eiber bin 
 TXnd) id} ein Ding t>on tnelen Seiten, bie 
 ©ft nicfyt fo redjt 5U paffen fdjeinen mogem 
 
 €empelfyert\ 
 
 Das fdjmer3t ! — Denn 2trgtoofyn ift fo roenig fonft 
 
 2715 litem ^efyter — 
 
 Salabiru 
 
 Hun, fo fage bod), mit tr>em 
 Du's fyaft? — (£5 fcfyien ja gar, mit Hatfyan. IPie? 
 2tuf Hatfyan 2Irgtr>ofyn ? bu ? — (£rf lar' bid) ! fpricfy ! 
 Komm, gieb mir beines ^utrau'ns erfte Probe. 
 
 ^empeltjerr* 
 
 3d? fyabe roiber Hatfyan nidjts. ^>d} $ixvn 
 
 2720 2lllein mit mir — 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 Unb iiber roas? 
 
Hainan be r XDeife. 221 
 
 t£empelljert\ 
 
 Dag mir 
 
 (gietrdumt, ein 3 u ^ e form' aud? tt>ofyI ein 3 u ^ e 
 
 <gu fein r>erlernen ; baf mir roacfjenb fo 
 
 ©etrdumt 
 
 Salafcin* 
 
 f^eraus mtt Mefem tr>ad?en ^raume ! 
 
 €empel^err* 
 
 Du wtiftt port Hatfyans £od?ter, Sultan* Was 
 2725 3^? f^ r f* e fyat, bas tfyat id?, — toeil id?'s tl?at* 
 ^u ftol3, Dauf ein3uernten, too id? il?n 
 Icid?t fdete, rerfdnndfyt' id? Cag fur tlag 
 Das 2TCdbd?en nod) einmal 311 fel?TL Der X)ater 
 XDar fern ; er f ommt ; er l?ort ; er fud?t mid) auf ; 
 2730 <£r banft; er tr>unfd?t, baft feine tEod?ter mir 
 (Befallen moge ; fprid?t von 2tusfid?t, fprid?t 
 Von fyettem ^ertten. — Hun, id? laffe mid? 
 BefduDai^en, fomme, fef?e, finbe tr>irflid? 
 (Ein 2Ttdbd?en . . * 211?, id? muf mid? fd?dmen, Sultan i — 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 2735 Did? fd?dmen? — baft ein ^}ubznmabd)zn auf 
 Did? (Sinbrucf mad?te: bod} tr>of?l nimmermet?r? 
 
 Daf Mefem €inbrucf, auf bas lieblid?e 
 ©efd?tc>afe bes Daters t?in, mein rafd?es f}er3 
 So roenig IDiberftanb entgegenfeijte ! — 
 2 74 o 3d? tEropf ! id? fprang 3um 3tDeitenmal ins ^euer* — 
 Denn nun roarb id?, unb nun tr>arb id? t>erfd?mdf?t 
 
 SalaMn. 
 
 Perfd?mdl?t? 
 
 Sempell}ert\ 
 
 Der treife Pater fd?ldgt nun rootjl 
 
222 tTat^anberlPctfe. 
 
 Wild) platterbings nid?t aus, Der tr>eife Pater 
 ITtuf aber bod? fid? crft erfunben. erft 
 2745 Befinnen* 2lllerbtngs I tlfyat id? benu bas 
 Hid?t and}? (£rfunbete, befann id? bcnn 
 ZTTid? erft nid?t and?, als fie im ^euer fd?rie ? — 
 ^urtpafyr ! bei (ESott ! €s ift bod? gar tr>as Scbones, 
 So tpeife, fo bebdd?tig fein ! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Hun, nun ! 
 
 2750 So fiet? bod? eirtem 2tlten etroas nad) ! 
 tDie lange fonnen feine XPeigerimgen 
 Denn bauern ? UOxxb er benn von bir t>erlangen, 
 Qa% bu erft 3 u ^ e toerben follft? 
 
 {Zempeilierr* 
 
 IDer tr>eif ! 
 Salabin. 
 
 IDer tt>eif? — ber biefen Zcatt?an beffer fznnt 
 
 2755 Der 2tberglaub', in bem tr»ir aufgerpad?fen, 
 Derliert, aud? tr>enn roir if?n erfennen, barum 
 Dod? feine 2TEad?t nid?t fiber uns. — <£s finb 
 Zcid?t alle frei, bie tfyrer Ketten fpotten* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Sefyr reif bemerft! Dod? Xcatfyan rt)at?rlid?, Hatt?an 
 
 Sempel^err, 
 
 2760 Der 2tberglauben fcblimmfter ift, ben feinen 
 ^fir ben ertrdglid?ern 5U fyalten . 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 IDofyl fein! Dod? Xcatfyan 
 
Ztcttfyan ber IDeife. 223 
 
 <Sempelbert\ 
 
 Dem allein 
 
 Die blobe ITTenfcbfyeit 311 rertrauen, bis 
 
 Sie fyellern IDafyrfyeitstag getoofyne; bem 
 
 2765 Jtllein * ♦ • 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 (But I 2tber Hatban ! — Hatbans Cos 
 3ft biefe Sdnr>ad?beit md)i 
 
 £empelbert\ 
 
 So bad)? id) aucb I .- • J 
 IDenn gleicbtoofyl biefer 2tusbunb aller TTEenfcfyen 
 So ein gemeiner J u ^ e trdre, baf 
 <£r (£fyriftenfinber 311 befommen fucbte, 
 2770 Urn fte als 3 u ^ en ciufsuste^n : — rote bann? 
 
 Salabitu 
 
 IDer fagt tljm fo u>as nadj? 
 
 ^empelberr. 
 
 Das Iltabcben felbft, 
 ZTJit tuelcber er mid? fornt, mit bercn ^offnung 
 <£r gern mir 311 bt$abUn fcfyiene, teas 
 3d? nid)t umfonft f tir fte getfyan foil l\abzx\: — 
 2775 Dies ZtTdbcben felbft, ift fcine Cocfyter — rticbt; 
 3ft ein r>er3ettelt (£fyriftenfinb- 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 Das er 
 Dem ungeadjtet bir ntcbt geben roollte? 
 
 £empelberr (fjefttg). 
 
 XDolT ober roolle ntcbt ! (£r ift entbedt 
 Der tolerante Scbtodtjer ift entbecft! 
 2780 3dj roerbe binter biefen jtib'fcben IDolf 
 
224 Rattan ber IDeife. 
 
 3m pfyitofor>fy'fd? en Sd)afspel3, f}unbe fcfyon 
 <5u bringen toiffen, bie it?n saufen follen ! 
 
 Salabin (ernft). 
 Set ruf?ig, <£l?rift! 
 
 tZempelljetr* 
 
 XDas? rufyig (Lfyrift? — JDenn 3 U ^' 
 Unb IHufelmann, auf 3 U ^\ au f IHufelmann 
 2785 Beftefyen : foil allein ber (Efyrift ben (£f?riften 
 Iciest mad?en biirfen ? 
 
 Salabin (nod? emfter). 
 Hufyig, (£f?rift! 
 
 Sempeltjerr (gelaffen). 
 
 3d? ffit?le 
 De^ Dorrourfs ganje £afi, — bie Salabin 
 
 3n biefe Stlbe preft! 211?, toenn id? trmfte, 
 H)ie 2lffab, — 2lffab fid) an meiner Stelle 
 2790 ^ierbei genommen f?dtte ! 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 Xcid?t tnel beffer ! — 
 Dermutlid?, gan3 fo braufenb ! — Vod\ f tr>cr fyat 
 Denn bid? aud? fd?on gelefyrt, mid? fo tr>ie er 
 ZHit einem IDorte 3U befted?en? ^reiltd? 
 IDenn alles fid? £ert?dlt, tr»ie bu mir fageft: 
 
 2795 Kann id? mid? felber faum in Zcatfyan finbem — - 
 3nbes, er ift mein ^reunb, unb meiner ^reunbe 
 ITtuf feiner mit bem anbern fyabern* — €a§ 
 Did? tr>eifen ! (Set? befyutfam ! (£>ieb if?n nid?t 
 Sofort ben Sd?tr>drmern beines Pobels preisl 
 
 2800 X)erfd?roeig, was beine (5eiftlid?feU, an il?m 
 <gu rdd?en, mir fo nafye legen rourbe! 
 
HatfyanbertDetfe. 225 
 
 Set feinem 3 u ^en, feinem ZHufelmanne 
 <5um Cro^ ein (Efyrift ! 
 
 €empel^ert\ 
 
 Balb roar's bamit 5U fpdt! 
 Docfy Danf ber Blutbegier bes Patriarcben, 
 2805 Des IPerfseug mir 5U roerben graute! 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 U)ie? 
 Du famft 3um Patriard?en efyer, als 
 
 <§u mir? 
 
 3m Sturm ber Ceibenfcbaft, im JIHrbel 
 Der Unentfdbloffenfyeit ! — Perseit? ! — Du trurft 
 Pen beinem 2lffab, fiircfyt' id), ferncr nun 
 28ioHid?ts mef?r in mir erfennen toollen* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Win 
 
 <£s biefe ^urd?t nicbt felbft ! ZHid? bflnf t, id) toeif, 
 2lus toeldjen ^efylern unfre Cugenb feimt 
 Pfleg' biefe ferner nur, unb jene follen 
 Bei mir bir toenig fcfyaben, — 2lber gefy! 
 
 2815 Sud)' bu nun ttatfyan, rote er bid? gefudjt; 
 
 Unb bring' ifyn fyer* 3^? mu i euc ^ ^°d? 3ufammen 
 Derftdnbigen* — IDdr' um has ZTtdbdjen bir 
 3m (£rnft ju tfyun : fei rufyig, Sie ift bein ! 
 2Iud? foil es Hatfyan fdjon empftnben, bafe 
 
 2820 (£r obne Scbroeinefleifdj ein Cfyriftenfinb 
 (Erstefyen biirfen ! — (Befy ! 
 
 (Der Cempelfyerr getyt ab, unb Stttafy cerldgt has Sofa.) 
 
226 Hatl]an ber XDetfe. 
 
 ^unfter Jtuftrttt 
 
 Salabin unb Sittaly 
 
 (0an5 fonberbarl 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 (Belt, Sittafy? ZHu^ mein 2lffa6 nidjt ein brat>er, 
 (£in fcfyoner junger ITTann getpefen fetn? 
 
 Sittatj* 
 
 ZDenn er fo roar, unb uidjt 3U btefem Bilbe 
 2825 Der Cempelfyerr tuelmefyr gefeffen ! — 2lber 
 IDte fyaft bu bod? t>ergeffen fonmn bid) 
 Xtad) feinen (£ltern 3U erfunbigen? 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Unb insbefonbere tpofyl nad) feiner ZTTutter? 
 <Db feine XHutter fyter 3U Canbe me 
 28 3 o@etpefen fei? — Xixdft tr>al)t? 
 
 Das madjft bu gutt 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 (D, moglidjer roar' ntcfyts! Denn 2lffab xvat 
 Bet fyiibfdjen (Efyriftenbamen fo ttnllfommen, 
 2tuf fyubfcfye (Lfyriftenbamen fo erptdjt, 
 Daf einmal gar bie Hebe ging — £cun, nun ; 
 2835 2T£an fpricfyt nid?t gem bar>on> — (Senug ; id? fyab' 
 3fyn trneber 1 — tr>ill mit alien feinen ^efylern, 
 ITtit alien £aunen fetnes toeidjen £jer3ens 
 3fyn txneber fyaben ! — (Dfy! bas ZTTdbdjen mufj 
 3t?tn Hainan geben. ZTtetnft bu nidjt? 
 
2 8 4 o 3fym laffen 
 
 Hainan be r W etfe. 227 
 
 Sittatj, 
 
 . 3fy m geben? 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 2lllerbings ! Was fydtte Hatfyan, 
 Sobalb er mdjt ti?r Pater ift, fur &ed)t 
 2tuf fie? IDer ifyr bas £eben fo erE?ielt, 
 tEritt etri3tg in bie Xecftte bes, ber ifyr 
 £5 gab. 
 
 SUtat^ 
 
 H)ie alfo, Salabin? toenn bu 
 2845 Hur gletdj bas ZTTdbcfyen 311 bir nafymft? Sie nur 
 Dem unredjtmdftgen Befi^er gleid} 
 (£nt3ogeft? 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Cfydte bas tr>ofyl not? 
 
 Sittat}. 
 
 Hot nun 
 tDofyl eben nicfyt! — Die Hebe Heubegier 
 Creibt micfy allein, bir biefen Hat 311 geben. 
 2850 Denn von geroiffen ZHdnnern mag id) gar 
 <5u gern, fo balb rote moglid), toiffen, was 
 Sie ftir ein XHdbcfyen lieben fonnen. 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 So fcfyicf unb laf fie fyolen, 
 
 Sittal?, 
 Salabin. 
 
 Hun, 
 
 Darf id}, Bruber? 
 
 Hur fcfyone Hatfyans! Hatt?an mug burdjaus 
 2855 Xctcht glauben, ba% man mit (Beroalt il?n Don 
 3^ trennen tpolle. 
 
228 Ha tfyan ber ID etfe. 
 
 Sorge n\d)L 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Unb \d), 
 3<i? muf fdjon felbft fefyn, too 2tl=f}afi bleibt 
 
 
 Sedjfter 2luftrttt. 
 
 (Scene: bte offne ^Iur in Hatfyans £?aufe, gegen bte palmen 311; 
 UJte im erften Ztuftrttte bcs erften 2Iuf3ugs. (Etn CEetl ber 
 IDaren unb Koftbarfetten Hegt ausgeframt, beren ebenbafelbfi ge= 
 
 bad?t nnrb.) 
 
 Hainan unb Dajcu 
 
 (D, alles fyerrlid}! alles auserlefen! 
 CD, alles — tDte nur 3*? r es geben Fonnt*. 
 2860 JDo tpirb ber Silberftoff mit golbnen Kanfen 
 (Bemacfyt? JDas foftet er? — Das nenn' tdj nod} 
 (£in Brautfleib I Keine Konigin t>erlangt 
 <£s beffer* 
 
 Vtatlian. 
 
 Brautfleib? IDarum Brautfleib eben? 
 
 3^ nun ! 3^ r battel baran freilicfy rttdjt, 
 2865 2tls 3^? r ^ n fauftet. — 2tber waifvlidf, Hatfyan, 
 Der unb fein anbrer muf es fein ! (gr ift 
 ^um Brautfleib rote beftellt Der toeife (Srunb; 
 €in Bilb ber Unfdjulb: unb bte golbnen Strome, 
 Die allerorten biefen <£>runb burd?fd?ldngeln ; 
 2 8 7 o (gin Bilb bes Seidjtums, Se£?t 3fyr? Jtllerliebft ! 
 
Hainan bertDetfe. 229 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Was nri^elft bu mir 6a? Don treffen Brautfleib 
 Stnnbtlberft bu mir fo gelefyrt? — Bift bu 
 Denn Braut? 
 
 3d?? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Ziun tper benn? 
 
 3d?? — lieber (gott! 
 
 XDer benn? Don tr>effeu Brautfleib fpricfjft bu benn? — 
 2875 Das alles ift ja bein, unb fetner anbern. 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 3ft metn? Soli metn fein? — 3ft f^ r &£&)<* ntcftt? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Was id) fur Rz&fa mitgebradjt, bas liegt 
 
 3n etnem anbern Ballen. ITEadj'! ntmm tr>eg! 
 
 Crag beine Stebenfadjen fort! 
 
 Perfumer! 
 2880 Hetn, todren es bie Koftbarfetten aud) 
 
 Der gan3en XDelt ! Icicfyt riifyr' an ! toenn 3^ r m * r 
 Dorfyer md?t fd)tr>ort, r>on btefer einstgen 
 (Betegenfyett, bergletdjen (£udj ber ^immel 
 Htdjt jroetmal fdjtcfen tturb, (Sebraud? 3U madjem 
 
 Viatlian. 
 
 a 88 5 (Bebraud? ? von was? — (Belegenfyett? tr>03u? 
 
 Da\a. 
 
 <D ftellt (£ud? nid?t fo fremb! — ZTtit fur$en ZDorten ! 
 
230 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Der Cempelfyerr liebt &zd)a: gebt fie tfym, 
 
 So fyat bod} einmal Sure Siinbe, bie 
 
 3d) langer nidjt rerfdjtpeigen fann, ein €nbe. 
 
 2890 So fommt bas ZHdbdjen uneber unter (E^rtften ; 
 
 VOivb toieber tt>as fte ift ; ift uneber, was 
 
 Sie wavb: unb 3^ r > 3^ r fy a k* m ^ all bem (Buten, 
 
 Das tptr (£udj nicfyt genug t>erbanfen fonnen, 
 
 Hidjt ^euerfofylen blof auf <£uer £}aupt 
 
 2895 (Befammelt 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Dodj bie alte £eier txneber? — 
 2Ttit einer neuen Saite nur be3ogen, 
 Die, fiirdjt' id), toeber ftimmt nod? fydlt, 
 
 H)ie fo? 
 nat^an. 
 
 ZTttr roar' ber tEempelfyerr fcbon recfyt 3*? m gonnt' 
 3d) Hc&ia mefyr als einem in ber IDett. 
 2 9 oo2tllein . . ♦ Hun, fyabt nur ©ebulb. 
 
 (Sebulb? 
 (Sebulb, ift (£ure alte £eier nun 
 XDofy nid?t? 
 
 Hur trenig Cage nodj (Bebulb ! . . . 
 Siefy bod}\ — IDer fommt benn bort? (£in Klofterbruber? 
 <£>efy, frag' ifyn roas er ttnlL 
 
 VOas trirb er rpollen? 
 (Ste gefyt auf ifyn 3U unb fragt.) 
 
 2905 So gieb ! — unb efy er bittet — (VDix^t 1 id) nur 
 
 
Hatfyan ber tD e i f e. 231 
 
 X)em Cempelberrn erft bei3ufommen, ofynz 
 Die Urfad?' meincr Heugier ifym 311 fagen ! 
 Venn xoenn id? fie it?m fag\ unb ber Derbacbt 
 3ft ot?ne ©runb: fo fyaV id? gan3 umfonft 
 3910 Den Pater auf bas Spiel gefe^L) — VOas iff 5? 
 
 <£r roill <£ud? fpred?en* 
 
 Him, fo laf tl?n fommen; 
 
 Unb gel} inbes* 
 
 Siebenter 2tuftritt. 
 7Xatl\an unb ber Klofterbruber. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 (3d? bliebe Hed?as Pater 
 Dod? gar 311 gern ! — ^toar fann id?'s benn nid?t bleiben, 
 21ud? roenn id? auff?6r ? , es 311 t?eifen? — 3fy r r 
 2915 3*? r f e ^ft roerb' W s bod? immer aud? nod? beif en, 
 IDenn fte erfennt, toie gern id?'s rodre.) — (Set? ! — 
 XOas ift 3U (£uern Dienften, frommer Bruber? 
 
 2Uofterbrubet\ 
 
 Hidjt zbzn r>ieL — 3d? freue mid?, £)err Hatt?an, 
 (£ud? annod? tr>of?l 3U fel?n. 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 So fennt 3^ r ntid?? 
 
 tttofterbrufcer* 
 
 2920 3^nu; tper fennt (£ud? nid?t? 3^ r M a bi fo mand?em 
 
232 ZtatfyanbertDetfe. 
 
 3a (£uern Xiamen in bie tyanb gebrucft 
 (£r ftet?t in meiner aud?, feit t>ielen 3 a fy ren * 
 
 tlatl^an (nad? fetnem Beutel langenb). 
 Kommt, Bruber, fommt; id? frifd?' i^n auf* 
 
 2Uoftert>rufcet\ 
 
 §abt Dan! I 
 
 3d? tourb' es 2Irmern ftefylen ; nefyme nid?ts* — 
 
 2925 U?enn 3*? r m ^ r nur erlauben trollt, ein toenig 
 
 (£ud? m ein en Hamen .aufsufrifdjen* Denn 
 
 3d? fann mid? tubmen, aud? in (£ure f}anb 
 
 (Ettx>as gelegt 3U fyaben, teas nid?t 5U 
 
 Derad?ten wax. 
 
 Vlattian. 
 
 Deceit?! ! — 3d? fd?ame mid? — 
 2930 Sagt, was? — unb nel?mt 3m: Bufe ftebenfad? 
 Den H)ert besfelben von mir an v 
 
 2ilofterbru5et\ 
 
 £?ort bod? 
 Vox alien Dingen, txrie id? felber nur 
 (Erft fyeut an bies mein (£ud? rertrautes pfanb 
 (£rinnert toorben! 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 ZTTir rertrautes Pfanb? 
 
 2Uofterbvu5et\ 
 
 2935 Dor fur3em faf id? nod? als €remit 
 
 2tuf Quarantana, unroeit 3 er *d?o* 
 
 Da fam arabifd? Kaubgefinbel, brad? 
 
 ZHein (SottesI?dusd?en ab unb meine &tf&z, 
 
 Unb fd?leppte mid? mil fort <5 um ©liicf entfam 
 2940 3d? nod?, unb flot? fyierber 3um Patriard?en, 
 
 Urn mir ein anber Pla^d?en aus3ubitten, 
 
HatfyanbcrrDetfe. 233 
 
 TXUwo id? meinem (5ott in (Etnfamfeit 
 Bis an meiu felig (Enbe bienen fonne* 
 
 natban. 
 
 jd? ftet?' auf Kofyleu, guter Bruber* 2Ttad?t 
 2945 (£s fur3* Z)as Pfanb ! bas mir rertraute Pfanb ! 
 
 ttlofterfctufcer, 
 
 Sogleid?, £)err Icatl?am — Hun, ber Patriarch 
 
 Perfprad? mir eine Siebelei auf Cabor, 
 
 Sobalb als eine leer; unb fyief in3tpifd?en 
 
 3m Klofter mid? als Saienbruber bleiben. 
 
 2950 X)a bin id) jei§t, £?err Xcatfyan ; unb rerlange 
 
 Des £ags tt)ot?l f?unbertmal auf Cabor. Denn 
 
 Der Patriard? braud?t mid? ju alierlei, 
 
 IDor>or id) grofen (Efel t?abe, ^um 
 
 (£rempel : 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 IHadjt, id? bit? <£ud?I 
 
 XTun, es fommtl- 
 
 2955 Da B?at if?m jemanb t?eut ins (Df?r gefe^t: 
 
 <Es lebe f?ier l?erum ein ^>ubz f ^er 
 
 (£in (£f?riftenfinb als feine £od?ter fid? 
 
 €r3oge. 
 
 natban. 
 
 XOk ? (Setroffen.) 
 
 *&lc)ttvbvvibcv. 
 
 tyovt mid) nur aus ! — ^nbzm 
 (Er mir nun auftrdgt, biefem J u ^ en ftracfs, 
 29 6o XDo mogtid?, auf bie Spur 5U fommen, unb 
 ©etpaltig fid? ob eines fokben ^repels 
 €r3urnt, ber ii?m bie toat?re Siinbe tpiber 
 
234 Ha than ber IDetfe. 
 
 Den fyeil'gen <S>eift bcbiinFt ; — bas ift, bie Siinbe, 
 Die aller Siinben grofte Siinb' uns gilt, 
 
 2965 Hur ba% urir, <0oit fei Danf, fo red?t nid?t toiffen, 
 JDorin fie eigentlid? beftefyt : — 5a toad?t 
 XTtit einmal mein (Settnffen auf; unb mir 
 ^allt bei, id} fonnte felber tDot?l rorseiten 
 <5u biefer unt>er5eit?lid? grof en Siinbe 
 
 2970 (Belegenfyeit gegeben fyaben* — Sagt: 
 
 I}at (£ud? ein Heitfned?t nid?t r»or adjtjefyn 3 a fy rer t 
 (£in t£dd?terd?en gebrad?t t>on toenig ZDod?en? 
 
 Uatfyan. 
 XDte bas? — Hun freilid? — allerbings — 
 
 lilofterbruber* 
 
 <Et, fei?t 
 ZtTid? bod? red?t an ! — Der Xeitf ned?t, ber bin id?. 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 2975 Seib 3fyr? 
 
 Der £?err, r>on roeld?em id?'s (£ud? bradjte, 
 IDar — ift mir red?t — ein £)err von ^ilnef/ — XDoif 
 
 Don £tinef I 
 
 ZiatVian. 
 
 Hid?tig ! 
 
 2Uoftert>rubet\ 
 
 XDeil bie ZTCutter fur3 
 Porter geftorben tpar; unb ftd? ber Pater 
 Ziad) — mein' id? — ®atfa ploijlid? roerfen muf te, 
 2 9 8o2DoI)tn bas tDurmdjen il?m nicbt folgen fonnte: 
 So fanbf er's (£ud?, Unb traf id? (£ud? bamit 
 Hid?t in Darun? 
 
 @an$ red?t! 
 
ttattian ber IDetfe. 235 
 
 Klofterfcruber* 
 
 (£s war fetn IDunber, 
 IDenn mein (Sebdcfytnis mid) betrog\ 3^ fyabe 
 Der braren £)errn fo tnel gefyabt; unb biefem 
 2 9 8 5 §ab' id) nur gar 3U furse ^ett gebient. 
 (£r blieb .balb brauf bet Hsfalon; unb roar 
 IDofyl fonft ein lieber £>err. 
 
 3<x roofyl ! ja roofyl! 
 Dem id? fo tnel, fo r>iel 3U banfen Ijabzl 
 Der mefyr als etnmal mid? bem Scfyroert entriffen i 
 
 2Uoftert>rubet\ 
 
 2990® fdjon! So roerb't 3^ r feines Ocbtercfyens 
 (£ud) urn fo lieber angenommen fyabzn. 
 
 tiatlian. 
 
 Das fount 3*? r benfem 
 
 2(iofterbrubet\ 
 
 Hun, tx>o ift es benn? 
 
 <£s ift bod? roofyl nid?t etroa gar geftorbert? — 
 
 £af t's lieber nicfyt geftorbert fein ! — IDenn fonft 
 
 2995 Hur niemanb urn bie Sadje roeif: fo if at 
 
 (£5 gute XDege. 
 
 Vlattian. 
 
 §at es? 
 
 Craut mir, Icatfyan [ 
 Denn fefyt, id? benf e fo ! IDenn an has (Bute, 
 Das id) 3U tfyun t>ermeine, gar 3U nab 
 Was gar ju Sd)limmes gren3t: fo tfyu' id? lieber 
 3000 Das (Bute nid)t; roeit roir bas Scblimme sroar 
 So 3iemlid) jurerlafftg fennen, aber 
 Bei roeitem nicfyt bas (Bute* — IDar ja roofyl 
 
236 Hatban ber IPetfe. 
 
 Zcatiirlid?; toenn bas (£tjriftent6ci?terdjen 
 Hodjt gut von (£ud? erjogen toerben follte: 
 
 3005 Qa% 3I?r's als (£uer eigen tldd?terd?en 
 <£r3ogt. — Das fydttet 3br m ^ a ^ er £teb' 
 Unb {£reue nun getfyan, unb miiftet fo 
 Beloi?net toerben? Das rotll mir nid?t etru 
 . <£i freilid?, fliiger i?dttet 3^ r getfyan; 
 
 3010 IDenn 3*? r ^ie Cfyriftin burd? bie 3toeite f}anb 
 2lls <£t?riftin aufer3ief?en laffen: aber 
 So f?dttet 3^? r ^as #inbd?en (£ures ^reunbs 
 2lud? nid?t geliebi Unb Kinber braud?en Ciebe, 
 IDdr's eines txrilben Uteres £ieb' aud? nur, 
 
 3015 3 n fold?en 3 a ^? ren tnefyr, ate Cljriftentum. 
 <?>um <£t?riftentume that's nod? immer ^eit 
 IDenn nur bas Xndbd?en fonft gefunb unb fromrrc 
 Vox (£uern 2lugen aufgetr>ad?fen ift, 
 So blieb's t>or (Bottes 2lugen, tras es roar* 
 
 3020 Unb tft bznn nid?t bas gan3e (Lfyriftentum 
 2tufs 3 u ^tttum gebaut? <£s I?at mid) oft 
 (Sedrgert, t?at mtr Cbrdnen g'nug gefoftet, 
 IDenn (Efyrtften gar fo fel?r t>ergeffen fonnten, 
 Daf unfer £)err ja felbft ein 3 u ^ e rDar * 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 3025 3^? r / guter Bruber, muf t metn ^iirfprad? fein, 
 tDenn £?a§ unb (Bleisnerei fid? gegen mid? 
 (£rfyeben follten, — tr>egen einer tTf?at — 
 7X1}, roegen einer {£f?at! — Xcur 3^ r r 3*? r follt 
 Sie roiffen! — Hefymt fie aber mit ins <8rab! 
 
 3030 Hod? f?at mid? nie bie (Eitelfett t>erfud?t, 
 Sie jemanb anberm 3U e^dblem (£ud? 
 2tllein treaty id? fie. Der frommen Cinfalt 
 2lUein tx$al)V id? fie. IDeil bie allein 
 Derftefyt, teas fid? ber gottergebne ZHenfd? 
 
 3035 ^iir t£t?aten abgeioinnen fann. 
 
Hatfyauber IDetfe. 237 
 
 ttlofterbrufcer* 
 
 3ty* fetb 
 
 (geriityrt, unb (£uer 2tuge ftetyt roll IDaffer? 
 
 3f?r traft mid? mit bem Kinbe 3U Darun. 
 
 3tyr unft tootyl aber nictyt, baf toenig tEage 
 
 <5ur>or, in (Batty bie (£tyriften alle 3 u & en 
 3040 licit IDeib unb Kinb ermorbet fatten; rotf t 
 
 IDotyl nictyt, baf unter biefen meine ^rau 
 
 TXlit fieben tyoffnungsrollen Sotynen fid? 
 
 Befunben, bie in nieines Brubers £}aufe, 
 
 <gu bem id? fie geftiid?tet, insgefamt 
 3045 Derbrennen muffen* 
 
 Klofterbruber* 
 
 2tllgered?ter ! 
 
 naityan. 
 
 Tils 
 
 3tyr famt, tyatt' id? brei Cag' unb Xxdctyt' in 2tfd? J 
 
 Unb Staub ror (gott gelegen, unb gerceint, — 
 
 (Betoeint? Bextyer mit (Sott and) trotyl gerectytet, 
 
 ©e3iirnt, geiobt, mid? unb bie IDelt t)ertounfd?t; 
 
 3 o 5 o Der Ctyriftentyeit ben unt>erfotynlid?ften 
 
 £)a$ 3ugefd?tr»oren — 
 
 Hlo\Uvbvubcv. 
 
 ^<ty! 3 d ? gtaub's (£ud? tootyl! 
 
 Vod) nun fam bie Dernunft allmdtylicty ttneber* 
 Sie fprad? mit fanfter Sttmm': „Unb bod) ift <£>ott! 
 Docty roar aud? (Bottcs Xatfctyluf bas ! IPotylau ! 
 3055 Komml iibe, was bu langft begriffen tyaft; 
 Was fictyerlicty 3U iiben fd?tr>erer nictyt 
 2tls 3U begreifen ift, tpenn bu nur txrillft. 
 
238 Hatfyan ber tUetfc. 
 
 Stcf? auf!" — 3d? ftanb! unb rief 511 (Sott : td? rotll ! 
 
 IDillft bu nur, baf id) trill! — 3 n ^em fttegt 3fyr 
 3060 Pom Pferb, unb tiberreid?tet mir bas Kinb, 
 
 3n (£uern UTantel eingefytillh — Was 3^ r 
 
 IHir bamals fagtet; tr>as id? (£ud?: fyafr id? 
 
 Dergeffem So t>iel tr>eif id? nur; id) nat?m 
 
 Pas Kinb, trug's auf rnein £ager, fiif t' es, roarf 
 3065 ZHid) auf bie Knie unb fd?lud?3te: <8ott! auf fieben 
 
 Pod? nun fdjon eincs toieber! 
 
 2itofterbrubet\ 
 
 Hatfyan ! Hainan ! 
 3br feib ein <£f?rift! — Bei ©ott, 3*?r feib ein £l?rift! 
 (£in beffrer (thrift roar niel 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 VDofy uns! Denn tr>as 
 UTid? <£ud? jum (Efjriften mad?t, bas mad?t (£ud? mir 
 
 3070 ^um 3 u ^en! — 2tber laft uns langer uid?t 
 (£inanber nur ertr>eid?em I}ier braucbfs tEf?at! 
 Unb ob mid? fiebenfad?e £iebc fd?on 
 Balb an bies ein3'ge frcmbc Htdbcben banb; 
 (Db ber ©ebanfe mid? fd?on totet, bajr 
 
 30753^ roeine fieben Sot?n' in il?r aufs neue 
 
 Derlieren foil: — trenn fie Don metnen f^dnben 
 Die Dorftd?t roieber forbert, — id? gef?ord?e ! 
 
 2Uoftevbrufcet\ 
 
 Hun t>ollenbs ! — <£bzn bas bzbad)t J id? mid? 
 So t)iel, (£ud? anjuraten ! Unb fo £?at's 
 3080 (£ud? (£uer guter ©eift fd?on angeraten! 
 
 natlian. 
 
 XTur muf ber erfte befte mir fie nid?t 
 (£ntreif en ir>ollen ! 
 
Hatha n be r IPeife. 239 
 
 Xcein, gcun§ nidjt! 
 
 Zl<xtt\an. 
 
 IDcr 
 
 2tuf fte nicftt grofre Hecate Ijat, als id); 
 ZTTuf friibere 3um minften fyaben — 
 
 Klofterbrufcer* 
 
 Hatban* 
 
 3085 Die xfym Hatur unb Blut erteilen* 
 
 *Klc)tevbvubev. 
 
 2T£ein' id? es audjl 
 
 ^reilid? ! 
 
 So 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 X)rum nennt mir nur gefd)tr>inb 
 Den ZTTann, ber ifyr als Bruber ober (Dl)m, 
 2Ils better ober fonft als Sipp' rcrnxmbf: 
 3I?m tr>ill id) fte nidfyt rorentfyalien — Sie, 
 3090 Die jebes f}aufes, jebes (Slaubens ^ierbe 
 <^u fein erfefyaffen unb er3ogen warb. — 
 3d? fyoff, 3^? r tx^i^t r>on biefem (Euctm Rerrn 
 Unb bem (£>efdjled)te beffen, meljr als id>. 
 
 'Klofterbrtiber* 
 
 Das, guter Hatban, mol)l nun fd?tr»erlid? ! — Denn 
 3095 3*? r t? a tt ja fdion gefyort, ba% id} nur gar 
 <?)u fut^e gert bet ifym getoefen* 
 
 Hatban* 
 
 HHft 
 
 3br benn nicbt trenigftens, tras fur ©efcblecbts 
 Die Hlutter war? — XDav fte nicbt etne Staufftn ? 
 
 tDobl moglid? ! — 3 a / m ^ biinft 
 
240 Xlatl\ari ber IPetfe. 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 f)ief nicbt ifyr Bruber 
 3iooKonra6 von Stauffen? — unb wax Cempelfyerr? 
 
 ttlofterfcrufcer* 
 
 JDenn mice's nicbt triigt, Dod) t^alt ! Da fdllt mir ein, 
 Daf id) t>om fel'gen £)crrn ein Biid)eld)en 
 Xcod) fyab\ 3^ 3°9 S i*? m aus & em Bufen, als 
 XDir ifyn bet 2tsfalon t>erfd)arrten, 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Hun? 
 
 3105 €s finb (Sebete brin* H)ir nennen's ein 
 
 Bremer. — Das, bad)t' id), fann ein Cfyrtftenmenfd) 
 3a tr>of)l nod) braudjen* — 3^ nun freilid) nidjt — 
 3d? fann nidjt lefen — 
 
 natVian. 
 
 tEfyut nidjts ! — Hur $ur Sadje* 
 
 2Clofterfcrubet\ 
 
 3n biefem Biid)eld)en ftet>n corn unb fyinten, 
 3 iTo2Die id) mir fagen laffen, mit bes £)errn 
 Selbfteigner ^anb bie 2lngefyorigen 
 Von ifym unb ifyr gefd)rieben* 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (D ertxmnfdjt! 
 <Sel)t! lauft! fyolt mir bas Bud)eld)em <S>efd)ttnnb ! 
 3d) bin bereit mit (Botb es auf3Utr>iegen ; 
 31x5 Unb taufenb Dan! ba3u! (gilt! iauft! 
 
 lilofterfrrufcer* 
 
 Htd/l gern ! 
 €s ift Ztrabifd) aber, was ber fjerr 
 f}tneingefd)rieben* (21b.) 
 
Hatban ber IDeife. 241 
 
 Viattian. 
 
 (Einerlei ! Xcur fyer! — 
 <Sott! tr»enn id} bocf) bas ZTCabdjcn nod} befyalten, 
 Unb etncn folcfcen (£ibam mir bamit 
 
 3120 (Erfaufen fonnte ! — Sd}tr>erltd} wolfl I — Hun, fall' 
 <£s aus, rote's rotll! — IDer mag es aber benn 
 ©etoefen fein, ber bet bem Patriardjen 
 So ettoas angebrad}!? Das muf id) bod} 
 ^u fragen nid}t t>ergeffen. — JDenn es gar 
 
 3125 Port Daja fame? 
 
 2ld}ter JIufiritt. 
 
 Daja unb Zlatfyan. 
 
 X>aja (etltg unb rerlegen). 
 
 Denft bod?, Hattjan ! 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Hun? 
 
 Das arme Ktnb erfcfrraf tpofyl redjt bariiberl 
 
 Da fd}icft . . . 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Der Patrtardj? 
 
 Des Sultans Sd}toefter, 
 Prinjefftn Sittaf} 
 
 Uatban. 
 
 Tii&jt ber Patriard} ? 
 
 Hein, Sittafy ! — f^ort J^ r nid}t? — prinseffin Sittafy 
 3 i3oSd}idt fyer, unb Idft fie 3U fid? fyolen. 
 
242 Hainan bet lUetfe. 
 
 IDen? 
 £dft Ucd)a fyolen? — Sittaf} laft fie fyolen? — 
 Hun; toenn fie Sittat} fyolen laft, unb nidjt 
 Der Patriard} • . • 
 
 H)ie fommt 3^? r ^enn au f ^n? 
 Hainan. 
 
 So fyaft bu fu^Ucf) nidjts t>on ifym gefyort? 
 3135 <8cttri§ nid)t? 2lud} ifym nidjts geftecft? 
 
 3aja* 
 
 3d}? ifym? 
 Hainan* 
 
 ZDo ftnb bie Boten? 
 
 Porn* 
 
 ttat^aru 
 
 3d} txrill fie bod} 
 2tus Dorficfyt felber fpredjem Komm ! — IDenn nur 
 Pom Patriard}en nid}ts bafyinter ftecft. (21b.) 
 
 Unb id? — id? fiirdjte gan3 teas anbers nod?* 
 3140 XPas gilt's? bie einjige rermeinte Colter 
 
 So eines reid}en 3 u ^ en war' au d? rvoljl 
 
 $i\x einen Zltufelmann nid}t libel? — f}ui, 
 
 Der Cempelfyerr ift brum. 3f* brum: tr>enn id} 
 
 Den 3tt>eiten Sdjritt nxd)t aud? nod} tr>age; nidjt 
 3145 2tud} ifyr nod} felbft entbecfe, roer fie ift ! — 
 
 ©etroft ! £af mid} bzn erften 2lugenblicf, 
 
 Den id} allein fie Iqabz, ba$u braucfyen ! 
 
 Unb ber rcirb fein — t>ielleid}t nun eben, tpenn 
 
 3d} fie beglette* So ein erfter XDinf 
 3150 Kann untertoegens tDenigftens nid?t fdjabem 
 
 3^/ jci ! Hur 3u ! 3 e *§t ober nie ! Icur 3U 1 Ofym nad?.) 
 
Hainan ber XDctfe. 243 
 
 ^tinfter 2tuf?u<j* 
 
 (grfter 2tuftrttt 
 
 (53ene: bas gtmmer in Saiabtns palafte, in tpelcfyes bte Beutel 
 
 mit (5elb getragen tr>orben, bte nod? 3U febcn.) 
 
 Salab'xn unb balb barauf t>erfd?tebene HI a m el u (fen. 
 
 SalaMu (tm £?eretntreten). 
 
 Da ftefyt bas ©elb nun nod? ! Unb niemanb tt>ei§ 
 Den Derroifdj aufjufinben, ber rermutltcfy 
 2tns Sd?ad?brett irgenbtco geraten ift, 
 315s Das ifyn tpofyl fciner felbft rergeffen madjt; — 
 
 JDarum nicbt meiner? — Hun, (Bebulbl JDas giebt's? 
 
 <Ein atamelutf* 
 
 (£rroiinfd)te Zcacfjridjt, Sultan! ^reube, Sultan I . . „ 
 Die Kararoane von Kafyira fommt; 
 3ft gliicflicfy ba! mit ftebenjdfyrigem 
 3 i6oCribut bes reidjen Icils, 
 
 Balabin. 
 
 Brat), ^bvahxml 
 Du bift mir toabrlid? ein trnllfommner Bote! — 
 £}a 1 enblid) etumall enblid? ! — tyabt Danf 
 Der guten <5)eitung* 
 
 Der 2Ttamelud: (tpartenb). 
 
 (Hun? nur t?er bamit!) 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 VOas toart'ft bu ? — (Befy nur toieber* 
 
 Der ZITamelucf. 
 
 Dem IDillfommnen 
 
 3 i6 5 Sonft nicfyts? 
 
244 Hatfyan bet IDeife. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 VDas benn nod? fonft? 
 
 Der Wiamclud. 
 
 Dem guten Boten 
 Kern Botenbrot? — So tr>ar' id} ja ber erfte, 
 Den Salabin mil IDorten ab3ulof)nen, 
 Dodj enblicfy lernte? — Hud) ein 2?ufym! — Der erfte, 
 XHtt bem er fmcferte* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 So nimm Mr nur 
 5100 Dort einen BeuteL 
 
 Der JTTamelucf* 
 
 Icein, nun ntdjt! Du fannft 
 Utir fie nun alle fcfyenfen toollen* 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 £ro£! — 
 
 Komm fyer! Da fyaft bu jtDeL — 3 m <£mft? er gefyt? 
 Cfyut mir's an (Ebelmut 3ur>or? — Denn ftdjer 
 ITTuf ifym es faurer toerben, aus3ufd?lagen, 
 3175 2tls mir ju geben* — 3^ ra ^ m I — ^ as fommt 
 ZTtir benn aucfy ein, fo fur3 r>or meinem 2tbtritt 
 2luf einmal gan3 etn anbrer fein 3U roollen ? — 
 XDill Salabxn als Salabxn nxd)t fterben? — 
 So muff er audj als Salabin nidjt lebem 
 
 ffiin }tt>eiter tnamelucf* 
 
 Hun, Sultan I ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 XDenn bu mir 3U melben fomm)i = . 
 
 3tt>eiter ItTamelutf* 
 
 Daf aus ilgypten ber transport nun ba ! 
 
 3cfy tpeif fcfyon* 
 
Hainan ber XPeife. 245 
 
 5weiter ttTamelucf. 
 
 Ham id) bod) 3U fpat ! 
 
 Balabin. 
 
 IDarum 
 
 <?>u fpdt? — Da nimm ffir beinen guten IDillen 
 Der Beutel etnen ober 3tr>ei. 
 
 3weiter Zltametucf* 
 
 VTiad)t brei! 
 
 3185 3 a / toertn bu redmen fannft! — So nimm fie nur. 
 
 5u?eiter 2TCamelucL 
 
 <£s roirb toofyl nod? ein britter fommen, — roenn 
 <£r anbers fommen fann* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Wk bas? 
 
 3tt>eiter ntamelucf, 
 
 3 e nii; 
 
 <£r fyat aud) trotyl ben £}als gebrocfyen ! Denn 
 Sobalb ir>ir brei ber 2lnfunft bes Cransports 
 3x90 Derjtcbert roaren, fprengte jeber frifdj 
 Daroru Der Dorberfte, ber ftiir3t; unb fo 
 Komm' id) nun vox, unb bleib' aucfy por bis in 
 Die Stabt; too aber ^>bxal)im, ber Cecfer, 
 Die (Baffen beffer fennt 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 (D ber <0efttir3te! 
 3195 ^reunb, ber <£>eftiir3te ! — Sett' ifym bod) entgegen, 
 
 5weiter ffiamelud. 
 
 Das roerb 1 id) ja woi)l tfyun ! — Unb roenn er lebt: 
 So ift bie f}dlfte biefer Beutel feuu ((5el|t ab.) 
 
246 Zlattyan ber XDeife. 
 
 SalaMn, 
 
 Siefy, wtld) ein guter ebler Kerl aucfy bas ! — 
 XDer fann fid? foldjer XHamelucfen rufymen? 
 3200 Unb roar' mir bertn 3U benf en nicfyt erlaubt, 
 Daf fie mem Beifptel bilben fyelfen? — ^ort 
 XHit bem (Bebanfen, fie 5U guter £e£t 
 Hod} an etn anbres 511 getpofynen ! ♦ ♦ . 
 
 <Ein fitter Zltameluct* 
 
 Sultan, , 
 Salabtn* 
 
 Bift bu's, ber fturste? 
 
 fritter 21tamelu^ 
 
 Xlein. 3^ tnelbe nur, — 
 3205 Daf (£mir XTTanfor, ber bie Karattmne 
 ©efiifyrt, rom Pferbe fteigt . ♦ ; 
 
 Da ift er ja! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Bring' ifyn ! gefd?tr>inb ! 
 
 ^toeiter 2luftritt 
 
 <£mtr HI an for unb 5 a lab in. 
 
 Zalabin. 
 
 IDillfommen, (Emir! Hun, 
 H)ie ift's gegangen? — ZHanfor, XHanfor, fyaft 
 Uns lange tparten laffen ! 
 
 Diefer Brief 
 3210 Bericfytet, roas bein 2lbulfaffem erft 
 
 ^iir Unrufy' in Cfyebais bdmpfen mtiffen: 
 (£fy' rotr es tpagen burften ab3iigefyen- 
 Den 5 U S barauf fyafr id) befdjleuniget 
 So triel, roie moglid? roar* 
 
Ha than ber lUctfc. 247 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 3d? glaube bir! — 
 3215 Unb nimm nur, guter ZTfanfor, nimm fogleid? . * ♦ 
 Du tbuft es aber bod) aud? gern? . • • nimm frifdje 
 Bebecfung nur fogleid?* Du muft fogleid? 
 Hod) tr>eiter; mujjt ber ©elber grofern Ceil 
 2tuf Sibanon sum Pater bringem 
 
 JKanfotr. 
 
 ©em! 
 3 22o5eI?r gem! 
 
 Salabiru 
 
 Unb nimm bir bie Bebecfung ja 
 Hur nid?t 5U fd?tr>ad?* <£s ift urn £ibanon 
 Hid?! alles mebr fo ftd?er* £)aft bu nid?t 
 <£>ei?ort? Die Cempell?errn finb trieber rege. 
 Sei u>ot?l auf beiner ^ut! — Komm nur! Wo bait 
 3225 Der <?>ug? 3^? v>M ^ n f e *? n ; ur ^^ a Ues felbft 
 Betreiben* — 3^? r ^ i&l bin fobann bei Stttafy. 
 
 Dritter Ztuftritt. 
 
 (Scene: bie palmen r>or Hatbans X?au(e, mo ber (Eempelberr 
 auf= unb ntebergebt). 
 
 ttetnpel^err* 
 
 3ns £}aus nun roill id) einmal ntcfyt. — <£r toirb 
 Sid? enblid? bod) toofyl fefyen laffen ! — ZHan 
 Bemerf te mid) ja fonft fo balb, fo gern ! — 
 
 3230 IDilTs nod) erleben, 6a£ er ftdj's rerbittet, 
 Dor feincm £)aufe mid) fo fleifig finben 
 ^u laffen. — ^m ! — id) bin bod? aber aud? 
 Sel?r argcrlid). — Was l?at mid? benn nun fo 
 (Erbtitert gegen if?n ? — (Er fagie ja : 
 
 3235 Hod? fd?lug' er mir md?ts ab. Unb Salabin 
 
248 Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 flat's iiber fid) genommen, ifyn 3U fttmmen* — 
 
 IDie? follte tDtrflid? roofyl in ntir ber (£t)rift 
 
 Xlod) tiefer niften, als in ifym ber 3 u ^e? — 
 
 IDer fennt fid? red)t? IDie fount' id) ifym benn fonft 
 
 3240 Den f teinen Uaub nid)t gonnen toollen, ben 
 (£r ftdj's 3U foldjer 2tngelegenl)ett 
 <8emad)t, ben Cfyrifien ab3ujagen? — ^reilid); 
 Kein fleiner Haub, ein fold) ©efd)opf! — <£>efd)opf? 
 Unb toeffen? — Dod) bes Sflaren nid)t, ber auf 
 
 3245 Des £ebens oben Stranb ben Blocf geflog t, 
 Unb fid) bason gemadjt? Des Kiinftlers bod) 
 XDoifi met)r, ber in bem fjingetoorfnen Blocfe 
 Die gottlid)e ©eftalt fid) badjte, bie 
 <£r bargeftellt? — TXdfl Hed)as tr>at)rer Dater 
 
 3250 Bleibt, trot* bem (Efyriften, ber fie 3eugte — bleibt 
 3n (£tr>igfeit ber 3ube* — IDenn id) mir 
 Sie lebiglid) als (Efyriftenbirne benfe, 
 Sie fonber alles bas mir benfe, was 
 Ztllein it)r fo ein 3 u ^ e geben f onnte : — 
 
 325 5 Sprid) / l}er3, — was wat an if?r, bas bir gefiel'? 
 Hid)ts! IDenig! Selbft ifyr £dd)eln, u>dr' es nid)ts 
 2tls fanfte fd)5ne ^ucfung ifyrer IHusfeln; 
 Wax, was fie ladjeln mad)t, bes Kei3es untr>ert, 
 3n ben es ftd) auf tfyrem ZTtunbe fleibet: — 
 
 3 a6o Xcein ; felbft tfyr £dd)eln nidjt 1 3^? ^ a ^' es J a 
 lDot)l fd)oner nod) an ^tberttnlj, an GLanb, 
 2tn f}of)nerei, an Sd)meid)ler unb an Bufyler, 
 Perfdjroenben fe£)n I — f}at's ba mid) aud) be3aubert? 
 flat's ba mir aud) ben XDunfd) entlocft, mein 'izbzn 
 
 3265 3 n feinem Sonnenfd)eine 3U Derflattern ? — 
 3d) roufte nid)t Unb bin auf b<^n bod) launifd), 
 Der biefen fyofyern IDert allein ifyr gab? 
 IDie bas? roarum? — IDenn id) ben Spott r>erbiente, 
 UTit bem mid) Salabin entlief ! Sd)on fdjlimm 
 
Zlatban ber IDetfe. 
 
 249 
 
 3270 (Senug, ba$ Salabxn es glauben f onnte ! 
 XDte flein kb ifym 6a fcijeineri mufte ! rote 
 Vcvad)tl\d)l — Unb bas alles urn etn IHdbdjen? — 
 Kurt! Kurt! bas gefyt fo nicbi £enf etn! IDenn sollenbs 
 ITcir Daja nur tr>as rorgeplaubert E?dtte, 
 
 3275 IDas fd)tr>erlid? 3U ertoeifen ftiinbe? — Siefy, 
 Da tritt er enblid?, in (Befprdd) Dertieft, 
 2tus feinem fjaufe ! — fjal mit tEem ! — ZTXtt ifym? 
 2Tttt meinem Klofterbruber? — tyal fo tr>ei§ 
 (Er ficberlidj fcbon alles ! ift toofyl gar 
 
 3280 V em Patriarcfyen fd?on rerraten ! — f}a! 
 IDas fyab 1 id? Querfopf nun geftiftet! — Daf 
 (£in ein3'ger ^unfen biefer Ceibenfdjaft 
 Dod? unfers f}irns fo riel t>erbrennen fann ! — 
 (Befdfytoinb entfd)Iie£ bid?, roas nunmefyr 5U tfyun! 
 
 3285 3^? rotll Ijter fetttpdris ifyrer tparten ; — ob 
 Pielleidjt ber Klofterbruber tf?n reridft 
 
 X)ierter 2tuftritt 
 
 Hainan unb ber Klofterb ruber. 
 
 Viatb^an (tm Hafyerfommen). 
 £)abt nodjmals, guter Bruber, r>ielen Danf! 
 
 2ilofterfrruber. 
 
 Unb 3*? r besgleidjen I 
 
 Vlatlian. 
 
 3d)? von (£ucb? toofiir ? 
 $iiv meinen (Eigenfinn, £ucb auf3ubriugen, 
 3290 VO as 3^ r nidft braudit? — 3 a r tocnu ibm (£urer nur 
 2ludj nad?gegeben fydtt'; 3*? r m ^ <8etr>alt 
 Zcidjt roolltet reidjer fein, als id?. 
 
250 ZTatfyan bcr tDetfe. 
 
 ^Uofterfcrufccr* 
 
 Pas Bud? 
 
 (Befyort ja ofynebem nicfyt mir; gefyort 
 3cx ofynebem ber Colter; ift ja fo 
 3295 Der tTodjter gauges rdterlicfyes (£rbe* — 
 3e nu, fie fyat ja (Eud^ — (Bott gebe nur, 
 ^ a § 3fy r e$ n * e bereuen biirft, fo r»iel 
 ^iir fie getfyan 3U f?aben ! 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Karm id? bas? 
 Das fann id? me* Seib unbeforgt ! 
 
 2Uofterfrrufcer* 
 
 Hu, nu! 
 3300 Die Patriard?ert unb bie Cempelljerren . . . 
 
 Ziatfyan. 
 
 Dermogen mir bes Bofen nie fo r>iel 
 <?>u tfyun, ba$ irgenb tr>as mid? reuen fonnte: 
 (8efdjtr>eige, bas! — ttrtb feib 3*? r bznn fo gans 
 Derftd?ert, ba$ ein Cempelfyerr es ift, 
 3305 Der (Euern patriarcfyen f?ei§t? 
 
 2iIofterbru5er* 
 
 <£s fann 
 Betnafy fein anbrer fein. (Ein tEempelfyerr 
 Sprad? f ur3 t>orfyer mit ifym ; unb tr>as id? fyorte. 
 Das Hang barnad?. 
 
 (£s ift bodj aber nur 
 (Ein ein3iger jeijt in 3 eru f a l em - 
 3310 Unb biefen f enn' id}* Diefer ift mein ^reunb* 
 (Ein junger, ebler, offncr ZITann ! 
 
 Silofterbvufcer* 
 
 (San3 recfyt, 
 
HatfyanberlDetfe. 251 
 
 Der ndmlidje! — Dod) was man ift, uvb was 
 
 IVian fetn mug in ber XDelt, bas pagt ja wotjl 
 
 Tixdjt immer* 
 
 ViatVian. 
 
 Ceiber nid)t. — So tbue, tier's 
 3315 2Iud) immer ift, fcin Sd)limmftes ober Beftes ! 
 ZTTtt <£urem Bud)e, Bruber, iroi^ id) alien; 
 Unb gefye graben H)egs bamit sum Sultan. 
 
 2Uoiterbru£>et\ 
 
 EHel (Sliicfs ! 3^? ^^ ^ u ^? ^enn nur fy* er t>erlaffetu 
 
 Unb fyabt fte nid)t einmal gefefyn? — Kommt ja 
 3320 Dod) balb, bod? fleif ig roieber. — IDenn nur fyeut 
 Dor Patriarch nod) nid)ts erfdfyrt! — Dod) tr>as? 
 Sagt ifym and) fyeute, tt>as 3*? r tpollt* 
 
 2ilofterfcruber* 
 
 3d? nid)t 
 £ebt tr>ot)l! (<5ef\t ab.) 
 
 Pergegt uns ja nicbt, Bruber! — <2>ott ! 
 Daf id) nid)t gleid) fyier unter freiem ^immel 
 
 3325 2tuf meine Kniee finfen fawn ! IDie fid) 
 Der Knoten, ber fo oft mir bange mad)te, 
 Hun von fid) felber lofet! — (Bott! rote leid)t 
 ZHir ttnrb, ba$ id) nun tpeiter auf ber XDclt 
 Hid)ts 3U rerbergen l\abt\ baf id) r>or 
 
 3330 Den 2Ttenfd)en nun fo fret fann toanbeln, als 
 Dor bir, ber bu allein bzn UTenfdjen nid)t 
 Had) feinen Cfyaten braudjft 5U rid)ten, bie 
 So felten feine ^aizn finb, ©ott! — 
 
252 Rattan berXDeife. 
 
 ^finfter 2tufirttt. 
 Zlattian unb ber C e m p e I fy c r r, bcr t)on bcr Sette cmf tt^n 3uFommi 
 
 Hempelfyerr* 
 
 f}e ! roartet, Hainan; nefymt mid? mit 1 
 
 nat*i<xn. 
 
 IDer ruft? — 
 
 3335 Seib 3^? r e5 / Hitter? XDo getoefen, 6af 
 
 3fyr bet bem Sultan (gud? nid?t treffen laffen? 
 
 €empelfyerr, 
 
 ZDir finb einanber fefylgegangeru Xcefymt's 
 
 Hid?t iibeL 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 3d? nidjt ; aber Salabin * ♦ * 
 
 3fyr toart nur eben fort ♦ ♦ 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Unb fprad?t il?n bod?? 
 3340 Hun, fo ift's gut. 
 
 (Er trill uns aber beibe 
 r^ufammen fpred?en* 
 
 Viatt\an. 
 
 Sefto beffer. Kommt 
 Hur mit ZHein (Sang ftanb ot?nef?in 3U ifyrru — 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 3d? barf ja bod) tr>of?l fragen, Xcatf?an, tr>er 
 
 (£ud? ba t>erlie§? 
 
 Tiatban. 
 
 3t?r fount if?n bod? tr>ol?I nid?t? 
 
ZXatban 6c r tDeife. 353 
 
 tZempeltjerr, 
 
 3345 IDar's nicfyt bie gute f}aut, ber Saienbruber, 
 Des ficfy ber Patriarcfy fo gern jum Stober 
 Bebient? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Kann fetn ! Seim Patriardjen ift 
 <£r allerbings* 
 
 £empell>err* 
 
 Der Pftff ift gar ntdjt iibel: 
 Die (Etnfalt r>or ber Sc^urferei t>oraus 
 3350 £\x fdjicfem 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 3a, bie bumme ; — ntdjt bie fromme* 
 
 ^empel^err, 
 
 2tn fromme glaubt fein Patriard?* 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 ^iir ben 
 
 ZTun flefy* id}* Der roirb feinem Patriardjen 
 Zcidjts Ungebiifyrlid?es rollsiefyen fyclfen. 
 
 Sempelberr* 
 
 So ftellt er toenigftens fid) an. — Dod) fyat 
 3355 €r (£ud? r>on mir benn nidjts gefagt? 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Von (End)? 
 Don (£ud? nun namentlid? wohl nicfyts* — (Er tseif 
 3a roofyl aud? fcfytoerlicfy (Euern Xiamen? 
 
 Sdj tr>erlid}, 
 Hainan. 
 
 Don etnem Cempclfyerren freilicfy fyat 
 <£r mir gefagt . ♦ ♦ 
 
2 C4 Hatha it ber ZPeife. 
 
 Unb roar?? 
 
 IDomit er (£ud? 
 3360 Dod} ein= fur allemal nid?t meinen fann! 
 
 €etnpelfjert\ 
 
 IDer tueif? £aft bod? nur t?6rem 
 
 Daf mid? einer 
 Bet feinem Patriard?en angeflagt ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 (£ud? angeflagt? — Das ift, mit feiner (Bunft — 
 (Erlogcn. — f}ort mid), Xcatl?an! — 3d? bin nid?t 
 
 3365 Der ItTenfd?, ber irgenb etroas absuleugneu 
 3mftanbe tpare. IDas id? tf?at, bas tl?at id?! 
 Dod? bin id? aud? nid?t ber, ber alles, was 
 (Er tt?al, als tr>ol?lgeit?an t>ertetb'gen mod?te. 
 Was follt' id? eines ^ef?ls mid? fd?dmen ? fjab' 
 
 3370 3d? Ktcfjt ben feften Porfaij if?n 5U beffenf? 
 Unb tpeif id? ettr>a nid?t, tr>ie tr>eit mit bem 
 <£s IHenfd?en bringen f onnen ? — £?ort mid?, Hatfyan ! — 
 3d? bin bes Caienbrubers Cempell?err, 
 Der (£ud? perflagt foil t?aben, allerbings* — 
 
 3375 3*? r tx^t^t ja, tr>as mid? rourmifd? mad?te ! teas 
 ZTTein Blut in alien 2Xbern fieben mad?te! 
 3d? ©aud? ! — id? fam, fo gan5 mit £eib unb Seel' 
 (Eud? in bie 2trme mid? $u toerferu XDie 
 3I?r mid? empftngt — trie fait — tr>ie lau — benn lau 
 
 3380 3ft fd?Iimmer nod} als fait; tr>ie abgemeffen 
 ZTTir aus3ubeugen 3fy r befliffen trart; 
 ZITit tt>eld?en aus ber £uft gegriffnen ^ragen 
 3t?r 2lnttDort mir $u a>zbm fd?einen tpolltet: 
 
HatfjaTtbcrltfetfe. 255 
 
 Das barf id? faum mir jetst nod? benfen, trenn 
 3385 3^? f°U gelaffen bleibem — £?ort mid), Hatban ! — 
 3n biefer <8dl?rung fd?lid? mir Daja nad?, 
 Hub roarf mir ifyr <5el?eimnis an ben Kopf, 
 Das mir ben 2tuffd?lu§ (gures rdtfelbaften 
 Betragens 3U entfyalten fd?ien. 
 
 ttatfyan. 
 
 XDie bas? 
 £empelt}err* 
 
 3390 ^ort mid? nur ausl — 3<3? bilbete mir ein, 
 3fy* toolltet, teas 3^? r ^tnmal nun ben (Lfyriften 
 So abgejagt, an einen (£f?riften toieber 
 Icidjt gern t>erlieren. Unb fo fiel mir ein, 
 (£ud? fur3 unb gut bas ZTfeffer an bie Kefyle 
 
 3395 <gu fefcen. 
 
 Kur3 unb gut? unb gut? — Wo ftecft 
 Das (Bute? 
 
 Setnpelfyerr* 
 
 f}ort mid?, Xcatfyan ! — 2lIIerbings : 
 3d? tl?at nid?t red?t ! — 3*? r f e ^ tr»ot?l gar nid?t fdmlbig. — 
 Die Icdrrin Daja roeif nid?t tr>as fte fprid?t — 
 3ft <£ud? gefydfftg — Sud?t (£ud? nur bamit 
 3400 3^t einen bofen ^anbel 3U rertoicfetn — 
 
 Hann fein ! fann fein I — 3^? &™ e * n junger Caffe, 
 Der immer nur an beiben (£nben fd?tr>drmt; 
 Balb r>iel 3U r>iel, balb r>iel 3U tr>enig tt?ut — 
 2lud? bas fann fein ! Der3eit?t mir, Hatfyam 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 IDenn 
 3405 3^ r f^ Trttd? freilicb faffet — 
 
 £etnpetfyerr, 
 
 Kurj, id? ging 
 
 (gum Patriardjen ! — ijab 1 (£ud? aber nid?t 
 
256 ZTatfyan ber IPetfe. 
 
 ©enannt Das ift erlogen, rote gefagtl 
 3<i? fya& tfym blof ben ^ali gan3 allgemein 
 (Ersafylt, um feine ZTTeinung 3U t>ernefymen- — 
 
 3410 Hud) bas fydtf unterbleiben fonnen : ja bod? ! — 
 Denn fannt' id) nid?t ben Patriard?en fd)on 
 211s einen Scfyurfen? Konnt' id) (gud? nicfct felber 
 Hur gleid? 5ur Hebe ftellen? — Zlluft' id? ber 
 (Sefafyr, fo einen Pater 3U perlieren, 
 
 3415 Das arme ZT£dbd)en opfern? — Hun, tr»as tout's? 
 Die Sd?urferei bes Patriard?en, bie 
 So df?nlid? immer fid? erfydlt, Ijat mid? 
 Des ndd?ften IDeges toieber 3U mir felbft 
 <gebrad?t — Denn fyort mid), Hatfyan ; fyort mid? aus ! — 
 
 3420 (Befell; er tpflft' audj (Euern Hamen : roas 
 
 Hun mefyr, tr>as mef?r? — €r fann (£ud? ja bas VTtabdfzn 
 Hur net?men, tr>enn fte niemanbs ift, als (£uer* 
 (£r fann fte bod? aus (£uerm £?aufe nur 
 3ns Klofter fd?leppem — ZClfo — gebt fte mir ! 
 
 3425 ©ebt fie nur mir; unb laft ifyn fommen* £}a\ 
 (Er foil's tr>ol?l bleiben laffen, mir mein IDeib 
 |>u nefymen, — (5zbt fte mir; gefd?tr>inb ! — Sie fei 
 Hun (£ure t£od?ter, ober fei es nid)t ! 
 Sei £t?riftin, ober 3ukin, ober feines ! 
 
 3430 ©leid? Diel ! gleid? vkl 1 3<3? trerb' (£ud? treber je^t 
 Tlod) jemals fonft in meinem gansen Uzbzn 
 Darum befragen* Sei, true's fei ! 
 
 UatVian. 
 
 3fyr trdfynt 
 
 tDofyl gar, ba% mir bie lDaf?rt?eit 3U r>erbergen 
 
 Sefyr notig? 
 
 ^etn$>ell}ert\ 
 
 Sei, trie's fei! 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 3d? t?ab' es ja 
 
Hainan ber IDetfe. 257 
 
 M3 s<£ud? — ober tr>em es fonft 511 xmffen stemt — 
 
 Hod? nid?t geleugnet, 6af fie eine Cfyrtftin, 
 
 Hub ntdjts als meine Pflegetod?ter tft. — 
 
 JDarum id?'s aber if?r nod? nid?t entbecft? — 
 
 Dariiber braud?' id? nur bei it?r mid? 3U 
 
 3440 (£ntfd?ulbigen. 
 
 €empelfyerr* 
 
 Das follt 3^? r auc fy fot ^ r 
 Hid?t braud?em — ©onnt's itjr bod), baf fte (£ud? rite 
 ITcit anbern 2tugen barf betracbten ! Spart 
 3fy* bie (£ntbed?ung bod?! — Hod? I?abt J^ r i a / 
 3fyr gans allein, mit il?r 3U fd?altem (Sebt 
 3445 Sie mtr I 3^? &itt' ^ud}, Hainan ; gebt fte mtr ! 
 3d? bin's allein, ber fte 3um 3tr>eitenmale 
 <£ud? retten fann — unb tmlL 
 
 ttatftan. 
 
 3a — fonnte I fonnte ! 
 Hun aud? nid?t met;r. (Es ift bamit 3U fpdt. 
 
 Sempel^err* 
 
 IDie fo? 3U fpdt? 
 
 Danf fei bem Patriardjen ♦ . 
 
 ^ 45 oDem patriard?en? Danf? if?m Danf? rooftir? 
 Danf tf&ttz ber bei uns tterbienen roollen? 
 JDofur? tpofiir? 
 
 Daf roir nun roiffen, tr>em 
 Sie ant>ertr>anbt; nun unffen, tDeffen ^anben 
 Sie fid?er ausgeliefert toerben fann, 
 
 £empelt)err* 
 
 3455 Das banf if?m — roer fur mefyr it?m banhn roirb ! 
 
258 ZTat^an ber IDetfe. 
 
 2tus btefen muft 3^ r f* e nun auc *? erfyalten; 
 Unb ntcfyt aus metnem 
 
 2Irme 3&td)a ! VOas 
 
 X)tr alles 3uftof t, arme Hcd?a 1 IDas 
 
 (Exit (Sliicf fur anbre IDaifen trdre, ttnrb 
 
 3460 Dein Unglucf! — Ziatfyan ! — Unb tt>o ftnb fie, btefe 
 
 Dertpanbte ? 
 
 Vlatfyan. 
 
 VOo fte ftnb? 
 
 Unb toer fte ftnb? 
 Vlatlian. 
 
 Befonbers Ijat etn Bruber ftdj gefunben, 
 Bet bem 3^ r urn fte toerben mug t. 
 
 (Em Bruber? 
 
 XDas tft er, btefer Bruber? (Etn Solbat? 
 
 3465 (Etn (Betftltcfyer ? — £a| t fyoren, tt>as id} mtr 
 
 Derfprecfyen barf 
 
 nat^an. 
 
 3*3} glaube, ba% er femes 
 Don betben — ober betbes tft. 3^ ^ enn ' 
 3fyn nod? ntcfyt recfyt 
 
 Unb fonft? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 (Etn brat>er ZHann ! 
 
 Bet bem ftcfy %e<i)a gar ntdjt iibel txnrb 
 3470 Befmben* 
 
£Tat fyan bcr t£etfe. 259 
 
 £empelt>en\ 
 
 Dod? ein (Efyrtfi ! — 3^? ^eif 3U3eiten 
 2lud? gar nidjt, tt>as id? von (£ud? benfen foil: — 
 Hefymt mir's nid?t ungut, Xcatfyaru — IDirb fte nidjt 
 Die (Efyriftin fpielen miiffen, unter (Efyriften? 
 Unb tr>irb fie, tpas fie lartge g'nug gefpielt, 
 
 3475 Hid)! enblid? tperben? IDirb ben lautern IDei3en, 
 Den 3^ r gefd't, bas Unfraut enblid) nid)t 
 (£rftic?en? — Unb bas fiimmert €ud? fo roenig? 
 Dem imgead?tet fount 3*? r fagcn — 3*? r ? — 
 Dag fie bei ifyrem Bruber jtd} nid?t iibel 
 
 3 4 8oBefinben toerbe? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Denf id? ! fyoff' id? ! — IDenn 
 
 3fyr ja bei ifym toas mangeln follte, fyat 
 5ie (£ud? unb mid? benn nidjt nod? immer? 
 
 ©{?! 
 Was ttnrb bei ifym ifyr mangeln fonnen ! IDirb 
 Das Briiberdjen mit (£ffen unb mit Kleibung, 
 
 3485 ITTit Hafd?tperf unb mit Puij, bas Sdjtrefterdjen 
 Hicfyt reicblid? g'nug r>erforgen? Unb was braudjt 
 (£in Sd)tr>efterd?en bznn mefyr? — (£i freilid?: aud? 
 Hod? einen IHann ! — Hun, nun; audj bzn f and) bzn 
 IDirb ifyr bas Bruberdjen 3U feiner ^eit 
 
 3490 Scbon fcfyaffen ; roie er immer nur 3U finben ! 
 Der <£f?rifttid?fte ber Befte ! — Hatban, Hatf?an ! 
 IDeld? einen (£ngel pallet 3*? r gebilbet, 
 Den (£ud? nun anbre fo t>erfyun3en tx>erben! 
 
 Vlatt\an. 
 
 f)at feine Hot ! (Er ttnrb ficb unfrer £iebe 
 3495 Hod? immer roert genug befyaupten* 
 
260 Zl a tl\ an btv H^etfe. 
 
 Sagt 
 
 Das nicbt! Don meirter £iebe fagt bas nicfyt! 
 
 Denn bie la^t nidjts ftdj unterfcfylagen; ntc^ts. 
 
 (£s jet audj nod? fo flein I 2lud? feinen Harnett! — 
 
 Dod) fyalt ! — 2trgu>ofynt fie toofyl bereits, tpas mit 
 
 3500 3^r t>orgefyt? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 ZIToglid); ob id? fcfyon nidjt tPiifte, 
 IDofyer? 
 
 <Sempelt}ert\ 
 
 2tudj eben trie!.; fte foil — fie muf 
 3tt beiben fallen, tr»as ifyr Sdjtcffal brofyt, 
 Von mir 3uerft erfafyrem ZHein (Bebanfe, 
 Sie efyer toieber nidjt 311 fefyn, 5U fpredjen, 
 3505 2tls bis id) fie bie ZHeine nennen biirfe, 
 ^dllt toeg* 3^ e ^ e • • • 
 
 UatVian. 
 
 Bleibt! tropin? 
 
 ^u fefyn, ob biefe HTdbdjenfeele XTtanns genug 
 IDofyl ift, ben ein3tgen €ntfd)Iuf 311 faffen 
 Der ifyrer txmrbig tr>dre! 
 
 natfyan. 
 
 IDeldjen? 
 
 {Zempelijerr, 
 
 Den: 
 
 3510 Had) (£ud) unb ifyrem Bruber treiter nidjt 
 
 <§u fragen — 
 
 ttatVian. 
 
 Unb? 
 
 £empeil}ert\ 
 
 Unb mir ju folgen; — toenn 
 
Hcttfyan ber XPeife. 261 
 
 Ste briiber etnes ZRufelmannes ^rau 
 2tucfy tr>erben miifte. 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Bietbt ! 3f?r trefft fie ntdjt 
 
 Ste ift bet Stttafy, bet bes Sultans Scfytpefter, 
 
 €empelt}err* 
 
 3515 Sett tpann? uxtrum? 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 Unb trollt 3^ r & a fot ifynen 
 ^ucjletcfy ben Bruber ftnben : fommt nur mit. 
 
 £etn$>etfiert\ 
 
 Den Bruber? roeldjen? Stttafys ober Hecfyas? 
 
 Cetcfyt betbe. Kommt nur mit! 3 d ? bttt' (£udj, fommt! 
 (€r fiiljrt tfnt fort.) 
 
 Sed?fter 2luftrttt 
 
 (Scene: in Stttafys parent). 
 
 Stttafy unb 'Red} a in Itnterfyaltung begriffen. 
 
 Sittal}, 
 
 VOas freu' id? mid? ntdjt betner, fiif es ZTTdbcfyen ! — 
 3520 Set fo beflemmt nur nicfyt! fo angft ! fo fcfyiicfytern I — 
 Set munterl fet gefprddjtger ! t>ertrauterl 
 
 Prtn3efftn, . ♦ ♦ 
 
 Sxtta% 
 
 Iciest bod} I ntdjt Prtnsefftn ! Viznn' 
 VTixif Stttafy, — beine ^reunbtn, — betne Sd?tr>efter* 
 Henn' mid? betn lHuttercfyen ! — 3^? fonnte bas 
 
262 tTatfyan ber IDetfe. 
 
 ^525 3 a fd?ier and} fein* — So jung ! fo flug! fo fromm ! 
 VOas bu uidjt alles toeiftl ntcfyt alles muft 
 (Belefeu l?aben! 
 
 3d} gelefeu? — Sittafy, 
 Du fpotteft beiuer fleiueu alberu Scfytpefter. 
 3d) fauu faum lefen, 
 
 Kauuft faum, £uguertu ! 
 
 3530 €tn tDeuig meiues Paters f^anb! — 3d? meinte, 
 Du fprddjft r>on Bucfteru* 
 
 2lllerbiugs ! von Biidjern* 
 
 Hun, Bucfyer toirb mir roaI>rltcf) fdjioer 3U lefen ! — 
 
 3m (grttft? 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 3tt gansem <£ruft ZTfeiu Pater liebt 
 Die fatte Budjgelefyrfamfeit, bie ftcf? 
 3535 2Tltt toteu ^eidjen ins (Befyiru nur briicft, 
 <3u roeuig- 
 
 (£i, roas fagft bu ! — f}at tubes 
 IDofyl utdjt fefyr uured)t! — Hub fo maudjes, tras 
 Du treif t . .? 
 
 ZDeif id} alleiu aus feiuem UTuube* 
 Uub fouute bei bem meifteu bir uod} fageu, 
 3540 IDie? voo? roarum? er micb's gelefyrt. 
 
Hat ban bcr EDetfe. 263 
 
 5itta% 
 
 So fycingt 
 Sid) fretltcf? alles beffer an. So lernt 
 ITcit eins bie gan$e Seek* 
 
 Kedja* 
 
 Sidjer fyat 
 2lud? StttaE} toenig ober nicijts gelefenl 
 
 Sitta^ 
 
 IDie fo? — 3^? bin nidjt ftol3 aufs (BegenteiL — 
 3545 2tllein tr>ie fo ? Dein (Brunb I Spridj breift Dein (Brunb ? 
 
 Kedja* 
 
 Ste ift fo fcblecfct unb recbt; fo unr»erf unftelt ; 
 So gan3 fid) felbft nur dbnlicfy . ♦ ♦ 
 
 Hun? 
 
 Das follen 
 Die Biicber uns nur felten laffen : fagt 
 ZTcein Pater. 
 
 <D was ift bein Dater fur 
 
 3550 (£in ITtann ! 
 
 Kedja* 
 
 Xixdft tr>afyr? 
 
 IDie nafy er immer bod) 
 <5um (giele trifft! 
 
 ntdia. 
 
 Xlxd)t trafyr? — Unb biefen Dater — 
 VDas ift btr, £tebe? 
 
264 XI at l\ an ber IDetfe. 
 
 Diefen Pater — 
 Du toeinft? 
 
 <0ott! 
 
 Unb biefen Pater — 211? ! es muf 
 {}eraus ! Klein £?er3 txnll £uft, roill £uft . ♦ . 
 
 (VO tr ft fid?, von dfyraneu iibertoalttgt, 3U tfyren (Jiigen). 
 
 T&xnb, was 
 3555 (8efd?iet?t btr? Ked?a? 
 
 Diefen Pater foil — 
 Soli id? rerlieren ! 
 
 Du? r>erlieren? il?n? 
 H)ie bas? — Sei rut?ig! — Xcimmermefyr ! — Stef? auf ! 
 
 Du follft Dergebens bid? 5U meiner ^reunbin, 
 <5u meiner Sd?tr>efter nid?t erboten f?aben! 
 
 3560 3d? bin's ja! bin's I — Stef? bod) nur auf! 3<3? mu # 
 Sonft £?ilfe rufen* 
 
 Hedja (bte fid? ermamtt unb auffte^t). 
 
 2tfy! r>er3eil?! t>ergieb! — 
 ZTTein Sd?mer3 I?at mid) rergeffen mad?en, tr>er 
 Du bift Dor Sittaf? gilt fein tDinfetn, fein 
 Persroeifeln^ Kalte, rutjige Pernunft 
 3565 XDtll alles liber fie allein t>ermogem 
 IDes Sad?e biefe bei ifyr fiifyrt, ber fiegt! 
 
Hattian bcr tDetfc. 265 
 
 Hun benn? 
 
 Hem; meirte ^reunbin, meine Sdjtpefter 
 <£>iebt bas nid?t 3U ! (giebt trimmer ju, 6af mir 
 (Etn anbrer Pater aufgebruttgett tperbe I 
 
 3570 (£in anbrer Pater? aufgebrungen ? bir? 
 
 IDer farm bas? fann bas and) nur toollen, £iebe? 
 
 IDer? Ztteine gute bofe Daja fawn 
 Das tpollen, — rotll bas fonnen* — 3 a 5 & u fennft 
 IDofyl biefe gute bofe Daja nicfyt? 
 3575 Hun, <£>ott t>ergeb' es ifyr! — belofyn' es ifyr! 
 Sie f?at mir fo siel (Butes, — fo t)iel Bofes 
 (£rtt>iefen ! 
 
 Bofes btr? — So muf fie (Sutes 
 Dodj tr>afyrlid? toenig I?aben» 
 
 Xcdia. 
 
 Qo&j I redjt rtet, 
 Hedjt riel! 
 
 JDer ift fie? 
 
 Kedja, 
 
 (£ine Cfyriftin, bte 
 3580 3n meiner Kinbfyeit mid; gepflegt; midj fo 
 
 (Bepflegt! — Du glaubft nidjt! — Die mir eine ZTTuttet 
 So toenig miffen laffen ! — (£>ott Dergelt' 
 <£s ifyr ! — Die aber mid; aucfy fo gedngftet! 
 ZTEtd? fo gequdlt I 
 
266 Hatfyctn ber ttfetfe. 
 
 Unb uber was ? tr>arum ? 
 
 3585 IDte? 
 
 2ld? ! Me arme ^rau, — id? fag' bit's ja — 
 3ft eine (£f?riftin; — muf aus £iebe qudlen; — 
 3ft eine von ben Sd?tr>drmerinnen, bie 
 Den allgemeinen, einsig toafyren IDeg 
 Had? <2>ott, 5U txnffen tr>df?nen ! 
 
 Hun t>erftef?' id?! 
 Hedja* 
 
 3590 Unb fid? gebrungen fiif?Ien, einen jeben, 
 
 Der biefes ZDegs t>erfef?lt, barauf 3U lenfem — 
 Kaum fonmn fie aud? anbers, Denn ift's tt>at?r, 
 Daf biefer IDeg allein nur rid?tig fut?rt: 
 ZDie follen fte gelaffen ifyre ^reunbe 
 
 5595 2tuf einem anbzvn voanbdn fefyn, — ber ins 
 Derberben ftiirst, ins etoige Perberben? 
 (£s miif te moglid? fein, benfelben ZHenfd?en ' 
 <5ur felben <5eit 3U lieben unb 3U baffen* — 
 2tud? tft's bas nid?t, toas enblid? laute "Klagen 
 
 3600 2T£id? fiber fie 3U fiiB?ren 3tr>ingt 3*? r 5euf3en, 
 31?^ IDarnen, tf?r (Bebet, if?r Drof?en f?dtf 
 ^d} gem nod? Idnger ausget?alten ; gern ! 
 <£s brad?te mid? bod} immer auf (Sebanfen, 
 Die gut unb nui^lid?* Unb tt>em fd?meid?elt's bod} 
 
 3605 3 m ©rtinbe nid?t, ftd? gar fo roert unb teuer, 
 Von toem's aud? fei, gefyalten fiifylen, ba% 
 (£r ben (Sebanfen nid?t ertragen farm, 
 (£r muff einmal auf etr>ig uns entbefyren ! 
 
 SittaVi. 
 
 Sebr tr>ai?r! 
 
Hattycm ber IPetfe. 267 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 Hllein — allein — bas gefyt 3U tr>eit! 
 3610 Dem fann id? mdjts entgegenfeijen ; nidjt 
 ©ebulb, nidjt Uberlegung ; nidjts ! 
 
 Sittafc, 
 
 H)as? roem? 
 
 Was fie mtr eben jefet entbecft rotll fyaben- 
 
 Sttta^ 
 
 <£ntbecft? unb eben je^t? 
 
 Hedja* 
 
 Xcur tbzn jei§t! 
 H?ir na^ten, auf bem IDeg fyierfyer, uns cinem 
 
 3615 Derfallnen (EfyriftentempeL pioijlid? ftanb 
 
 Ste ftill; fd?ien mit fid? felbft 3U fdmpfen; bltcfte 
 2T£it naffen itugen balb gen f^immel, balb 
 2tuf mid?, Komm, fprad? fie enblid?, lag uns fyter 
 Durd? biefen Cempel in bie Xid?te gef?n! 
 
 3620 Sie get?t; id? folg' tf?r, unb mein 2tuge fd?tr>exft 
 UTit (Sraus bie roanfenben Hutnen burd?, 
 Hun ftet?t fie trneber; unb id? fet?e mid? 
 2tn ben rerfunfnen Stufen eines morfcben 
 Tlltavs mit it?r. VOk voavb mir? als fie ba 
 
 3625 2TCit f?ei§en Cbrdnen, mit gerungnen ^dnben. 
 <§u meinen ^ufen filiate . • • 
 
 (Butes KxnM 
 
 Unb bet ber ©ottlidjen, bie ba u>ot?l fonft 
 So mand? (Bebet erbort, fo maneges IDunber 
 Perrid?tet fyabc, mid? befd?tc>or; — mit Blicfen 
 
268 ttat^an ber ttfetfe. 
 
 3630 Des toafyren ZTTttleibs mid} befdnror, mid? meiner 
 Vod) 5U erbarmen ! — XDenigftens, ifyr 3U 
 Dergeben, toenn fie mir entbecfen miiffe, 
 Was ifyre Kird}' auf mid} fur 2tnfprud} t?abe» 
 
 (Ungliicflidje ! — (Es afynte mir!) 
 
 3* fet 
 3635 2tus djriftlidjem ©eblute; fei getauft; 
 
 Sei Hatfyans t£od}ter ntdjt; er nid}t mein Pater! — 
 (Sottl ©ottl (Er nid}t mein Pater ! — Sittaf} ! Sittat}! 
 Siefy mid} aufs neu' 3U beinen ^ufen • . . 
 
 Hedja! 
 Xcid}t bod}! ftel} auf! — IHein Bruber fommt! ftel} auf! 
 
 Siebenter 2tuftritt* 
 Sa lab in unb bte Porigen. 
 Salabiru 
 3640 JDas gtebt's f}ier, Sittaf} ? 
 
 Sie ift Don fid}! (Bott! 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 IDerifts? 
 
 Du u>etf t ja ♦ . • 
 
 Salabxn. 
 
 Unfers Hatfyans Cod)ter? 
 IDas fet}lt if?r? 
 
Hatfyan ber JDetfe. 269 
 
 Sttia^ 
 
 Komm bod? 3U tor, Kinb ! — Der Sultan . . . 
 
 (bte fid? auf ben Knten 511 Salabtns ^iigen fdpleppt,- ben Kopf 
 3ur <£rbe gefenft). 
 
 3d? ftefy' nidjt auf! nicfyt efyer auf! — mag efyer 
 Des Sultans Ztntlife nidjt erblicfen ! — efyer 
 3645 Den 2tbglan5 etoiger ©erecfytigfeit 
 Unb ©iite nid)t in feinen 2lugen, nidjt 
 Jtuf feiner Stirn betpunbern ♦ ♦ . 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Stefy ♦ . , ftetj auf i 
 
 <£tf er mir ntdjt rerfpridjt . . . 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Komm I id} rerfpredje . . . 
 Sei was es roilll 
 
 Ktdia. 
 
 Xcidjt mefyr, nidjt tr>eniger, 
 3650 211s meinen Dater mir 5U laffen ; unb 
 
 TTixd) ifym ! — Tiod) toetf id) nidjt, toer fonft mein Datet 
 §u fein rerlangt; — rerlangen fann, IDilfs audj 
 £cid?t toiffen* 2lber madjt benn nur bas Blut 
 Qtn Pater? nur bas Blut? 
 
 Salabin (ber fie aufbebt). 
 
 3d) merfe tr>ofyl! — 
 3655 tDer roar fo graufam benn, bir felbft — bir felbft 
 Dergleidjen in ben Kopf ju fe^en? 3ft 
 (Es benn fcfyon rollig ausgemadjt? erroiefen? 
 
 Kecija, 
 
 tltuf rootjl ! Denn Daja toil! pen meiner 2lmm' 
 <£s Ijabtn. 
 
270 Hatty an ber EDetfe. 
 
 Saiabin. 
 
 Deiner 2tmme ! 
 
 Die es fterbenb 
 3660 3^? r 3^ t>ertrauen fid} t>erbunben fufylte* 
 
 Salabin, 
 
 ©ar fterbenb! — Hid?t and? fafelnb fd?on? — Unb roar's 
 2tud? voafyvl — 3 a tx>ofyl : bas Blut, bas Blut alleitt 
 XTtadjt lange nod? bzn Pater nid?t ! mad?t faum 
 Den Pater eines tEieres ! giebt 311m t?od?ften 
 3665 Das erfte Hedjt, fid? biefen Hamen 3U 
 
 <£rtr>erben ! — £af bir bod} nid?t bange fein ! — 
 Unb tr»eif t bu tr>as ? Sobalb ber Pater 3tpei 
 Sid? urn bid? ftreiten : — laf fie beibe ; nimm 
 Den britten 1 — Xcimm bann mid? 3U beinem Pater ! 
 
 3670© ti?u's! tf?u'sl 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 3d? mill ein guter Pater, 
 Ked?t guter Pater fein ! — Dod? f?alt ! mir fallt 
 Hod? r>iel tr»as Beffers bet. — VOas braud?ft bu bznn 
 Der Pater ubert?aupt? JDenn fie nun fterben? 
 Bei3eiten fid? nad} einem umgefefyn, 
 3675 Der mit uns urn bie IPette leben roill ! 
 Kennft bu nod? f einen ? . . . 
 
 Stttaij, 
 
 VTiad} fie nid?t erroten! 
 Salabxn. 
 
 Das t?ab' id? allerbings mir rorgefeijt. 
 (£rroten mad?t bie £)df lid?en fo fd?on : 
 Unb follte Sd?6ne nid?t nod? fd?oner mad?en? — 
 
Hainan ber IDetfe. 271 
 
 3680 3d? t?abe beinen Pater Italian ; unb 
 Xiod) cinen — einen nod? f?ierl?er beftellt 
 (£rrdtft bu il?n? — £?iert?er ! Du tturft mir boi? 
 (£rlauben, Sittal?? 
 
 Bruber ! 
 
 Salabtn, 
 
 Dag bu ja 
 Per if?m red?t fef?r erroteft, liebes 2Tldbd?en ! 
 
 3685 Dor tt>em ? erroten ? ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Kteine £}eud?lerin ! 
 Hun fo erblaffe lieber ! — ZDie bu toillft 
 Unb fannft ! — 
 
 ((Sine Sflar>in trttt herein, unb nabet fid? Sittat^.) 
 
 Sie ftnb bod) etroa nid?t febon ba ? 
 
 (But! lag fte nur therein. — Sie fmb es, Bruber! 
 
 Center Jtuftritt. 
 
 TXatfyan unb ber (Eempelberr 3U ben Dortgert. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Til), meine guten lieben ^reunbe ! — Did?, 
 3690 Dtd? ; liatljait, muf id? nur r>or alien Dingen 
 Bebeuten, ba% bu nun, fobalb bu rotllft, 
 Detn (Belb fannft roieber f?olen laffen ! ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 Sultan ! 
 
272 ZTatfyan bcr IDetfe. 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Ziun ftetj' id} audj 3U beinen Dienften 
 
 Viatban. 
 Salabin* 
 
 Sultan ! . 
 
 Die Karairan' ift ba. 3°*? bin fo reicfj 
 
 3695 Hun trieber, als id? lange nicfyt getoefen. — 
 
 Komm, fag' mtr, was b\x braucfyft, fo recfyt toas (5rofes 
 
 <^u unternefymen ! Denn and} ifyr, aucij tl?r, 
 
 3fyr £)anbelsleute, fount bes baren (Selbes 
 
 Muriel nie fyabtn I 
 
 Xiatkan. 
 
 Vinb toarum 3uerft 
 3700 Pon biefer Kleinigfeit? — 3^? f e ^ e k° r * 
 (£in 2tug' in Cfyrdnen, bas 3U trocfnen, mir 
 XDeit angelegner ift ((8et|t cmf Hed?a jn.) Du fyaft geroeint? 
 IDas f el?lt bir? — bift bod} meine Codjter nocfy? 
 
 VTuixx Pater ! , , 
 
 Haitian. 
 
 VOix Eerftefjen uns. (Senug ! — 
 3705 Sei fyeiter ! Sei gefaf t ! IDenn fonft bein £)er3 
 Hur bein nod) ift ! IDenn beinem £)er^en fonft 
 Hur fein Derluft nicfjt brofyt! — Dein Pater ift 
 Dir unt>erloren ! 
 
 Keiner, feiner fonft ! 
 
 Sempetf}ert% 
 
 Sonft feiner? — Hun! fo b L aV icb micb betrogem 
 3710 IDas man nicfyt 3U Derlieren fiird?tet, tfat 
 ITian 3U beftijen nie geglaubt, unb nie 
 <£>etr>unfcfyt — Xecfyt voofy ! red)t xvofyl ! — Das dnbert, 
 
 Hatfyan, 
 
Hatfyan ber IDetfe. 273 
 
 Das dnbert alles ! — Salabin, ttnr famen 
 2tuf bein <£>et?eif* 2tllein, id? f?atte bid? 
 3715 Derleitet : je£t bemufy' bid} rtur nid?t treiter I 
 
 SataMn* 
 
 IDie gad? nun tt>ieber, junker IHann ! — Soil alles 
 Dir benn entgegen fommen ? alles bid? 
 (£rraten ? 
 
 Hun bu t?orft ja ! fiefyft ja, Sultan I 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 €t tr>at?rlid? ! — Sd?limm genug, baf beiner Sad?e 
 3720 Z)u nidjt geroiffer toarft ! 
 
 €entj>el^err* 
 
 So bin id?'s nun* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 IDer fo auf irgenb eine ZDofyltfyat troi^t, 
 Xximmt fie 3urucf. VOas bu gerettet, ift 
 Destr>egen nid?t bein (£igentum. Sonft tear' 
 Der Kduber, ben fein ©eis ins ^euer jagt, 
 
 3725 So gut ein £}elb, roie bu ! 
 
 (2Juf Hecfya 3ugef}enb, urn fie bem Cempelfyerrn 3U3ufiif]ren.) 
 
 Komm, liebes 2TEdbd?en, 
 Komm ! Himm's mit il?m nid?t fo genau* Dmn voav 
 (£r anbers ; roar' er minber toarm unb ftol3 : 
 (£r t?dtf es bleiben laffen, bid? 3U retten. 
 Du muf t if?m eins furs anbre red?nen. — Komm ! 
 
 3730 £efd?dm' if?n ! if?u', tpas it?m 3U tf?un ge3iemte ! 
 Befenn' il?m beine £iebe ! trage bid? if?m an ! 
 Unb roenn er bid? rerfd?mdf?t ; bir's je rergift, 
 IDie ungleid? mef?r in biefem Sd?ritte bu 
 ^iir if?n getf?an, als er fur bid? . . . IDas i?at 
 
 3735 <£r benn fur bid? getl?an? £in tr>enig fid? 
 
274 Hatfjan ber tPeife. 
 
 Berducfyern laffen ! ift was Hecfyt's ! — fo fyat 
 (£r meines Brubers, meines 2tffab, nid)ts! 
 So tragt er feine £art>e, nidjt fein £}er3* 
 Komm, £iebe . ♦ ♦ 
 
 Siita^ 
 
 ©el?! gefy, £iebe, gel?! (£s ift 
 3740 <£ur beine Danfbarfeit nod? immer tpenig; 
 Hod} immer nidjts, 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 £?alt Satabin ! tjalt Sittal? ! 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 2lud} bu? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 f}ier fjat nod? einer mit 3U fpredjen . ♦ . 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 IDer leugnet bas? — Unftreitig, Hatfyan, fommt 
 So einem Pfleget>ater eine Stimme 
 3745 VTixt 3U ! Die erfte, toenn bu tpillft — Du tjorft, 
 3d? tpeif ber Sad}z gan3e Cage. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hidjt fo gan3 ! — 
 
 3d? rebe nicfyt tton mir. <£s ift ein anbrer; 
 IDeit, tpett ein anbrer, ben id}, Salabin, 
 Dod} audj porter 511 fyoren bitte* 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 3750 3fy r Bruber! 
 
 Salabxn. 
 
 £ed?as Bruber? 
 Hainan. 
 
 IDer? 
 
 3a! 
 
ttatban bcr IDetfe. 275 
 
 Kecba. 
 
 2T£ein Bruber? 
 So l)ab y id) etnen Bruber? 
 
 ^empelberr. 
 
 (2lus fetner nrilben, ftummen gerftreuung auffabrenb). 
 
 IDo? too ift 
 <£r, biefer Bruber? Hod? nidjt f?ier? jd? foUf 
 3fyn fyter ja treffen. 
 
 natban. 
 
 Hur ©ebulb! 
 
 Sempelberr (angerfi bitter). 
 
 £r f?at 
 3fyr etnen Dater aufgebunben : — tr>irb 
 3755 €r f etnen Bruber fur fte ftnben ? 
 
 Salabtn. 
 
 Das 
 
 £}at nod? gefefylt ! (Efjrift ! ein fo niebriger 
 Perbad^t trdr' iiber 2tffabs £ippen ni&t 
 ©efommen. — <Sut! fabr nur fo fort! 
 
 Viatban. 
 
 Deceit? 
 3t?m ! — 3^ t^ersetl)' tfym gem, — Wet roetf, tras ttnr 
 3760 Tin fetner StelT, in feinem 2tlter bdditcn ! 
 QJrcunbfcbaftltd? auf tbn 5ugcbenb.) 
 Hattirlid?, Kilter ! — 2lrgtrobn folgt Httf trau'n ! — 
 IDenn 3^ r m ^ €ucrs trafyren Hamens gleicfy 
 (SetDiirbigt fydttet . . . 
 
 Sem$>elf>err. 
 IPte? 
 
 Hatban. 
 
 3&* feib fein Stauffen ! 
 
276 £1 at lj art ber tPeife. 
 
 {Zempelfyerr* 
 
 IDer bin tcf? benn? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 fjeift Kurt r>on Stauffen nidjt! 
 
 3765 IDie fyeif id? benn? 
 
 ^eift £eu t>on ^ilnef. 
 
 tZempelljerr* 
 
 IDie? 
 Uattyan. 
 3¥ ftufct? 
 
 ZITtt Xec^tl IDer fagt bas? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 3^; ber mefyr, 
 Tiod) metjr <£ucfy fagen fann. 3^? f ra f inbes 
 (£udj fetner £iige* 
 
 £empelfyert\ 
 
 Xcic^t? 
 
 Hainan* 
 
 Kann bodj tpofyl fein, 
 Daf jener Ham' €udj ebenfalls gebiifyrt* 
 
 3770 Das follf id) meinen I — (Das fytef (Bott ifyn fpredjen !) 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Denn (£ure IHutter — Me rear eine Staufftn. 
 3fyr Bruber, (£uer (Dfym, ber (£ud? er3ogen, 
 Dem €ure (£ltem (£ud? in Deutfdjlanb liefen, 
 2Ils, t>on bent raufyen £)immel bort rertrieben, 
 3775 Ste roieber t?ter 311 £anbe famen: — ber 
 
Vlattyan ber IDctfe. 277 
 
 f^ief Kurt von Stauffen; mag an Kiubesftatt 
 £HeUeid?t (£ud? angenommen fyaben ! — Seib 
 3fyr lange fdjon mtt tfym nun aud? fyeriiber 
 (Befommen? Unb er lebt bod? nod)? 
 
 IPas foH 
 
 37 8o 3d? fagen ? — Tiatfyan ! — 2tllerbtngs ! So ift's I 
 
 <Er felbft ift tot 3^ ? am e r ft nttt ber le^ten 
 
 Derftdrfung unfers (Drbens. — 2lber, aber — 
 
 Was if at mtt biefem alien &td)as Bruber 
 
 <gu fd?affen? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 (Euer Pater . . . 
 
 tZempei^err* 
 
 IDte? aud? ben 
 3785 f}abt 3^ r gefannt? 2tud? ben? 
 
 Viatlian. 
 
 (Er tt>ar metn ^reunb. 
 
 ^empel^err* 
 IDar (Euer ^reunb? 3ft' s mogltd?, Hainan! • ♦ * 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 Hannte 
 Stdj IDolf t>on ^tlnef ; aber ir>ar fein Deutfdjer . . . 
 
 3fyr txnft aud? bas? 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 IDar etner Z)eutfd?en nur 
 Dermdfylt; roar (Surer ZTtutter nur nad? X)eutfd?lanb 
 37qo 2tuf f ur$e <3ett gefolgt ♦ ♦ ♦ 
 
 €empeU}err* 
 
 Htd?t mebr! 3d? bttt' 
 <£ud? I — 2lber £ed?as Bruber? Utd)as Bruber . . . 
 
(£>efd}tt>ifter ! 
 
 278 ttatfyan ber tt)etfe. 
 
 VLatlian. 
 
 Seib 3*?r! 
 
 £empelt}ert\ 
 
 3d?? id} ifyr Bruber? 
 
 <£r mein Bruber? 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 Sie ©efdjtDtfter ! 
 
 &tdi<x (null auf tfyn 3U). 
 
 2lfy! mein Bruber! 
 
 Sempel^err (trttt 3uriicF). 
 3fyr Bruber! 
 
 Hed^a (bait art, unb tpenbet fid? 311 Hatfyan). 
 
 Kann nidjt fein ! ntdjt fein ! — Sein f}er3 
 3795 XDeif nicfyts bason! — XDir finb Betriiger! (Sottl 
 
 SalaMn (311m Cempelfyerrn). 
 
 Betriiger? — trie? Das benfft bu? fannft bu benfen? 
 Betriiger felbft! Denn alles ift erlogen 
 Tin bir: ©eficfyt unb Stimm' unb (Bang! Xlxdjts bein! 
 So eine Sd)tr>efter nidjt erfennen tpolleu! <5efy! 
 
 ^empelfjerr (fid? bemiittg tfym natitnb). 
 
 3800 IHif beut' audj bu nicfyt mein (£rftaunen, Sultan! 
 Derfenn' in einem 2tugenblicf, in bem 
 Du fcfyroerlid? beinen 2tffab je gefefyen, 
 Hidjt ifyn unb mid? ! 
 
 (2Iuf Zlaifyan 3ueilenb). 
 3fyr nefymt unb gebt mir, ZTatfyan! 
 XTixt Dollen ^dnben beibes! — Hein! 3^ r Q&t 
 
Hatty an der IDcifc. 279 
 
 3805 ItTir mefyr, als jl?r mir ncfymt ! unenblid) mefyr ! 
 (Kecfya urn ben Bals faftenb). 
 211? meinc Sdjtrefter! meine Sd?tr>efter ! 
 
 Ziatb^an. 
 
 Blanba 
 Von ^ilnef! 
 
 Sempelberr* 
 
 Blanba? Blanba? — Hecfja nid?t? 
 Zcid?t (£ure Hed?a mef?r? — (gottl 3fyr perfioft 
 Sie! gebt t£?r tfyren (£f?riftennamen tr>ieber! 
 3810 Derftof t fte meinetioegen ! — Hatban ! Hainan ! 
 IDarum es fte entgelten laffen ? fie ! 
 
 VLatban. 
 
 Unb toas? — (D meine Kinber ! meine Kinber! — 
 Denn meiner Cocfrter Bruber roar' mein Kinb 
 Xixdft aucb, — fobalb er wxUV 
 
 (3nbem er fid? ityren llmarmungen iiberld^t, tritt Salabin mit 
 unrutyigem (Erftauncn 3U feiner Sd)tr>cftcr). 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Was fagft bu, Sd?tDefter? 
 
 Sittafy. 
 
 3 8i 5 3cf? bin geriifyrt ..« ♦ 
 
 Unb icb, — id) febaubere 
 Por einer grofern 2?iibrung faft 3uriicf! 
 Bereite bid? nur brauf, fo gut bu fannft 
 
 Sittafy. 
 
 H)ie? 
 
 Salabin. 
 
 Hatban, auf ein IDort! ein IDort! — 
 
 Ottbem Hatban 3U ttym tritt, tritt Sittaty 3U ben (Scfcbtruftcrn, 
 
 ttynen ityre dcilnabmc 3U bc3cia.cn ; nnb Hatban unb falabin 
 
 fprcctyen leifcrj. 
 
280 Xlati\an ber IDetfe. 
 
 £)or'! bor' bod?, Hainan! Sagteft bu t>orfyin 
 
 3820 tlidjt — ? 
 
 Xiatl\an. 
 Was? 
 
 SalaMn* 
 
 2lus Deutfcfylanb fei ifyr Pater nidjt 
 (Betoefen ; ein geborner Deutfdjer nicfyi 
 VDas wax er benn ? IDo roar er fortft benn fyer? 
 
 VLatV[<xn. 
 
 Das fyat er felbft mir nie r>ertrauen tDollem 
 Tins feinem ZUunbe tt>eif id} nicfyts bat>on* 
 
 Salabtn* 
 
 3825 Unb roar and) fonft f ein ^ranf ' ? f ein Ztbenblanber ? 
 
 Hainan, 
 
 (D ! baf er ber md)t fet, geftanb er toofyL — 
 (£r fpracfy am liebften Perftfdj ♦ . ♦ 
 
 Salabin* 
 
 perftfd?? perfifd?? 
 
 XDas toill id? mefyr? — (Er ift's! (£r roar es I 
 
 Hainan. 
 
 H)er? 
 Salabin, 
 
 UTeirt Bruber! gans getxnf ! XUein 2tffab! gan3 
 
 3830 <0etr>if ! 
 
 VLatlian. 
 
 Hun, roenn bu felbft barauf r>erfdllft : — 
 Icimm bie Derficfyrung fyier in biefem Bucbe! 
 Ofym bas Bremer iiberretcfyenb.) 
 
 Salabin (es begtertg auffcfylagenb). 
 
 2If? I feine I}anb! 2tucfy bie erfenn' id? tt)ieberl 
 
Hainan ber IDetfe. 
 
 Viatl\an. 
 
 281 
 
 Hod? tpiffen fte Don uid?ts ! XXod} (test's bet bir 
 itlleiu, rcas fie basou erfatjren follert ! 
 
 SalaMn (tubes er bavin geblattert.) 
 
 38353^? memes Brubers Kiuber uid?t erfertnen? 
 3d? meiue Heffen — meine Kiuber uid?t? 
 Sie uid?t erf euueu? id?? Sic btr to obi laffen? 
 
 (IXHeber iaut.) 
 Sie (tub's ! fte ftnb es, Sittaf?, fiub's ! Sie fiub's 1 
 Sinb beibe meittes . • ♦ beines Brubers Kiuber I 
 
 ((£r rennt in ifyre Umarmungen.) 
 
 Stttatj (tbm folgenb). 
 3840 JDas t?or* id?! — Kouut's aud? aubers, aubers feiu ! — 
 
 Salabin (311m Cempelberrn.) 
 
 Huu muft bu bod? toofyl, Crot§f opf, muf t mid} liebeu ! 
 
 (gu Hed?a.) 
 Ituu biu id} bod), ID03U id} mid) erbot? 
 2T£agft roolleu, ober nidjt! 
 
 3d? and} ! id) andfl 
 
 SalaMn (311m Cempelberrn 3uriicf). 
 ZHeiu Sof?u ! meiu 2lffab ! meiues 2tffabs Sofyu ! 
 
 ^etnpelberr. 
 
 3845 3d? beiues Bluts ! — So roareu jeue Crdume, 
 IDomit man meiue Kiubf?eit ttuegte, bod) — 
 Dod? mefyr als Crdume ! Qtjm 3U ^iigen faaenb). 
 
282 tfatfyan bcr IDctfc. 
 
 £alaMn (t^n auffyebenb). 
 
 Sefyt ben Boferoidjt! 
 €r tr>ufte tr>as bat>on, unb fonnte mid) 
 <^u feinem lllorber macben roollen ! JDart ! 
 
 (Unter ftummer UHeberfyolung alifeittger Umarmungen fallt ber 
 
 Dorfjang). 
 
IM OTES 
 
 L.M. — The edition of Lessing's works by Lachmann, newly revised by 
 Muncker. 
 
 M.H.G. = Middle High German.— N.H.G. = New or Modern High German. 
 
 Title. — In the story of Boccaccio from which the Ring Parable is 
 taken the Jew's name is Melchisedec. Lessing may have changed the 
 name to Nathan for several reasons. It is better adapted to the verse. 
 Besides, in the ninety-third Novel of the Decameron, Boccaccio treats 
 of a rich and very liberal Jew whose name is Nathan; but more than 
 that, Nathan is to be to the opposing theologians what the prophet 
 Nathan (2. Sam. xn, 1 fif.) was to David, a relentless monitor of their 
 wrongs. 
 
 The Motto was interpolated into the Nodes Atticae of Aulus Gel- 
 lius by Phil. Beroaldus (Bologna, 1503). It is a translation of the 
 words dvai yap Kai tvravSa Beovg, put by Aristotle (De Partibus Ani- 
 malium 1, 5) into the mouth of Heraclitus when some friends, come 
 to visit him, hesitated to enter a stable where he was warming him- 
 self (Buchheim). 
 
 I. beefy enMicfy einmal* bod? and etnmal give additional 
 
 emphasis to the impatience which Daja expresses in enbltcfy. 
 
 3. XJaJa* In the prose version her name is Dinah. On the back 
 of the title page Lessing had written: "N. B. instead of Dinah rather 
 Daja. I see from the Excerptis ex Abulfeda, concerning the life of 
 Saladin, Daja means Nutrix, nurse." 
 
 7. feitdb = Clbfetts, off the direct road. Digressions were neces- 
 sary possibly on account of the disturbed condition of the country, the 
 time of action being during the third Crusade, about 1192-93. Baby- 
 lon had, however, even at that time, lost all its commercial impor- 
 tance. Trade with India was carried on rather by way of Bagdad on 
 the Tigris River (cp. v. 43, and 734-735). The distance from Jerusa- 
 lem to Babylon is about one hundred and forty German miles or nearly 
 seven hundred English. In the prose version Lessing wrote (jute fylin= 
 
 bert IKetlen. 
 
 II. VOU bCV fyanb fdjla^ett = to make short work of. Cp. 
 „€s gefyt tfym letdpt VOXl bcr £?attb" = he is apt in doing anything. 
 
 12. Clcnb, elenfc* In the first draft, which was written in 
 prose, except in a few places, we have: ,,Wk ungliic£lid? fydttet 3^ r 
 
 283 
 
284 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 16 
 
 tnbe§ fyter tperben fottrten." The change was made for the sake of 
 the meter; similar cases are very numerous in our play. 
 
 16. Icidlt. We should expect faft or betnabc. The first draft 
 has: ,,Das gatt3e i^aus fydtte abbremten fonnen." Possibly Lessing 
 means to convey precisely this idea here, equivalent to fydtte letcfyt 
 con (Srunb cms abbrennen fonnen; — von (Srunb cms = to the 
 ground; note the difference ; also Germ, bis auf QtXi 23oben. 
 
 18. S&IOW XV&fyV = Thafs true enough ! Concessive. 
 
 24. The prose version has : „Sage es nur rollenbs fyeraus, — 
 (age es Ttur fyerailS." The omission of the es is quite unusual; the 
 reason for it here is evidently the meter; a contraction to fag's would, 
 however, not have been impossible. 
 
 27. Daja is usually supposed to imply that she would have perished 
 in the attempt to rescue Recha, or that she would not have ventured 
 to inform Nathan of the calamity; the latter with more justice, 
 because we do not learn that Daja in person made any attempt to 
 rescue Recha. 
 
 29. It seems a little forced for Daja to single out the possessive, 
 unless Nathan laid stress on the metne; and he had a good reason to 
 do so. Recha's narrow escape from the fire reminded him of the 
 death of his sons, the price at which she became his. Cp. 11. 3037- 
 3066. That Lessing meant to have the possessive metne stressed is 
 pretty clearly shown from the fact that in a sketch, partly prose, 
 partly verse, found among his writings, the word is capitalized. (D 
 nietne Hacfyel ! just as Lessing regularly capitalizes the 'numeral (Htn 
 for emphasis; see Lachmann-Muncker Edition, vol. 3, p. 494. 
 
 32. Vtct Hcd^tC is a little unexpected. Usually either both 
 forms are without inflectional ending, mtt cbcn fo tnel Hecfyt, or both 
 are inflected, mtt zbzxi fo tnelem Hecr/te. 
 
 35-36. Cp. 11. 3037-3066. For banfen we have now more com- 
 monly ferbanfen in this meaning. Lessing wrote banfen also in the 
 prose version. 
 
 38. Kindness, if not shown for its own sake, is no kindness. 
 Nathan is so kind to Daja, partly at least, because he desires to quiet 
 her conscience about conniving in keeping secret the mystery of 
 Recha's personality. This is at least Daja's view. We should rather 
 ascribe Nathan's action to pure generosity. If a few lines farther on 
 he tells Daja to keep the secret, he does this fully assured of his bet- 
 ter insight and his pure motives ; and there was no better way of ap- 
 peasing Daja than by practical deeds of kindness, for which she had 
 more understanding than for subtle theories. 
 
gi] NOTES 285 
 
 42. Babylon had once been famous for its manufacture of silk and 
 woolen stuffs. Damascus has still a fair reputation among jewelers. 
 
 44. UXlb Itlit (Befdjmac? fO reicfy = rich, and yet rot gaudy, 
 not violating good taste. 
 
 54. With 3tt)etfeirt the negative particle is commonly omitted now. 
 Its origin is probably to be found in the Latin and Romance usage in 
 similar clauses; cp. Latin non dubito quin. 
 
 56. (Belt, really a pres^ subj. of geltett, is no longer felt as 
 such; in early Modern High German it began to be used as a mere 
 particle equivalent to Tticfyt tDCtfyr ; its use is confined to questions ex- 
 pecting an affirmative answer. 
 
 57. What she meant to say, we can infer from 11. 2318-21. We 
 have no reason to suppose that Daja was dishonest in her solicitude 
 about Recha's condition, and if she had been able to analyze her ap- 
 prehensions, she would probably have found that Nathan's „Docfy bin 
 \<3q XViXX etn 3 u ^ e " accurately expressed them. 
 
 61. Homm iibet &udl reminds of Matt, xxvii, 25. 
 
 64. Daja's question is probably intended to convey the same idea, 
 which she expresses in the prose sketch in these words : „Sie WCl% 
 es, ba$ 3fyr ba feib, unb u>et§ es tneUetcbt cmd? nid?t." 
 
 74. felfcft, adverb, = fogctr, i. e. ntcfyt nur bas Hafyett ber Ka= 
 mele, fonbent felbft feme Stimme fyore id?. 
 
 75. 1$V<XCfy ftcfy, more commonly not reflexive = to stare aim- 
 lessly, used especially of dying persons. — I^cmpt is the antecedent of 
 feines, 1. 76. 
 
 84. With plural forms tpenig is more commonly inflected. 
 
 87-89. As a matter of history, Saladin not infrequently pardoned 
 his enemies, both Templars and lay warriors, and from the position he 
 holds throughout our play Nathan's surprise at his clemency to the 
 Templar seems hardly justified. To be sure, we are told in 11. 231 f., 
 that Saladin never spared a Templar, and the poet had a right to 
 assume this; but this severity does not at all seem to correspond to 
 the Sultan's character as it appears in our play. Cp., however, for 
 faithlessness on the part of the Templars, and a justification of Saladin' s 
 severity, 11. 647 f. 
 
 88. See 210 ff. 
 
 90. (BettHHft= the prize promised^ the winner in races, lotteries, 
 etc. ; less frequently it is used for (Setpirm, in the sense of gain 
 through an ordinary effort. 
 
 91. In vivid narration the Preterite Ind. is sometimes used for the 
 
 more common Plup. Subj. : cp. : „Cro^ eurer Spikftmfi wai Xilavia 
 
286 NATHAN DER WEISE [98 
 
 Stuart I Hod? fyeute fret, tr>emx id? es nid?t t)erfyinbert." Sch. Mar. 
 St. ,,¥0\x <£ngeflanber, tnaren u>ir aUein, | Bet (Sort, tt)tr fatten 
 (Drleans nid?t nerloren." Sch. Jungfr. v. Or I. „Httt biefem 3tr»eiten 
 pfetl burd?fd?'of5 id? (Eud?, | XUenn id? mem tiebes Kirtb getroffen 
 fydtte." Sch. Wilh. Tell. Similarly Goethe, Lessing, Heine, even 
 Wolfram v. Eschenbach, Parzival 1, 51 and 52, and others. — (Jrifd? = 
 unhesitatingly. 
 
 98. Cttte* e is not an inflectional ending, but an inorganic addition 
 to the uninflected form. Notice alie bie *KtlTtbfd?aft, Gen., alle ber 
 Kunbfd?aft. It is supposed to have been added for euphony, but the 
 changes for euphony must be taken with some reserve. We have 
 a similar excrescent e in many other forms: Lessing has eirt Sirm= 
 gebid?te, Hctrre, (Eremite, (Sliicfe, <Sertd?te, fanfte, fiige, bide, f}etfe, 
 3Uriicf e, ofte, etc. ; in Goethe, too, we find similar forms mostly in 
 poetry however. In case of adverbs this may go back to regular usage 
 of M. H. G. 
 
 99. The position of the genitive between the pronominal or indef. 
 adjective, or the article and the noun modified, common in M. H. G., 
 is now altogether unusual. In M. H. G. this genitive could not have 
 an article. — Kuttbjd?aft == Kentttttis, more commonly used with r>OTt 
 and the dative. 
 
 100. t>Ot*$eft>t*ei}teiU, spread out before — for the purpose of 
 shielding from smoke and fire. 
 
 113. erfyofc = extolled; entbot (with the ace. tfytt understood) = 
 summoned, invited; befd?tDOr = iniplored, conjured. t 
 
 117. fu unferev Sitte tanb 1 more commonly, unferer Bitte 
 gegeniiber, or gegen urtfere Bitte, or fiir unfere Bitte. 
 
 119. VlidltZ XVCniQCV = Eng., anything but that; lit, there is 
 nothing that could be less the case than that; als bas is readily sup- 
 plied. The phrase is very common in German. 
 
 120. arttteten, for the more common jemanben angefyen (cp. 
 
 1054) = to importune some one; cp. Eng. to approach some one for a 
 favor. 
 
 125. In the first edition of 1779 we have feiites 2Iuferftattbenen; 
 the change was naturally made ; it is not necessary, however, to lay 
 any stress on the UTtfers, as Duntzer, Buchheim, and others, suggest. — 
 2Juferftattbene = the risen Lord. 
 
 133-34. If the heart predominates, Sd?t»ermut = heaviness of 
 heart; if the head predominates, tTTenfcfyertfya^ = misanthropy will 
 carry the day. If Recha reflects, and finds that gratitude is useless, 
 she will incline to misanthropy. If she fosters the feeling of per- 
 
195 
 
 NOTES 28' 
 
 sonal neglect, she will be melancholy. Both states of mind are likely 
 to predominate alternately. Clearness of understanding is the only 
 safeguard in the search for truth. The fanatic, the dreamer sup- 
 plements his perceptions by fancies and feelings. See Appendix. 
 
 144. 'Keitter 3^^M^!^^» Imitation of a construction common 
 in Greek; equivalent to fcines 3 r ^ 1 '°^ en ^obn. 
 
 147 ft. The meaning of the lines would probably be clearer for 
 a slight rearrangement of the words: Der (£ngel einer fei aus feiner 
 Wolfe, in bie rerbiillt cr fonft, — aucb nocb tut ^euer, — um fie 
 aeid^tpebt, i. e.. enveloped in which he had at other times, and ez , e7i 
 during the fire, been havering about her. let forms a tense with btX- 
 corgetretert ; rerbiiUt is a postpositive participial adjective agreeing 
 with er; with gcfcbtpcbt, babe might be supplied. 
 
 153. The r/ irabn" had its origin with Daja; cp. 11. 1577 f. In a 
 note taken from Marin. Lessing says : „Dte Kreu^briiber, bte io Hits 
 toiffenb als Ieicbtgldubtg voaxzn, ftreuten oft aus, baft fie £ngel in 
 tpet^en Kleibern, mit blit^enben Scbtoertern in ber Banb, unb infon-- 
 berbeit ben beiligen (5eorg 5U pfcrbe in roller Hiiftung batten rom 
 Bimmel berabfommen feben, trclcbe an ber 5pit3e ibrer >Criegs-- 
 oolfer geftritten batten/' — L. M. 111. p. 14.9. Cp. Tasso. Jerusale?n 
 Delivered, various places. 
 
 156. t&UTU£ = launenbaft; the more common form in this sense 
 is lauutfeb. 
 
 158. bictlic^Ctl ttfttUett is a sanctimonious phrase with a deli- 
 cate tinge of irony; toailen means to be on a pilgrimage; the phrase 
 suggests that, as an angel, the Templar could not have the earth as 
 his permanent biding place and had probably ere this ended his pil- 
 grimage among us. his special mission being ended. 
 
 159. The chivalry of the Templar is called ungerittet, unmannerly . 
 because he so obstinately refuses to accept the gratitude of Recha. 
 
 169. Cp. 11. 63 and 64. — Having escaped so great a danger-. 
 Recha is doubly anxious to see her father as soon as possible, and in 
 the following expresses her surprise at the delay after she had heard 
 his voice. 
 
 191. For an explanation of this and the following lines cp. Note 
 to 1. 153. 
 
 195. The prose sketch reads: ,,(5ott roar es, ber einen ficbtbaren 
 (£ngel berabfebicfte, beffen metier ^ittig bie ^lammen rertpebte, 
 beffen ftarfer 2lrm micb burcb has ^eucr tragen mn§te. #i From 
 this it is evident that the phrase „VOtl feinem ^ittige rertpebt" is 
 meant to modify ^cuer; grammatically it would more naturally be 
 
288 NATHAN DER WETSE [200 
 
 taken with the subject er, or the object mtcfy ; the construction, as it 
 stands, can hardly be justified even in poetry. 
 
 200. The only explanation doing justice, or giving reasonable sense 
 at any rate, to these two lines, is that by Ammer: „Z)em (£ngel ober 
 (£ucfy — /' i.e. "Are you flattering me, whom you call an angel (in 
 making me like the angel), or yourself, as the father of this angel." 
 
 204. Nathan had applied in Recha's education the principles laid 
 down by Lessing in his „(£r3termng bes tTCenfcfyengefcfytecfyts." Nathan 
 allowed her to adopt the current conception of angels (cp. Hebrews 1, 
 14), until he thought her to be sufficiently mature to accept a purely 
 rational view, which he proceeds to expound to her in the following 
 verses. This view considers everything looking like a miracle to be 
 planned from all eternity, i.e. in the whole economy of nature. We 
 can hardly suppose that Recha understands even now all that is im- 
 plied. See App. 211. This entire discussion of miracles bears directly 
 on the controversy with Goeze. 
 
 235. From Marin 1, 249, Lessing made a note. ^Dap* bte gefctttg= 
 rten Cempelfyerm fiir ifyre Cosfcmfung mcfyts gebert burften, als 
 unguium et adtelhim, Dold? unb (Mrtel." 
 
 2 37- fcfylicfft* somewhat unusual in the sense of, to prove, to 
 argue in favor of someone. Cp. for a similar use of the word a 
 review of March 23, 175 1, in the Berl. privilegierte Zeitung 
 L. M. iv, 299. The contents are, at the same time, interesting in 
 connection with verses 2514 f . : „Dte tfornerjmfte Urfacfye (tparum 
 ber Derfaffer auf rmnbert ^ragen, bte fetner erften '2lrt3etge ent= 
 gegengefe^t wavzn, 31U §ett nod) nicfyt geantroortet l^abe) tft, we'll 
 fid? biefer (Segner tmter etrtem falfcfyen Harnett genamtt, unb ber 
 £}err DoFtor bureaus benjenigen erft perfonlid? fenrten trull, tpelcfyen 
 er tptberlegen foil. Die XParjrfyett 3U gefteben ; wit feben bas 
 Scfyliegenbe biefer Urfacfye nicfyt ein." Again Laokoon xvn, L. 
 M. ix, 101. 
 
 251. t>iele 1XVaiX}i$ 3at|Ve, some twenty, or rather, close to 
 thirty years; eirtige 3tpan3tg 3 a ^ re exactly corresponds to the Eng- 
 lish expression. 
 
 260. (BefcfyttHJtet* was formerly a neuter singular collective noun, 
 and is so used here. It is now commonly used in the plural. 
 
 262 f. The meaning of the following lines seems to be this : It is 
 not an uncommon thing for two faces, even of strangers, to bear some 
 general resemblance to each other. Thus the face of the Templar 
 might well have reminded the Sultan of some features of his long lost 
 brother. These features had once been the concrete object of the Sultan's 
 
329] NOTES 289 
 
 deep affection, and now, though born by a stranger, kindled this same 
 love : similar cause : similar effect ; bas Zlamltcbe : bas ZTdmltcfye. 
 
 269. (BlttttfrCH in this line has for Nathan probably die same 
 meaning as for the Fragmentist. See App. 211, last quotation. 
 
 270. Weil bu Ttteiner fj>Otteft. In telling Nathan, 247-255, 
 that too many circumstances militate against his "natural miracle." 
 she is trifling with him I fpottCtl in a slightly modified sense). 
 
 274. £?$HCl and S^Ctt are probably best considered nominatives. 
 rather loosely modifying (Suticblii^c. — Goeze had emphasized (e. g. 
 Strschr.. p. 6) that with Lessing's demands on the documents of 
 religion „timrbe bic mcnfcblicbc ^reibcit colltg 5iigrurtbe geben, unb 
 es tpiirbe ctlsbcmn bet^en : entoeber thrift ober in Volbans \" Cp. 
 App. 385; also 211, first quotation. 
 
 283. In his Dramaturgie Lessing insists that for all the actions 
 of a dramatic character there must be a sufficient motive. If here he 
 indicates that the Sultan, in sparing the Templar's life, was apparently 
 influenced by a mere nothing, he disregards his own rules for higher 
 purposes. He means to show that what in the eyes of the thought- 
 less masses becomes a miracle, is by a competent, rational man readily 
 reduced to natural causes. 
 
 284. ttulfcert has here probably the sense of barbarous* uncivil, 
 referring probably to i2of. 
 
 286. ttHlTt^rj iicbti^, coined by Lessing : inteiit upon miracles 
 where there are none; similarly (Eugclfcbrrjannenn(i66), angel-visionary. 
 
 298. See App. 211. fciirft' = braucbte. Quite common in this 
 sense in Lessing. less so in Schiller. Goethe, and later writers. 
 
 300. IXttfitttt, if Daja. without having thought on the subject, 
 considers this and similar absurd "miracles" as belonging to the plans 
 of Providence ; (5otte5ld(tcruug, if she. with premeditation, asserts 
 that God's plans can not be realized but by means of such arbitrary 
 interferences with the established course of nature. The miracles, in 
 Nathan's sense, have been arranged for from the beginning. 
 
 311 f. A man engaging in such devotions enjoys the satisfaction 
 afforded by genuine charity; the ^ZTacbfter/' the neighbor in the 
 biblical sense, is benefitted as the object of this charity. 
 
 312. beilCbt, old form for biiuFt. 
 
 318. Daja makes a last attempt to uphold her angel theory in 
 suggesting that the self-sufficiency of the Templar exceeded all human 
 measure. 
 
 323. Dercntii^jam = geniigfam. 
 
 329. fd>afc ? t, see Note to 670, d. 
 
290 NATHAN DER WEISE [334 
 
 334. ^VattfC was in the Orient a general designation for mem- 
 bers of any western nation. The greater number of crusaders were 
 either French or under the general leadership of the French. 
 
 340. ^Xtjpvadl = gStlfprticfy = comfort, consolation. 
 
 343. es XOCkX Ctrl aTenfdj, i.e. for the Templar it was enough 
 that a human being was in danger; narrower, clannish considerations 
 had no weight with Mm. His utter disinterestedness as to the person- 
 ality of the recipient of his kindness is also indicated in the use of 
 the neutre pronoun tpas, 345; tfym, 346, refers to tt>as as antecedent. 
 
 355. Cp. the familiar Hymn ,,V0as (Sort tfyllt, has tft tDofylge= 
 tfyatt." In one of the stanzas are these verses: 
 
 ,,X>er £?err, metn Tlx^t, ber fyeilen tann, 
 Wivt> mir nicfyt (Sift etnfcfyenfen 
 5ur itrjenct: (Sott ift gerreu, 
 Drum roill id? ctuf irm batten 
 lint* feincr (Sure tratten." 
 360. See App. 
 
 364. fciirfen, see 298. 
 
 376. The character of the dervish Al Hafi was modeled in part 
 after a contemporary of Lessing whom he met occasionally in the 
 house of Moses Mendelssohn. Zelter wrote to his friend Goethe: "The 
 mathematician Abram Wulff served Lessing as a model for his Al Hafi. 
 He was an expert in figures, but very eccentric. . . . Lessing prized 
 him for his wit and his native cynicism." X)enPtfcfy, from a Persian 
 word meaning a poor man. £}Clft is a title of honor, like the biblical 
 "scribe," a man versed in the Koran. The dervishes are a religious 
 Mohammedan order, corresponding to the Catholic mendicant friars. 
 Our dervish is by birth and profession a Mohammedan, but by choice 
 and conviction a Parsee, that is, an adherent of the old Persian religion 
 of Zoroaster. The Parsees were also called (Sfyeber, i.e. "infidels" or 
 "unbelievers," because after the overthrow of the Persian government 
 by the Arabs they remained faithful to their own religion. To Lessing 
 this title may have appealed for other reasons. (See Appendix 2537.) 
 In India also some Parsees are found, who emigrated from their old 
 home in Persia on account of some religious differences. It seems, 
 however, that Lessing confused these Parsees, who were very thrifty 
 merchants in many cases, with the Gymnosophists, or naked philos- 
 ophers, belonging to the Brahmanic religion, and living mostly as her- 
 mits. Their severe penitential exercises are said to be interrupted 
 only for the purpose of playing chess, a game of Indian origin. 
 
 380 f. Nathan means to say that the genuine dervish — the 
 Mohammedan monk — is too much inclined to idle contemplation to be 
 
441 ] NOTES 291 
 
 of any real use to the world. It is worth while noticing in this con- 
 nection, that not only is the dervish not a genuine dervish ; Saladin 
 also is no genuine Mohammedan, Nathan is no genuine Jew, and — 
 possibly the good friar excepted — there is certainly no genuine 
 Christian portrayed in the drama. On this ground alone, a compari- 
 son of the three nominally represented religions, as to their relative 
 merits, cannot have been Lessing's purpose, as is often wrongly as- 
 sumed. 
 
 385. This line is very often quoted, and has regularly a meaning 
 assigned to it that directly opposes Lessing's and Nathan's views. Cp. 
 Modern Language A T otes, Vol. XI, 220 f. Also Introduction § 68, and 
 Appendix. 
 
 394. bV<XUf, i.e. on the security presented in the assumption that 
 at heart he is still the old dervish. Leave it untranslated. 
 
 396. tVa$ tV&V \&l an (Eurem *}Ofe? Supposing you were 
 sultan, what position would you assign me ? 
 
 399. He hints at Nathan's frugality; a cook would not have suf- 
 ficient practice to keep up in his trade; and for a cupbearer or waiter 
 there would be still less to do. 
 
 401. Ironical. 
 
 406. ift vcn fetnem ^aufe = gefyort fetrtem ^aufe an. The 
 
 phrase is unusual ; probably an imitation of the French : est de sa 
 maison. 
 
 409. Stvumyf unb Stiel, now Stumpf unb Sttel; root and 
 
 branch. 
 
 411. tVOty einem* (Trot} is used in an older sense: vying with 
 some one (here in poverty), a beggar as much as any one. Cp. 1067 
 
 419. In his prose sketch, L. M. ill, 477, Lessing says : ,,Dte 
 
 ITTartme, tpelcfye bte Zlraber bem 2Irtftotetes betlegen : es fet beffer, 
 oa% etn ^iirft etn (Seter fet unter Sfern, als etn 1\as unter 
 (Setern." 
 
 422. 3t>t fyafct $Ut reben; possibly an imitation of the 
 French il a beau dire, beau faire, etc. : Certainly, it is easy for you 
 to talk. 
 
 432. £?d>e^efrt*tef* The same expression is used a number of 
 times in the Bible; cp. Matt, v, 31. 
 
 437- 3*}** jdjttttelt, supply Otn Kopf; the omission is unusual; 
 possibly due to analogy with the opposite tttcf en. 
 
 440. VC<X£ XCfy V£VXn<XQi anything within my power; cp. Vet* 
 
 mogen = wealth. 
 
 441 QeftCVbCLV) a Persian word for treasurer, but derived from 
 
292 NATHAN DER WEISE [453 
 
 the Greek Si(p&epa, 'skin,' * parchment ' ; so that it really means 
 4 scribe, ' ' bookkeeper. ' 
 
 453. Cp. Act 11, Sc. 9 ; also 3152 f. 
 
 456. Sett reiC^fteit Pettier, meaning, very likely, him- 
 self. 
 
 477. pfeife, decoy whistle, with which the fowler caught the 
 (Stmpel, bullfinch. (Stmpet has about the same figurative meaning 
 as the English colloquial 'sucker.' 
 
 482. attsmet*$eln, etymologically connected with ITTarf, mar- 
 row; to drain, to plunder, 
 
 485. Cp. Matt, v, 45. 
 
 510. Nathan once more taunts Daja with her angel theory and 
 shows from the actions enumerated in the following verses how ab- 
 surdly she herself contradicts her former claims. 
 
 520. fd}l&£t, turns; probably from fid? in bte Biifcfye fcfylagen, 
 ettten VdZQ etttfcfylagen, expressions which seem to have originated in 
 times and under circumstances when paths were literally hewn into 
 forests. 
 
 524. Wo\ ein = 2Jbtr>efenfyett. 
 
 528. ticmxnt gucfy nicfyt, stronger than Kommt tttcfyt 3U (Eucfy, 
 
 nearly equal to will not come near you. 
 
 534. The 'brothers' (fratres) or 'lay brothers' were a kind of 
 monastic servants. They were bound by certain vows, but were not 
 in holy orders. Persons properly consecrated as priests were called 
 'Fathers' (patres). 
 
 535. ftt MctlCIt denotes respectful assent, about equivalent to 
 'if you please.' 
 
 541. The use of bet tyetV instead of a pronoun, as a sign of sub- 
 mission, is still quite common in some parts of Germany; e.g. Leipzig. 
 
 549. Lessing had read of this evil effect of dates in Baumgarten's 
 General History, 
 
 555. atlf bett 3 a ^ n fwt|leit, to feel one's pulse, figuratively. 
 
 562. The (Eittf&tt of the Friar has more Vk method in it" than the 
 Templar is at first aware. 
 
 567. nent>e$tert$ = neugtcrig ; archaic form. 
 
 570. bas vote Siren? anf tretftem TUanUU The white 
 
 mantle, decorated on the left side with an octagonal red cross and 
 worn over the armor, was the sign of the templars. In the year 
 11 18 Hugo de Payens and nine other French knights formed a league 
 tor the protection of pilgrims. They took the vows of chastity, obe- 
 dience, and poverty before the patriarch of Jerusalem. They made 
 
6 5 3 1 NOTES 293 
 
 their home in a part of Baldwin's palace, supposed to be built on the 
 ancient site of the temple, whence their name. 
 
 577. £eit>?tt?an?t£fter, lit, myself the twentieth, i.e. 'with 
 nineteen others.' 
 
 591. patriate^ for patrtard?. The Templar was not wholly 
 ignorant in the matter. See 3845 f. 
 
 593. auf fcefyaltett = aufbemafyrett. The term sounds biblical. 
 
 595. In prose the article ben would not be omitted with 
 Sinai. 
 
 598. felfcft bcv patriarch for ber patriarch felbft. Selbft 
 
 is here the intensive pronoun, not the adverb. The odd position is 
 due to metrical considerations. 
 
 611. fa^t 5er patriarch see 712, Note. 
 
 615. The figure is of biblical origin; cp. 2d Timothy IV, 8; 
 1st Peter V, 4. Lessing emphasizes in various places that good ought 
 to be done for its own sake, not with a gross view to reward. — It 
 is well to call to mind the fact, that in the patriarch Lessing meant 
 to exhibit certain traits of his antagonist Goeze. In justice to Goeze 
 it must be said, however, that, though he was not very liberal in his 
 views, his ideas have none of the grossness of those held by the 
 patriarch, and his conduct was on the whole honest and manly. 
 
 622. ftd} befetyett, more commonly fid? umfefyen. 
 
 645. tint with the infinitive regularly denotes purpose. This 
 clause is clearly intended for a result clause, and is due to a con- 
 tamination of two constructions. Aside from the construction with 
 lim 3U and the infinitive, purpose is expressed in bam it or baft 
 clauses with the subjunctive (often replaced by the indicative). But 
 result clauses are also introduced by baft f and coincide then in form 
 with purpose clauses having the indicative. By a sort of analogy, we 
 have here 11 m 311 with the infinitive in a result clause, a rare construc- 
 tion; cp. Schiller, Tell, 1. 645. (Cp., for similar contamination, „£ag er 
 
 nun fo auf bent Bette unb 3at}Ite bte langen Stunben; . . . bann 
 tsar es oft fetn etn3ta.es £abfai, an bte Daterftabt 3uriicf3uben?en." 
 The interrogative clause (£ag, etc.) originally used in conditional sen- 
 tences, has here temporal force. ) Our sentence is clear thus : . . . ob 
 bte (Sefafyr bemt gar fo grog, fo baft man ben tPaffenfttttftanb mte= 
 ber fyerfteUen miiffe; b. fy ob es ntcfyt 3U waqen fet, ben Krteg tine* 
 ber an3Ufangen. Cp. Historical Stimmary, in the Introduction. 
 
 6 53- ergrUT^eit lonntn, supply fyattet. Lessing ventures 
 much farther in the omission of the finite form of auxiliaries than 
 good usage allows at present. 
 
2 94 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 66 1 
 
 661. (XUZQCtitCVn is said to denote 'spying out, by looking 
 through bars,' a (Satter, or (Sitter. — f]terndd?ft, moreover. 
 
 670. 3C5 frdlctMttS* Generally the genitive of proper names 
 preceded by the article has no inflectional S. Buschmann gives the 
 following list of the more noticeable grammatical peculiarities found in 
 Nathan : 
 
 a) Proper names, even if preceded by a pronominal word or ar- 
 ticle, sometimes have an 5 in the genitive : bes Suiabins, but also 
 bes Salabxn, unfers Hatfycms. 
 
 b) Adjectives ending in -er, when used in neutre nouns, lose the 
 inflectional e: 2Ibgefd?macfters., Seffers, Unglaublid?ers, £)id?ti= 
 gers. — Adjectives in -elrt, -em sometimes drop an additional in- 
 flectional en: alberrt for albernen, lebern, filbern, ein3eln. 
 
 c) Metrical considerations occasioned forms such as ^eu'r, eu'r, 
 tteu'fte, fii^'fte, beteu'rte, reb't, reb'te, fd?ab't, also more colloquial 
 forms and contractions such as : mit jemcmb iibern (for iiber ben) 
 ^u§ gefpannt fein ; untern (for unter ben) palmert ; even in (for 
 in'n = in ben) Sad, in (for in ben) Kopf. 
 
 d) The omission of the auxiliaries t]aben and fein is frequent, 
 both in relative clauses, and in subordinate clauses introduced by a 
 conjunction ; the auxiliary is regularly omitted in these cases, if the 
 following clause begins with an auxiliary. 
 
 e) There are a number of antiquated words and forms in Nathan, 
 e.g. Strumpf (now Stumpf) unb Sttel; ZTeubegier, ueubegterig, 
 Had?begier, blutbegierig (now Heugier, neugierig, etc.); dugften 
 (commonly dngftigen), beanaben (begnabigen), befd?onen (befd?oni- 
 gen), erftmben (erfunbigen) ; annod? (nod?), alltpo (wo), r»ors erfte 
 (fiirs erfte), forberfamft (3undd?ft), 3um minbften (contraction from 
 minbeften). 
 
 f) A number of colloquial expressions deserve to be noticed, e.g. 
 fyerausfd?mei§en ; erfaufen; nu, nu; nur 3a; bei einem ^aare; 
 bte alte £eier (= bas alte £ieb) ; Knall unb ^alf ; mir nid?ts, bir 
 nid?ts; mad? (= beeile bid?); brum fein (= etmas rerloren fyaben); 
 einen ft^en laffen; mit jemanben iibern $u§ ^vannt fein; auf 
 bem CCrocf nen fein (= ofme IHittel fein); 3U T&anbe (= 3U CEnbe) 
 fein ; einem eixvas an ben Kopf merfen (= ifym ein (Sefyeimnis 
 aufbrdngen); fein Hasten in alles ftecf en ; von jemanbes XUacfye 
 (= 2Irt) fein; einem ben (Saraus madden. — Colloquial is also the 
 rather frequent omission of the pronominal subject : XUei§ nid?t, 
 serftefyt fid? ; gilt nicr/t ; mug bod? t»ofyl ; faufe nid?ts ; tDunfcr?' 
 <£ud? (Sliicf ; tpirb fd?on nod? fommen ; ift waty ; taugt nxd}ts; 
 
703] NOTES 295 
 
 tpaY ntcfyt mein VTiann ; btft bod] metne Colter nod? ; and even : 
 
 wo getpefen? 
 673. nXdt*OTtitClt are the remaining adherents of the Monotheletes* 
 a Christian sect in the mountains of Lebanon, who insist that in spite 
 of his twofold nature Christ was of one will, his human will having 
 been wholly supplanted by the divine. In 1182 they recognized the 
 authority of the pope and took some part in the crusades with the 
 ardor of first love. They are called Maronites after their first abbot, 
 Maro. 
 
 675. Btixd = Stretd?. 
 
 676. $att' erjeJ}n, potential subjunctive. — "Can it be pos- 
 sible that the patriarch chose me to be this gallant man also," would 
 nearly give the meaning. 
 
 678. ptoletnais (now called Acre, Accho or St. Jean d'Acre), 
 the most important harbor north of Mt. Carmel, was held by the 
 Christians from 1104-1187, and was recaptured by Richard the Lion- 
 hearted and Philip Augustus II, in 1191, remaining in the possession of 
 the Johannite order till 129 1. 
 
 680. DevbinMidjfett fcem Salabin: more commonly gegen= 
 
 liber would be added. 
 
 683. 3a, bas Wat' fdjOtt £Ut. — 3a and fcbon, both have 
 concessive force. — It is worthy of notice with what fine discrimina- 
 tion Lessing uses the preterite and the present subjunctive and tenses 
 of the indicative in indirect discourse throughout this entire interview. 
 If modes and tenses are here roughly confused by the reader, he is 
 sure to miss the fine shades of meaning which Lessing meant to ex- 
 press. A few examples : 605 , future with potential force ; potential 
 subj. tD&re, 609; in indirect discourse regularly present subj. 611-629; 
 642-49; tDU§te, 630, optative. rvav\ 653, not merely indir. disc, 
 subj., but preterite with potential, so-called polite force; notice the 
 following verses; similarly bdtt\ 676; wdv\ 683; tPaY and raubf, 688, 
 689; also bltebe, 689, is a potential subjunctive with an almost fiendish 
 suggestiveness. 
 
 698. XV Otic has here, as in many similar phrases with an imper- 
 sonal subject, almost lost its meaning ; cp. , as common report will 
 have it. 
 
 701. ein^eleucfytet = etmas fetnem Bruber Sfynlicfyes er= 
 ^cr/tenen fet. 
 
 703. From here to the end of 710 the Templar seems almost to 
 overlook the presence of the friar. WCLVZ is probably an optative, pos- 
 sibly a potential subjunctive. In view of the dash after bod], we are 
 
296 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 705 
 
 justified in referring the demonstrative pronoun bas, 703, not to the 
 same antecedent as btefes in 702, but to something which the Templar 
 carries with him as a precious secret and mentions only in 3845. 
 
 705. Studies in physiognomy were popular in Lessing's day, and 
 somewhat later. The Templar is convinced of a perfect parallelism 
 between body and mind, both being the work of God (710). 
 
 712 f. In spite of the friar's frequent „fagt ber pcttrtard?," and 
 his avowal of implicit obedience, it is evident that the Patriarch could 
 not have anticipated all of the Templar's reasons for refusal; and yet 
 we cannot say that his " simple" representative wronged him with the 
 sophistries which he ascribed to him. 
 
 717. pdJet* The phrase is surely an imitation of the French 
 u risquer le paquet" = to venture. The phrase "risquons done le 
 
 paquet" is found in some remarks accompanying Lessing's unfinished 
 French translation of his Laokoon. 
 
 718. £?pticfytt>OVt* Just in this form the proverb seems to be 
 unknown generally. There is a proverb running : ZHe XPetber firtb 
 bes Cetlfels KraUert. tDofyl, here not expressive of doubt as ordinarily; 
 it might be rendered by: "Now tell me, the adage lies, etc." — 
 Notice the loquaciousness of Daja and, in contrast, the Templar's 
 curt answers. A somewhat similar scene is enacted by Just and the 
 landlord in Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm, I, 1. 
 
 721. XV d£ fet} id} ? Daja means to act as if she merely hap- 
 pened to come this way and were surprised to see the Templar. 
 
 730. fo oftCVS; ofters, adverbial 5 added to the common com- 
 parative ofter ; with fo the positive is commonly used, as one would 
 naturally expect. 
 
 734. SpC^CVCXCXty particularly herbs valued for their fragrance. 
 
 736. StltCt., Arabian form for China. 
 
 737. 'Kcttlfe tticfytS, a rather sharp and yet an appropriate an- 
 swer to Daja's enumeration of Nathan's wealth, which was evidently 
 intended to make a favorable impression on the Templar. 
 
 738. Ctls, now we should use tPtC ; Daja does not mean to say, 
 they honor him as a prince, but as they would a prince, like a prince. 
 
 741. Cp. 1. 1805 f., and notes. 
 
 747. <Ei ! Ironical surprise : Indeed ! 
 
 748. UHe fdntett ein Uu$znbUd voviibcv ift, foil id} 
 
 fefyett? He means to say, if Nathan was generous indeed, this 
 noble impulse was surely limited to the moment in which he heard of 
 the Templar's deed. Compare for a pretty close parallel Shakespeare's 
 Richard III, Act iv, Scene 4. To Richard, enumerating all the honors 
 
794 1 NOTES 297 
 
 which he is about to bestow on the daughter of the quee^i, whose sons 
 he had killed, the queen answers : 
 
 "Be brief, lest that the process of thy kindness 
 Last longer telling than thy kindness' date." 
 
 752. For Daja, Christianity is, as a matter of course, superior to 
 Judaism, or any other religion, and the mere fact of her bearing the 
 name of Christian makes her correspondingly better. 
 
 752. Undi mix xvaxb'z vox fcer ttHe^e nicfyt $efun- 
 
 <£Ctt == From the nature of my environment it could not be expected, 
 etc. The expression evidently arose from the belief that prophecies 
 of fairies or wise women, made at the birth of a child, — over the 
 cradle, — were sure to be fulfilled. 
 
 757. <Eitt eMer fitted} t (Knecfyt in the older significance of 
 the word) — squire; a man not bound to common service in the army, 
 but, as the English equivalent really signifies, a man for service on 
 horseback. 
 
 761. erfaufen, vulgar and rough for ertrinfen. Cp. for a 
 
 similar thrust of a man bored by too frequent repetition of the same 
 story, Minna von Barnhelm 1, 12. — See also Note to 570. 
 
 765 ff. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, I. 
 
 777. VOVX l}Ctlfe, a figure probably taken from the yoke placed 
 on the neck of oxen and other animals = Don't bother me with the 
 girl's father. 
 
 782. She has reference to Recha's birth and religious affiliation. 
 
 787. 2TTuf?* A number of editors seem to prefer biirfen in this 
 place. Xniiffett is here used quite as the English must, and, in parts 
 of North Germany at least, it is still so used, both in positive and 
 negative sentences. 
 
 789. $iXX midl, Xtnb faum, admits of two interpretations. 
 Sittah may mean, that for her, being a less skillful player, Saladin 
 plays well enough, and even for her but hardly well enough. — More 
 likely she means that he is playing well for her, i. e. so that the 
 game will turn out in her favor. Yet hardly to her advantage either 
 (cp. 804-5; 809-11; 1457-8); because if he plays carelessly, so that 
 she wins, he has no occasion to comfort her with a present larger 
 than the stakes. 
 
 791. 3n Me (Babel fiefyen or cje^en, to fork, i.e. 'to 
 
 make a move by which two pieces are at once endangered.' 
 793- 3^! f£^£ VOX, I cover it; I interpose. 
 794. HicmmCy difficulty, strait. 
 
298 NATHAN DER WEISE [795 
 
 795. 23uf?C> fine, loss; ordinarily 'repentance'; from the same 
 stem as Engl, 'better.' 
 
 800. Was 4iit% Pll bet. 
 
 801. £>ertttUten, from older t>ermutenb. In certain parts of 
 North Germany the present participle, losing its final b, has become 
 identical with the present infinitive. Lessing {Emilia Galotti iv, 3 
 and II, 7) and Schiller {Don Carlos IV, 14) have retained this b : t>er- 
 mutenb. Similarly attmuten = anmutenb in jemanb ettpas att= 
 milten fettt. The use of fettt with present participle was rare even 
 in Middle High German. 
 
 805. IHu&t*, a gold coin adopted from the Byzantine empire, 
 worth about two dollars in modern money. Haferittcfyett, the smallest 
 Turkish silver coin, worth much less than a cent. meine tcmfettb 
 Dinar. The tnettte indicates that a thousand dinars was the cus- 
 tomary amount played for, and won by Sittah, which is an additional 
 argument in favor of the second, and as distinctly against the first 
 interpretation of „gut fiir truer/" (789). 
 
 806. 2Tt it ^letf?., intentionally. 
 
 821. Zlbfcfydd}* The queen having been threatened, a new move 
 endangers also the king, so that the queen must be sacrificed. But 
 by the loss of this most movable piece the conclusion of the game is 
 prepared. Zlbfcfyacfy, or 2Ib3UO,sfd?acfy, is nearly equivalent to boppelt 
 Scfyad? in line 820. 
 
 826. 8l0ft mtt fcem Steilte. Most commentators see in this 
 a jesting allusion to Saladin's unhappy relations with his queens. It 
 seems doubtful, at least rather far-fetched. Why not take betTt as 
 a demonstrative pronoun, not the article ? In line 828 Sittah probably 
 alludes to some experiences of Saladin with other queens. Marin, 
 Lessing's authority on Saladin, mentions a number of cases. He 
 granted the wives of princes fighting against him safe conduct to visit 
 their husbands, and even went so far as to restore a fortress to the 
 enemy at the request of the sister of Saleh, son of Sultan Nurreddin, 
 on whom Saladin had been making war. 
 
 833- Vd&tt, abbreviation for Scfyctcfy matt. The word is the 
 Persian mat a, meaning dead; Scfyacfy matt, the king is dead, i. e. the 
 play is lost. 
 
 835. (BleicfytHCl* // does not matter much, in the end you 
 must lose anyway. 
 
 836. The command is given to some slave in attendance. 
 
 837. VO<\X fevftvetlt* The cause of his distraction is mentioned 
 in lines 902 ff. 
 
886 ] NOTES 299 
 
 839. Hub b<XHXX+ An additional cause for his lack of attention 
 was given by the smooth chessmen. The Koran interprets the first 
 commandment of the Mosaic law literally, and forbids any *arved or 
 graven image. Accordingly, strict Mohammedans, in playing chess, 
 use smooth, though painted or numbered geometrical figures. Person- 
 ally, the Saladin of our play had outgrown this narrowness of his 
 creed, though he might use smooth pieces, if he played with the 
 Imam, the Mohammedan priest. 
 
 849. 5erftreuun$ — ntdjt! In view of the exclamation point 
 by Lessing's hand I take the line to be intended ironically, though 
 good-natured. §CrftrCUUng means here not, as it often does, and 
 from its composition might be expected to mean, the quality or state 
 of being distracted, but rather the cause of the distraction. Sittah 
 thinks this cause is, as a matter of course, the impending war, the 
 thought of which had diverted also her attention. 
 
 854. Stttteftanb = IDaffenfttllftanb. 
 
 857. b<XSy demonstrative pronoun, i.e. a good man. This mar- 
 riage of Sittah to Richard's brother is an invention of the poet. It is 
 a matter of history, however, that a marriage between Melek al Adhel, 
 a brother of Saladin, and a sister of Richard was contemplated. 
 Melek was to have the kingdom of Jerusalem and share his throne 
 with Joan, the widow of William of Sicily, on condition that she 
 would bring him Ptolemais or Acre as a dowry (cp. 11. 678 and 892). 
 But Richard's sister would not give her consent, unless Melek would 
 profess Christianity (cp t 1. 880 f.). Saladin expresses his view of the 
 real cause, 1. 889 fif. 
 
 867. Du fennft Me (E^riften nidit. Cp. Appendix. Sittah's 
 
 harsh judgment has primarily reference to the crusaders, whom she 
 judges quite in accordance with the prevalent but hardly just views 
 of the eighteenth century. On the principle of the man living in the 
 glass house, she ought to have been more charitable to the fanaticism 
 of the crusaders, because, of all religions, probably not one was ever so 
 zealously propagated by means of fire and sword as Mohammedanism. 
 
 878. fc^anfcetU I should think some emphasis ought to be put 
 on ITTenfd/ert. She means, evidently, that the name of Christian is 
 applied to so many unworthy subjects that a good man must be 
 ashamed to bear it. 
 
 882. Voltaire's Zaire, though a Christian, ardently desires to unite 
 with Orosman, a Mohammedan, and is prevented from doing so by 
 Christian priests and friends. Cp. particularly Zaire, Act IV, Sc. 1. 
 
 886. ntdttnitt, Cp. Genesis, 11, 23 : „xnaTt trtrb fie irtannin 
 
300 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 887 
 
 fyeigen, barum ba$ fie com IHanne genommen tft." Lessing prob- 
 ably means to point out, by using this term, that conjugal love ante- 
 dates all differences of creed. 
 
 887 ff. Saladin distinguishes two elements in the Templars : that 
 of the soldier and that of the monk or Christian. As a matter of 
 fact, the movement did not remain as pure, in the course of time, as 
 its originators had meant it to be. Often the crusaders made their 
 religion a pretext for gaining advantages which would otherwise have 
 been denied them. 
 
 897. Oh tuelleidjt, etc., supply um 3U fefyert, or some such 
 phrase. geldltge is not merely subjunctive of indirect discourse. 
 Lessing would probably have used the present subjunctive for that 
 purpose. (Sel&Tige has, besides, optative force. Cp. 1. 574. 
 
 903. irrte, tdnntC, polite subj.: trren, here used as in M.H.G., 
 in the sense of ftoreit, to trouble, perplex. 
 
 908. Freely, He can not make ends meet; there is trouble on all 
 sides. 
 
 915 f. Al Hafi had received the summons, and supposes that he 
 had been called to dispose of the money expected from Egypt. 
 
 917. fcitl is used in North German dialects much the same as 
 fcfyott, which is common also in Middle and South Germany. It 
 corresponds closely to the colloquial English 'nice,' except that fetn or 
 fcfyott is used as adverb with an adjective: fettt triel; es tft fyeilte 
 fcfyort marm ; while in English we use it as an adjective : // is nice 
 and warm to-day. 
 
 921. tPCtS = Ziwas, common in spoken language, and not infre- 
 quently found in literature : That is mstead of something (as I ex- 
 pected) , less than nothing, a minus quantity. 
 
 925. VO<XS (JOUnett? VOas used adverbially. What use is 
 it to talk of grudging? XPetXTt — , supply the ellipsis from 1. 966 ff. 
 Sittah is anxious to have the play considered finished and won by 
 her, in order that her generosity may still be concealed from Saladin. 
 Hence her impatient exclamation (1. 932), when she sees her secret 
 endangered by Al Hafi's words. 
 
 941. 3d f ! Is that the way matters stand! You want to be 
 counted the loser, and therefore consider you are. Like play, like 
 pay. She will be paid as she has won. 
 
 943. et ftratlfrt fid} £em, he likes to be, urged. 
 
 947. Important testimonial for Sittah. 
 
 953. Die 2Ttumtneret — , this farce. 
 
 958. 23efdjei&ert, in an older sense of the word, still common in 
 
1035] NOTES 301 
 
 the eighteenth century, literally equal to belef}rt, informed of all the 
 conditions, and hence considerate, discreet. Cp. 23efcfyetb ; also Ctb= 
 fcfyldgltd? befcfyetbcrt = to give an unfavorable reply; similarly 1. 1416/ 
 Sefcr/etbenfyett = discretion. 
 
 962. fid} VCVbitttlX. Saladin assumes that Sittah had put her- 
 self under some obligation to Al Han rather than to himself, and he 
 wonders what it could be that she would rather ask the dervish 
 not to disclose than her brother. nerbtttcrt = deprecate; i ask, not to 
 do something.' 
 
 965. Tt&fyeV tVCtCUy let not a trifle trouble you more than it 
 ought. Cp. 1. 2553, has gefyt mtr naty. 
 
 976. aUSttfevfen, or ausfe^cn, to set apart ; to make a special 
 allowance. 
 
 983. Uuftvanb, 2Iusaaben. 
 
 989. 3cfy arm? Iter Brufcer arm? The brother of a 
 
 sister as noble as Sittah is showing herself cannot be called poor. 
 Dcr bears some stress. 
 
 990. Cp. Appendix. In his Collectanea for Nathan Lessing has 
 this note from Marin and Dapper's Delitiae orientales, p. 180: 
 
 „Salabtn fyatte me mefyr als ein Kleib, me mefyr als ein pferb in 
 fetnem Stall. XHttten unter Heicfytiimem unb liberflug freute er 
 jtcfy einer t>otltaen 2Irmut. (£trt Kletb, ein pferb, etnen (5ott \" 
 
 1002. UbbVt&ltn, £\n}\Cfycn, to curtail, to limit one's self 
 in his expenses. 
 
 1005. macfyen, avail. 
 
 1012. fpiefjCTt was considered a more disgraceful way of execut- 
 ing than broffeln = erbroffeln. fptefjen = impale ; erbroffeln = 
 
 strangle. 
 
 1015. Embezzlement would have been less dangerous, under the 
 circumstances, than a surplus. Not to be taken too seriously. 
 
 1021. Uuf fceitt ^rOCfneit, nautical, = to be stranded. 
 
 1022. Das fefylte XXOdll fefylte, potential subj., That alone is 
 wanting to complete matters. That would cap the climax. 
 
 1029. ttfUCfyertt, ordinarily to be guilty of taking usury ; here, 
 to bring in large interest. 
 
 1032. Al Han is startled (betroffen). He at once sees some ap- 
 parent danger for Nathan and tries to avert it ; cp. 1. 1427 f. 
 
 1035. 2Hid? bCXltt. The impersonal with either dative or ac- 
 cusative of person is somewhat more common with gebeitfett = tcfy er= 
 tmtere mtcfy. Instances are found also in Schiller and Gleim, but 
 the construction is hardly used now. 
 
302 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1047 
 
 1047 f. Al Hafi intimates that, according to a current rumor, 
 Nathan's affairs are in so precarious a state that he was hardly ex- 
 pected to return. 
 
 1050. erfcfyallt, supply von bem (Serebe bariiber . . . 
 
 1054. anQcfycn, cp. 1. 120. 
 
 1055. Da tennt 3^r il\n. ironical. 
 
 1066. Den Urmen QXCbt er nvav, etc. Mendelssohn an- 
 swered a recension of Lessing's Die Juden, adversely in some partic- 
 ulars, in a letter to a friend. Lessing afterwards published this letter. 
 In it we find these words: „ilberl]aupt finb getrnffe menfcr/ltdpe 
 Sugenben ben %ubm gemetner, als ben metften <£brtften . . . VO'xz 
 mttletbtg finb fie nicfyt gegen alle IHenfcfyen, nne milbe gegen bie 
 2Irmen betber XTattonen? Unb note fyart r»erbtent bas Derfafyren 
 ber metften (Ebrtften gegen ifyre 2Jrmen genannt 3U tnerben? €s 
 tft tpafyr, fie tretben btefe betben £ngenben faft 3n tpett. 3^ r 2Tu*= 
 letben tft all3n empftnbltcr/, unb btrtbert betnafy bie (SerecfyttgFett, 
 nnb tfyre ITCtlbtgFett tft betnafy £>erfdnx)enbung. 2Jlletn, tpenn bod? 
 alle, bte ausfefytnetfen, anf ber guten Sette ansfefytnetfeten \" 
 
 1067. trot; 5alaMn; trot} in its older meaning = zv tr>ettetfert 
 mtt Sctlabtn tm (Scbzn. 
 
 1077 f. CXXCfy, ethical dative. Ctuf 5 <&zbtX\ etferfiicfyttg; ordinar- 
 ily etferfiicfyttg as well as netbtfer) are followed by anf and an accu- 
 sative of a person. 'He is so jealous, so envious of every opportun- 
 ity to give ! ' r/ £°k n ® on <8ott," an abridged phrase used by beggars 
 to express their gratitude = €s tPerbe €nd? (or 3fy nen ) &obn Don 
 (Sott. A more common phrase in South and Middle Germany is : 
 ,,Pergelf 5 (Sott I" In North Germany : „<Sott lolm's !" 
 
 1081. UTilfce, now commonly equal to hindness. For the special 
 form of kindness known as charity, we use now more commonly 
 ITttlbifydttgfett. 3 m (Sefe^ = tm mofatfefyen (Sefe^. Al Hafi rep- 
 resents Nathan's charity as springing from entirely selfish, at any rate 
 from very narrow motives, in obedience to a command, not for its 
 own sake. — Possibly, some of the charity mentioned by Mendelssohn 
 in his letter quoted above may be due to such considerations. — 
 Accordingly, Al Hafi calls Nathan also ,,02X1 gcm3 gemetnen 3 U0Cn /' 
 11 the very ordinary Jezu "y ordinary with the same tinge as gemetn. 
 
 1086. itfcer'n £uft $efpannt, on bad terms. Taken from 
 wrestling, where each participant endeavors to make his opponent fall 
 over his leg, to trip him. More common : „lTttt jemartb auf gefpamt= 
 tern $u§ fetn or fteben." 
 
 1 103. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, relates that Solomon buried 
 
1 192 ] NOTES 3°3 
 
 large treasures with his father David's body. The high priest 
 Hyrcanus and King Herod were believed to have opened the grave 
 and to have enriched themselves with the buried valuables. This cir- 
 cumstance was also related by Baumgartner in his General History, 
 from which Lessing probably drew. 
 
 ill I f. ViCLVVZXly if they buried their treasures with themselves 
 thoughtlessly; BofetDtcbter, if with the malicious intent to deprive 
 posterity of their use. 
 
 1116. £?&UtTltiet\ The first part of the compound is derived 
 from the Greco-Latin 5 aging, = cover or saddle, or also the load. 
 Scmmtter, accordingly = £afttter, beast of burden. tretbt, ordinarily 
 transitive, here = 3tebt. 
 
 1 125. eiTt^CftitUltlt, attuned to, in harmony with. 
 
 1 130. Cp. 1. 2434. Nathan's unwillingness to lend was ascribed 
 by Al Hafi to religious narrowness. 
 
 1135. Ittebt* Ctl5 Citl 3u£>' = 'a man free from religious pre- 
 judice and national faults;' tncntger ctls tin 3 U ^' = 'making of these 
 faults a virtue,' as Al Hafi intimated. Cp. 1. 1751m 
 
 1141. ScfytV&ctlt. The sentence is not as clear to the average 
 reader as it seems to be to the commentators generally. What particular 
 weakness in Nathan she refers to, becomes clear from 11. 175 1 — 1754: 
 it is the stingy, the apprehensive, the timid Jew for whom her trap 
 is laid ; these qualities, supposed by Sittah to be common to the Jews, 
 are assumed to be also Nathan's weakness, and are intended to ensnare 
 him. The assumption that in the term „betl ScbroacbcTl" Sittah might 
 refer to herself (which was made in the former edition) would call for 
 „bet btn S<5qvoadqzn" rather than „mtt ben Scr/tracr/en." 
 
 1 162. The „gaTt3 ettPas anbres," supposed to be agitating her 
 soul, cannot very well be anything but love for the Templar, though 
 judging from her question, Recha seems to be unaware of it ; but 
 cp. 11. 1 183 and 1 186. 
 
 1 167. Why exact this promise? Is it mere fatherly interest? Or 
 does Nathan, as yet unacquainted with the Templar, think of obstacles 
 that might seem to be in the way of a union on account of Recha's 
 supposed Judaism? On the other hand, even if these were removed, 
 the Templar would still be bound by his vows; cp. 1. 1388. 
 
 1 1 79. WCiS gilt's ? What is the wager? — without any tinge 
 of vulgarity. 
 
 1 19 1. fcbcUCtt is commonly construed with t>or and the dative. 
 
 1192. ratine G,U££nb, oxymoron; cp. 11. 156 and 159; raufy = 
 rude, rough. 
 
304 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1194 
 
 1 1 94. Nathan wonders that he, being a man, like the Templar, 
 should be perplexed by his actions. 
 
 1 196. bvaUcn <8<Xn$, elastic step. 
 
 1 198. XV fdfy id}, etc., spoken aside. Nathan at once detects 
 familiar features in the Templar. 
 
 1 1 99. ^VCXIxtCy see 1. 334. — In his impatience the Templar does 
 not wait for Nathan even to begin speaking. His Was is much the 
 same as if Nathan had said : ' I beg your pardon, sir ' — and he had 
 at once interrupted: 'What for?' 
 
 1202. Det*?iel}t reminds of the Bible and is used instead of 
 „b let hi," probably to give some oriental coloring. 
 
 1203. t>0riibereilen commonly takes an and the dative. 
 
 12 18. £&1<X1X}C, from French chance, i. e. to put at stake. 
 
 12 19. The dash shows that the clause following is an afterthought, 
 not as rudely meant as it sounds. To the Templar religious differ- 
 ences were of no importance. He merely wanted to get rid of 
 Nathan, possibly for the quiet of his own soul. Cp. Introd., § 74, b, 1-3. 
 A passage from the first draft, L. M. in, 483, corroborates these views : 
 XVtnn tfym Hatfycm, auf bem tDege 311m Sultan, begegnet tft; fo 
 farm es letcfyt fern, ba§ er fetnen Befucr? nerfcrneben 311 miiffen 
 glaubt. — Hacfyel: IDtefo? 3ft er ^ e Y uns allein mcfyt ftcfyer? 
 ZHrtafy : £tebe llnfd?ulb ! VOo finb £eute fiercer, bte fid? felbft mcfyt 
 trauen biirfen? llnb n?er barf fid? felbft tpentger trauen, als bcr 
 unnatiirlicr^e (Seliibbe auf fid? genommen bat? 
 
 1227. Nathan excuses himself for having offered to the Templar 
 some of his wealth. 
 
 123 1. Cp. 741. In his answer, Nathan disregards the Templar's 
 insinuations as to the wealth of the Jews, and only reminds him that, 
 other things being equal, wealth is surely better than poverty, and in 
 so many words places his wealth at the young knight's disposal. 
 
 1240. Setjt., etc. The Templar's suspicious nature crops out on 
 all occasions, in spite of his own disavowal, 1. 2714. Cp. 11. 533, 
 2721. 
 
 1245. fcefctttt must be stressed, not bas. He means to show 
 the justice of his claim on Nathan. 
 
 1252. bCV 'STOpfCTU ber is a demonstrative; i.e. 'more tears 
 than these have fallen on the mantle.' It can hardly be inferred that 
 the Templar refers to his own tears. He was not in the mood to 
 confess to so much emotion. 
 
 1257. (Elite 2iniee felfret\ Literally, your knees themselves 
 The meaning is clear. 
 
1343 1 NOTES 3°5 
 
 1259. The numerous dashes show that the Templar is perplexed. 
 The change from ^ube to Hatfyatt indicates a kindlier feeling. 
 
 1267. It would have been quite improper for Recha to receive the 
 Templar in the absence of her father. The Templar indicates in 
 1. 1270 that his motives were less noble. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. 
 
 1273. Cp. Appendix. Also Goethe, Iphigenie, verses 1937-42. 
 
 1277! The line refers directly back to 1. 1274; i.e. 'some 
 countries have a larger number of good men than others.' Nathan 
 does not agree, great men are everywhere scarce. 
 
 1278. VCixt Mefetn Unterfd|ieb ift's nid>t wtit bcv. 
 
 That differ e7ice is of little importance. 
 
 1283. m&feltV, to find fault. 
 
 1284. UnOVV, Unubbcn. Both excrescences on the tree; i.e. 
 both are faulty, imperfect, and neither has the right to inveigh against 
 the other for its faults. 
 
 1285. eitt- Probably meant for the numeral; some little top of 
 the tree must not be so presumptuous as to imagine that it alone is 
 of nobler origin than other branches. 
 
 1288. Das fcieje 21tenfc^enmdfelei — . That first practiced 
 
 this invidious discrimination. (Buchheim). 
 
 1293. See Appendix, also Introduction. etttbrecfyeTt = to refrain 
 from. Lessing uses this word repeatedly in his writings. It is not 
 common now. Cp. also Cardanus, De subtilitate, Book II, translated 
 in part by Lessing in his Rettung des Cardanus, L. M. 15, p. 313 f. 
 
 1302. Zdiuppzn. Cp. Acts ix, 18 : Hub allfobalb ftel es von 
 fetrten 2Iugen wk Scfyuppen unb er trarb uneber fefyenb. bier, 
 jet)t, of course, in Palestine, at the time of the crusades. Cp. 2289 f. 
 
 1309. Cp. Appendix. The same view as Sittah's and Saladin's, 
 1. 881. 
 
 13 12. 21Tettfcfy ? with Lessing, meant much the same as ,,etTI Qatlz 
 3er Kerl" or ,,etrt Kerl/' later with Goethe in his younger years, 
 and his contemporaries. Cp. an interesting study on the word 
 „iibermenfd?," by R. M. Meyer, Zeitschrift fur deutsche Wort- 
 forschung, 1, p. 3 f - 
 
 132 1. It is difficult exactly to determine the meaning of this verse. 
 It seems unnatural for Nathan to cherish any matrimonial project so 
 early, or even earlier (1. 1 165). But so the Templar understood 
 him (1. 2730 f.) and verses 1388-89 seem to point in the same direction. 
 
 Sittah's plot is about to be carried out. A messenger must have 
 been sent after Al Han's departure. Act 11, Sc. 3. 
 
 1343. Saladin has been called, in Lessing's own words, "th^ 
 
306 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1346 
 
 poetic ideal of the real character ascribed by history to the man bear- 
 ing that name." Majestic greatness, magnanimity, liberality find 
 their counterpart in almost ascetic frugality in his personal habits; and 
 his tenderness as shown to his kin and his friends are historical, as 
 well as his warlike savagery and cruelty, which are also mentioned in 
 the play. His tolerance alone is much idealized. He saw his call- 
 ing in fighting relentlessly against the enemies of the prophet, and it 
 is related that a philosopher who ventured too far in heterodox specu- 
 lation was without much ado seized and strangled. His humaneness 
 and his religiosity were never reconciled in him. In liberality Walther 
 von der Vogelweide sets him up as a model for German princes, 
 especially for Philip : 
 
 "Denk an den milten Salatin : 
 
 der jach daz kiineges hende diirkel solten sin : 
 
 so wurden sie erforht und ouch geminnet." 
 
 1346. £yaVUn$ sounds biblical. In the Bible fpctrett is used in 
 the sense of the more modern fcfyonett. 
 
 1349. Cp. 1. 3075. 
 
 1350 f. VCVanbCVt. Cp. the interview with Al Hafi, partic- 
 ularly 1. 439 f. 
 
 1367. ttadl Weffen ttHUett* The Templar elaborates on this 
 thought, with evident sophistry, 1. 2135 f. 
 
 1369. Zluf iEtld} fommen, to mention you. 
 
 1374. The Templar starts to give his real name, but changes his 
 mind, and gives the name later adopted ; for reasons which will be- 
 come clear later. With what justice he uses the new name, is indi- 
 cated in 1. 1378, where the same man is first called 0fyetm, and then 
 Dater. 
 
 1378. f&uleit* A rude expression, when used of the dead; the 
 motive of the Templar for choosing it is not apparent ; he is naturally 
 not so vulgar. 
 
 1386. ^iurtbfdjaft* Now commonly BeFanntfcfyaft. 
 
 1388 f. 3ft e© bOCfy, etc. That indicates that Nathan is not well 
 pleased with the discovery which he is about to make ; that he had 
 plans even at this early date, which were threatened by the family 
 relations of the Templar. 
 
 1391. Cp. 1. 3787. 
 
 1403. Da» $ZV} btiicf en* Probably made in analogy to etoas 
 cmf bem fyv$<>n baben, fcfytper was auf bem I?er3en tyaben. 
 
 1405. mir XV ill. Possibly due to French influence : commonly 
 tPoIIen is constructed with POTt and the dative 
 
I4Q5 ] NOTES 307 
 
 1413. In view of 11. 1388 and 1389 we can hardly assume that 
 Nathan thought definitely of matrimony between Recha and the Tem- 
 plar. But he hoped that the Templar would either as her husband 
 or as her brother affect the life of Recha, and, restoring her nominally 
 to her faith, would appease Daja's conscience. 
 
 1416. £efdjei5en^eit* Cp. 1. 958. 
 
 1418. CtttltlCTU commonly takes art and accusative. 
 
 Al Han" does not know that a messenger from Saladin had been sent 
 to Nathan before him, and when he learns of the fact, he thinks Nathan 
 knows for what purpose Saladin wants him. 
 
 1434. Cp. 1. 45°- 
 
 1436. <£itt H&Cftet\ Here, a man without any baggage. 
 
 1445. attr^O^Ien Ms any Me 3 e ^ en means to drain com- 
 pletely. From Sebastian Frank's Collection of Proverbs Lessing noted 
 the colloquial expression „f}ofyl bis an bte §eben." 
 
 1447. DCV ttfCtfert HTIlbe* Probably possessive genitive. It 
 might possibly be taken as a dative, in which case it would mean 
 that to wise charity Nathan would never refuse a loan. 
 
 1449. Me ein^efcomen 2t!&UStein must mean the persons 
 having the first right to Nathan's charity. 
 
 1459. t>erloren is to be taken both with „glaubte" and „ge= 
 qeben fycttte." 
 
 1463. butfte, in its older meaning, = brcmcfytc, i.e. he had 
 only to move his king close to the pawn to avoid her check. 
 
 1466. X)ettTt, etc. By moving the king, as stated above, the 
 castle gained room to move. "Roche — Cttrm ; from Persian rukh, 
 an elephant with a turret, from which also English rook. 
 
 1470. in ^(lumpen = iiber ben Banfen. In this scene, just 
 as in 1, 3, Nathan speaks in a light tone with Al Hafi ; cp. Intro- 
 duction, § 68. 
 
 1474. taubt Huff, Hu§ ofyrte Kern, a trifle. 
 
 <5clb t}in, (Belfc fyer = <Seib tft bas toemgfte. 
 
 1483. idimut;£en 2Hc>t}retu „Scr>mufetger <&e\$" is a common 
 
 combination ; also, less common, „fcr;rrmt3tg ^et^ic}", very stingy. Hence 
 here fcfymut^g = stingy. 
 
 1489. Cp. Note to 1. 376. 
 
 1491. T>as IPerffeu^ fcetber, i. e. \<b brcmcfye micb 311 fetrtem 
 von betbert, tt?eber 311m Setteht nodq 3um 23orgen, a Is tPerr^eug 
 braucfyen laffert. 
 
 1495. ifyttt* Dative of interest, piunber = rubbish. Money has 
 no inherent value for Al Hafi ; cp. I. 910 f. 
 
308 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1497 
 
 1497. plcttfevei, annoyance. 
 
 1498. fC^aff = nerfcfyaffe. T)CU. In a letter to his brother 
 Lessing says: „Z)eIf, tcelcfyes im 2Irctbifd/en ber Hamc bes Kittels 
 ernes Derttufcfy tft." 
 
 1499-1500. ^djte, bltefc\ Polite subj., *.<? it is time enough to 
 go to the desert, when I am really deprived of all of my possessions. 
 
 1505. MitfetU Here probably in the modern sense, hence, Tttcfyt 
 biirfert = to be prevented ; cp. 1. 15 18. 
 
 1506. ^iltall nub ^&U, suddenly; a term taken from hunting in 
 which the report and the fall seem simultaneous, tfym. In M. H. G. 
 and later, cases of the personal pronoun were used for the reflexive of 
 the third person in the dative. 
 
 1507. anfcret* &il<XX>\ An older, and in poetry still common 
 construction for a Is Sflane anberer. Cp. Schiller's Don Carlos: 
 
 ,,T>as 3abrt]unbert 
 3fi meinem 3beal nidjt reif. 3d) Icbe 
 <£in Burger berer, weld}? t ommen tnerben. " in, 10. 
 
 1510. felbft fcas Deitte fcericfjtt^eru The felbft is not 
 
 meant to indicate that Al Hafi, and no other, is expected to settle his 
 accounts, but rather, that in doing so he himself will be detained, just 
 as Nathan needs time to settle his business with the sultan. 
 
 15 15. Cp. l-456f. 
 
 15 19. ttOCfy fo txtlfc., ever so soon; nod? fo is common in con- 
 cessive and other subordinate clauses, rare as used here: r/ tPdi]renb 
 ber nodo fo fu^en ^rift." „tpemt er mid? aud? nocfy'fo fefjr bitten 
 follte." ' 
 
 1524. er, i.e. ber 21ugenblicf. 
 
 1525. In M. H. G. a genitive of cause was common with inter- 
 jections. It is now confined to poetic diction. Prose : liber, etc. 
 
 1544. 23ilfc must be stressed, being in contrast with the realities 
 within Recha's reach. 
 
 1547. SlCfy f pCVVCU = to resist, be obstinate. 
 
 1548. Isaiah, lv, 8 : „Derm meine (Sebcmfen finb tttcfyt eure <Se= 
 bemfen, unb eure XX)ege ftnb nicfyt meine VOzq,z." 
 
 1556. U)em ei^nct (Bott (uncommon) = tr>em gefyort (Sort a Is 
 
 befonberes (Sigentum ? — Recha, the too apt pupil of her father, had 
 made God a mere intellectual abstraction. Cut off the imagery to 
 which a devout heart, not only of the unlearned, resorts in its con- 
 templation of the divine being, and all the rich sources of religious 
 art, and of many spontaneous, and by no means entirely worthless ex- 
 pressions of religious devotion are at once clogged. And yet Daja's 
 
i6i7 ] NOTES 3°9 
 
 faith was indeed too much burdened by flowers, i.e. fruitless form- 
 alism. 
 
 1562. itUtnet*, i.e. Daja had repeatedly touched upon this sub- 
 ject. The infinitives PO^ufptegeht and mtfcfyen are grammatically 
 justifiable if we supply an ellipsis which easily suggests itself: VOas 
 that er bir, baft bu (Srunb 511 fyabert glaubft, etc. 
 
 1564. Cp. Matt., xiii, 24 f. 
 
 1577. fUJCfylCt^ettj to be of benefit, to be conducive to one's well- 
 
 1582. XVznn idt nuv refcen fciirfte! if she could speak, 
 
 she would point out in her way the dealings of Providence, intended 
 to draw Recha and the Templar to the Savior ; cp. 1. 2280 f. Recha 
 does not grasp the hidden meaning in Daja's words. 
 
 1588 f. See Appendix. 
 
 1589. See Appendix. Just what Nathan means by this ,,tDabrtert 
 liber (Soft" is not easily determined. We know that love, filial de- 
 votion, not fear of the law, characterizes his relation to God, who is 
 to him a father in the Christian sense far more than the lord and 
 judge of Judaism. Again, we have seen how he extirpated Recha's 
 angel fancy and held decided opinions concerning the providential dis- 
 pensations of God. And so his ,,V0abmn iiber <5ott" must have 
 reference to less essential things. Probably the phrase means the 
 same as Lessing's assertion in other connections : ,,3cfy babe nod) tm= 
 mer bte beftert Cbrtftert miter bertert gefunbert, bte port ber Cfyeologte 
 am rperttgftcn Perftanbcrt." In these verses Schiller found the entire 
 spiritual content of Nathan expressed. 
 
 1594. It is worth while to take due notice of these lines, in view 
 of the general total lack of appreciation for Daja. 
 
 1600. ofc <xud> er ♦ ♦ ♦ Probably : fret berth true mctrt Dafer, 
 ober, rote fort etrtem Cempelberrn rpobl 311 errpartert mare, bctrte 
 2Irtficbtert tetlt. 
 
 1604. ft loft is really to be taken with the preceding infinitive. 
 U rt b b cfy — the ellipsis is clear from Recha's answer ; probably : 
 bfetbfs mtr jetjt rttcbt crfpart. 
 
 1610. mir ttid>ts, bir nicftts — obrte rpetteres. Recha re- 
 iterates what the Templar had said to Daja. Cp. 1. 1623 f. 
 
 1614. fo tr>ie em £unfen any jetnem VTianUl might in- 
 dicate that to Daja also, the Templar had mentioned the ^garft'gen 
 ^lecf" (1. 1243). urtgef abr = port urtgef abr. 
 
 1617. ^erCUiSJCbmtft* Commentators generally find this word 
 vulgar and excuse it in Recha's mouth as a quotation. It is vulgar 
 
310 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1618 
 
 in its origin, but, like many other words, has lost every objectionable 
 tinge, at least in North Germany ; not so in the South. 
 
 1618. 3tt &UVCpa. Not that wine acts differently in Asia, but 
 the Templar, with whom these words originated, had probably been 
 impressed with the abstinence enjoined upon the Mohammedans by the 
 Koran. 
 
 162 1. }U$eIet*ttt£* Since the sixteenth century lernen occasion- 
 ally occurs in the sense of lebrert. Similar confusion in English 
 between teach and learn; cp. also the English participle 'learned,' 
 going back to the older use of the word learn. 
 
 1625. eilten libel anlaffen* The origin of this phrase has 
 not been explained; the meaning is "to treat one harshly." It is not 
 often used at present. 
 
 1627. 9&S J>ief? ficfy, etc. That was taking too cruel revenge. 
 
 1633. He had been unwilling to share his trouble with any one, 
 but ready to risk his life even for a stranger. Cp. 1, 12 15. 
 
 1636. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. 
 
 1641. Stage direction: Dergleicfyen, i.e. paufe, tmter ber er 
 in 2Infd?cmung ifyrer fid? trne t?erliert, plainly not she was staring at 
 him, as some explain, but his eye was fixed on her. This is evident 
 from the remainder of the stage direction as well as from the surprised 
 Hun, and v. 1643-44. fciirft = tpdre es cmd? nottg. 
 
 1646. folltet jeitt $ett>efem This somewhat unusual con- 
 struction instead of tPO 3fyr nid?t fyatttt fein follen, is probably oc- 
 casioned by the form of the Templar's answer : IPO id? nid?t folltc 
 fein. Colloquially the construction is occasionally found ; in M. H. G. 
 and earlier in N. H. G. it was common. The Templar's answer has 
 reference to his vows. 
 
 1655. Notice the dash at the end of the verse, denoting also 
 Recha's confusion. The meaningless question said merely for the 
 sake of saying something, was probably suggested to Lessing by a 
 passage from Breuning von Buchenbach's Oriental yourney. It is 
 there related that the descent from Sinai in a specific instance, was 
 more difficult than the ascent, owing to the fact that in ascending a 
 party made use of more or less regular steps, while they descended 
 on the other side of the mountain, down the rough slope. 
 
 1670 f. Every commentator seems to have his own interpretation 
 for the verses. Niemeyer thinks it is Recha's roguishness (Sd?alF= 
 beit) that appears in what she says or does not say. Peters thinks 
 it is Recha's deistic, liberal views. Buchheim : "Her lofty mind and 
 <ieep intelligence." Primer practically agrees with Buchheim. He 
 
1759] NOTES 311 
 
 overlooks in his interpretation the dash at the end of 1655. Buschmann, 
 Brandt and Ammer : "Her affection for him." The Templar would 
 be less likely „unter einer paufe in 2Infd?auung ifyrer fid? one 311 
 Dedierert" (1. 1640, stage direction), if he were to be assured merely 
 of her intellectual superiority ; nor would, with this assumption, the 
 words „3cfy bin — tpo xcq tnelleicr/t nxdqt follte fein" have much 
 point. I should understand the lines to mean that Recha by her be- 
 havior tells the Templar how modest, how genuinely w r omanly, how 
 sensible withal she is ; speaking through her silence what the Templar 
 had heard from Nathan's words, — that she is surpassingly lovely. 
 We must not leave out of consideration that Nathan had said his 
 „Kennt fie nur erft," before he had heard the Templar's name. He 
 would then, no doubt, have welcomed him as a suitor; but cp. 11. 1167, 
 1388 and 1680 f. The significance of the Templar's strange conduct 
 Daja points out in the next scene. 
 
 1694. CITt? Ottt men* What is troubling, distw'bing him? 
 
 1699. VLUXI i)Vs an QZnd>. Now it's your turn. 
 
 1706 f. Daja thinks that Recha' s composure is due to the assurance 
 that the Templar loves her and is greatly agitated on her account. 
 Most commentators see in this scene a sudden change in Recha's feel- 
 ing for the Templar, clearly for the purpose of reconciling themselves 
 with the final outcome. She herself, quite like one of Lessing's 
 female characters, asserts she finds no less delight in seeing a beloved 
 object with some composure. Cp. Introduction, § 74. 
 
 1 7 14. tifyutU Most editors substitute, with Lachmann, Con for 
 dfyun. (Einitt has here probably the meaning which it has often in 
 Low German, viz. the whole behavior and bearing of a man. 
 
 1733. Nathan had been somewhat delayed by the Templar and Al 
 Hafi. See Act 11, Sc. 6-9. But it seems quite characteristic of him 
 not to hasten. 
 
 !735- Sdjttfefter! Scbttfefter! Not so much expressive of 
 reproach as of apprehensiveness, as appears from Sittah's reply. 
 
 1736. t>orfte^en, for the more common becorfteben. 
 
 1738. ftetten, in the sense of rerftellen. Cp. er ftellt fiefy, als ob 
 
 er IDafyrfyeit tDotlte. fcefor$en iaffeit, make apprehensive, in- 
 timidate; any (Btattets fiifyren, to lead one into slippery 
 places. 
 
 1743. Ctfcban^ett, A word made for the occasion = extort. 
 
 1755. Sd\On Uttfer, OfytC Sctjltlt^e. Rather optimistic, in 
 view of 1. 440 ff. 
 
 1759. Me Hefye vovbei — . Commonly, an ben Ziehen fid? oor« 
 
312 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1771 
 
 bet IP tnben. The construction with the simple accusative may be of 
 Low German origin, where it is common. 
 1771. ZvaUXl, indeed. 
 
 1774. befefyonen* Commonly befefyontgen. 
 
 1775. Read: „befor9 id? ttur'' as a parenthetic expression, and 
 the order is normal. 
 
 1779. 3^? tCM^C, as if he were a trained bear. 
 
 1780. Hub t$UUt\ He whould prefer to have even less apti- 
 tude for his task. 
 
 1786. Cp. Lessing's Fable of the Lion and the Ass. The Lion and 
 the ass were hunting together, it being the task of the latter to stir up' 
 the animals by his horrible voice. A crow taunted the lion with his dis- 
 reputable company. But the lion answered : If I can make use of 
 any one, I can well afford to grant him a place at my side. 
 
 1794. beftef}TU Used regularly of examinations ; here quite ap- 
 propriately in view of 1. 1790. 
 
 1798. Die bleibe beinem $t\Ubt\ Die, demonstrative pro- 
 noun, i. e. fear. ' 
 
 1799. Dtt ttennft bidl Ztatfyan may mean : You call your- 
 self and you are called, hence Nathan's answer. 
 
 1800. Lessing wrote : IDofyl I ttennft bu bid? ntd?t ; nennt bid? 
 bets Do If. Every school edition, so far as I have seen, has changed 
 the semicolon to a comma, and thus made a conditional clause of the 
 two elliptical clauses. Saladin means : Of course; you do not call 
 yourself "the Wise"/ but the people do. * 
 
 1803. Cp. 1. 107 1. 
 
 1805 f. Cp. 442. If in the estimation of the people shrewd and 
 wise, ,,flll9 unb tpetfe/' were the same, and he only is shrewd who can 
 enhance his real advantage, then the most selfish would be at the same 
 time the most shrewd and the most wise ; because, thinking only of 
 his real advantage, he could never enrich himself at the expense 
 of others, but in enhancing his own happiness he would necessarily 
 also bless his fellow-men, provided, of course, that they too are able to 
 distinguish real from imaginary blessings. See Appendix for Lessing's 
 conception of happiness. 
 
 1811. ttXlS bU WXbevtyVCdlCU ttUllft, i.e. that the people 
 were right in calling him "the Wise." trnberfprecfyen now governs 
 the dative ; in M. H. G. frequently the accusative. 
 
 1819. tVOdCUC VcVUUUft, sober, plain reason. efeltt, is 
 disgusting. 
 
 1822. Nathan acts as if he supposed the Sultan wished to buy 
 
1889] NOTES 313 
 
 of his goods. Saladin's admonition: ,,au f r i cb t i 9" justified him in 
 his assumption, in spite of Al Han's warning, 
 
 1827. Scfy&cfyCVM = to barter, to drive a shrewd bargain; applied 
 to Jews particularly. This rather harsh term is chosen as a thrust 
 for Sittah, supposed to be listening. 
 
 1835. any tttvas gefteneri jeitt, to aim at. Lessing uses 
 the phrase repeatedly in his writings. 
 
 1837. ijeifdjen = forbcm. Unterridjt = 2Iusfunft* 
 
 1842. See Appendix. 
 
 1845, See Appendix. 
 
 1852. Me tbatjl face, object of nnflett); Me (ace, object of 
 befttmmt [baben]); Mefe (5rtinfce, nom., subject. 
 
 1855. XV&Q)t mid* mtt fcem llU$e. Contamination of two 
 expressions : auf ber Banb roagett, and mtt bem 2Iuge meffett or 
 muftern ; resulting phrase : mtt bem 2Iuge trudgen. Nathan had 
 several reasons for being surprised. Saladin seems to have some ap- 
 preciation of the truth and the value of truth, and yet confesses 
 that he has not found time to think about it and is ready to 
 receive it on Nathan's recommendation, instead of working for it 
 himself. 
 
 1868. h<XV, bidUly often applied to coins: cash and bright; refer- 
 ring here to truth, better probably : sharp and clear. 
 
 1873. b&Vj = braucbt ; i.e. modern coin is taken at sight, at its 
 face value. Earlier, money was weighed, and its content, not its face, 
 determined its value. So it must be with truth. It cannot be trans- 
 ferred from one to the other without effort. 
 
 1874. in Sa&, for tn'n Sad, for in ben Bad. 
 
 1875. See Appendix. 3ubc, i.e. the man eager to acquire some- 
 thing -without giving any equivalent. 
 
 1881. HTit ^er St>iire fO in* $<XUS<, to blunder out, to ask 
 abruptly. Nathan was unknown to Saladin. and it was surely strange 
 that the Sultan demanded his opinion on matters so important without 
 first finding out whether his views were worth listening to. 
 
 1885. StOCfill^e, fanatic Jew. 
 
 1888. Da5 tt>ar ? S ! Referring to a plan which he had just then 
 conceived. 
 
 1889. See Appendix, afrfpetjett, to satisfy one in the easiest 
 way possible, as a child is appeased with almost any kind of food. 
 
 Cp. Friedrich Paulsen's Kant's Verhaltnis zur Metaphysik. Vaihin- 
 ger's Kantstudien, iv, p. 413 ff; also Brigg's "Christianity," Popular 
 Science Monthly, February, 1900, on this whole scene. 
 
3U NATHAN DER WEISE [1891 
 
 189 1, bas $tlb rein, the coast clear, i.e. Sittah is not lis- 
 tening. 
 
 1892. 3u Hanfce = 311 <£nbc. 
 
 1900. 3ct ! 2<X I More than likely, Lessing had here in mind 
 the repeated demand of Goeze to reveal the name of the Fragmentist. 
 He persistently answered, the name of the author had nothing to do 
 with the contents of his work, and, he being dead, there was no call 
 for exposing his relatives to the hatred of fanatics. See Appendix, 
 11. 1900 and 2546. 
 
 1901. Lessing has the following note from Marin, II, 120 : ,, Hitter 
 ben (Etteln, beren fid? Salabtn bebiente, wax aucfy „£efferer ber 
 Welt unb bes (Sefe^es." 
 
 1911. Vox grauert 3at|ren, long, long ago. — <Srau being 
 
 synonymous with alt, it is used figuratively for periods long since 
 passed. We speak also of „graue, nebelfyafte ^erne/' where ,,grau" 
 evidently is expressive of the indistinctness due to long distance. 
 Possibly it might have been transferred from local to temporal relations, 
 as in case of so many other adverbs. — 3 n Often, now tm (Dfterto 
 See Introduction, §§ 49-54, for a discussion of the parable. 
 
 1914. f pidtC : in which a hundred beautiful colors were blended. 
 
 1933. fid? entbrecfyen, see 1. 1293. 
 
 1936. et*$ieften& ^Crj; ordinarily used with a reflexive pro- 
 noun ; overflowing with love. 
 
 1945. in ge^ettn, now either tm (Sefjeimen or trtsgebetm. 
 
 1949. VoUtOXnmen $leidj* To my knowledge, no one has 
 ever laid "any stress on these words. And yet they seem clearly in- 
 tended to be stressed. If the new rings were Pollfommen gletcfy, 
 in every way like the original ring, they must also have had the same 
 secret virtue, for the father at least. Hence the version of Boccaccio, 
 according to which the ring could hardly be distinguished by the 
 father, was changed, and the ring could not be distinguished. And 
 now the father can ,,frofy tmb frcubtg" give to each one of his sons 
 a ring. True religion is something depending on the growth of the 
 individual, on his conscious effort. Hence, to speak with Hebler, "the 
 wise father, in one sense, did not bequeath the genuine ring at all, 
 because he could not bequeath it, because that which made the ring 
 genuine and gave it its secret power can not be transferred and be- 
 queathed. Nevertheless he gave to each of his sons a ring, because 
 he knew that it would be helpful to the owner in gaining, by earnest 
 effort, the genuine ring. And so the judge, afterwards, appropriately 
 admonishes the sons that each should consider his ring an incentive 
 
 
2087 ] NOTES 3 1 5 
 
 for striving to realize through their own efforts the promise attached 
 to the genuine ring." 
 
 1957. The curt ttHt*fc 1 £ has ordinarily a tinge of impatience, 
 which would here be quite inappropriate in view of the repetition of 
 the ,,t]ore/' and after the „1tUt" in the imperative sentence ; this tinge 
 must on that account be obviated by the tone in which the word 
 is read. 
 
 1973. See *• I2 7 6 - Speife UTtfc Zvani refer to the limitations 
 placed upon the Jews and the Mohammedans regarding certain foods 
 and drinks. 
 
 1974. See Appendix. 
 
 1978. Cp. 11. 1845-48. Nathan has reference to the ceremonial 
 rather than to the essentials of religion. With regard to these, he 
 would surely agree with Saladin. Cp. also verses 3538-40. 
 
 1983-84. Possibly Nathan thought of the deception he had been 
 obliged to practice upon Recha. Cp. 1. 3325 f. 
 
 2006. fcefeifyCTt, accuse. Now commonly 3etfyett. 
 
 2019-25. The dash in this and the following line, and the indicated 
 confusion of the brothers at the question of the judge, point to the 
 fact that the practical side of their religion had been quite forgotten, 
 that for them the rings were indeed all false. They had based their 
 claims on the visible signs, not on the secret virtue of their posses- 
 sions. See Appendix, 1. 2025. 
 
 2053. Sprecfyen = Hecbt fprecfyen, judge. 
 
 2060. Saladin had been so impressed by Nathan's parable that he 
 for some time apparently forgot the purpose for which he had called 
 him. And now, when reminded by Nathan's question, he is ashamed 
 to make even a request for money. 
 
 2061. f[<ittC, potential subjunctive : And is there no other busi- 
 ness, possibly ? 
 
 2070. voo 5amtt t>tn — wo id} bamtt bin foil. 
 2077. freievMn$S, made in analogy with allerbtngs, fcblecfyter= 
 btngs, platterbtngs. Of your own accord. — (Eitt 2IrgtDobn? 
 
 Feigned surprise. Cp. 1. 1876 ff. 
 
 2081. Hit midl fud?eit ? in analogy with 3^? fabe em 2ht= 
 fucfyen, erne Stttc, an bid}. Ordinarily, urn extras bet etnem an? 
 fud?en. 
 
 2085. pOft = poftett, 'a sum of money intended for some definite 
 purpose ' ; here debt, obligation. Cp. 1. 1233 ff. 
 
 2087. Notice that Saladin regards the Templars as his worst 
 enemies. 
 
3l6 NATHAN DER WEISE [2090 
 
 2090. fpctren, cp. 1. 1346, also 1. 1361. 
 
 2094. fiir tfyn goes with (Snabe: <5nabe fur tfyn. 
 
 2095. Cp. 11. 90, 1347-48 ; also 1. 1217. 
 
 2101. bCU fie nicfyt $ct<XXint. It is worth while, possibly, to 
 note a little inconsistency. The brother left Saladin, probably but a 
 few years before Recha's birth. In 1. 3524 Sittah states she might 
 almost be Recha's mother ; here we learn that she did not know her 
 brother. Cp. 11. 251 and 2971. 
 
 2103. (Befcar fie aucfy fdion Mofte Cettenfdjaft* A con- 
 cessive clause, admitting that the real goodness or merit in saving the 
 Templar's life is of little consequence, because the deed was the result 
 of mere impulse. Cp. Appendix, 1. 867. 
 
 21 1 1. (Dj>fet*tiet*j victim, a significant appellation. The Templar 
 had, against his will, been drawn into his present difficulty. Take 
 notice of the dashes in this monologue. 
 
 2 1 13. VOX tie VXly to scent; to have a premonition ; to divine. 
 
 2 1 16. We should now place a comma after the Ttlltt, impor- 
 tant in this case. Lessing almost always omits the comma after 
 nun. 
 
 21 17. Notice the tense of the verb: mar gefallen. Ordinarily 
 we should have the preterite. The pluperfect may be intended to in- 
 dicate that the blow had been dealt, before the victim had time to 
 think of his safety. Ctusbeugen, more correct form ausbtegen. 
 beugen is really a factitive verb = btcgen macfyen, from the same stem 
 as btegen. 
 
 2119-20. Cp. Introduction, pp. 65 f. The lines have ordinarily been 
 interpreted as meaning that the Templar had avoided Recha, because 
 he despised her as a common Jewess, as he at first pretended, 
 especially to Daja ; a number of passages, mentioned in the Introduc- 
 tion, make it much more plausible that he refused to "submit to the 
 blow," because he was in love with Recha from the first moment he 
 saw her, and tried to avoid the danger threatening his vows. 
 
 2123. 'dfy&t and litt are in a sense opposites. fLtyat, action; 
 1 1 1 1, etc. , / was passive, did not attempt to act, hence cannot speak of 
 resolution. litt' and Ittte are not subjunctives, as the final C would 
 now indicate. Even in M. H. G. some strong preterites took a final t 
 in the first and third singular indicative by analogy to weak preterites. 
 Probably the most common instance is fafye for fafy, though Lessing, as 
 well as Schiller and Goethe, has also a number of other similar forms, 
 fcfytene, 1. 2773, might be taken for one ; it might, however, possibly 
 be meant for an optative subjunctive. 
 
2163 ] NOTES 317 
 
 2124. D&S <5ef tit|l* Notice the nice use of words : incapable 
 of any resolution, the Templar was conscious of a deep feeling only e 
 
 2125. Utt fie t>erftrtctt — VCYXVCbt, to be intertwined, in- 
 
 terwoven with her. 
 
 2130, fveilicfr has concessive force : to be sure. Templars took 
 the three vows of poverty, obedience, and celibacy. 
 
 2132. QCloht, in this verse participle of geloben, to promise, to 
 vozu ; in the next of 1 b e TT, to praise. I see no way of imitating 
 the play on the word in English. — It is worth while noticing that 
 the Templar explicitly states that he had rid himself of other prejudices, 
 one of which was that against other creeds. Cp. 1. 1295, and Intro- 
 duction, § 74, b, 2. brum anticipates the following verse. 
 
 2135. WllL What does my order amount to? 
 
 2136. i^m = memem (Drben. He was dead to his order, be- 
 cause to be captured by Saladin was synonymous with being dead. — 
 His sophistry and its purpose are apparent. 
 
 2142. VCitCVli&lZn ^immet, paternal sky. The first indication 
 that the Templar was aware of his Oriental parentage. The following 
 lines show that they had talked quite plainly to the young man about 
 his father's affairs. Why should they not have mentioned his sister 
 also? Cp. Introduction, § 74, a. 
 
 2148. (Befa^r iailfert, cp. English run the risk; both probably 
 due to French influence : courir risque. — It is not clear on what 
 ground the Templar could say of himself that he was merely in danger of 
 stumbling, where his father fell, unless ftraucfyeltt is here to be 
 taken as equivalent to f a 1 1 C TI. It is frequently used in very nearly 
 the same sense, especially with figurative significance. But cp. 
 1. 2175, note. 
 
 2154. TltC^t* is here to be considered an adverb, in view of the 
 punctuation : his encourage?7ient rather than his approval can not fail 
 me. Cp. 11. 1321-22. 
 
 2156. Implicitly the Templar states here that Nathan is not merely 
 a Jew, but something more. 
 
 2157. (jliifyt fyeit're ^reube, commonly: gliifyt vox fyettercr 
 ^reube. 
 
 2163. fte^t feineil Hllbm, is equal to his reputation. The 
 phrase is probably formed in analogy with fctrten XTTcmrt ftebett. This 
 construction has not been satisfactorily explained. It should not be 
 confused with fetnem VTiann ftefjen. There is another phrase, 
 metrtCTI ITtarm ftetlert, i.e. to be the man for any given task. 
 ftefyert, particularly in early N. H. G., sometimes had the meaning of 
 
318 NATHAN DER WEISE [2166 
 
 ftellen and the construction may originate here. — Hebe ftefyen, 
 1. 2567, is of different origin. A kindred form is 3Ur 'Rebt ftefyert, 
 i.e. stand, for the sake of, for the purpose of a defense. "Rtbt, 
 
 I. 2567, is probably an old genitive, denoting cause. 
 
 2166. UTtfjefaumt, undelayed. fdumert was transitive in M.H.G. 
 and even with Luther. The participial adverb must start from this 
 meaning. 
 
 2170. The word order due to poetic license. 
 
 2175. Itte! Uiel Itie! — Could it be possible that this threefold 
 „rtte/' spoken with consideration, as indicated by the dash after VO 1 1- 
 betfefyen, expresses the sober judgment of the Templar, and that 
 the conditional clause added is expressive, rather of his impulse, his 
 feeling? In that case 1. 2149 would find its explanation, taking 
 ftraucfyeltt in its ordinary signification. — 3Ur Ste lie = auf bzt 
 
 Stelle. 
 
 2178. 3un$er 2Ttann! 2179. £teber junger VTiannl 
 
 2184. £teber, lieber ^reunb! The increasing tenderness in 
 these appellations are to indicate to the Templar that Nathan loves 
 him and does not wantonly refuse him. 
 
 2181-82. &<Xnbcn, bonds; ^effelrt, fetters; notice the nice dis- 
 tinction; also the pregnant signification of ITtettfcfy. Cp. 11. 1311-13, 
 and note. 
 
 2186-87. <Et UnntUdlUit — Clefce* Gratitude had smoothed 
 the way upon which love was about to enter Recha's heart, and now, 
 betbe (1. 2189), gratitude and love were waiting for the signal at 
 which to melt into one. 
 
 2192. €uern ei^enen <5cbanten. Cp. 11. 1310-13, and 
 
 II. 1320-22. rerfennen may mean to mistake some 07te (1. 13 16) as 
 well as to misconstrue, to deny something, the one without, the other 
 with purpose. Here the latter. 
 
 2198. tteufce^ier = Heugter(be). 
 
 2202. A more common abbreviation for K OTt V(Xb is K1ITI3. 
 
 2208. There is no apparent reason why the Templar should go so 
 far in concealing his perfectly honorable origin, whereby he is surely 
 taxing Nathan's liberality to the utmost, except his unwillingness to 
 own that he had twice told half a truth, 11. 1374 and 2202. Lessing 
 discusses the difference in meaning between 3 (X ft CI r b and 3 (X XI- 
 fert in his Worterbuch zu Logau, L. M. vii, 1. 361. Baftctrb with 
 him meant probably a child born in wedlock, but of a mother inferior 
 in rank. BcmFert is a coarse term for an illegitimate child. 
 
 2210. Sdjla$ = irtenfcfyettfcfyictg, race, tribe, Cp. the first speech 
 
2282] NOTES 319 
 
 of Edmund in King Lear, I, 2 ; also Schiller's Jungfrau, the speech 
 of Dunois, Bastard von Orleans, I, 2, end, v. 531 ff. 
 
 2211. iEntlaftt midi immer meiner Hfynenprobe — 
 
 Yet, nevertheless, release 7ne from giving a proof of ?ny ancestry, from 
 producing my pedigree. The bitterness of the Templar exhibited in 
 these verses is to be ascribed to the fact that he thinks Nathan has 
 suddenly forgotten his noble sentiments of judging a man by his own 
 merits. Hence he scornfully reminds him in the following verses that 
 he is nothing but a common Jew. 
 
 2214. StatrttttbCiUntj literally genealogical tree, hence 1. 2215 : 
 Blatt vov(= fiir) Slatt. 
 
 2229. Sdion mefyr ais $'nu$ refers to 1. 2226 f. 
 
 2231. &<XU$t ni&lts, cp. 1. 3281. A bad state of affairs, if the 
 human mind is absorbed, distracted, no matter with what. 
 
 2233. Ctttf^efcuttfett, a figure taken from rising dough, suggested 
 by the word t)oli ; i.e. the mind soon reduces to its proper shape what- 
 ever in the storm of passion has assumed inordinate proportions ; here 
 his love and the consequent irritation. This work of the mind begins 
 (1. 2235) only to be rudely interrupted by Daja. 
 
 2253. t>erftcfyert, old participial adverb, now ftcfyer or ftd?erltcfy. 
 
 2256. <XhfV<XQCXly to find out by cross -questioning. 
 
 2257. VZViVamt, see 1. 2248. 
 
 2261. There are traces of the infinitive with the accusative, similar 
 to the common usage in the classical languages, in the oldest stages of 
 German as well as in Gothic, also in instances where classic influence 
 is not probable. The construction practically died out, however, and 
 instances in modern writers are probably attributable to classic ex- 
 ample. „Von bem wit oft felbft nidjt unffen, ba$ wiv es \\abm." 
 
 2266. ftdj (XUZ bem ZtcXUbC madjett, to escape suddenly; 
 figure probably taken from fugitives escaping from the dust of battle. — 
 jemctTtb fl^etl taffett, to desert some one. 
 
 2271. (Beflattre, ordinarily (Seffcttter ; the form (Seffattre de- 
 notes a more confused anxious fluttering, cp. a striking example from 
 Immermann, Munchhausen : ,,Qas tft eud? ettt (Serutfd/e, (Sebrumme, 
 
 (5epoltre, (Sebufele, (Sebubele, (Sefcfyrette, (Seunnfele unb em <Se= 
 rumore burcfyemanber." Or Lessing's Emilia Galotti: tpo id? bas 
 (Seqmefe, bas (Sefretfcfye fjorte." 
 
 2276. ben itnfinn, i.e. ben ttnfirm 3U3tigeben; /' ll release you 
 
 from admitting the madness. 
 
 2282. VLXIS must be Recha ; and yet ber Klucje would be much 
 more suitable for the Templar. 
 
320 NATHAN DER WEISE [2286 
 
 2286. VCVfidlt = DorferjUTta,. The Templar would not admit a 
 personal, direct interference of the Savior or God, in the affairs of 
 men, but he believes that they have been wisely ordered by Prov- 
 idence. 
 
 2289. Das £anb bzv Wnnbtv. Das IDurtberbare is that 
 
 which seems like a miracle to children, but would not be called a mir- 
 acle by a thinking person. Cp. 1. 220 f. 
 
 2297. tyier = this world; bott = yonder world; 'for time and 
 eternity. ' 
 
 2305. ffit tttuft Uidlt tttfiff en. Commentators have quibbled 
 about this line as much as they have about 1. 385. — The first miiffert 
 is used in an entirely different sense from the second. It would be 
 more exact, but not more usual, to substitute for it follen, particularly 
 in negative clauses. Cp. Storm's Immensee: ,,Dll muftt and) rttcfyt 
 tmmer basfelbe er^dfylen" ; or, the common prohibition to children : 
 „Du mugt mtr tttcfyt fortlaufen." Translate: U I do riot want him -to 
 be forced." — „So mu§ er tPollett." "Then he must show himself 
 willing, and even anxious:' Daja uses miiffert, just as we do must 
 in the translation, in the sense of: ''it will be necessary for him"; 
 she can thus combine miiffert and tpollert, owing to the condition im- 
 plied in fo. The Templar disregards this fo, and hence calls atten- 
 tion to the apparent contradiction. 
 
 2308. Mefe Saitc i^m (= in tfym) anfcfyla^en: "1 tried 
 
 to strike this chord in him." — The figure is kept up in the following 
 lines: etrtfallett, chime in; ITCtftlaut, discordant note. 
 
 2312. ^en Scfyattcn iVtm hlxdtcn taffen* We should now 
 
 have two accusatives. In the eighteenth century Iaffcn ordinarily 
 took an accusative subject with a dependent infinitive. Only in cases 
 where an accusative object depended on the infinitive, as here, the 
 subject was often changed to the dative, possibly due to French in- 
 fluence. Cp. also 1. 3581. 
 
 2320. Daft CV bC<ty, etc., elliptical. What a pity that, etc. 
 
 2322. fUVf Xtnb $Ut = obrte UmfcfctPetf, without any ado. 
 
 2327. CtXVCtB }U tferfdjttJei^en, viz.: his secret, and her own 
 secret. 
 
 2330. Whenever the Templar is vexed he verges dangerously near 
 the vulgar ; so here. Converting a soul has frequently been called 
 giving it birth for heaven. (Cp. Nicodemus' interview with Christ.) 
 Hence the Templar's scornful congratulation as upon the physical birth 
 of a child, and his other indelicate allusions. His bitterness is ex- 
 plained in 1. 2338 : von (Surer ITT a d? e, of your making. 
 
241 1 ] NOTES 3 21 
 
 2339. $0 (to be stressed) t>CVJte^t 3^5 ? Etc. If your scorn 
 is directed against my particular type of Christianity, very well (|o 
 mags gclten). 
 
 2341. ?U XVtVbtn Perborfcen; characteristic testimony: Recha 
 is too firmly established in her views ever to be converted to Christian- 
 ity; happily she is a Christian against her will and wishes. 
 
 2347. xvcinen macfyen = fyat meinen madden. 
 
 2350. The first sign of the Templar's mean distrust of Nathan 
 crops out in the fid?. 
 
 2352. Now commonly als mas ^eborert ; als <£fyrtfttn, nicfyt als 
 3Hbtn. The omission of als is now confined to poetry. 
 
 2360. iEr^iefmrt^ dm* QtVltnz. Figure taken from a 
 river : the trend or course of the heart. 
 
 2361. laffen, now iiberlaffen. r>erlen!en = pervert. Cp. 
 
 1. 3470, as to the Templar's zeal for Christianity. 
 
 2366. Was mir ?u ttynn [gut t ft] ; or. = mas fiir mid? 311 
 tbun ift. 
 
 2374. ben lefcten Drud: bent Dtn^e: the final impulse to 
 
 the affair, i.e. a union between the Templar and Recha. 
 
 2 379- i^^tt> concessive : / must admit. 
 
 2382. f auf^etVCt^ett: what he has seen fit to trust me with. 
 The exact meaning of fo in this connection is hard to define, an 
 approximate equivalent would be : I have not been very successful, if 
 he has at any time seen fit to trtist me with missions of the kind. 
 From this sentence the aucfy in the next is to be explained. It ex- 
 presses the parallelism between cause and result, but has. in sentences 
 of this kind, almost the force of an excuse. I have been unsuccessful: 
 he also gives me unsuccessful things ; the implication : so I am 
 blameless. 
 
 2384. fein = sly. 
 
 2385. Vlcis&lCn, tyanbctlCXX. Curiosity and forwardness such 
 as the Patriarch expects of him are fit for children, hence the diminu- 
 tives, expressive of disgust. 
 
 2396. fCtU£t% disagreeable, hard. 
 
 2397. VZVbunbtn fein^ to be obliged, [to do something). 
 
 2400. JO VXinb VOU <Eud> UUef >t = refused flatly {squarely). 
 2403. TtCtd>ttUt*f Ctt, a medical term, denoting : to have an after- 
 effect, to work, to operate. 
 
 2411. rrtit 5leijd> nnb Slut ertrogteru ^leifcb urtb Blut, 
 
 the sordid, carnal nature, as used in the Bible. Cp. Matt, xvi, 17, 
 and elsewhere. 
 
322 NATHAN DER WEISE [2412 
 
 2412. XVXCbCV y i.e. not that he had offered his services once be- 
 fore ; once he had refused his services, cut loose from the Patriarch; 
 now he offers his services, is willing to establish his connection again. 
 
 2423. pfttff(e) was originally the designation of any priest. 
 Since the Reformation the word has been a term of reproach for 
 priests ; no English word corresponds. Buchheim suggests monk, and 
 for pfcifftfcfy, monkish. 
 
 2427. fid? VCVQCilM, to err. The privilege of erring cannot 
 be explained on the ground of the Jesuite principle that the end sanc- 
 tifies the means, which would be applicable to the Templar as well as 
 to the Patriarch. The Templar has reference to the doctrine of the 
 infallibility of the church, and its ministers as its representatives. 
 Cp. 1. 2481. The inconsistency in his own action the Templar indi- 
 cates by saying that this infallibility is nothing enviable, and more 
 clearly in 1. 3410. 
 
 2432. A thoroughly vicious principle from an ethical view point ; 
 sophistry on the part of the Templar. 
 
 2435. partei == partetfad?e. 
 
 2436. bVOi> = barob, poetic for batiiber, with regard to it, i.e. to 
 religion. 
 
 2438. ZKe £t<XHQC Vl&lttXl means to take the part of some 
 one. The figure is taken from persons fighting with swords or some 
 other weapon. Cp. Lessing in another place : n lX\x6q null id? mtr 
 rttcfyt fyercmsnefymen, bet btefem Kampfe VOaxtzl (that is the officer, 
 acting as arbiter between the combatants) 311 fettt VLXlb mettte Stattge 
 bc^nnfcfyett 31a tperfett, tpetttt von ber etttett ober attbern Sette em 
 gar 311 fyamtfcfyer unb unebler Stretcfy gefiibrt tpiirbe." IDirb's 
 f© tDofyl red?t fettt: a reminiscence of Pope's "Whatever is, is 
 right," which Lessing, years before, had proved to be thoroughly un- 
 philosophic in his essay, Pope, ein Metaphy siker ? But cp. also Ap- 
 pendix, 1. 2439. 
 
 2441. The sudden resolve of the Templar to take advice from the 
 Friar seems to indicate that he came not for peremptory command, but 
 for honest advice ; and, yet, he had come to see the Patriarch (not 
 the Friar) for the purpose of putting Nathan to the knife (1. 3394), 
 and fully aware that the Patriarch was a scoundrel, 1. 341 1. It is 
 worth while to notice the unsettled state of the Templar. Cp. note to 
 1. 3512. 
 
 2451. eitte? SOVQC, to that of his eternal salvation. 
 
 2454 ff. The Patriarch of Jerusalem shortly before the time of our 
 r>lay was Heraclius, notorious throughout the Orient and Europe for his 
 
2522] NOTES 323 
 
 immorality and total lack of conscience. At the time of our play he 
 was probably dead ; at all events he was not in Jerusalem, as Lcssing 
 himself knew very well from Marin. He says. L. M. Ill, n 91 : ,,So 
 bat bet patriarch Bcraflius gerrnfi itidjt in 3erufalem bleiben biir= 
 fen, nacbbcm Salabtn es eingenommen. (Sleicbtnobl nabm tcb obne 
 Bebenfen ibn bafclbft nocb an, unb bebaure nur, baft er in metttem 
 StMe nod? bet rpettem fo fcbledn nicbt erfebeint, als in ber (Se= 
 idncbte." — He could not very well retain all his worst features, if he 
 was at all to remind of Goeze. See Appendix, 1. 2454. 
 
 2455. M<f, rot, yveurtHlfr, stout, ruddy, -well-satisfied. 
 
 2457. jicfr erbebett, indicative of the pretentious bombast of the 
 Patriarch. The term is archaic, biblical ; cp. Matt. xix. 1. 
 
 2459. Cp. 1. 990. 
 
 2465-66. efcer ncfr, tvaz treni^et, Buchbeim. following a 
 
 hint of Xiemeyer. thinks these lines are to indicate the Templar's pur- 
 pose of leaving his order. If we are not to see a bit of society small 
 talk in these words, they are difficult to explain. 
 
 2469. fcltibtt Ultfc griinen* The Patriarch maintains the 
 sermonizing tone throughout ; cp. Isaiah. XXVII, 6 : ,,<£s toirb bennod} 
 ba^u fommen, ba^ 3 a ^°k tru^eln, unb Jsrael bliiben unb griincn 
 rrnrb." 
 
 2471. ^em retfen t\CXtZ : a reminder of the Templar's disobedi- 
 ence; Act 1. Scene 5. 
 
 2476 f. In the following verses virtually the whole quarrel about 
 the Fragments is once more fought out. particularly in its more ob- 
 jectionable features. See Appendix. 
 
 2487. ttHllfut*, arbitrary dictates, free choice. See Appendix. 
 
 2490. Bcvvlicbtcit fcer JnmmeU, i.e. God. 
 
 2493. unjertt Hat: pluralis majestaticus. 
 
 2494. £et BcvVi instead of the pronoun, was in the eighteenth 
 century employed to show greater respect ; cp. 1. 541. It is still 
 common in some parts of Germany. 
 
 2495. ^ 1^*1 hortative ; let us suppose, or say. 
 
 25 1 if. The demand of the Patriarch to know the name of the 
 offender before passing any judgment on the offense is clearly a re- 
 minder of Goeze's attitude in the quarrel about the Fragments. 
 He, too, insisted on knowing the name of the author, and Les= 
 sing, like the Templar, refused to comply with his wish. See 
 Appendix. 
 
 2516. See Appendix, 
 
 2522. The mentioning of the theater — quite against Lessing's own 
 
324 NATHAN DER WEISE [2531 
 
 advice in the Dratnaturgie, Article 42 — is an anachronism, in a sense. 
 These lines again contain a thrust at Goeze. See Appendix. 
 
 2531 f. See Appendix. ttttt, now: an. Possibly contamination 
 with t?orne^men, regularly construed with mil. 
 
 2537. About apostasy and heresy Lessing had his peculiar views, 
 of which at the time of the publication of Nathan people were prob- 
 ably reminded by these lines. See Appendix. 
 
 2542. See Appendix. 
 
 2544. (£vb<XVtWtC, preterite indicative, instead of pluperf. subj. ; 
 cp. note to 1. 91. 
 
 2552. See Appendix. 
 
 2555 f. See Appendix. 
 
 2560. Meferttfe^en, ordinarily bestpegen. 
 
 2567. Hefce fte^en, see note to 1. 2163. 
 
 2574. unferer aUerbeili^ften Heli^ion recalls the title 
 
 of one of Goeze 's pamphlets : Etwas Vorlaiifiges gegen Les sings 
 mitt elb are und unmittelbare feindselige Angriffe auf unsere alter heiligste 
 Religion. 
 
 2579. It is customary to recall, in connection with these verses, 
 the "intolerant bigotry" of Goeze. who saw in religion, or rather in 
 the Christian religion, an indispensable condition of all civic order. 
 He was by no means alone in this view, and it may be of interest to 
 his revilers to know that a man no less liberal than the philosopher 
 Wolff was of the same opinion, and many others could be mentioned. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 2582. b(XVy = brcmcfyt. — As a matter of history, the articles of 
 capitulation contained none oi the conditions alluded to by the 
 Patriarch. 
 
 2584. SetmOtt, rather contemptuous for prebtgt. 
 
 2586. Notice the four dashes in this verse, indicative of the 
 Patriarch's sudden fear and confusion, which is shown still more 
 clearly in the following verses. 
 
 2592. See Appendix. 
 
 2600. 3rufcer Bonafifces = ber Klofterbruber. 
 
 2602. X)es Z)itlQ2y indicative of Saladin's contempt of money; 
 cp. 11. 910 and 1745. These were the purses sent by Nathan. 
 
 2609. afynitvadcn, to extort. 
 
 261 1. bas Hrmilt, now bte 2Irmut. The neuter was formerly 
 used occasionally, if the noun was used in a collective sense. 
 
 2612. As a matter of history, Saladin not only released pilgrims 
 from the tax which he had the right to claim at the Holy Sepulcher, but 
 
2690] NOTES 325 
 
 also gave alms to the poorer ones among them. Lessing's purpose in 
 mentioning the fact is evident. 
 
 2634. £Htefr WCQ, euphemistically used, particularly of sailors, 
 for fterbeit J Saladin probably does not exactly mean to convey this 
 idea (cp. 2636 f), but Sittah understands him thus. And in the next 
 line he takes up her thought: "he never returned.'''' — "Never mind! 
 sooner or later we all go and never return." 
 
 2638. b<XZ 3^1 t>et*riicfen; literally, to misplace, to move the 
 aim, the mark. — u It is not death alone that crosses the path of youths 
 such as he was." 
 
 2639. bcv Stdtffte erlie^t fcem Scfywadjften* Saladin 
 
 had heard some rumor of his brother's fate, and alludes by the word 
 bem ScfytPdcfyftert to the woman who conquered the strong young 
 knight. 
 
 2640. £?Ci ttue i^tlt feu The dative has crept into this con- 
 struction probably from such expressions as mtr tft tpofyl ; and these 
 in turn are probably formed by analogy with mtr tDtrb tDofyt, mtr 
 iptrb ettt>as. 
 
 2668. (BitttUftan* Lessing explained (StTUttfian to his brother 
 as ^eenlattb = fairyland, and Dtt> as fee, fairy. 
 
 2677. — ttUU IttCt^S ! Expressive of a sad resignation. The 
 Templar would in every way pass as his brother, — if Saladin did not 
 also see himself, and this tells him that he can not be the lost brother ; 
 this reminds him of his loss. I should translate: "But, then — /" 
 
 2680. es fufviebett* CS is really an old genitive, denoting the 
 source or cause. It is now felt as an accusative. 
 
 2684. UtU Htit* ; lim with the dative was rarely used even in 
 the older stages of the language. Occasionally we find it down to 
 the eighteenth century. 
 
 2685. 3m tt>eif?en Mantel = as a Templar; tm 3amer= 
 
 lottf, according to Lessing's note, „bctS tDCtge 0berfleib ber IXtabtX," 
 i.e. as a Mohammedan. <L U I b a tt or dur ban ; $ 1 1 3 = £}Ut. 
 
 2687. 3d} tyabC 1tte VCVl<X1X$t, etc. The lines have a deeper 
 significance than is ordinarily ascribed to them. Differences of creed 
 are not only something external in the eyes of Saladin, i.e. the Saladin 
 of our play, but also a spontaneous growth, like the bark of a tree. See 
 Appendix. 
 
 2690. Saladin had compared men to trees : the Templar continues 
 the figure ; Saladin was forced by circumstances to excel in valor, in 
 the art of war ; by choice he would rather foster and cherish the 
 trees (i.e. men) in God's orchard. 
 
326 NATHAN DER WEISE [2693 
 
 2693. ffiilt WCVt, eitl 2Ttann, is a proverbial expression: a 
 man must be, or is, as good as his word. — (Empfancje mefyr, etc. 
 Saladin could deprive him of only a more or less aimless, half-hearted 
 life : he now gives himself heart and soul. Cp. 1. 12 15 ; also 1. 730 
 and notes. 
 
 2704 f. The Templar is thinking of the apparent inconsistency in 
 Nathan, who is wise and tolerant in w T ords, and bigoted in deed — 
 according to Daja's revelation. 
 
 2712. An apt characterization of the historical Saladin. 
 
 2714. Cp. Minna von Barnhelm, II, I : „inan fprtcfyt feltert t>on 
 ber Cugenb, bte mart l\ai, aber befto ofter von ber, bte tins 
 fettli." " 
 
 2715. iEs tttit jetHCtTlfc fj&bett, to be quarreling with some one. 
 2721. The Templar had concluded from Daja's information that 
 
 Nathan refused to give him Recha, because of religious prejudice. 
 2726. Cp. 1. 1210 ; but also Introduction, § 74, b, I. 
 2730-32. Cp. 1. 1320 f. 
 2 73 7- ttttf ♦ ♦ ♦ Ijllt t relying upon. 
 
 2740. ^ZfOpf, fool, blockhead. 
 
 2741. Notice that the two id? are spaced. 
 2743. plattcvbin$z = gerabe3ii, flatly. 
 
 2755. ^ ne Templar calls all creeds Hfret*$Iaub£Tt, sttperstition, 
 and compares them to chains. Cp. 1. 2182 and note; 1. 2434 f; 
 1. 1979; 1. 3511. 
 
 2762. Dent, demonstrative, = bem fetmgett ^berglauben, to one's 
 
 own superstition. pertrauen, next line, = attcertrauen, intrust, 
 co7nmit to. b 1 b Z = weak, in any part of the body, but it is now 
 rarely used, except of eyes in this sense. He admits here that 
 Nathan is sincere when he says, all creed differences are matters of 
 little importance. But if humanity in its blindness cannot do without 
 creeds, he is anxious to make converts for the very creed which he 
 himself outgrew. 
 
 2767. HusfrUTlfc, really the skein of wool which is tied on the 
 outside of a package to indicate the quality of the whole. Owing to 
 the depravity of the dealers, the best 23uTtb was placed on the outside 
 (ails) \ hence anyone excelling in any way, more commonly now in 
 bad qualities, is called 2Jusbuub. 
 
 2769. fllCfyte* The L.-M. text has fudpe, which is probably a 
 mistake. But see also the present subjunctive forme, 1. 2943, where 
 the preterite subjunctive would be more natural. 
 
 2772. f ornen — mtt Kornern locfen, to hold out as a bait, as 
 
2842] NOTES 327 
 
 grain to birds. b e r e Tt, a sort of objective genitive ; more commonly, 
 ^offmmg cmf roelcfye. 
 
 2773. fcfytene, cp. Note to 1. 2124. 
 
 2776. VCVjCttdty literally, to scatter, as scraps of paper; hence, 
 to get into wrong places, as loose slips of paper; here, an apostate 
 Christian child. 
 
 2777. WOVitC, not preterite indicative, but potential subjunctive. 
 
 2779. toUtantC £d}tt>at?er, tolerant babbler ; cp. Act II, Sc. 5. 
 
 2780. Cp. Matt, vii, 15. 
 
 2783. Having just now so bitterly accused Nathan of being tolerant 
 in words only, the word Cfyrift, spoken with admonishing emphasis, 
 could hardly fail to gain the Templar's attention. 
 
 2785. atlf , ♦ • freftefjeU, if the Jew and Mohammedan turn out 
 Jew and Mohammedan. 
 
 2787. Des VoVWUVfs Caft, which was, that he made himself 
 guilty of the very crime which he had laid to Nathan's charge : that 
 of forgetting the broader human interests over the prejudices of creed. 
 
 2790. Qtnommcn = benommen. 
 
 2793. ttlit CittCIU XVOVtC) i.e. in readily admitting his wrong, 
 11. 2786-87. 
 
 2795. fid} XU ICttlCtUb fitlben = to understand some one. 
 
 2798. tt>eif en == raten. 
 
 2799. ben Scfyttf&rmern fcetnes pofcels, to the vulgar 
 
 Christian fanatics. It seems as if Saladin used the word pobel 
 {rabble) to indicate that within a creed there is some room for noble- 
 minded enthusiasm. 
 
 2800. Cp. 1. 2570 f. and Note. 
 
 2804. }Ut1t 1LV0t$ = to spite a Jew or a Mohammedan. 
 
 28 1 1. Saladin means to say that this fear of the Templar, indi- 
 cative of his appreciation of his wrong, and his regret, is a quality 
 which he is quite willing to recognize as one of Assad's. 
 
 2820. Cp. 1. 3268 ; 1. 1276 ; 1. 1973 f. 
 
 2830. Sittah, somewhat shocked by the rather insidious and not 
 altogether delicate suggestion of her brother, exclaims, ironically (and 
 I should read it in a deep voice) Das macr/fi bll gut ! I should sub- 
 stitute for it, or translate it, if you please, by : Well, I beg of you ! — 
 Saladin seeks to hold his ground in the next lines. 
 
 2833. eryidlt. 2Iuf ettPCtS erptd?t fetn, lit. to be held, attracted 
 by something, as a bird to a trap in which it is held by pitch. 
 
 2842. IPer, etc., i.e. the Templar; cp. 1. 2544 f; 1. 3243 f; as to 
 the relative claims of Nathan and the Templar. 
 
32# NATHAN DER WEISE [2848 
 
 2848. XHe liebe tlCllbe^ier = mere curiosity, common to my sex. 
 
 2860. Sitftevftoffj silver -gray cloth. 
 
 2861. Itod}* In early N. H. G. nod? was sometimes used to ex- 
 press a double degree of some quality ; this use is now replaced by 
 nod? etnmal : nod? etnmal fo gro§. In concessive clauses we have 
 remnants of the old usage : es fet nod} fo fletn. By analogy with this 
 use with adjectives, nod? is also used with nouns, as here, particularly 
 with nouns having a pregnant signification : that I call a bridal robe, 
 I tell you. 
 
 2871. ttUfyelft, what are you driving at? — fimtbtlbem = 
 to whose bridal dress do these learned allegories have reference ? 
 
 2879. Steftenfadjert- Due to biblical influence, the number 
 seven has always played an important part. tTTetne fteben Sad?en, 
 or 5tebenfad?cn, with shift of stress, meant, possibly, all that I have, 
 seven being the 'perfect number.' It is now applied to insignificant 
 trifles. 
 
 2881. JTicfyt t*iil}t* (XXI ! The verb is surely in the imperative, 
 second singular, not the indicative, as many seem to suppose. I should 
 supply : Htd?t riifyr an 1 fyet§t es bet mtr, or, mafynt mid? bas 
 (Sennffen. 
 
 2888. bodi eintnal, cp. l. 2. 
 
 2891. tvivb ttnefcer, was fie ift, b. fy. erne (Ojrtfttn. 
 
 2894. ^euevf O^Ien> cp. Rom. xii, 20. The situations here and 
 in Romans are not quite parallel. Nathan is supposed to have caused 
 himself pangs of conscience by his good deeds, while in Romans one 
 having suffered an injury is to cause remorse in the offender by good 
 deeds. 
 
 2896. Die alte Ceier, etc. The figure cannot well be kept in 
 English. Translate : Harping the same old tune ? Only on a new 
 string ; but that is out of tune, and may snap. 
 
 2904. W<XS tturfc er ttfOlien? Daja is as sure of the Friar's 
 business as the Templar was ; cp. 1. 533. 
 
 2919. attUOCfy, archaic for nod?; similarly alltPO, 1. 2942. 
 
 2920. 3e TtU ; why, of course. 
 
 2930. fUV Sufte, related to ba%, beffer, English belter ; hence 
 really bettering. Let me give you, to make amends, etc. 
 
 2936. QuCtV&Ttt&TtCtj according to tradition the mountain on 
 which Christ, being tempted, fasted for forty days. It used to be oc- 
 cupied by many hermits. 
 
 2944. 3d} ftet}' <tttf H0l\lCUt I ai7i sitting on needles; on 
 thorns. 
 
3009] NOTES 329 
 
 2947. Sie^eict = (Etrtjtebelet, CHlf Sabot ; Mount Tabor on which 
 Christ was transfigured. 
 
 2955. 3ltS ®br jefcen, cp. the English colloquial to fid a flee 
 
 in one's ear; to tell secretly, 
 
 2961. Ohy for iibcr, archaic, and now used only in higher diction, 
 and then more commonly with the dative. 
 
 2963. Siinfce ttufcer ^en betT^en <5eijt, cp. Matt, xn, 31. 
 
 A thrust at the fruitless controversies of the contemporary theologians; 
 cp. also St. Mark ill. 29; St. Luke xii. 10. The tone of these verses, rather 
 pungent, seems hardly in accord with the Friar as we have learned to 
 know him. The sin against the Holy Ghost is generally understood 
 to be the wilful resistance to well-recognized divme truth, — a resistance 
 which, according to Lessing's view, is impossible ; cp. Appendix, 1. 2439. 
 
 2979. (5(Xl(i)<X was an important commercial city in the land of 
 the Philistines, between Damascus and Egypt. Parun was a hamlet 
 near Gaza. 
 
 2987. tPobl foit jt* — lotlft in the sense of "in other respects" 
 will hardly do here. The word had another meaning in early 
 N. H. G. ; „fo fdjOTt", which I should like to claim for it here; in 
 1. 2885 the Friar expresses his regret for having lost his good master 
 all too soon; L 2986: "soon afterward he fell at Ascalon. and. as it 
 was, he was a dear, kind lord." — fortft, or "as it was" implying, 
 that his untimely death made him all the more dear. 
 
 2993. The dash at the end of the verse designates a pause, in 
 which Nathan might have had time to answer. He is perplexed, 
 hence the Friar's reassuring words in the next verses, fact's liebcr, etc.: 
 You need not say she died ! 
 
 2995. QUtt XVCQC fy&bCK : here there is no reason for any ap- 
 prehension. 
 
 2997 f. The argument of the friar is not very clear. See Appen- 
 dix for a similar thought from an earlier work of Lessing : but- the 
 situations are not quite parallel. In Alcibiades the good deeds of an 
 ambitious (that is a selfish) man are judged. Does the Friar mean to 
 cast doubt upon all good deeds which we perform, fully conscious oi 
 their being good? Cp. Matt. XXV, 37 f. 
 
 3007. JO frelobttet;, i.e. with the punishment threatened by the 
 Patriarch. 
 
 3008. eitt = CtnlcucbtCU, "I do not see the justice." 
 
 3009. Hil$£V : notice that the Friar does not say mctfer. Klugbett 
 in Nathan always implies more or less selfishness; cp. 11. 443; 1805 f, 
 and the notes ; also 11. 3012-13. 
 
330 NATHAN DER WEISE [3024 
 
 3024. See Appendix. 
 
 3025. ^iirfpracfy = ordinarily ^iirfprecfyer, or possibly ^iir= 
 fpred?. 
 
 3032. ftomtne (Einfalt; cp. 1.3348 f. 
 
 3039. <5&tfy used to be one of the cities of the Philistines, north- 
 west of Jerusalem. That the crusaders were often cruel to the Jews 
 as well as to the Mohammedans, is quite likely. Systematic persecu- 
 tions in Europe were common enough, but I am unaware of any hav- 
 ing been inaugurated by the crusaders in the Holy Land. 
 
 3046. in Hfd}' UTtfc StCtufr = dust and ashes were a common 
 sign of mourning among the Jews ; cp. Job, and also Jonah's mission 
 to Nineveh. 
 
 3048. VecfytCTt, really to call to account; ordinarily to find fault. 
 
 3053. ttttb bO&l ift (&Ott\ i.e. in spite of this overwhelming 
 trouble, God is, as I have always believed him to be, provident, wise, 
 and kind. 
 
 3055. it be j etc. The relation between theory and practice has 
 often been dwelt on by Lessing. Cp. Appendix, 1. 35; 1. 360; 1. 867, 
 first quotation. 
 
 3059. 3d? will! ttHttft fcu nut, baft id? tviUl i.e. I can 
 
 not form a resolution, if God does not permit me. Cp. 1. 385 and 
 notes. — With regard to Nathan's action as described in the next 
 lines, it is to be observed that the little girl was the daughter of a 
 friend who had often shielded him from violence, not that of any 
 enemy who had murdered his dear ones. On the other 'hand observe 
 also that Nathan vowed to God : I will, before he knew what God 
 might demand of him. 
 
 3063. Det*$eff eil : not entirely : he knew who Recha's father 
 was, and probably also her Christian name ; cp. 1. 3806. 
 
 3065. Ctttfj here toward. 
 
 3067 f. See Appendix. The Friar has some right to his words, as 
 to the difference in the views of Judaism and those of Christianity ; 
 cp. also Matt, v, 38-48. 
 
 3069. fcctS m<X&lt <Eud} mit ?Uttt 3ufcett, i.e. they were one 
 in the principle of love, by which they guided their lives ; but none 
 the less Nathan saw no reason to abandon the faith of his fathers, 
 and if the community of spirit induced the Friar to see in Nathan a 
 Christian, the same made Nathan to see in him a Jew ; cp. the Intro- 
 duction, § 55, as to the justice in this position. 
 
 3077. icfy $et}Ot*d}e ! These words may well be called express- 
 ive of the height of Nathan's virtue and character. Nowhere else 
 
3136] NOTES 331 
 
 does his implicit faith in Providence so clearly manifest itself. See 
 Appendix. 
 
 3078. FlVM VOVLtnbz ! is evidently elliptical. It is probably 
 best to supply muft id} (£ucr/ fiir etnen Cbriften fyalten. — bebacr/f 
 id} mid} fo Dtel, / hesitated so long, — not because he was too stupid 
 to find the proper words — there is method in his madness — but be- 
 cause he knew what it must cost Nathan to act on any suggestion of 
 this kind. 
 
 3081. bCV Ct*ftC frefte = the first one coming along. The phrase 
 has no doubt arisen from : ber erfte tfi ber befte, i.e. I want some thing 
 or some man for any purpose, and am willing to forego all privilege 
 of choosing ; hence ber erfte befte, just any one. 
 
 3084. f Uttl mittften, older and correct form for 311m minbeften, 
 now more usual. 
 
 3088. al£ £?ip$>e VCVXVanbt, related in any other way. Sippe 
 formerly could mean either a male or female relative ; so here. 
 
 3093. fceffen, now besfeiben. 
 
 3102. feller ^etr = deceased master. 
 
 3104. t>et*jcfy&t*t*eu is ordinarily used of animals only. The 
 friar wants to indicate that, owing to the needs of the hour, the funeral 
 rites had to be neglected. 
 
 3106. (Efyrtftenmenfcfy familiar for dfyrtft, Christian. 
 
 3108. 3d} farm ttidjt lefetU The art of reading was, to be 
 sure, quite rarely found among Christian knights of the time ; and 
 yet this statement is significant in another direction. The only man 
 who could lay just claim to being a Christian could not read. 
 Cp. Appendix, 1. 2445. — Lessing transfers the good old German cus- 
 tom of inscribing the names of a family in the family Bible to the 
 Orient. 
 
 3126. xvctil redjt = tr>ofyl mtt Hecfyt. 
 
 3133. tticfyt fcet* patriarch* Nathan mentions the Patriarch 
 repeatedly, in order to sound Daja. 
 
 3135. Ifym tticfytS $eftecft? You did not whisper anything to 
 him? The expression has a history. The messengers designated by 
 the Holy Feme, the ancient secret tribunal, particularly in West- 
 phalia, to announce to one accused his summons before the tribunal, 
 had the right to fasten (ftecf en) this summons in a groove which they 
 cut in a draw-bridge or some other accessible place, in case they could 
 not obtain a personal interview. — A reminder of this custom is to be 
 found also in the word Stecf brief. 
 
 3136. ZHe &ottn, b. fy. von Sittafy 
 
33 2 NATHAN DER WEISE [3142 
 
 3142. *}iii, bev ^empeifyerr ift fcrum* Before 1 know it, 
 
 the Templar will have lost her. 
 
 3145. The dash ending the preceding verse designates her hesita- 
 tion. Hence, (S C t r ft ! encouraging herself : Nevermind! Cp. 1. 3151. 
 
 3150. UTttet*tt>e$ettSj more commonly, in literary German at 
 least, untermegs. 
 
 21tCtlUClucf CIV, (stage direction) slaves, generally highly educated, 
 and often of high parentage, on one side at least. 
 
 3152. fcas ®Clb. Cp. 1. 2603. 
 
 3155. Cp. 11. 452-53- 
 3159. Ha^ira = Katro. 
 
 3163. bCV $Uteit 3citUTl^^ genitive of cause; more common 
 flit bte gute Hacfyrtcfyt. gettuttg in its older sense of the English 
 tidings. — (Hun? nut fyer bamtt!) to be spoken aside; Well? 
 hand it out! i.e. the customary fee, bets 23otetlbrot, of 1. 3166. 
 
 3176. HfrtVttt = departure; he is speaking of his death; cp. 
 the historical summary in the Introduction. 
 
 3183. tDarum }tt fpdt? Saladin has returned to his accus- 
 tomed liberality. 
 
 3187. tttCTtH ♦ ♦ ♦ CHtfcCVS, used in clauses making a provision ; 
 provided. 
 
 3188. CtUCtj, cp. Note on 1. 2382. O well! It's just as likely he 
 broke his neck. 
 
 3193. 3eV Cecfet*, the rogue, good-naturedly. 
 
 3201. bilfcen l^elfen, for tyabe btlben fyelfen. 
 
 3202. fU QUteV £et}t, the last minute, from M. H. G. £e^e = 
 2Xbfdpteb, 2Ibfd?tebsgefd?enf, 2lbfd?tebstrunf. £et$e fell into disuse; 
 and as 3U filter £e^e designated the end of a visit, the last of a 
 visit, the farewell, £e^te and £et$t were readily substituted for it. 
 
 3205. <Etttit*> title of Mohammedan rulers and chieftains. 
 
 3210. JlfruHaffeitt- The name of the ruler of Egypt, as well 
 as the revolt mentioned is invented by the poet. 
 
 3211. ^tjefccttS (three syllables), designated southern or upper 
 Egypt ; named after Thebes, its capital ; now Said. 
 
 3217. &ebC$Un$, escort. 
 
 3225. fcer 5 U $ — ^ e Haramane. 
 
 3226. — 3^r! id\ bin fobann fcei Sittafy is addressed to 
 
 some slaves standing in waiting. 
 
 3229. Significant. Cp. Introduction, § 74, b, 1. The Templar is 
 carrying out Saladin's order, 1. 2815. 
 
 3230. tPill rather denotes here futurity, as commonly tperben does. 
 
3333 1 NOTES 333 
 
 3235. Cp. 1. 2219. 
 
 3236. ifytt ftiiritttett, get him into tune, or get him into line. 
 
 3241. es ftcfy }uv Hngele^enfyett madjert = cs fid? ana.e= 
 legen fein laffen, ^ to&» /#*kr. 
 
 3242. Ctfcj&^ett, to wrest from some one. 
 
 3244. Cp. 11. 3653-54; and 1. 3662. — $odi bes SHavcn 
 
 Tticfyt, etc. The father to whom Recha owes her physical existence 
 is likened to a slave floating a block of marble to some shore and 
 then abandoning it ; Nathan was the artist who saw in the abandoned 
 block the divine form and features, which he released. 
 
 3259. CS = what makes her smile ; if it were unworthy of the 
 charm, in which it is clothed on her lips, etc. 
 
 3261. Ufcerttnt?, buffoonery; Z<XUb , frivolity y *}dt)1terei, scoff- 
 ing, mockery; %day\Z\&Ci\tX y flatterers ; ^U^lct* ', coquettes, par -ajnours. 
 
 3265. feirtem Sonnenfcfyeitt — bes £dcfyelns Somtenfdjetn. 
 3268. Cp. 11. 2819-21. 
 
 3273. £ettf eilt! Holdback! 
 
 3275. ftttttfce : ftefyett is used in a few set phrases in the same 
 sense as fein. 
 
 3281. 0}uerl:Oyf, madcap. 
 
 3285. ifyrer tvavttn, commonly cmf fie marten. 
 
 3287. l}Ctbt f)ttttf ! for bringing the breviary. 
 
 3290. Waz 3fyr nidjt hvaudit — i.e. money. — (Surer = 
 €uer (Eigenfinn; cp. 1. 3 114. 
 3292. reiser; cp. 11. 456-57. 
 
 3296. 3c TtU ! reassuring after the rather sad thought of the pre- 
 ceding verse. ItU, older and now familiar form for tXUlt. 
 3301 f. Cp. 1. 358, and notes. 
 
 3305. fyefjeit., hunting term, to spur on, to incite. 
 3313. Cp. 1. 33 2 9/- 
 3318. Did (Bliicfs J the genitive was formerly always used with 
 
 mel; cp. 1. 3283. 
 
 3324. fc&f? — elliptical ; supply mie fd?abe. — From these words 
 of Nathan some commentators have concluded that he was conscious of 
 some guilt, assumed in taking and keeping Recha as his child. The 
 assumption is absurd on its face. The wrong is not with Nathan, but 
 with the fanaticism of men, which did not permit him to walk as openly 
 before them as he could before his God. 
 
 3333. fciltC must be stressed ; i.e. the deeds of a man often have 
 their source in circumstances rather than in man's own choice : e.g. 
 that Nathan concealed Recha's parentage. 
 
334 NATHAN DER WEISE [3339 
 
 3339. It must be assumed that Nathan had been a second time at 
 Saladin's palace. 
 
 3342. ftaub = roar . . . gertcfytet ; cp. 1. 3275. 
 
 3343- l a bed* XVCtyl, I presume. 
 
 3345. Die QUtt Bant; Bant for tUenfcfy, denotes guilelessness, 
 
 almost simplicity. 
 
 3346. Stofcer = Spiirrmnb, a setter, here spy. 
 3348. pHffi trick ; cp. the more common pftfftg. 
 
 3350. bumme, fromme tEtnfalt; notice the same double 
 
 meaning in English simplicity. 
 
 3356. namentlicb = fo bag ber Hame genamtt murbe. 
 
 3363. iEltcfr must be stressed. tltit fettle? (Buitft = mil fefe 
 
 ner (Erlaubms; if yon please. 
 
 3369. ehtes ^ebls, e ^ ne5 (Jebltritts. 
 3371. tnit bem = mtt btefem Dorfatj. 
 
 3375. ttmrmifeb = drgerlicfy; cp. bas tpunnt. 
 
 3377. (& dud), down to the sixteenth century the common name 
 for the cuckoo, considered a stupid bird. Hence, even in O. H. G., 
 also in the sense of simpleton, fool. 
 
 3380. Ian: fait. Cp. Revel in, 15, 16. ab^emeffen, etc., 
 
 with what premeditated effort you tried to elude me. 
 
 3382. ans bet £llft ^e^riffen, manufactured for the occasion: 
 
 groundless. 
 
 3394. XnX} nnb Qnt, an idiomatic expression, meaning without 
 much ado. Nathan analyzes it, hence his question. We might trans- 
 late : / decided to make short and good work of it. and put you to the 
 
 knife. Cp. 1. 2322. 
 
 3401. Caffe = (Saucb. 
 
 3402. an beiben <Ett5en fd?tt>armen, i.e. an ben dugerfteu 
 
 (Ettbcrt ; "whose thoughts are always wandering in extremes." 
 
 3405. fo ttticfy f&ffet, if you approach me in that way, i.e. beg- 
 ging forgiveness. 
 
 3413. }nx Hebe fteUen, cp. 1. 2163, notes. 
 
 3417. fO abnlid> fid> erMlt = is always the same. 
 
 3423. (Euerm, must be stressed. 
 
 3430. d5leicbt>iel, cp. 1. 3512. and note. 
 
 3434. febr noti$ — . c P . 1. 3316. 
 
 3435. obex trem es fonft ?u ttujfen nemt — implies the 
 
 rather sharp rebuke for the Templar, that he is meddling in affairs 
 that do not concern him. 
 
 3455. tt?er fur met>r it>m banUn xvixb ! — i.e. the devil. 
 
3563] NOTES 33 5 
 
 X)CtS* — Dartfen used to be construed with the genitive. Owing to 
 the contamination of some genitive and accusative forms in the pro- 
 nouns, the genitive was gradually replaced by the accusative throughout 
 
 3456. 5tejen = biefen Banbcn. 
 
 3459. Was tin (Bluet, etc., viz.: to find her relatives, why? 
 Cp. 1. 3472 f. 
 
 3475. bCU lantern ZOzUtn. Cp. 1. 1564 f. Notice how little 
 the Templar makes of the creed which he professes. 
 
 3484. Sriifcercfren — Scbteeftetcben, ironical terms of en- 
 dearment. 
 
 3493. t>erbnn?en, possibly formed from Bunb, as er^en, ibv^zn 
 
 from ex, tbr J it would mean then first, to call or treat some person as 
 a dog ; then to debase; thence to spoil. It is not a very delicate term. 
 
 3494. <£r = ber (Ertgel. 
 
 3497. nntevfcfjld^Cn, ordinarily to- embezzle, here to be de- 
 prived of. 
 
 3507. 2TtannS QtnUQ) genitive with genug; enough of a man. 
 courageous enough; rarely said of women. 
 
 3512. See Appendix. 
 
 In the prose sketch Lessing has this note on our scene : ,,3tttctb 
 ftnbet an Habcl nicbts, als etrt unfcbulbtges niabcbcn, obne alle gc= 
 offenbartc Heligton, wovon fie faum btc Harnett fennt, abcr roll 
 (Sefiibl bes (Suten unb ^urcbt ror (5ott." L. M. 111. 489. 
 
 3520. CWgjt was originally a noun, and is even now rarely used 
 as a predicate objective. Commonly : ttttr tfi angjt. 
 
 3524. Cp. 1. 2101. 
 
 3525. Cp. with the above quotation another from a letter of Lessing 
 to his brother Karl, referring to the character of his Emilia Galotti : 
 ,,3<2? !ermc an ctnem unccrbciratctcn ITiabcben feme bobere £ugen= 
 ben als ^tommigfeit unb (Scborfam." 
 
 3534. Die falte Sncb^etebrfamfeit. it may be that we 
 
 are to see an Oriental feature in Nathan's pedagogical methods; it may 
 possibly be an approval of Rousseau's and Pestalozzfs ideas. But. 
 more likely, it is another reference to the quarrels preceding the pub- 
 lication of Nathan. See Appendix. 
 
 3546. jcblecfrt Unb red>t; only in this phrase fcfrlecbt has its 
 earlier meaning of fdjltdjt, plain; cp. fcblccbtbin, fcblecbtrocg, fcblecb= 
 terbings; similarly rccbt has here its older meaning, straight: plain 
 and natural ; cp. in btc ^vtcbtC gcbcn, L 3619. 
 
 3554. ttHlI £nft, needs to give vent to its care. 
 
 3563. $elten, used primarily of coins : to have value, to count. 
 
336 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 3565 
 
 3565. ttnB ♦ ♦ ♦ VCVmCQCU, a somewhat odd use of tDoUen, prob- 
 ably analogous to such expressions as : „<£tTt t>er3tr>etf cites libel trull 
 ettie rertPegene 2lv$m\/' in which case tPollert indicates that the 
 nature of the impersonal subject makes something else necessary. 
 
 3569. aufbritt^en ; aufgebrungen is really intransitive ; cmf= 
 brdngen, CUifgebrdngt are transitive ; cp. also 11. 3289 and 3590. 
 
 3576. (3ntCZ = kindness; ^dfC5 = cruelty. 
 
 3591. Some indications of Daja's missionary efforts we have seen in 
 Act ill, Sc. 1. t>Ct*fel}ieTt is now ordinarily construed with the ac- 
 cusative. 
 
 361 1. itt>et*le$UU3, reflection. She had excused Daja's efforts, 
 reflecting on her motives, and the other grounds enumerated in 1. 3603 f. 
 
 3612, CUtbcdt ttutt fyabtn ; what she claimed to be a fact 
 which she revealed to me. 
 
 3624. XViC XZHXVb XXXXV ? What feeling ca7ne over me? 
 
 3627. fcer (Bottlicfyen, b. \. ber fyetltgen ^nn^xan. 
 3630. Observe : bt& tttatjrett TXlxtUibB ; Daja acted from pure 
 motives, at least. 
 
 3639. 2TUin Svufcer tOtnmt I It will be observed, as a mat 
 ter of dramaturgical technique, that the closing words of most scenes 
 introduce a new-comer of the following scene ; cp. 1. 3226. 
 
 3640. VOXX ficfy beside herself. Cp. the opposite in 1. 3642 : 
 „Komm bod? 3U btr, Ktnb \" 
 
 3648. (Eli* er mir nidit vcvfyvidit. We now omit the 
 
 negative. Throughout the eighteenth century a negative was fre- 
 quently used in a dependent clause, expressing once more the negative 
 idea contained in the main clause : Tell: //Derfyiit' es (Sott, ba§ tcfy 
 rttcfyt i}tlfe brcmcfye \" — Similarly after main clauses with a compara- 
 tive, as in this instance. 
 
 3661. f&felltfc, rather indelicate term for "being delirious"; due 
 to Saladin's impatience with Daja's procedure. 
 
 3666. ffirttferbert ; how? Cp. 1.3246 f. 
 
 3674. Uttl^CfC^Clt, participle used imperatively. 
 
 3675. UIU fcie XV CttC lebCtt, who will vie with you in living; 
 i.e. is as young as you. Notice the UTTS, which is another expression 
 of the easy familiarity with which Saladin is trying to reassure Recha. 
 
 3683. 33t*Ufcer! a slight reproach, implying probably How can 
 you ask? Of course, they may come ! 
 
 3690. The repetition of XHd} is probably due to metrical consider- 
 ations ; similarly emefy \\\X, 1. 3697. 
 
 3703. — fcift bO&l tneine ZodlUV TtOCfy ? Nathan surmises 
 
3790] NOTES 337 
 
 the cause of Recha's tears, and, half comforting, half anxious asks his 
 question. 
 
 3705 f. Cp. 1. 1 16 if. He refers to her possible love for the Tem- 
 plar, of course. The double negative, 1. 3707, was once good German 
 as well as English. To conclude from Recha's answer that she had 
 no love for the Templar, would be just as hasty (%a&) = jad? = jab[e]), 
 and hence just as much open to censure, as the Templar's conduct. 
 
 3715. Bemtif} Mcb ntd}t; cp. 1. 2816 f. 
 
 3716. iEnt^egeitf'ommert, erraten* Saladin knew that 
 
 Nathan had, in a sense, refused the Templar's request for Recha's 
 hand, and surmised that the Templar had since then not seen Recha, 
 and so had not made her acquainted with his wishes. Could not 
 Recha on that ground say that she was threatened with no other loss? 
 
 3727. ni&lt QZUan rte^men, to make allowance. 
 
 3728. tt>artU = bt^tg, fiery, impulsive, 
 
 3729. Citt5 fiit*£ CMbtVC, i.e. you must balance his readiness to 
 abandon you now, with his noble deed in your behalf at the time of 
 the fire. 
 
 3731. fid} atttrctgen., to offer one's self. 
 
 3736. ift XVCtB Kecbt's, that's something great! 
 
 3737. mtimz Brufcers ; md?ts (M. H. G. ntbt) was formerly 
 
 regularly construed with a partitive genitive ; now ordinarily with POTT 
 and the dative. 
 
 3738. £<XVVC) empty appearance. 
 
 3743 f. Apparently slightly sarcastic, or in a tone of superiority, 
 which Nathan ably retaliates. 
 
 3754. Ctuffcinfcert, foist upon one. 
 
 3756. <E thrift, again in its pregnant meaning of 1. 2786. It is 
 hardly the Christian, however, or religious fanaticism, which is at the 
 bottom of this low suspicion. Cp. 1. 3512, and note. Nathan under- 
 stands his motives better. 
 
 3761. ttVQXVCbn [base siispicion) and 2Hif*traun {Jack of con- 
 fidence) come from the same source. 
 
 3767. einen einer Citge (genitive of cause) ftrafen, to accuse 
 
 one of a lie. 
 
 3770. Da5 l>ief ? <&Ott tfyrt f yVZCtyCU always implies a threat : 
 lucky for him, he said that ! 
 
 3775. t}iet* fU CatlbC ordinarily means in this country; here. 
 to this country. It is now commonly written bter^ulaube. 
 
 3790. Here, at last, appears the reason which the Templar had 
 for concealing his real name : he did not look on his father's conduct 
 
33 8 ' NATHAN DER WEISE 
 
 3793 
 
 with favor, in spite of his much boasted liberality. See Intro- 
 duction, § 75. Notice the punctuation in these lines.* 
 
 3793. Sie <Bef Ct?tt>ifter ! This relationship may have been sug- 
 gested by Diderot's play Le Fils naturel = „Der natiirltcfye Sofyn, ober 
 bte proben ber Cugenb," which Lessing translated. As to the fitness 
 of the ending see Introduction, §§ 74 and 75, also for the rest of the 
 scene. 
 
 3794. 3fjr &VUbCVl The kind of emotion expressed in these 
 words may easily be misunderstood; be sure to take notice of 1. 3800 f. 
 
 3795. Wiv (mem Pater unb id?) finfc Setru^er, L e. in the 
 
 Templar's eyes. 
 
 3797. alles tft erlO^en an bit : you are made up of decep- 
 tion; deception y§ur face, etc. 
 
 3799. erfennen = anerfennen; cp. 1. 3835. 
 
 3810. Perftoftt fie meinetwe^en, ^^^ her on my account, 
 
 i.e. for the wrong I have once more committed against you. This is 
 plainly the meaning, as appears from ettt^elten laffett (1. 3811): 
 why let her pay the penalty. Nathan's forgiveness is simply expressed 
 in Uttb Was? penalty, for what? 
 
 3 82 5- $VanV, cp. 1. 334, note. UbtnblanbCV = a native of 
 the Occident. 
 
 3833. In view of 1. 2835, it was well for Nathan to leave it with 
 the Sultan, whether he wished to acknowledge the Templar and Recha 
 as relatives, or regard them as friends. 
 
 3836. Heffen, stretching the term to include Recha as well as 
 the Templar. 
 
 3842. Cp. 11. 3523-24; 1. 3669. 
 
 * A word must be said about the punctuation of the text. Lessing considered 
 it an important item. In a letter to his brother Carl (Jan. 17, 1779), who was 
 supervising the printing, he urged that no arbitrary changes be made, and that 
 particularly the difference between the dash ( — ) and the dots (. . .) be observed, 
 which he calls an essential point of his new punctuation for actors. Dots indi- 
 cate an interruption by the speaker himself, or by the listener; the dash indicates 
 a pause for the actor. Kuno Fischer justly says : " Lessing's punctuation is so 
 eloquent, so freighted with meaning, so significant ; every comma, every semi- 
 colon has its meaning. Some authors place dashes in want of thought ; with Les- 
 sing a dash always denotes that there were too many thoughts crowding in on 
 him. They denote a most eloquent silence." 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 34. Was Nathan unter Tugend versteht, geht hervor aus den Ge- 
 danken i'tber die Herriihuter, L. M. XIV, 160:* "Man stelle sich vor, 
 es stiinde zu unsern Zeiten ein Mann auf . . . dessen Ermahnungen und 
 Lehren auf das einzige zielten, was uns ein gliickliches Leben ver- 
 schafFen kann, auf die Tugend. Er lehrte uns, des Reichtums entbeh- 
 ren, ja ihn niehen. Er lehrte uns, unerbittlich gegen uns selbst, nach- 
 sehend gegen andere sein. Er lehrte uns, das Verdienst, auch wenn 
 es mit Ungltick und Schmach tiberhauft ist, hochachten und gegen die 
 machtige Dummheit verteidigen. Er lehrte uns die Stimme der Natur 
 in unserm Herzen lebendig empfinden. Er lehrte uns, Gott nicht nur 
 glauben, sondern was das Vornehmste ist, lieben. Er lehrte uns end- 
 lich, dem Tode unerschrocken unter die Augen gehen, und durch einen 
 willigen Abtritt von diesem Schauplatze beweisen, daB man iiberzeugt 
 sei, die Weisheit wiirde uns die Maske nicht ablegen heiBen, wenn 
 wir unsere Rolle nicht geendigt hatten." Dieser Mann ware der wahre 
 Philosoph, ganz einerlei, wie wenig er sonst von den zu diesem Namen 
 berechtigenden Kenntnissen hatte. Siehe auch Appendix, 867. 
 
 I 3^. Vgl. dazu, was Lessing am 1. August 1759 in einer Rezen- 
 sion iiber Schwarmer sagt, L. M. VIII, 133. Der Nordische Aufseher 
 hatte behauptet, die Sprache sei zu arm, alles was wir denken, in 
 Worten auszudriicken, und fahrt dann fort : ' ' Wofern man imstande 
 ware, aus dem Gedrange dieser schnell fortgesetzten Gedanken, dieser 
 Gedanken von so genauen Bestimmungen (d. h. mit feinen Gefiihls- 
 niiancen — T. D.) einige mit Kaltsinn auszunehmen, und sie in kurze 
 Satze zu bringen : was fur neue Wahrheiten von Gott wtirden oft dar- 
 unter sein !" — "Keine einzige neue Wahrheit!" — sagt Lessing. "Die 
 Wahrheit laBt sich nicht so in dem Taumel unserer Empnndungen 
 hascken. Ich verdenke es dem Verfasser sehr, daB er sich bloBgege- 
 ben, so etwas auch nur vermuten zu konnen. Er steht an der wahren 
 Quelle, aus welcher alle fanatische und enthusiastische Begriffe von 
 Gott geflossen sind. Mit wenig deutlichen Ideen von Gott und den 
 
 * Lessing's theologische Schriften, worin auch die Fragmente einbegrif- 
 fen, sind einem weiteren Leserkreise leicht zuganglich gemacht durch Chris 
 tian Gross, Lessings Theologische Schriften, 4 Teile in 2 Bd. Berlin, Hempel. 
 
 339 
 
340 NATHAN DER WEISE 153 
 
 gottlichen Vollkommenheiten setzt sich der Schwarmer hin, tiberlaBt 
 sich ganz seinen Empfindungen, nimmt die Lebhaftigkeit derselben 
 fur Deutlichkeit der Begrifife, wagt es, sie in Worte zu kleiden, und 
 wird — ein Bohme, ein Pordage (zwei bedeutende Mystiker des Mittel- 
 alters)." Vgl. dazu : Zeller, Von Sybel's His tor is c he Zeitschrift, xxm, 
 S. 347 f., wie Lessing sich in dieser Ansicht mit Leibniz und Wolff 
 begegnet. 
 
 153. Aus Marin's Geschichte Saladins hatte Lessing sich aufge- 
 zeichnet : • ' Die Kreuzbrtider, die so unwissend als leichtglaubig waren, 
 streuten oft aus, daB sie Engel in weiBen Kleidern, mit blitzenden 
 Schwertern in der Hand, und insonderheit den heiligen Georg zu 
 Pferde in voller Rtistung hatten vom Himmel herabkommen sehen, 
 welche an der Spitze ihrer Kriegsvolker gestritten hatten." (L. M. 
 ill, 491.) Vgl. auch Tasso, Gerusalemme liber at a, wo ahnliche Er- 
 scheinungen mehrfach erwahnt werden 
 
 Zu Zeile 199 ff. vgl. Rousseau Emile, IV {Edition stereotype, 
 d'apres le procede de Firmin Didot, tome II, p. 271): "Pourquoi mon 
 ante est-elle soumise a mes sens, et enchainee a ce corps qui Fasservit 
 et la gene? ye rien sais rien : suis-je entre dans les decrets de Dieu? 
 Mais je puis, sans temerite, former de modestes conjectures, ye me dis : 
 Si r esprit de Vhomme fut reste libre et pur, quel merit e auroit-il 
 d? aimer et suivre Vordre quHl verroit etabli, et quHl riauroit une 
 inter et a troubler ? II seroit heureux, il est vrai ; mais il manqueroit 
 a son bonheur le degre le plus sublime, la gloire de la vertu et le bon 
 temoignage de soi; il ne seroit que comme les ange's, et sans doute 
 Vhomme vertueux sera plus qu'eux" 
 
 211. Was Lessing und mit ihm Nathan unter Wundern versteht, 
 geht aus mehreren Stellen deutlich hervor. Fur sprunghafte, unmoti- 
 vierte Eingriffe in den Gang der Natur ist in der Welt kein Raum. 
 In der Rettung des Cochlaus, L. M. v, 366 f., heifit es z. B. : "Der 
 Ausgang der Kinder Israel aus Egypten ward durch einen Totschlag, 
 und man mag sagen, was man will, durch einen straibaren Totschlag 
 veranlaBt ; ist er aber deswegen weniger ein Werk Gottes und weniger 
 einWunder? — Ich weiB wohl, daB es auch eine Art von Dankbarkeit 
 gegen die Werkzeuge, wodurch unser Gltick ist befordert worden, 
 giebt, allein ich weiB auch, daB diese Dankbarkeit, wenn man sie 
 ubertreibt, zu einer Idolatrie wird (wie zum Beispiel die Dankbarkeit 
 Rechas gegen den Tempelherrn. T. D.)....Ein neuer Schriftsteller 
 hatte vor einiger Zeit einen witzigen Einfall ; er sagte, die Reforma- 
 tion sei in Deutschland ein Werk des Eigennutzes, in England ein 
 Werk der Liebe, und in dem liederreichen Frankreich das Werk eines 
 
2ii ] APPENDIX 341 
 
 Gassenhauers gewesen. Man hat sich viel Miihe gegeben, diesen Ein- 
 fall zu widerlegen ; als ob em Einfall widerlegt werden konnte? Man 
 kann ihn nicht anders widerlegen, als wenn man ihm den Witz nimmt, 
 und das ist hier nicht moglich. Er bleibt witzig, er mag nun wahr 
 oder falsch sein. Allein ihm sein Gift zu nehmen, wenn er anders 
 welches hat, hatte man ihn nur so ausdrticken diirfen : In Deutsch- 
 land hat die ewige Weisheit, welche alles zu ihrem Zwecke zu lenken 
 weiB, die Reformation durch den Eigennutz, in England durch die 
 Liebe, und in Frankreich durch ein Lied gewirkt. Auf diese Weise 
 ware aus dem Tadel der Menschen ein Lob des Hochsten geworden! 
 Doch wie schwer gehen die Sterblichen an dieses, wenn sie ihr eigenes 
 nicht damit verbinden konnen." (Vgl. Nathan, 293 ff.) Ganz ahnliche 
 Ansichten fand Lessing vertreten von Rousseau Emile, IV {Edition 
 stereotype, d'apres le pro cede de Fir?7iin Didot, tome II, p. 284): 
 "Cest Vordre inalterable de la nature qui montre le mieux la sage 
 main qui la regit; s'il arrivoit beaucoup d' exceptions, je ne saurois 
 plus, qtien penser; et pour moi je crois trop en Dieu pour croire a 
 tant de miracles si pen dignes de ltd" — Der unmittelbare Vorganger 
 Lessings in dieser Ansicht war aber Reimarus, der Fragmentist. 
 Namentlich was er Vers 220 ff. sagt, findet eine weitere Ausfuhrung 
 im zweiten Fragment (L. M. xn, 355). Nachdem zunachst die Krite- 
 rien fur die Echtheit der Weissagungen festgestellt sind, fahrt der Un- 
 genannte fort: "Bei den Wundern hat man zu beobachten, ob sie von 
 den Gegenwartigen ohne Widerspruch fur Wunder gehalten sind? 
 (Man bemerke, daB Daja den Ritter bald Tempelherr, bald Engel sein 
 laBt. T. D.) Ob dieselben das Geschick gehabt, das Naturliche und 
 die Kunstgriffe von iibernaturlichen Wirkungen zu unterscheiden ? Ob 
 die Wunder so erzahlet sind, daB man aus der Erzahlung selbst ein 
 geiibtes Urteil des Schreibers, und die Merkmale, daB es ein Wunder, 
 und nichts Naturliches oder Betrug gewesen, schlieBen kann ? Ob die 
 Wunder selbst so beschaffen sind, daB die Umstande mit einander 
 iibereinstimmen oder sich widersprechen ? Ob sie der Art sind, daB 
 sie nicht allein Gottes Macht, sondern auch seine Weisheit und Gute 
 beweisen, oder ob sie vielmehr diesen Vollkommenheiten Gottes ent- 
 gegenlaufen, und bloB die Ordnung und den Lauf der Natur storen 
 und aus der Welt einen Traum machen? Letztlich ist sehr darauf 
 zu sehen, was sie fur einen Zweck gehabt, und was denn eigentlich 
 durch diese Wunder Gutes und Herrliches ausgerichtet worden." 
 Nachdem er dann im dritten Frag?nent diese Kriterien auf die bibli- 
 schen Wunder angewandt, kommt er zu dem SchluB (S. 368): "Sehet. 
 so wenig Verstand und Nachdenken kostet es, Wunder zu machen! 
 
342 NATHAN DER WEISE - [269 
 
 So wenig ist audi nOtig (d. h. mehr darf man audi nicht haben, T.D.), 
 sie zu glauben!" (Vgl. Vers 269.) 
 
 269. Harnack, Dogmengesch. 1, 59, Anm. 2: "Der Historiker ist 
 nicht imstande, mit einem Wunder als einem sicher gegebenen ge- 
 schichtlichen Ereignis zu rechnen; denn er hebt damit die Betrach- 
 tungsweise auf, auf welcher alle geschichtliche Forschung beruht. 
 Jedes einzelne Wunder bleibt geschichtlich vollig zweifelhaft, und die 
 Summation des Zweifelhaften fuhrt niemals zu einer GewiBheit. Uber- 
 zeugt sich der Historiker trotzdem aber, daB Jesus Christus AuBer- 
 ordentliches, im strengen Sinn Wunderbares gethan hat, so schlieBt er 
 von dem einzigartigen Eindruck, welchen er von dieser Person gewonnen 
 hat, auf eine iibernaturliche Macht derselben. Dieser SchluB gehort 
 selbst dem Gebiet des religiosen Glaubens an. Ubrigens kommen nach 
 strenger geschichtlicher Priifung iiberhaupt nur die Heilungswunder 
 T esu in Betracht. Diese lassen sich allerdings aus den geschichtlichen 
 Berichten nicht eliminieren, ohne diese Berichte bis auf den Grund zu 
 zerst5ren. Allein wie ungeeignet sind sie an und fur sich, um dem, 
 dem sie beigelegt werden, nach 1800 Jahren irgend welche besondere 
 Bedeutung zu sichern! DaB er mit sich selber konnte wie er wollte, 
 daB er ein Neues schuf, ohne das Alte zu sttirzen, daB er die Menschen 
 fur sich gewann, indem er von seinem Vater ktindete, daB er ohne 
 Schwarmerei begeisterte, ohne Politik ein Reich aufrichtete, ohne Askese 
 von der Welt befreite, ohne Theologie ein Lehrer war, inmitten einer 
 Zeit der Schwarmerei und Politik, der Askese und r Theologie, das 
 ist das groBe Wunder seiner Person, und daB er, der die Berg- 
 predigt gesprochen, sich im Hinblick auf sein Leben und Sterben als 
 den Erloser und Richter der Welt verkiindete, ist das Argernis und 
 die Thorheit, welche aller Vernunft spotten." 
 
 358-9. Dramaturgies 12. Stuck, L. M. IX, 231 : "Wenn daher 
 die S emir amis des Herrn Voltaire weiter kein Verdienst hatte, als 
 dieses, worauf er sich so viel zu gute thut, daB man namlich daraus 
 die hochste Gerechtigkeit verehren lerne, die, auBerordentliche Laster- 
 thaten zu strafen, auBerordentliche Wege wahle : so wurde Semira7nis 
 in meinen Augen nur ein sehr mittelmaBiges Stuck sein. Besonders, 
 da diese Moral selbst nicht eben die erbaulichste ist. Denn es ist 
 ohnstreitig dem weisesten Wesen weit anstandiger, wenn er dieser 
 auBerordentlichen Wege nicht bedarf, und wir uns die Bestrafung des 
 Guten und Bosen in die ordentliche Kette der Dinge von ihr mit 
 eingenochten denken." — Fiir Recha werden die Worte kaum mehr 
 als ziemlich unbedeutende Trostworte gewesen sein. Fiir Nathan ent- 
 hielten sie eine tiefe Wahrheit. 
 
385 ] APPENDIX 343 
 
 360 ff. In den Gedanken uber die Herrnhuter, L. M. xiv, 154 ff. 
 erortert Lessing die These: "DerMensch ward zum Thun, und nicht 
 zum Verniinfteln erschaffen." Er zeigt, wie sich nach und nach Philo- 
 sophic und Religion in Formlichkeiten verloren und auf der praktischen 
 Seite ganz verkummerten. (159): "Was hilft es, recht zu glauben, 
 wenn man unrecht lebt? Wie glucklich, wenn ihr uns ebenso viel 
 fromme als gelehrte Nachfolger gelassen hattet! Der Aberglaube fiel. 
 Aber eben das, wodurch ihr ihn sturztet, die Vernunft, die so schwer 
 in ihrer Sphare zu erhalten ist, die Vernunft ftihrte euch auf einen 
 andern Irrweg, der zwar weniger' von der Wahrheit, doch desto wei- 
 ter von der Ausiibung der Pflichten eines Christen entfernt war. — 
 Und jetzo, da unsere Zeiten — soil ich sagen so glucklich? oder so 
 ungliicklich ? — sind, daB man eine so vortreffliche Zusammensetzung 
 von Gottesgelahrtheit und Weltweisheit gemacht hat, worinne man mit 
 Miihe und Not eine von der andern unterscheiden kann, worinne eine 
 die andere schwacht, indem diese den Glauben durch Beweise erzwin- 
 gen, und jene die Beweise durch den Glauben unterstiitzen soil; jetzo, 
 sage ich, ist durch diese verkehrte Art, das Christentum zu lehren, 
 ein wahrer Christ weit seltener, als in den dunklen Zeiten geworden. 
 Der Erkenntnis nach sind wir Engel und dem Leben nach Teufel. — 
 Ich will es dem Leser iiberlassen, mehr Gleichheiten zwischen den 
 Schicksalen der Religion und der Weltweisheit aufzusuchen. Er wird 
 durchgangig finden, daB die Menschen in der einen wie in der ande- 
 ren nur immer haben verniinfteln, niemals handeln wollen." 
 
 385. Es lieBen sich eine ganze Menge Stellen anfiihren, um Les- 
 sings Determinismus, seine Ansicht von der Willensfreiheit, oder viel- 
 mehr der Willens-Gebundenheit klarzulegen. Eine einzige muB genii- 
 gen. "Der dritte Aufsatz (Jerusalems Uber die Freiheif) zeiget, wie 
 wohl der Verfasser ein System gefaBt hatte, das wegen seiner gefahr- 
 lichen Folgerungen so verschrieen ist, und gewiB weit allgemeiner sein 
 wiirde, wenn man sich so leicht gewOhnen kftnnte, diese Folgerungen 
 selbst in dem Lichte zu betrachten, in welchem sie hier erscheinen. 
 Tugend und Laster so erklart, Belohnung und Strafe, hierauf einge- 
 schrankt : was verlieren wir, wenn man uns die Freiheit abspricht ? 
 Etwas — wenn es etwas ist — was wir nicht brauchen, was wir weder 
 zu unserer Thatigkeit hier, noch zu unserer Gliickseligkeit dort brau- 
 chen. Etwas, dessen Besitz weit unruhiger und besorgter machen 
 mtiBte, als das Gefiihl seines Gegenteils nimmermehr machen kann. — 
 Zwang und Notwendigkeit, nach welchen die Vorstellung des Besten 
 wirkt, wie viel willkommener sind sie mir als kahle Vermogenheit, 
 unter den namlichen Umstanden bald so, bald anders handeln zu kon- 
 
344 NATHAN DER WEISE L 867 
 
 nen ! Ich claiike dem Schopfer, daB ich mziss, das Beste muB. Wenn 
 ich, in diesen Schranken selbst, so viel Feliltritte noch thue, was 
 wurde geschehen, wenn ich mir ganz allein tiberlassen ware? einer 
 blinden Kraft tiberlassen ware, die sich nach keinen Gesetzen richtet, 
 und mich darum nicht minder dem Zufall unterwirft, weil dieser Zu- 
 fall sein Spiel in mir selbst hat ? — Also von der Seite der Moral ist 
 dieses System geborgen." L. M. xn, 298. — In den Gesprdchen fur 
 Freimaurer, L. M. xiii, 353 heiBt es : "Der Weise kann nicht sagen, 
 was er besser verschweigt." Grillparzer (Des Meeres und der Liebe 
 Wellen, I. Aufzug, Cotta'sche Ausgabe, S. 24) spricht genau aus, was 
 auch Nathan und Al-Hafi sagen wollen: 
 
 44 Die freie Wahl ist schwacher Thoren Spielzeug ; 
 
 Der Tiicht'ge sieht in jedem Soil ein Muss, 
 
 Und Zwang, als erste Pfiicht, ist ihm die Wahrheit." 
 
 867 ff. Allgemein ware zu diesen Versen zu vergleichen, was 
 Lessing schon im Jahre 1756 an Mendelssohn schreibt : "Ich gehe 
 noch weiter und gebe Ihnen zu iiberlegen, ob die tugendhafte That, 
 die ein Mensch aus bloBer Nacheiferung ohne deutliche Erkenntnis 
 thut, wirklich eine tugendhafte That ist und ihm als eine solche zu- 
 gerechnet werden kann." 
 
 Ferner in der Rettung des Cardanus (L. M. V, 316) laBt Carda- 
 nus den Christen sagen : ' l Der dritte Grund [fur die Echtheit des 
 christlichen Glaubens] wird von den Geboten Christi hergenommen, 
 welche nichts enthalten, was mit der Moral oder mit der natiirlichen 
 Philosophie streitet. Was sein Leben anlangt, darinne< kann es ihm 
 niemand gleich thun, und wenn er auch der allerbeste ware ; aber es 
 nachahmen kann ein jeder. Was ? konnen sag ich ? Ja, so viel du 
 dich von seinem Exempel entfernst, soviel Gottlosigkeit nimmst du 
 an." — Bedeutsamer ist, was Lessing dann, als Verteidiger der Mo- 
 hammedaner dem Cardan erwidert: L. M. v, 325: "Man sieht es wohl, 
 mein guter Cardan, daB du ein Christ bist, und daB dein Vorsatz nicht 
 sowohl gewesen ist die Religionen zu vergleichen, als die christliche, 
 so leicht als moglich, triumphieren zu lassen. Gleich anfangs bin ich 
 schlecht mit dir zufrieden, daB du die Lehren unsers Mahomets in 
 eine Klasse setzest, in welche sie gar nicht gehoren. Das, was der 
 Heide, der Jude, der Christ seine Religion nennet, ist ein Wirrwar 
 von Satzen, die eine gesunde Vernunft nie fur die ihrigen erkennen 
 wird. Sie berufen sich alle auf hohere Offenbarungen, deren Moglich- 
 keit noch nicht einmal erwiesen ist. Durch diese wollen sie Wahr- 
 heiten uberkommen haben, die vielleicht in einer andern moglichen 
 Welt, nur nicht in der unsrigen, Wahrheiten sein konnen. Sie erken- 
 
1273] APPENDIX 345 
 
 nen es selbst unci nennen sie daher Geheimnisse; ein Wort, das seine 
 Widerlegung gleich bei sich fiihret. Ich will sie dir nicht nennen, 
 sondern ich will nur sagen, daB eben sie es sind, welche die aller-- 
 grGbsten und sinnlichsten Begriffe von allem was gottlich ist, erzeu- 
 gen ; daB sie es sind, die nie dem gemeinen V T olk erlauben werden, 
 sich seinen SchOpfer auf eine anstandige Art zu denken ; daB sie es 
 sind, welche den Geist zu unfruchtbaren Betrachtungen verfiihren und 
 ihm ein Ungeheuer bilden, welches ihr den Glauben nennet. Diesem 
 gebt ihr die Schlussel des Himmels und der Hollen; und Glucks genug 
 fiir die Tugend, daB ihr sie mit genauer Not zu einer etwannigen 
 Begleiterin desselben gemacht ! Die Verehrung heiliger Hirngespinster 
 macht bei Euch ohne Gerechtigkeit selig ; aber nicht diese ohne. jene. 
 Welche Verblendung ! " 
 
 Endlich sagt Lessing in seinen Gegensatzen zu den Fragmenten: 
 (L. M. xii, 429) : "Die Religion ist nicht wahr, weil die Evangelisten 
 und Apostel sie lehrten, sondern sie lehrten sie, weil sie wahr ist. Aus 
 ihrer innern Wahrheit miissen die schriftlichen Uberlieferungen erklart 
 werden, und alle schriftliche Uberlieferungen konnen ihr keine 
 innere Wahrheit geben, wenn sie keine hat." 
 
 990. Es scheint etwas unnatiirlich, daB Saladin seiner Schwester 
 gegeniiber die Einheit seines Gottes betonen sollte. Es wird eine ver- 
 steckte Anspielung auf einen Ausdruck des Fragmentisten darin ent- 
 halten sein. .Er sagt im II Fragment: L. M. xn, 342 (auch 340): 
 "Der Jude ist im Gesetze Mosis aufs scharfste gewarnet, er soil nicht 
 mehrere Gotter anerkennen, es sei nur ein Gott. Er kann aber doch 
 die Lehre, daB Jesus sowohl Gott sei wie der Vater, und der heilige 
 Geist sowohl Gott sei wie Vater und Sohn, nicht anders einsehen als 
 eine Lehre von vielen Gottern ; er denkt wie seine Vorfahren, das sei 
 eine Gotteslasterung, daB sich Jesus selbst zum Gott gemacht. " Und 
 auch im Cardanus laBt Lessing den Mohammedaner dem Christen ge- 
 geniiber geltend machen, daB sie an nur einen einzigen Gott glauben. 
 Und im ersten Stuck seiner Dramaturgie verdenkt es Lessing einem 
 Schauspieldichter, "daB er eine Religion uberall des Polytheismus 
 schuldig macht, die fast mehr als jede andere auf die Einheit Gottes 
 dringt." 
 
 1273. Im Freigeist sagt Lessing: "Ich bin es nur allzuwohl 
 uberzeugt, daB alle ehrliche Menschen einerlei denken." L. M. 11, 58. 
 
 1293. Lessing sucht in seinen Gegensatzen, L. M. xii, 436, zu 
 erweisen, daB die gottliche Offenbarung bei den Juden vor alien 
 Volkern in gute Hande geraten sei. "Dieses unendlich mehr ver- 
 achtete als verachtliche Volk ist doch in der ganzen Geschichte 
 
346 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1309 
 
 schlechterdings das erste und einzige, welches sich ein Geschaft dar- 
 aus gemacht, seine Religion mitzuteilen und auszubreiten. Wegen des 
 Eifers, mit welchem die Juden dieses Geschaft betrieben, bestrafte sie 
 schon Christus, verlachte sie schon Horaz. Alle anderen Volker waren 
 mit ihren Religionen entweder zu geheim und zu neidisch, oder viel 
 zu kalt gegen sie gesinnt als da£ sie fur derselben Ausbreitung sich 
 der geringsten Mtihwaltung hatten unterziehen sollen. Die christ- 
 lichen Volker, die den Juden in diesem Eifer hernach gefolgt sind ? 
 iiberkamen ihn bloB, insofern sie auf den Stamm des Judentums gepfropft 
 waren-" 
 
 Interessant ist es in Verbindung mit dieser Zeile eine auch auf 
 die ganze Tendenz des Stticks bezugliche Stelle aus der Dra7?iaturgie 
 (7. Stuck, 22. Mai 1767) L. M. IX, 210-11. zu vergleichen : *'Es war 
 von dem Herrn von Cronegk ein wenig uniiberlegt, in einem Stiick, 
 dessen Stoff aus den ungliicklichen Zeiten der Kreuzziige genommen 
 ist, die Toleranz predigen, und die Abscheulichkeiten des Geistes der 
 Verfolgung an den Bekennern der mohamedanischen Religion zeigen 
 zu wollen, Denn diese Kreuzziige selbst, die in ihrer Anlage ein poli- 
 tischer Kunstgriff der Papste waren, wurden in ihrer Ausfuhrung die 
 unmenschlichsten Verfolgungen, deren sich der christliche Aberglaube 
 jemals schuldig gemacht hat ; die meisten und blutgierigsten Isme- 
 nors hatte damals die wahre Religion ; und einzelne Personen, die 
 eine Moschee beraubt haben, zur Strafe ziehen, kommt das wohl 
 gegen die unselige Raserei, welche das rechtglaubige Europa entvOl- 
 kerte, um das unglaubige Asien zu verwusten." Diese Ansicht von 
 den Kreuzztigen war dem Aufklarungsjahrhundert ganz gelaufig, Das 
 neunzehnte Jahrhundert hat in manchem dies Urteil gemildert, 
 
 1309 ff. Ernst und Falck, Gesprache fur Freimaurer, L. M. 
 xiii, 358 £ Falck : Wens die biirgerliche Gesellschaft auch nur das 
 Gute hatte, daB allein in ihr die menschliche Vernunft angebauet wer- 
 den kann, ich wurde sie auch bei weit groBeren Ubeln noch segnen. — 
 Ernst : Wer des Feuers geniefien will, sagt das Sprichwort, muB sich 
 den Rauch gefallen lassen. — Falck : Allerdings ! — Aber weil der 
 Rauch bei dem Feuer unvermeidlich ist, diirfte man darum keinen 
 Rauchfang erfinden? Und der den Rauchfang erf and, war der darum 
 ein Feind des Feuers? — Sieh, dahin wollt ich. — Ernst: Wohin? 
 ich verstehe dich nicht. — Falck : Das Gleichnis war doch sehr pas- 
 send. Wenn die Menschen nicht anders in Staaten vereinigt 
 
 werden konnten als durch jene Trennungen, werden sie darum gut, 
 jene Trennungen ? — Ernst : Das wohl nicht. — Falck : Werden sie 
 darum heilig, jene Trennungen?,.. Falck: Ich dachte [es ware] 
 
1589 ] APPENDIX 347 
 
 recht sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in jedem Staate Manner geben 
 mochte, die iiber die Vorurteile der V5lkerschaft hinweg waren und 
 
 genau wiiBten, wo Patriotismus Tugend zu sein aufhort. Recht 
 
 sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in jedem Staate Manner geben mochte, die 
 dem Vorurteil ihrer angeborenen Religion nicht unterlagen, nicht 
 glaubten, daB alles notwendig gut und wahr sein miisse, was sie fur 
 
 gut und wahr erkennen. Recht sehr zu wiinschen, daB es in 
 
 jedem Staate Manner geben mochte, welche biirgerliche Hoheit nicht 
 blendet, und biirgerliche Geringfugigkeit nicht ekelt, in deren Gesell- 
 schaft der Hohe sich gern herablaBt und der Geringe sich dreist er- 
 hebt." — Aber iibereilen soil man sich mit Reformen auch nicht: 
 "Der Freimaurer erwartet ruhig den Aufgang der Sonne und laBt die 
 Lichter brennen, so lange sie wollen und konnen. — Die Lichter aus- 
 loschen, und, wenn sie ausgeloscht sind, erst wahrnehmen, daB mar. 
 die Stumpe doch wieder anzunden oder wohl gar andere Lichter wie- 
 der aufstecken muB, das ist der Freimaurer Sache nicht." 
 
 1588. " Cardan laBt bei diesem Beweise (fur die Glaubwiirdig- 
 keit der chr. Lehre) nichts weg, als das, was ich wiinschte, daB man 
 es immer weggelassen hatte. Das Blut der Martyrer namlich, welches 
 ein sehr zweideutiges Ding ist. Er war in ihrer Geschichte ohne 
 Zweifel allzuwohl bewandert, als daB er nicht sehr viele unter ihnen 
 bemerken sollte, die eher Thoren und Rasende genannt zu werden 
 verdienen als Blutzeugen. Auch kannte er ohne Zweifel das mensch- 
 liche Herz zu gut, als daB er nicht wissen sollte, eine geliebte Grille 
 konne es eben so weit bringen, als die Wahrheit in allem ihren 
 Glanze. Kurz, er ist nicht allein ein starker Verfechter des christ- 
 lichen Glaubens, sondern auch ein vorsichtiger ; zwei Dinge, die nicht 
 immer beisammen sind. u (L. M. v, 321.) 
 
 1589 ff. Ganz im selben Geist sagt Lessing in seinen Gegen- 
 sdtzen zu den Fragment en, L. M. XII, 428: "Wie vieles laBt sich 
 noch auf alle diese Einwiirfe und Schwierigkeiten antworten ! Und 
 wenn sich auch schlechterdings nichts darauf antworten lieB : was 
 dann? Der gelehrte Theolog konnte am Ende dartiber verlegen sein, 
 aber auch der Christ? Der gewiB nicht. Jenem hochstens konnte es 
 zur Verwirrung gereichen, die Stutzen, welche er der Religion unter- 
 ziehen wollen, so erschuttert zu sehen, die Strebepfeiler so niedergerissen 
 zu finden, mit welchen er, wenn Gott will, sie so schon verwahret hatte. 
 Aber was gehen dem Christen dieses Mannes Hypothesen und Erklarun- 
 gen und Beweise an? Ihm ist es doch einmal da, das Christentum, 
 welches er so wahr, in welchem er sich so selig filhlet. Wenn der 
 Paralytikus die wohlthatigen Schlage des elektrischen Funkens erfahrt, 
 
348 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1805 
 
 was kiimmert es ihn, ob Nollet oder ob Franklin, oder ob keiner von 
 beiden recht hat? , ' 
 
 1805. Vgl. dazu die Dramaturgic, XX. St., L. M. ix, 265. "Dori- 
 mond (in Cenie, von Frau Francoise de Graffigny) hat dem Mericourt 
 eine ansehnliche Verbindung nebst dem vierten Teil seines Vermogens 
 zugedacht. Aber das ist das wenigste, worauf Mericourt geht (d. h. das 
 ist ihm lange nicht genug). Er verweigert sich dem groBmiitigen An- 
 erbieten und will sich ihm aus Uneigenniitzigkeit verweigert zu haben 
 scheinen. ' Wozu das ? ' sagt er. ' Warum wollen Sie sich Hires Ver- 
 mogens berauben? GenieBen Sie Hirer Giiter selbst, sie haben Ihnen 
 Gefahr und Arbeit geiiug gekostet' J 9 en jouirai, je vous rendrai tons 
 heureux, laBt die Graffigny den lieben gutherzigen Alten antworten. 
 " Ich will ihrer genieBen, ich will euch alle gliicklich machen." Vor- 
 trefflich ! Hier ist kein Wort zu viel ! Die wahre nachlassige Kiirze, 
 mit der ein Mann, dem Giite zur Natur geworden ist, von seiner Giite 
 spricht, wenn er davon sprechen muB ! Seines Gluckes genieBen, andere 
 gliicklich machen : beides ist ihm nur eines ; das eine ist ihm nicht bloB 
 eine Folge des andern, ein Teil des andern; das eine ist ihm ganz das 
 andere : und so wie sein Herz keinen Unterschied darunter kennt, so 
 weiB audi sein Mund keinen darunter zu machen." 
 
 1815. Vgl. Duplik, L.M. xiii, S. 23-24. " Nicht die Wahrheit, in 
 deren Besitz irgend ein Mensch ist, oder zu sein vermeinet, sondern die 
 aufrichtige Miihe, die er angewandt hat, hinter die Wahrheit zu kommen, 
 macht den Wert des Menschen. Denn nicht durch den Besitz, sondern 
 durch die Nachforschung der Wahrheit erweitern sich seine Krafte, 
 worin allein seine immer wachsende Vollkommenheit besteht. Der Be- 
 sitz macht ruhig, trage, stolz. 
 
 Wenn Gott in seiner Rechten alle Wahrheit, und in seiner Linken 
 den einzigen immer regen Trieb nach Wahrheit, obschon mit dem Zu- 
 satze, mich immer und ewig zu irren, verschlossen hielte, und sprache 
 zu mir : Wahle! Ich fiele ihm mit Demut in seine Linke und sagte : 
 "Vater gieb ! die reine Wahrheit ist ja doch nur fur dich allein." — 
 Goeze, S. 84 ff. ereifert sich sehr liber diese Stelle, und nennt das Ganze 
 Unsinn. Es ist interessant, damit zu vergleichen, was der unzweifelhaft 
 fromme und christglaubige Karl Gerock dazu sagt. Die betreffende 
 Stelle findet sich in seinem Btichlein Ideale und Ilhisionen, S. 26: "Kein 
 philosophisches System beut uns die voile und fertige Wahrheit ; aber 
 eine Wahrheit giebt es darum fiir den Idealgesinnten doch, und statt mit 
 Pilatus blasiert zu fragen: 'Was ist Wahrheit? !' halt er es mit dem tapferen 
 Lessing, der das rastlose Forschen nach Wahrheit dem ruhigen Besitz 
 derselben vorzieht. ' ' 
 
1842 ] APPENDIX 349 
 
 Ich finde zu den Worten Lessings in Erich Schmidts Lessing. Bd. II, 
 2. Aim 1 .. S. 244, die folgende Anmerkung : "Adolf Harnack schreibt mir 
 (d. h. Erich Schmidt): Vielleicht interessiert es Sie imd Ihre Leser, daB 
 ein alter Kirchenvater, ja. der erstt kirchliche Theologe im strengen 
 Sinne des Worts. Clemens Alexandriims (gest. um 202), ein Dilemma 
 gebildet hat, das dem Lessing'schen sehr verwandt ist. Er sagt in semen 
 Stromateis. IV, 22, 136 : 'Gesetzt. es schluge jemand dem christlichen 
 Denker (ry yvu<jriKO), im Sinn imd Sprachgebrauch des Clemens : dem 
 Idealchristen) vor. er moge zwischen der Erkenntnis Gottes und der 
 ewigen Seligkeit wahlen — angenommen die beiden Gtiter waren getrennt, 
 wahrend sie in Wahrheit streng identisch sind — so wiirde sich der 
 christliche Denker keinen Augenblick besinnen imd die Erkenntnis 
 Gottes wahlen.' Es ist mir wahrscheinlich, daB der patristisch so aus- 
 gezeichnet belesene Lessing diese Stelle gekannt und geradezu aus ihr 
 die Anregung geschOpft hat. aus dem ersten Dilemma ein noch feineres 
 zweites zu entwickeln. Das ist ganz seine Art, sich durch eine geist- 
 volle Bemerkung zu einer noch tieferen anregen zu lassen. Ist die 
 Clementinische Stelle der Grundtext fur Lessings Parabel. so tritt die 
 Eigenart und Feinheit seines Geistes sowohl in der Form der Erzahlung 
 als in den Xebenztigen und dem neuen Acumen besonders deutlich her- 
 vor." — Kettner dagegen macht auf eine Stelle bei Leibniz (Nouveatix 
 essais L. II, § 36: Op. philos. ed. Erdmann, p. 258) aufmerksam. die 
 dem Lessingschen Wort noch naher kommt: "Je trouve qite Fiiiqitietude 
 est essentielle a la felicite des creatures* laqnelle ne consiste jamais dajis 
 une parfaite possession, qui /es rendroit insensibles et com me stupides, 
 mais dans iin pr ogres continueV etc. 
 
 Vgl. auch Anti-Goeze, L. M. xni. 164: "Nun ist die letzte Absicht 
 des Christentums nicht unsere Seligkeit, sie mag herkommen woher sie 
 will, sondern unsere Seligkeit vermittelst unserer Erleuchtung. " 
 
 Vgl. auch Schiller, Ideal tind Leben : 
 
 "Ach. kein Weg will dahin fiihren, 
 Ach, der Himmel iiber mir 
 Will die Ei de nie beriihren, 
 Und das Dort ist niemals hier." 
 
 Ferner, Bibliolatrie (in der neuen L. M. noch nicht erschienen) - ' 'Ich 
 hatte es langst fur meine Pflicht gehalten, mit eigenen Augen zu prtifen, 
 quid liqiiidnm sit in causa Christianorum." 
 
 1842. "Ich bin ein JudV 7- Man hat es Lessing sehr veriibelt. daB 
 er gerade einen Juden zum Reprasentanten der Idee seines Gedichtes 
 gemacht hat. Abgesehen davon. daB er in seiner Vorlage beim Boccaz 
 den juden fand. ware er darin wohl auch aus inneren Grtinden zu 
 
35° NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1845 
 
 rechtfertigen, und kftnnte sich zudem atlf das Beispiel Christi berufen, 
 der, wenn er den Juden ihre Pflicht ins Gedachtnis rufen wollte, ihnen 
 5fters einen Andersglaubigen als Beispiel hinstellte, so im Gleichnis vom 
 guten Samariter {Lukas x, 30 ff.), bei der Re'inigung der zehn Aus- 
 satzigen {Lukas xvii, 15-18), im Gleichnis vom Pharisaer und Zollner 
 {Lukas xviii, 10-14). Aber wie Christus sicher nicht andeuten wollte, 
 daB die betreffenden Tugenden nur auBerhalb des Judentums zu finden 
 seien, so ist es auch sicher nicht Lessings Absicht, die Tugend einzig 
 ins Judentum zu verlegen. Vielmehr umgekehrt in beiden Fallen ; die 
 Tugend, die man vor allem im Juden- resp. Christentum suchen und 
 erwarten sollte, wenn die jeweiligen Bekenner mit dem Herzen dabei 
 gewesen waren, diese Tugend erscheint in um so hellerem Glanze, wenn 
 sie von weniger begnadeten Personen geiibt wird. Es wird ja niemand 
 leugnen wollen, da6 das Gebot der Bruderliebe ein neu Gebot ist, das 
 erst mit dem Christentum der Welt verkundet wurde. — Zudem bemerkt 
 sicher Beyschlag ganz richtig, daB Lessing, wenn er im Nathan nur die 
 gegenseitige Duldung der verschiedenen Religionen hatte lehren wollen, 
 uns drei wirklich glaubige Reprasentanten der drei positiven Religionen 
 hatte vorfiihren miissen, die trotz ihrer Uberzeugungen den andern gegen- 
 uber Duldung hatten beweisen miissen {Lessings Nathan der Weise und 
 das positive Christentum, S. 10). Nathan ist ein Jude freilich tibrigens, 
 wie's nicht viel Juden giebt, d. h. er ist nur dem Namen nach Jude, 
 und dasselbe gilt von den andern Charakteren. (Vgl. auch Spielhagen, 
 Faust und Nathan, S. 21). Nathan ist als vorchristlicher Jude kaum 
 denkbar. Der Klosterbruder, unzweifelhaft der ehrwiirdigste Christ im 
 Stuck, hat gar nicht so unrecht, wenn er auch Nathan einen Christen 
 nennt : seinem Leben nach ist er es sicher. 
 
 1845. Vgl. dazu Cardanus, L. M. v, 319. "Was ist no 1 tiger, als sich 
 von seinem Glauben zu uberzeugen, und was ist unmSglicher als Uber- 
 zeugung, ohne vorhergegangene Prtifung? Man sage nicht, daB die 
 Pruning seiner eigenen Religion schon zureiche; daB es nicht nStig sei, 
 die Merkmale der Gottlichkeit, wenn man sie an dieser schon entdeckt 
 habe, auch an anderen aufzusuchen. Man bediene sich des Gleichnisses 
 nicht, daB, wenn man einmal den rechten Weg wisse, man sich nicht 
 
 um die Irrwege zu bekummern brauche. Man lernt nicht diese 
 
 durch jenen, sondern jenen durch diese kennen. Und benimmt man 
 sich nicht, durch die Anpreisung dieser einseitigen Untersuchung, selbst 
 die Hoffnung, daB die Irrglaubigen aus Erkenntnis unsere Briider werden 
 kOnnen? Wenn man dem Christen befiehlt, nur die Lehren Christi zu 
 untersuchen, so befiehlt man auch dem Mohammedaner, sich nur um die 
 Lehre des Mohammed zu bekummern. Es ist wahr, jener wird dartiber 
 
 
i«4«5 i APPENDIX ' 351 
 
 in Gefahr kommen, einen besseren Giauben fiir einen schlechteren fahren 
 zu lassen ; allein dieser wird auch die Gelegenheit nicht haben, den 
 schlechteren mit einem besseren zu verwechsein. Doch was rede ich von 
 Gefahr? Der muB ein schwaches Vertrauen auf die ewigen Wahrheiten 
 des Heilandes setzen, der sich fiirchtet, sie mit Liigen gegeneinander zu 
 halten." — Damit steht in gewissem Widerspruch, was Nathan 1974 ff. 
 sagt. Der Weise, wenn er stehen bleibt, wo der Zufall der Geburt ihn 
 hmgeworfen, bleibt aus Einsicht, Grtinden, Wahl des Bessern, sagt der 
 Sultan. Nathan dagegen sagt, die Religionen sind nur von Seiten ihrer 
 Griinde nicht zu unterscheiden, Denn alle sollen sich auf Geschichte, 
 geschrieben oder tiberliefert, grtinden ; und Geschichte ist auf Treu und 
 Giauben hinzunehmen. Und doch macht Lessing in seinen Gegensdtzen 
 zu den Fragmenten darauf aufmerksam (L. M. xn, 429), daB "die Reli- 
 gion nicht wahr ist, weil die Evangelisten und Apostel sie lehrten (d. h. 
 weil sie geschichtlich wohl verbtirgt sein mag), sondern sie lehrten sie, 
 weil sie wahr ist. Aus ihrer inneren Wahrheit mussen die schriftlichen 
 Uberlieferungen erklart werden, und alle schriftliche Uberlieferungen 
 konnen ihr keine innere Wahrheit geben, wenn sie keine hat." — Und 
 seinem Vater gegeniiber nimmt Lessing schon als Zwanzigjahriger fiir 
 sich das Recht in Anspruch, mit eigenen Augen zuzusehen, wie es urn 
 seine Religion stehe. Auch hier kann Nathan-Lessing nicht wollen, daB 
 man blindlings seiner Vater Religion dem inneren Kern nach annehme. 
 Auch hier, ja hier vor allem gilt Goethes Wort : 
 
 " Was du ererbt von deinen Vatern hast, 
 Erwirb es, um es zu besitzen." 
 
 Nathan hat sicher weniger auf den Kern der Religion, als auf die 
 AuBerlichkeiten der verschiedenen Konfessionen Bezug. Ich glaube, 
 der Arzt in Auerbachs Auf der Hoke (II. Buch, 4. Kap., Bd. I, S. 131), 
 spricht ihm aus der Seele, wenn er sagt: "Majestat, verharren wir in 
 unserer angestammten Religion, so konnen wir in ihr frei sein, das 
 heiBt in unserm Denken iiber sie hinausgehen ; kein Ketzergericht hat 
 mehr Gewalt iiber uns. Bekennen w T ir aber eine neue Religion, so haben 
 wir kein Recht mehr, frei zu sein ; wir haben die Pflicht, sie zu be- 
 kennen ! Ein geborener Adeliger kann sich zur biirgerlichen Freiheit 
 bekennen; einer, der sich adeln laBt, kann das nicht. Und, Majestat, 
 lassen Sie mich noch ems sagen : ich betrachte es als ein Gltick fiir die 
 Menschheit und fiir unser deutsches Vaterland besonders, daB es keine 
 Konfessionseinheit giebt; dadurch allein ist die Humanitat gewahrt, denn 
 wir mussen lernen, daB es verschiedene Formen und Seelensprachen fiir 
 ein und dasselbe giebt. In der Vielfaltigkeit der Konfessionen liegt eine 
 
35 2 ' NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1875 
 
 Biirgschaft gegen den Fanatismu-3, wie weiter hinaus eine Bestatigung, 
 dafi die auBere Religionsform gleichgiiltig, ich meine, daft man in jeder 
 Religion em rechtschaffener Mensch sein kOnne, und sogar ohne auBere 
 Religion." 
 
 Auch der Fragmentist (L. M. XII, 320) macht einem Menschen einen 
 Vorwurf daraus, wenn er nicht unparteiisch zu Werke geht und gleich 
 die vaterliche und groBvaterliche Religion als eine gute Erbschaft antritt 
 oder fur bare gottliche Offenbarung halt. 
 
 1875. Locke schrieb in einem Essay unter dem Titel Error, nacli 
 Fox Bourne {Life of Locke, Vol. I, p. 306), ungefa.hr im Jahr 1672 : 
 The great division a?nong Christians is about opinions. Every sect has 
 its set of them and that is called orthodoxy ; and he that professes his 
 assent to them, though with an implicit faith and without examining is 
 orthodox and in the way to salvation ; but, if he examines and there- 
 upon questions any one of them, he is presently suspected of heresy, and, 
 if he oppose them or hold the contrary, he is presently condemned as in 
 a damnable error, and in the sure zvay to perdition. Of this one may 
 say, that there is nor can be nothing more wrong. For he that examines 
 and upon a fair examination embraces ail error for a truth, has done 
 his duty more than he who embraces the profession of the truth {for the 
 truths themselves he does not embrace) without having examined whether 
 it be true or no. For, if it be our duty to search after truth, he 
 certainly that has searched after it, though he has not found it, in some 
 points has paid a more acceptable obedience to the will of his Maker than 
 he that has not searched at all, but professes to have found truth when 
 he has neither searched nor found it; for he that takes up the opinions 
 of any church in the lump, without examining them, has truly neither 
 searched after nor found truth, but has only found those that he thinks 
 have found truth, and so receives what they say with an implicit faith, 
 and so pays them the homage that is due only to God." 
 
 Noch eine andere bedeutsame Stelle in demselben Essay ist wohl 
 des Anfiihrens wert. Sie bildet zugleich einen weiteren Kommentar zu 
 Nathan, 360 und 1587 ff. Locke macht es zunachst einem jeden zur 
 Pflicht, sich nicht zum Richter iiber die Handlungen anderer Menschen 
 aufzuwerfen, sondern fur sein Teil gut zu leben und seiner besonderen 
 Pflicht zu genugen, und fahrt dann fort : U I lay it down as a principle of 
 Christianity that the right and only way to saving orthodoxy {i. e. ortho- 
 doxy that will save) is the sincere and steady purpose of a good life. — 
 Here we may see the difference between the orthodoxy required by the 
 several sects or, as they are called, churches of Christians. The ortho- 
 doxy required by the several sects is a profession of believing the whole 
 
1 875 3 APPENDIX 353 
 
 bundle of their respective articles set down in each church's system, with- 
 out knowing the rules of every one's particular duty, or requwing a 
 sincere or strict obedience to them. But it is to be observed that this is 
 much better fitted to get and retain church members than the other way, 
 inasmuch as it is easier to make profession of believing a certain collection 
 of opinions that one never perhaps so much as reads, and several whereof 
 one could not perhaps understand if one did read and study {for no more 
 is required than a profession to believe them, expressed in an acquiescence 
 that suffers one not to question or contradict any of them), than it is to 
 practice the duties of a good life hi a sincere obedience to those precepts 
 of the gospel wherein his actions are concerned — precepts not hard to be 
 known by those who are ready and willing to obey them." 
 
 Bourne sagt liber Locke: il 'Locke had his own opi?iions about the truths 
 of Christianity , opinions which some may think unwarranted and others may 
 regard as altogether incomplete But he maintained that his own opinions 
 a?id other people's opinions on all matters of faith must be separated 
 from the plain and fundamental and sufficient rule of Christianity, the 
 sincere and steady purpose of a good life" 
 
 Ahnlich sagt Mendelssohn: '" Dogmatisch in dem strengsten Verstande 
 in Absicht auf mich. habe ich, was die wichtigsten Punkte der Religion 
 und Sittenlehre betrifft, meine Partei genommen . . . bin aber eben so skep- 
 tisch, wenn ich meinen Xachsten richten soil. Ich raume einem jeden 
 das Recht ein, das ich mir anmaBe, und setze das gr5Bte MiBtrauen 
 in meine Krafte, irgend jemanden, der auch Partei genommen hat, von 
 meiner Meinung tiberfuhren zu konnen." (Kettner, S. 23, A.) 
 
 In der Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts, § 76 ff. (L. M. XIII, 432), 
 besteht Lessing darauf, daB das Recht, die geoffenbarten "Wahrheiten in 
 Vernunftwahrheiten zu verwandeln, nicht beanstandet warden diirfe. 
 Die dazu nOtigen Spekulationen allein k5nnen uns zu jener vQlligen 
 Aufklarung gelangen lassen, uns diejenige Reinigkeit des Herzens her- 
 vorzubringen befahigen, die uns die Tugend um ihrer selbst willen zu 
 lieben fahig macht, wozu der Mensch bestimmt ist. — Da 8 zur Er- 
 reichung der Wahrheit ernstes Streben notwendig ist, deutet Lessing 
 in noch vielen andern Stellen an. Ich fiihre nur noch eine an aus 
 seiner Vorrede, etc., zu yerusalems philosophise/ten Atifsatzen, L. M. XII, 
 293 ff. "Und dazu lernte ich ihn eigentlich nur von einer Seite kennen. 
 — Allerdings zwar war das gleich diejenige Seite. von der sich meines 
 Bediinkens so yiel auf alle iibrige schlieBen laBt. Es war die Neigung, 
 das Talent, mitder sich alle gute Neigungen so wohl vertragen. welches 
 kein einziges Talent ausschliefit; nur daB man bei ihm so viele andere 
 Talente lieber nicht haben mag und, wenn man sie hat, vernach- 
 
354 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 1889 
 
 lassiget. Es war die Neigung zu deutlicher Erkenntnis, das Talent, 
 die Wahrheit bis in ihre letzte Schlupfwinkel zu verfolgen. Es war 
 der Geist der kalten Betrachtung. Aber ein warmer Geist und so viel 
 schatzbarer, der sich nicht abschrecken lieB, wenn ihm die Wahrheit 
 auf seinen Verfolgungen ofters entwischte, nicht an ihrer Mitteilbarkeit 
 verzweifelte, weil sie sich in Abwege vor ihm verlor, wohin er 
 schlechterdings ihr nicht folgen konnte." 
 
 1889. Goeze geht oft mit Lessings Marchen und Gleichnissen arg 
 ins Gericht, so S. 8 : " Ich will die Sache mit einem Bilde auf klaren. 
 Herr L. wird solches um so viel weniger an mir tadeln, da seine 
 grftBeste Starke in dem Gebrauche dieser Methode bestehet." S. 48: 
 Goeze fordert von Lessing, daB er ein Glaubensbekenntnis ablege: 
 "eine Forderung, die ihm sehr ungelegen fallen, und welche er bald 
 mit einem hohnenden Gleichnisse abweisen wird." S. 53: "Gleich 
 anfangs iibertrifft Herr L. sich selbst in der Kunst, schwachen Lesern 
 durch Bilder uber Bilder einen blauen Dunst vorzumachen und ihnen 
 gefarbte Brillen aufzusetzen. " — Lessing wehrt natiirlich gelegentlich 
 solche Angriffe spitzig ab. 
 
 1900. Ja, ja, wenns n5tig ist und ntitzt : Ahnlich Dramaturgies 
 I. Stiick, L. M. ix, 187: "Die zweite Anmerkung betrifft das 
 christliche Trauerspiel insbesondere. Die Helden desselben sind meh- 
 renteils Martyrer. Nun leben wir zu einer Zeit, in welcher die Stimme 
 der gesunden Vernunft zu laut erschallet, als daB jeder Rasende, der 
 sich mutwillig, ohne alle Not, mit Verachtung aller seiner burgerlichen 
 Obliegenheiten, in den Tod sturzet, den Titel eines Martyrers sich an- 
 maBen dtirfte. Wir wissen itzt zu wohl, die falschen Martyrer von den 
 wahren zu unterscheiden ; wir verachten jene eben so sehr, als wir 
 diese verehren, und h5chstens k5nnen sie uns eine melancholische 
 Thrane iiber die Blindheit und den Unsinn auspressen, deren wir die 
 Menschheit uberhaupt in ihnen fahig erblicken." Vgl. auch die An- 
 merkung zu 1588. 
 
 1974 ff. Sehr viele Stellen lieBen sich als Parallelen zu den hier 
 vertretenen Ansichten anfuhren. So sagt der Ungenannte in dem 
 zweiten Fragment (L. M. xn, 316 m), das sich durchweg mit der Offen- 
 barung beschaftigt, auf Seite 352 : "Wir haben aber noch die wich- 
 tigste und allerschwerste Untersuchung ubrig. Soil ein Buch als die 
 gOttliche Offenbarung, als der Grund des Glaubens und der Seligkeit 
 angenommen werden, so muB ja wohl ein Mensch erst recht klar und 
 deutlich uberfuhrt sein, daB die Schrift Gottes Wort sei, und daB die 
 Verfasser, welche sonst ohnstreitig sundliche Menschen gewesen wie 
 andere, dieses voraus gehabt, daB ihnen Gott alles eingefloBet, und 
 
1974.1 APPENDIX 355 
 
 daB sie sich darin weder selbst betrogen, noch andere betrtigen wollen . . . 
 Es ist artig, wie diese schwere und wichtige Sache denen Leuten er- 
 leichtert wird. Die Kinder lernen ein halb Dutzend Sprt che aus der 
 Bibel, darin gesagt wird, daB die Bibel Gottes Wort sei ; so sind sie 
 darnach ihr ganzes Leber hindurch mit Hilfe ihres Gedachtnisses im 
 Christentume vortrefflich gegriindet und wider alien Zweifel und An- 
 fechtung bewahret. Die Offenbarung hat denn allein das Vorrecht, sich 
 per petitionem principii zu erweisen: Die Schreiber sind von Gott ge- 
 trieben, denn sie sagen es; Beweis genug! nur schade, daB denn doch 
 allein die wahre Offenbarung solch Vorrecht haben kann, die falschen 
 aber nicht, und daB folglich die UngewiBheit bleibt, welche die wahre 
 Offenbarung sei, mithin die Notigkeit solcher Untersuchung aus besseren 
 Griinden bestatiget wird." 
 
 Ahnlich Lessings : Beweis des Geistes und der Kraft (L. M. xin, 
 if.) Auch im Cardanus, L. M. v, 321 : "Cardan hatte es bei den 
 historischen Griinden konnen bewenden lassen. Denn wer weiB nicht, 
 daB, wenn diese nur ihre Richtigkeit haben, man sonst alle Schwierig- 
 keiten unter das Joch des Glaubens zwingen miisse ? Allein er ist zu 
 klug, diese Aufopferung der Vernunft, so gerade hin, zu fordern. Er 
 behauptet vielmehr, daB die ganze Lehre Christi nichts enthalte, was 
 mit der Moral und mit der natiirlichen Weltweisheit streite, oder mit 
 ihr in keine Einstimmung kSnne gebracht werden." — 
 
 Recht stark kommt Lessings Zweifel in Bezug auf historisch iiber- 
 lieferte Beweise in seinen Gesprachenfi'ir die Frei?naurer zum Ausdruck. 
 Falck hat erwiesen, daB trotz vieler gegenstreitender Behauptungen der 
 Name Freimaurer nicht vor dem Beginn seines Jahrhunderts gebrauch- 
 lich gewesen. Ernst antwortet darauf (L. M. xin, 404) : ' ; Und das 
 hatten sie so lange ungeriigt vor den Augen der Welt treiben durfen? 
 — Falck: Warum nicht ? Der Klugen sind viel zu wenig, als daB sie 
 alien Geckereien gleich bei ihrem Entstehen widersprechen k5nn- 
 ten. Genug, daB bei ihnen keine Verjahrung stattfindet. — Freilich 
 ware es besser, wenn man vor dem Publico ganz und gar keine 
 Geckereien unternahme; denn gerade das Verachtlichste ist, daB sich 
 niemand die Miihe nimmt, sich ihnen entgegenzustellen, wodurch sie 
 mit dem Laufe der Zeit das Ansehen einer sehr ernsthaften, heiligen 
 Sache gewinnen. Da heiBt es dann iiber tausend Jahre: Wiirde man 
 denn so in die Welt haben schreiben durfen, wenn es nicht wahr ge- 
 wesen ware? Man hat diesen glaubwiirdigen Mannern damals nicht 
 widersprochen, und Ihr wollt ihnen jetzt widersprechen? — Ernst: 
 O Geschichte ! O Geschichte ! Was bist du?" 
 
 In den Gegensdtzen zu den Fragme7iten sagt Lessing (L. M. XII, 
 
35<> NATHAN DER WEISE f 1895 
 
 435) : "Aber beider (der Chiromantie und der Offenbarung) Beweise 
 sind doch aus der namlichen Klasse, sie grtinden sich beide auf Zeug- 
 nisse und Erfahrungssatze. Und das Abstechende der starksten Be- 
 weise dieser Art gegen Beweise, die aus der Natur der Dinge flieBen, 
 ist so auffallend, daB alle Kunst, dieses Auffallende zu vermindern, 
 dieses Abstechende durch allerlei Schattierungen sanfter zu machen, 
 vergebens ist." 
 
 1985. S. auch Appendix, 1309. Zu Adam Neuser bemerkt Lessing, 
 L. M. XII, 267 : "Als Neuser so weit gekommen war, daB er sich 
 kein Bedenken machte, zur mohammedanischen Religion iiberzutreten, 
 war er doch vermutlich kein Phantast, der sich von der Wahrheit der 
 mohammedanischen Religion als geoffenbarter Religion, vorziiglich vor 
 der christlichen, uberzeugt fiihlte, sondern er war ein Deist, der eine 
 geoffenbarte Religion fur so erdichtet hielt als die andere und den nur 
 die auBerste Verfolgung zu einem Tausch brachte, an den er nie wiirde 
 gedacht haben, wenn er irgendwo in der Christenheit die Duldung zu 
 finden gewuBt hatte, auf welcher unser Unbekannte fur solcher Art 
 Leute dringt." Das hieBe also, nicht aus Uberzeugung, sondern aus 
 Gleichgultigkeit verharrt man in der angestammten Religion. — Nament- 
 lich aber der Fragmentist hat fur unsere Stelle wieder das Vorbild 
 gegeben, wie auch Gross hervorhebt. Er sagt L.M. XII, 325: "Zuweilen 
 wird schon in den Ehepakten der Eltern den Kindern, die noch sollen 
 geboren werden, ihr Glaube als ein Erbgut, als ihre vaterliche oder 
 mutterliche Portion bestimmt: die Knaben bekommen etwa den katho- 
 lischen, die Madchen den lutherischen Glauben. Und siehe, sie neh- 
 men ihn, wie alle iibrigen Religionen und Sekten, nach den Ehepakten, 
 nach dem Willen und Bestimmung ihrer Eltern, nach dem Exempel 
 ihrer Vorfahren getrost an und kSnnen nicht anders handeln. Wer 
 kann von solchen Kindern eine Fahigkeit fordern, daB sie die Wahr- 
 heit dessen, was sie lernen, beurteilen und, so sie im Irrtume waren, 
 eine bessere Religion suchen und finden sollten? Wer kann ihnen 
 verdenken, daB sie bei dem Vertrauen, bei dem Gehorsame, so sie 
 ihren Eltern schuldig sind, auch derselben ihre Religion fur wahr und 
 fur die beste halten?" — Uber den Wert der Tradition vom Vater auf 
 das Kind sagt aber der Ungenannte L. M. xn, 320: "Wie vielmuB nicht 
 ferner in so manchen Jahrhunderten die Glaubwurdigkeit abnehmen, 
 wenn einer, der dergleichen zu seiner Zeit von einem andern fur wahr 
 halt, solches seinen Kindern, die Kinder wieder seinen Enkeln, die 
 Enkel seinen Urenkeln und so weiter erzahlen ! Da wird aus der aller- 
 groBten Glaubwurdigkeit eine Wahrscheinlichkeit, dann eine Sage und 
 zuletzt ein Marlein." 
 
2025 ] APPENDIX 357 
 
 Ganz denselben Gedanken finden wir aber auch in Rousseaus Emile. 
 wie iiberhaupt sich beim Vicaire Savoyard recht viele Gedan- 
 ken finden, die man in den Fragmenten und bei Lessing wieder 
 antrifft. Die betr. Stelle, Rousseau, Emile IV {Edition stereotype, oVapres 
 le procede de Firmin Didot, tonie II? p. 301) lautet : " Voulez-vous mitiger 
 cette methode, et donner la moindre prise a Vautorite des kommes ? 
 a V instant vous lid rendez tout; et si le fils d'un chretien fait bien de 
 suivre, sans un examen profond et impartial, la religio7i de so?i pere, 
 pourquoi le pi Is d'un Turc feroit-il mal de suivre de meme la religion 
 dusien? Combien d'hommes sont a Rome tres bons catholiques, qui. pa,r 
 la mefneraison, seroient tres bons inusulmans s'ils fusseiit nes a la Mecque! 
 et reciproquement que d'honnetes gens sont tres bons Turcs en Asie, qui 
 s-roient tres bons chretiens parmi nous! ye defie tous les in- 
 tolerants du monde de repondre a cela rien qui contente tin hom?ne 
 sense." 
 
 2025. "Eure Ringe sind alle drei nicht echt." Uber die Ent- 
 stehung der geoffenbarten Religion, L. M. xiv, 313 : "Die Unentbehr- 
 lichkeit einer positiven Religion, vermoge welcher die natiirliche 
 Religion in jedem Staate nach dessen naturlicher und zufalliger Be- 
 schaffenheit modifiziert wird, nenne ich die innere Wahrheit derselben, 
 und diese innere Wahrheit derselben ist bei einer so groB als bei der 
 andern. — Alle positiven und geoffenbarten Religionen sind folglich 
 gleich wahr und gleich falsch. — Gleich wahr, insofern es uberail 
 gleich notwendig gewesen ist, sich iiber verschiedene Dinge zu ver- 
 gleichen, um Ubereinstimmung und Einigkeit in der offentlichen 
 Religion hervorzubringen. Gleich falsch, indem nicht sowohl das, 
 woriiber man sich verglichen, neben dem Wesentlichen besteht, sondern 
 das Wesentliche schwacht und verdrangt. — Die beste geoffenbarte oder 
 positive Religion ist die, welche die wenigsten konventionellen Zusatze 
 zur naturlichen Religion enthalt, die guten Wirkungen der naturlichen 
 Religion am wenigsten einschrankt. " — Ich meine, man miiBte dem- 
 nach unter dem echten Ring die natiirliche Religion verstehen, welchem 
 sich die andern Ringe, je nach ihrer Wirksamkeit mehr oder weniger 
 nahern. Oder aber die positive Religion, welche die guten Wirkungen 
 der naturlichen Religion am wenigsten einschrankt. Ich glaube, man 
 darf es wohl fur festgestellt erachten, daB auch Lessing von den drei 
 in Frage kommenden Religionen in dieser Beziehung dem Christen- 
 tum den Vorrang giebt, d. h. natiirlich dem Christentum nach seinem 
 inneren Kern. In einer Rezension vom Jahr 1755 (L. M. VII, S. I) 
 sagt Lessing: "Das starkste innere Kennzeichen. woran man die einige 
 wahre Religion erkennen kann, ist ohne Zweifel dieses, daB sie eine 
 
358 NATHAN DER WEISE [2025 
 
 vollkommene Richtschnur des sittlichen Lebens dcr Menschen lehren 
 und zugleich einen iiberzeugenden Unterricht erteilen muB, wie man, 
 in'Ansehung der Abweichungen von derselben, Gnade und Vergebung 
 erlangen kOnne. Da nun aber die christliche Religion die einzige ist, 
 der man diese Eigenschaft zugestehen muB, so wird man auch zuge- 
 stehen miissen, daB ihre Wahrheit von dieser Seite iiber alle Einwiirfe 
 hinweg gesetzt sei." — Es liegt aber nahe anzunehmen, daB Lessing 
 schon hier unter der chr. Religion die Religion verstand, die er sonst 
 im Gegensatz als die Religion Christi bezeichnete, von welcher er so- 
 wohl als der Ungenannte meinte, sie enthalte nichts, was sich mit den 
 Grundsatzen der natiirlichen Religion nicht vereinen lasse. DaB es 
 nicht das orthodoxe Christentum seiner Zeit gewesen sein kann, lieBe 
 sich aus unzahligen Stellen beweisen. So sagt Lessing in einem Brief 
 an Mendelssohn. (9. Jan. 1771): "Noch mehr aber bitte ich Sie, wenn 
 Sie darauf (d. h. auf Lavaters neue Bekehrungsversuche) antworten, es 
 mit aller moglichen Freiheit, mit allem nur ersinnlichen Nachdrucke 
 zu thun. Sie allein diirfen und konnen in dieser Sache so sprechen 
 und schreiben und sind daher unendlich glucklicher als andere ehr- 
 liche Leute, die den Umsturz des abscheulichsten Gebaudes von Un- 
 sinn nicht anders als unter dem Vorwande es neu zu unterbauen, 
 bef5rdern konnen." (Das war sicher auch der Zweck, den Lessing in 
 seinen Gegensatzen zu den Fragment en verfolgte). — Gegen die An- 
 nahme, daB die naturliche Religion unter dem echten Ring zu ver- 
 stehen sei, spricht scheinbar V. 2035-6 ; denn bei ihr diirfte doch von 
 einer Tyrannei nicht die Rede sein. Man konnte versucht sein zu 
 glauben, daB zwar Nathan nicht, wohl aber Lessing mit dem echten 
 Ring die christliche Religion, oder, wie er lieber will, die Religion 
 Christi, gemeint habe. Auch in der Erziehung des Menschengeschlech- 
 tes wird angedeutet, daB mit dem Kommen Christi neue, edlere Ele- 
 mente in die judische Religion eingefuhrt wurden. Ein wichtiges 
 Zeugnis far diese Annahme ware auch aus dem Cardanus zu ent- 
 nehmen (L. M. v, 321): "Endlich sehe man auch, wie griindlich er von 
 dem Beweise der Fortpnanzung der christlichen Religion redet. Er 
 beriihrt nichts davon, als was wirklich eine schlieBende Kraft* hat 
 . . . und bemerkt auch etwas, was ich nur von wenigen bemerkt finde. 
 Dieses namlich, daB unsere Religion auch alsdann nicht aufgehort hat, 
 sich die Menschen unterwurfig zu machen, da sie von innerlichen 
 Sekten zerrissen und verwirret war. Ein wichtiger Umstand ! Ein 
 Umstand, welcher notwendig zeigt, daB in ihr etwas sein musse, wel- 
 ches unabhanglich von alien Streitigkeiten seine Kraft zu alien Zeiten 
 * Vgl. sprachlich: das schliesst fur mich, Zeile 237. 
 
2454] APPENDIX 359 
 
 auBert. Und was kann dieses anders sein, als die immer siegende 
 Wahrheit?" Das sind Lessings, nicht Cardans Worte. 
 
 2439. "Will es denn eine Klasse von Leuten nie lernen, daB es- 
 schlechterdings nicht wahr ist, daB jemals ein Mensch wissentlich und 
 vorsatzlich sich selbst verblendet habe? Es ist nicht wahr, sag' ich; 
 aus keinem geringern Grunde, als weil es nicht moglich ist." Duplik, 
 L. M. xiii, 23. Goeze, Streitschr., S. 6, sagt dagegen: "Das innere 
 Zeugnis des heiligen Geistes, welches sich durch die Kraft der heil. 
 Schrift an den Seelen derer offenbaret, welche der Wahrheit nicht 
 mutwillig widerstreben (vielleicht ist dieses dem Herrn L. lacherlich ? 
 auf seine Gefahr !) muB hier notwendig die Ehre behaupten, unser 
 Herz in der Wahrheit Gottes fest zu machen." 
 
 2445. Vgl. dazu Axiomata, L. M. xiii, 135-6: "Sollen denn, 
 miissen denn alle Christen zugleich Theologen sein? Ich habe noch 
 immer die besten Christen unter denen gefunden, die von der Theologie 
 am wenigsten wuBten. " Ahnlich der Philosoph, den Lessing inseinem 
 Aufsatz iiber die Herrnhuter auftreten laBt. Vgl. Appendix 35. 
 
 2454. Zum Patriarchen ware zu vergleichen, was Lessing iiber 
 Ismenor, den Priester in Cronegks Olint und Sophronia, sagt. Die 
 Stelle fmdet sich im 2. Stuck der Drainaturgie (L. M. ix, 192): "Ich 
 weiB wohl, die Gesinnungen miissen in dem Drama dem angenommenen 
 Charakter der Person, welche sie auBert, entsprechen; sie kcmnen also 
 das Siegel der absoluten Wahrheit nicht haben ; genug, wenn sie poe- 
 tisch wahr sind, wenn wir gestehen miissen, daB dieser Charakter, in 
 dieser Situation, bei dieser Leidenschaft, nicht anders als so habe 
 urteilen kOnnen. Aber audi diese poetische Wahrheit muB sich, auf 
 einer andern Seite, der absoluten wiederum nahern, und der Dichter 
 muB nie so unphilosophisch denken, daB er annimmt, ein Mensch 
 konne das Bose, um des Bosen wegen, wollen, er k5nne nach laster- 
 haften Grundsatzen handeln, das Lasterhafte derselben erkennen, und 
 doch gegen sich und andere damit prahlen. Ein solcher Mensch ist 
 ein Unding, so graBlich als ununterrichtend, und nichts als die arm- 
 selige Zuflucht eines schalen Kopfes, der schimmernde Tiraden fur die 
 hOchste Schonheit des Trauerspieles halt. Wenn Ismenor ein grau- 
 samer Priester ist, sind darum alle Priester Ismenors? Man wende 
 nicht ein, daB von Priestern einer falschen Religion die Rede sei. So 
 falsch war noch keine in der Welt, daB ihre Lehrer notwendig Un- 
 menschen sein miissen. Priester haben in den falschen Religionen, so 
 wie in der wahren, Unheil gestiftet, aber nicht weil sie Priester, son- 
 dern weil sie Bosewichter waren, die, zum Behuf ihrer schlimmen 
 Neigungen, die Vorrechte auch eines jeden andern Standes gemiB- 
 
360 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 2476 
 
 braucht hatten." — Brief an C. A. Schmid, 23. Mai 1770: "Als ob man 
 nicht in jeder Kirche sehr rechtglaubig sein und dennoch ein arger- 
 liches Leben fiihren konnte?" 
 
 2476 f. In dem ersten Fragment (L. M. xn, 311) greift Reimarus 
 die Theologen an, weil sie von den Laien fordern, ' ' daB sie ihre Ver- 
 nunft gefangen nehmen mussen unter dem Gehorsam des Glaubens." 
 Er weist nach, daB in der betreffenden Stelle (II. Cor. x, 4-5) Paulus 
 nicht von der Vernunft, sondern von Vernunftschliissen redet, die sehr 
 wohl falsch sein kOnnen. "Aber die Vernunft selbst, mit ihren ewigen 
 Grundregeln, ist nicht zu widerlegen, und wir mussen sie auch nimmer 
 fahren lassen, wo. wir uns nicht in unvernunftige Irrttimer stiirzen 
 wollen. Warum heiBt man uns denn die Vernunft selbst gefangen 
 nehmen? Kann dies wohl einen andern Verstand erwecken, . . . . als 
 daB die Leute ihre Vernunft, da sie doch von Dingen, die des Gottes 
 sind, nichts versteht, immer bei sich unterdrticken, und ganzlich un- 
 gebraucht lassen mussen, wenn sie gute Christen sein wollen." — Paulus 
 widerlegte die Vernunftschliisse der Corinther und gewann sie so fur 
 den christlichen Glauben. Das thun aber unsere Theologen nicht. 
 1 'Das ist nicht der rechte Weg: erst die Kinder in der Wiege par force 
 zu Christen zu taufen und ihnen dabei einen christlichen Glauben und 
 Verlangen nachder Taufe anzudichten: sie darnach, vor dem Gebrauche 
 der Vernunft, ohne alle verniinftige Religion, zu einem blinden Glau- 
 ben an die Bibel und deren Lehre anzufiihren, und solchen Glauben 
 durch Furcht und Hoffnung, durch Himmel und Holle, tief in die 
 zarten Gemuter einzupragen: endlich aber, wenn die Ja,hre der Uber- 
 legung und Prufung des Glaubens kommen sind, sie vor dem Ge- 
 brauch 4 der bloden und verdorbenen Vernunft sorgfaltig zu warnen, und 
 von ihnen zu verlangen, daB sie ihre Vernunft zum Voraus gefangen 
 nehmen sollen unter dem Gehorsam desjenigen Glaubens, der ihnen 
 bloB durch ein kindliches Vorurteil eingefl5Bet war." Vgl. den ganzen 
 Aufsatz : "Von Verschreiung der Vernunft von den Kanzeln." 
 L. M. xii, 304 f. 
 
 Fast noch scharfer driickt sich der Fragmentist in dem Aufsatz 
 Von Duldung der Deisten aus. L. M. xn, 260: "Die Wahrheit 
 muB durch Griinde ausgemacht werden, und sie stehet ihren Gegnern 
 kein Verjahrungsrecht zu . . . Sind die Theologi allein privilegiert, 
 daB sie keine Rede und Antwort geben diirfen (= brauchen) von den 
 Satzen, welche sie andern zu glauben auf burden?" 
 
 2487. Appendix 385. An anderer Stelle deutet Lessing an, daB 
 Gott als das vollkommenste Wesen in seinem Handeln durchaus ge- 
 bunden ist ; und all sein Handeln ist gut ; der Patriarch dagegen deutet 
 
25 16] APPENDIX 361 
 
 in den auf 2487 folgenden Versen an, dafi das, was nach den klei- 
 nen Regeln einer eiteln Ehre schlecht — in diesem Fall den Saladin 
 verraterisch und meuchlings zu ermorden — vor Gott gut sein kaim. 
 Vgl. dazu eine der Hauptregeln der Jesuiten, die natiirlich audi fiir 
 den Patriarchen gilt. "Auf die innere Beschaftenheit der Handlung 
 kann es natiirlich nicht ankommen, da sie in dem hohen Zwecke ihre 
 Berechtigung und Heiligung nndet ; daher wird selbst die Handlung, 
 welche, abgesehen von diesem Zwecke, eine Todsiinde oder ein Ver- 
 brechen sein wiirde, zur Tugend." Ed. Niemeyer, Continental' zu Nathan. 
 
 25 1 1. "Folget aus dem bloB moglichen Fall nicht eben das, was 
 aus dem wirklichen folgen wiirde?" fragt Lessing den Pastor Goeze, 
 als dieser in seinen Streitschriften fiir ein von Lessing erzahltes Histor- 
 chen den Beweis verlangte, dafi es wirklich geschehen sei. Und im 
 zehnten Anti-Goeze, L. M. xiii, 201 : ''Wenn der Herr Hauptpastor 
 unter diese neugierigen spielenden Kinder nicht selbst gerechnet wer- 
 den will, so sage er doch nur, in welcher ernsthaften Absicht sonst. er 
 gem den Namen meines Ungenannten wissen mochte. Kann er seine 
 Asche noch einmal zu Asche brennen lassen? Sollen seine Gebeine in 
 der Erde, welche sie willig aufnahm, nicht langer ruhen?" 
 
 2516. Rousseau, Entile. IV, p. 280 f: u 0u tontes /es religions 
 sont bonnes et agreables a Dieu, on. s'il en est une qu'il prescrive aux 
 homines et qu'il les punisse de meconnoiire. il lui a donne des signes 
 certains et manifest es pour etre distinguee comme pour la seule veri- 
 table : ces signes sont, de toils les temps et de tons les lieux, egalement 
 sens ib les a tons les homines grands et petit s, savants et ignorants, 
 Europeens. Indiens. Africains. sauvages. S'il e'toit tine religion sur la 
 terre hors de laquelle il riy eul que peine eternelle, et qii en quelque 
 lieu du monde un seul mortel de bonne foi rtettt pas ete frappe de son 
 evidence, le Dieu de cette religion seroit le plus inique et le plus cruel 
 de tyrans" 
 
 Ahnlich wird auch im zweiten Fragment (L. M. XII, 313 f) zu er- 
 weisen gesucht, daB alle anderen Fahigkeiten des Menschen ihrem Zweck 
 entsprechen. also nicht verdorben sein konnen, und es ist auch kein 
 Grund, die menschliche Vernunft allein zu verachten und ihren Ge- 
 brauch zu untersagen, In der That untersagen die Herren Theologi den- 
 selben auch nur andern ; selbst aber widerlegen sie einander eben mit 
 Vernunftschliissen. (S. 305): "Sondern man schreckt vielmehr diejeni- 
 gen, welche nun Lust bekommen mochten, nachzudenken und auf den 
 Grund ihres bisherigen blinden Glaubens zu forschen, von dem Ge- 
 brauche Hirer edelsten Xatur^abe. der Vernunft. ab. Die Vernunft 
 wird ihnen als eine scnwaciie, blinde, ^erdorbene und verfiihr er is ch? 
 
362 NATHAN DER WEISE [2522 
 
 Leiterin abgemalt, damit die Zuhftrer, welche noch nicht einmal recht 
 wissen, was Vernunft oder verniinftig heiBe, jetzt bange werden, ihre 
 Vernunft zur Erkenntnis gottlicher Dinge anzuwenden, weil sie da- 
 durch leicht zu gefahrlichen Irrtiimern gebracht werden mochten." 
 In seinen Gegensatzen, L. M. xn, 433. giebt Lessing dem Fragmen- 
 tisten zum guten Teil recht, namentlich darin, daB die Vernunft an 
 sich nicht verderbt sei. An anderer Stelle geht der Fragmentist gar 
 so weit, zu behaupten, daB "die gesunde Vernunft und das Naturge- 
 setz die eigentliche Quelle aller Pnichten und Tugenden sei, woraus 
 Christus selbst und die Apostel ihre Vorschriften geschopft haben." 
 
 2522. Vgl. Goeze, Streitschriften, 7 und 8: "So viel kann ich 
 zum Voraus sagen : werde ich in diesen Blattern eben die Logik fin- 
 den, welche Herr L. in den ubrigen, die Fragmente betreffenden 
 Schriften gebraucht hat ; so ist er keiner Antwort wiirdig. Denn 
 Sophismen, Equivocen, Fallacien, falsche, und schwache Leser blen- 
 dende Bilder, statt der Griinde ; Schltisse und Axiomen, . aus vieldeuti- 
 gen, und von ihm nicht bestimmten Worten, Holm und Naseriimpfen 
 iiber die Gegner, haben in der gelehrten Welt eben den Wert, den 
 falsche Wiirfel in der biirgerlichen haben. Die Theaterlogik, und die 
 Logik, welche in theologischen Streitigkeiten, insonderheit in denen, 
 welche die Wahrheit der christlichen Religion entscheiden sollen, ge- 
 braucht werden muB, sind himmelweit unterschieden. Die erste kann 
 auf die Zuschauer groBe Wirkung thun, und diejenige, welche Goethe 
 in seiner schandlichen Stella gebraucht hat, um die Hurerei und Viel- 
 weiberei zu rechtfertigen, hat 5fters den Zuschauern ein Jautes Jauch- 
 zen und ein heftiges Klatschen abgelocket. Allein alle Rechtschaffene 
 verabscheuen solche auf dem theologischen Kampfplatze, so wie sie in 
 juristischen Streitigkeiten die Chicane verabscheuen. In der Theater- 
 logik ist Herr L. ein groBer Meister, aber er hat von derselben in sei- 
 nen bisherigen, in ein ganz anderes Feld gehorigen Schriften bestandig 
 Gebrauch gemacht . . . Allein es werden sich Manner finden, die seinen 
 Fechterstreichen mit gehorigem Nachdruck zu begegnen wissen, und 
 die ihm zeigen, daB er mit seiner Ubertragung der Theaterlogik auf 
 den theologischen Kampfplatz selbst, die vom Aristoteles so hoch ver- 
 botene jLceraj3aoLv elg uXko yevog begehe, mit welcher der Verfasser 
 des Bogens : Uber den Beweis des Geistes und der Kraft, den Herrn 
 Dir. Schumann, aber zu seiner eigenen Schande, zu verwirren gesucht 
 hat." — S. 97: "Doch von einem Heterogeneo auf das andere, oder 
 von dem Stocke im Winkel auf den morgenden Regen zu schlieBen, 
 das verstattet seine Theaterlogik." 
 
 Es ist schade, daB wir nicht auch Lessings launige Antwort ganz 
 
2542] APPENDIX 363 
 
 hersetzen kOnnen. Sie findet sich im zweiten Anti-Goeze, L. M. 
 xiii, 148 £, und ist zugleich ein vortreffliches Urteil iiber Lessings Stil. 
 Wir miissen uns mit einem kleinen Auszug begniigen : ' ' Aber, Herr 
 Hauptpastor, das ist mein Stil, und mein Stil ist nicht meine Logik. — 
 Doch ja ! Allerdings soil auch meine Logik sein, was mein Stil ist : 
 eine Theaterlogik. So sagen Sie. Aber sagen Sie, was Sie wollen s 
 die gute Logik ist immer die namliche, man mag sie anwenden, wo- 
 rauf man will. Sogar die Art, sie anzuwenden, ist uberall die nam- 
 liche. Wer Logik in einer KomOdie zeigt, dem wiirde sie gewiB 
 auch zu einer Predigt nicht entstehen : so wie der, dem sie in einer 
 Predigt mangelt, nimmermehr mit ihrer Hilfe auch eine nur ertrag- 
 liche Kom5die zustande bringen wiirde, und wenn er der unerschopf- 
 lichste SpaBvogel unter der Sonne ware." 
 
 2531. Ahnliche Intoleranz hatte schon der Fragmentist den Chri- 
 sten zur Last gelegt. Lessing sagt dariiber in seinen Zusatzen zum 
 Fragment Von Duldung der Deisten, — L. M. xii, 267: "Neuser war 
 ein Deist, der eine geoffenbarte Religion fiir so erdichtet hielt als die 
 andere, und den nur die auBerste Verfolgung zu einem Tausche 
 brachte, an den er nie wiirde gedacht haben, wenn er irgendwo in der 
 Christenheit die Duldung zu finden gewuBt hatte, auf welche unser 
 Unbekannte fiir solcher Art Leute dringet." 
 
 2537. Vgl. Berengarius, L. M. XI, 62: ''Das Ding, was man 
 Ketzer nennt, hat eine sehr gute Seite. Es ist ein Mensch, der mit 
 seinen eigenen Augen wenigstens sehen wollen. Die Frage ist nur, ob 
 es gute Augen gewesen, mit welchen er selbst sehen wollen. Ja, in 
 gewissen Jahrhunderten ist der Name Ketzer die groBte Empfehlung, 
 die von einem Gelehrten auf die Nachwelt gebracht werden kftnnen : 
 noch grOBer als der Name Zauberer, Magus, Teufelsbanner ; denn 
 unter diesen lauft doch mancher Betriiger mit unter." 
 
 2542. Vgl. Von Duldung der Deisten, L. M. xii, 258: "Was ist 
 also an der Heuchelei so vieler bedriickten Verniinftigen anders schuld, 
 als der mit so manchem zeitlichen Ungliick verkniipfte Glaubenszwang, 
 welchen die Herren Theologi und Prediger, vermoge ihrer Schmahun- 
 gen und Verfolgungen, den Bekennern einer verniinftigen Religion bis 
 in den Tod anlegen ? " 
 
 "Wahrlich, solch Verfahren ist auf alle Weise zu miBbilligen. 
 Ein Mensch, der ohne sein Wissen in der ersten Kindheit mit Gewalt 
 zum Christen getaufet ist, und dem man den Glauben teils falschlich 
 andichtet, teils in den unverstandigen Jahren ohne Vernunft einge- 
 pragt hat, kann nach keinem gottlichen oder menschlichen Rechte ge- 
 halten sein, sobald er andere Einsichten von der Wahrheit bekommt, 
 
364 NATHAN DER WEISE [2552 
 
 eben dasselbe zu glauben, was er als ein Kind in Einfalt zu glauben 
 gelehrt war." 
 
 2552. Der Fragmentist fuhrt aus, daB es sehr von Umstanden ab- 
 hangt, ob jemand dem Christentum oder einer anderen Religion sich 
 auBerlich anschlieBt. Und da der Mensch iiber die Umstande meist 
 keine Macht hat, ware es ungerecht von Gott, ihn dafiir verantwortlich 
 zu machen. L. M. xn, 326: "Gott handelt gewiB anders im Leib- 
 lichen. Was den Menschen, und besonders auch den Kindern, zum 
 Leben notwendig ist, das reicht er durch die Natur im Uberflusse dar, 
 daB es sich alien und jeden von selbst anbietet ; und giebt wiederum 
 jedem das Vermogen, sich dessen zu bedienen. Wie kann er die Mit- 
 tel zu dem geistlichen und ewigen Leben und Wohlfahrt so sehr iiber 
 das Vermogen der Menschen gesetzt haben, daB sie (d. h. die Mittel) 
 teils unmoglich sind, teils dem Zufall tiberlassen werden?" 
 
 2555 f. Vgl. den Fragmentisten, L. M. xn, 259: "Zieht der Prie- 
 ster auf die Unglaubigen los, so denkt der gemeine Mann, dessen 
 ganze Religion im Glauben besteht, daB es Leute sind, die gar keine 
 Religion haben, die weder Gott noch Teufel, weder Himmel noch 
 Holle glauben. Denn er urteilt nach sich selbst : wenn bei ihm der 
 Glaube wegfiele, so bliebe gar keine Religion iibrig. Unchristen klin- 
 gen in des P5bels Ohren als ruchlose, lasterhafte Bosewichter. " — An 
 anderer Stelle : ' ' Der Pobel glaubt so kraftig, daB er sich wohl auf 
 seinen Glauben totschlagen lieBe, und andere gern totschliige, die das 
 nicht glauben, was er glaubt." 
 
 2579. Paulsen, Einleitung in die Philosophies S. 310:' "Die natur- 
 liche Theologie war dem achtzehnten Jahrhundert die Grundlage sei- 
 nes ganzen Denkens, ja schien ihm die Grundlage des ganzen Lebens 
 zu sein ; sie antasten hieB alle gOttliche und menschliche Ordnung auf 
 den Kopf stellen. Man hore einen so frei denkenden Mann wie Wie- 
 land (Uber den Gebrauch der Vernunft in Glaubenssachen, 1788): 
 "Der Glaube an Gott nicht nur als die erste Grundursache aller 
 Dinge, sondern auch als unumschrankten und hftchsten Gesetzgeber, 
 Regenten und Richter der Menschen macht nebst dem Glauben an 
 einen kunftigen Zustand nach dem Tode die ersten Grundartikel der 
 Religion aus. Diesen Glauben auf alle mogliche Weise zu bekraftigen 
 und zu unterstiitzen ist eines der wurdigsten und ntitzlichsten Ge- 
 schafte der Philosophic, in Riicksicht der Unentbehrlichkeit desselben 
 sogar Pflicht ; ihn anzufechten und durch alle Arten von Zweifeln und 
 Scheingriinden in den Gemutern der Menschen wankend zu machen 
 oder sogar umzustoBen, kann nicht nur zu gar nichts helfen, sondern 
 xSt im Grunde um gar nichts besser, als ein offentlicher Angriff auf 
 
2579] APPENDIX 3 6 5 
 
 die Grundverfassung des Staates, wovon die Religion einen wesent- 
 lichen Teil ausmacht, iind auf die oftentliche Ruhe und Sicherheit, 
 deren Stiitze sie ist. Ich trage also kein Bedenken, meine n unmaB- 
 geblichen Rat an den KSnig oder Fiirsten, der mich (wider alles Ver- 
 muten) nach 50 Jahren etwa iiber diese Dinge urn Rat fragen sollte, 
 noch diesen Artikel hinzuzusetzen : daB das imgereimte und argerliche 
 Disputieren gegen das Dasein Gottes oder gegen die ange7io?nme7ieu Be- 
 weise desselben, wenn man keine bessere zu geben hat, imgleichen das 
 5ffentliche Bestreiten der Lehre von der Unsterblichkeit der Seele fiir 
 ein Attentat gegen die Menschheit und gegen die btirgerliche Gesell- 
 schaft erklart und durch ein ausdriicklickes Strafgesetz verboten wer- 
 den sollte." " 
 
 Ganz irn Sinne Wielands widersetzte sich das Consistorium von Bres- 
 lau den von Friedricli dem GroBen angebahnten Schulreformen mit 
 den Worten, ''der Unterthan sei der beste, welcher am meisten {sic!) 
 glaube und der der scklechteste, welcher am meisten raisonniere." 
 Vgl. Ziegler, Geschichte der Padagogik, S. 238. — Und es ist wohl zu 
 beachten, daB selbst der Fragmentist von einem guten Staatsbtirger 
 verlangt, daB er Religion habe ; nur erklart er seine verniinftige Reli- 
 gion fur mindestens so gut als jede andere. Vgl. Von Diddling der 
 Deisten, L. M. XII, 258: "Was haben die Herren Theologi fur Recht, 
 daB sie diejenigen, die dock erne wakre Religion haben mid ausube7i, 
 sonst aber nichts wider den Staat und ihre Xebenmenschen, oder in 
 besonderen Tugendpflichten verbrechen, offentlich vor dem gemeinen 
 Haufen beschimpfen und verhaBt machen?" 
 
 Die Stelle. auf welche wohl Lessing besonders anspielt, findet sich 
 in Goeze's Streitschriften. S. 70-71 : "Woher entspringt die Sicherheit 
 unserer Monarchen und die Treue, welche sie von ihren Kriegern er- 
 warten. und wirklich bei ihnen finden? Daher ? weil solche Christen 
 sind. Sind sie es gleich nicht a lie im scharfsten Verstande ; so sind 
 doch die Grundgesetze der christlichen Religion von dem Rechte der 
 Obrigkeit, und von der Pflicht der Unterthanen, zu tief in ihre Her- 
 zen gepragt, als daB es ihnen so leicht als den Heiden. werden sollte. 
 solche daraus zu vertilgen. Werden sie aber Christen bleiben? Wird 
 nicht mit der Ehrerbietung gegen die heil. Schrift und Religion, audi 
 zugleich die Bereitwilligkeit ihren Oberherren den schuldigen Gehor- 
 sam zu leisten. und der Abscheu gegen Rebellion in ihren Herzen aus- 
 gel5schet werden. wenn es jedem Witzlinge und Xarren freistehet, mit 
 der christlichen Religion und mit der Bibel vor den Augen des ganzen 
 christlichen Publici das tollkuhnste Gespotte zu treiben? Ich habe 
 die Hoffhung zu Gott. daB die Zeit nahe sei, welche diesem unsinni= 
 
366 NATHAN DER WEISE [ 2592 
 
 gen Unfuge ein Ende machen wird, und daB groBe Herren, um ihrer 
 eigenen Siclierheit willen, oder wenigstens zu verhiiten, daB sie, als 
 Gottes Statth alter, als Liebhaber des Lebens, nicht nOtig haben 
 mogen, Schwert und Rad, zur Rache uber die Ubelthater gebrauchen 
 zu diirfen, solchen Thoren und den verwegenen Ausbruchen ihres Un- 
 sinns, Grenzen setzen werden." 
 
 2592. Goeze hatte Lessing und andern wegen ihrer Schriften Got- 
 tes Strafgericht angekiindigt. Lessing antwortet darauf im dritten 
 Anti-Goeze, L. M. xiii, 154: "Warum sollte er also nicht, trotz seines 
 fleiBigen Verdammens . . . selig zu werden hoffen? Ich bilde mir ein, 
 daB er selbst durch dieses Verdammen selig zu werden hoffet." 
 
 2687. Vgl. Ernst und Falk. L. M. xiii, 357: Ernst: Denn alien- 
 falls dachte ich doch, so wie du angenommen hast, daB alle Staaten 
 einerlei Verfassung hatten, daB sie auch wohl alle einerlei Religion 
 haben kOnnten; Ja, ich begreife nicht, wie einerlei Staatsverfassung 
 ohne einerlei Religion auch nur mSglich ist. — Falk: Ich eben so 
 wenig. — Auch nahm ich jenes nur an, um deine Ausflucht abzu- 
 schneiden. Eines ist zuverlassig eben so unmOglich als das andere. 
 Ein Staat : mehrere Staaten. Mehrere Staaten : mehrere Staatsver- 
 fassungen. Mehrere Staatsverfassungen : mehrere Religionen. 
 
 2997. Alcibiades, L. M. ill, 399 : Susamithres: Das weiB ich, 
 mein Vater ist ehrgeizig. — Alcibiades : Und wessen ist ein Ehrgeizi- 
 ger nicht fahig ; wie der gr5Bten Tugenden, so der schandlichsten 
 Laster, mit dem Unterschiede nur, daB diese Laster ganz unfehlbare 
 Laster, und jene Tugenden sehr zweifelhafte Tugenden sind. — Wie 
 spat habe ich das erkennen lernen ! DaB ich es nicht eher erkannt, 
 lag an dir nicht, gottlicher Sokrates. Mit welcher liebenden Hart- 
 nackigkeit verfolgtest du meine Jugend, um mich zur Kenntnis meiner 
 selbst, meiner eignen Unwiirdigkeit zu bringen, um den Stolz in mir 
 zu unterdriicken. 
 
 3024. Vgl. den Fragmentisten, Vom Zwecke yesu tmd seiner 
 Junger, L. M. xiii, 227: "Ich kann nicht umhin, einen gemeinen 
 Irrtum der Christen zu entdecken, welche aus ' der Vermischung der 
 Lehre der Apostel mit der Lehre Jesu sich einbilden, daB Jesu Ab- 
 sicht in seinem Lehramte gewesen, gewisse zum Teil neue und unbe- 
 kannte Glaubensartikel und Geheimnisse zu offenbaren, und also ein 
 neues Lehrgebaude . der Religion aufzurichten . . . Allein in alien 
 Lehren, Reden und Gesprachen Jesu kann ich davon nicht die ge- 
 ringste Spur finden. Er trieb nichts als lauter sittliche Pflichten, 
 wahre Liebe Gottes und des Nachsten : darin setzet er den ganzen In- 
 halt des Gesetzes und der Propheten : und darauf heiBet er die Hoff- 
 
 
3512 ] APPENDIX 36J 
 
 nung zu seinem Himmelreich und zur Seligkeit bauen. Ubrigens war 
 er ein geborener Jude und wollte es audi bleiben : er bezeuget, er sei 
 nicht gekommen, das Gesetz abzuschaffen, sondern zu erf alien : er 
 weiset nur, daB das Hauptsachlichste im Gesetze nicht auf die auBer- 
 lichen Dinge ankame." Moses Mendelssohn war derselben Ansicht; 
 und Heinr. Heine — der ubrigens auf religiosem Gebiet kaum zu 
 einem Urteil berechtigt sein diirfte — nennt die Christen sowohl als 
 die Hebraer Juden, nur mit dem Unterschiede, daB die einen getauft, 
 die andern ungetauft seien. 
 
 3053. Vgl. Uber die Entstehung der geoffenbarten Religion, 
 L. M. xiv, 312: "Einen Gott erkennen, sich die wiirdigsten Begriffe 
 von ihm zu machen suchen, auf diese wiirdigsten Begriffe bei alien 
 unseren Handlungen und Gedanken Rucksicht nehmen : ist der voll- 
 standigste Inbegriff aller nattirlichen Religion. Zu dieser nattirlichen 
 Religion ist ein jeder Mensch, nach dem MaBe seiner Krafte, aufge- 
 legt und verbunden." 
 
 3067. Vgl. dazu Lessings Definition eines Christen in den Axio- 
 mat a, L. M. xiii, 125: "Ehe ich weiter erzahle, Herr Pastor: waren 
 diese guten Leutchen wohl Christen, oder waren sie keine? Sie 
 glaubten sehr lebhaft, daB es ein hochstes Wesen gebe ; daB sie arme 
 sundige GeschOpfe waren ; daB dieses hOchste Wesen demohngeachtet. 
 durch ein anderes eben so holies Wesen, sie nach diesem Leben ewig 
 glucklich zu machen, die Anstalt getroffen. — Herr Pastor ; waren 
 diese Leutchen Christen, oder waren sie keine?" Dieselbe Frage 
 wiederholt er im achten Anti-Goeze. Vgl.: Das Testament Johannis, 
 L. M. xiii, 16. Hier fragt Lessing seinen Gegner : "Aber ich ver- 
 steh' Sie auch wohl nicht. — So ist die christliche Liebe nicht die 
 christliche Religion?" 
 
 3077. Mendelssohn schrieb in der 15. Morgenstunde — was ich aus 
 Kettner anfuhre — : " Hauptsachlich, was die Lehre von der Vor- 
 sehung und Regierung Gottes betrifft, kenne ich keinen Schriftsteller 
 der diese groBen Wahrheiten in derselben Lauterkeit, mit derselben 
 Uberzeugungskraft und mit demselben Interesse dem Leser ans Herz 
 gelegt hatte, als Lessing in seinem Meisterstiicke (d. h. Nathan) . . . Es 
 kommt mir so vor, als wenn er die Absicht gehabt hatte in seinem 
 Nathan eine Art von "Anti-Candide" zu schreiben. Der franzOsische 
 Dichter strengte alle auBerordentlichen Talente, die ihm die Vorsehung 
 gegeben, an, um auf diese Vorsehung selbst eine Satire zu verfertigen. 
 Der Deutsche that ebendies, um sie zu rechtfertigen und um sie den 
 Augen der Sterblichen in ihrer reinsten Verklarung zu zeigen." 
 
 3512. Frick und Gaudig bemerken zu diesem Verse: " Damit ist 
 
368 NATHAN DER WEISE [3534 
 
 der letzte Rest des Fanatismus uberwunden und ausgebrannt " (Diintzer, 
 Erlauterungen zu Nathan, S. 249), "aber auch — des Charakters. Ein 
 Tempelherr, der das Christentum einem Juden gegentiber herabsetzt 
 (wird den lautern Weizen, den Ihr gesat, das Unkraut endiich nicht 
 ersticken?) und der die MOglichkeit setzt, daB er ebensogut auch ein 
 Muselmann werden k5nne, ist kein Charakter mehr." — Wir haben in 
 der Einleitung auszufiihren gesucht, daB der Tempelherr vielmehr noch 
 kein Character set, aber sich auf dem Wege befinde, einer zu werden. 
 3534. Im xi. Band der Lachmannschen Ausgabe (nicht der neuen 
 Lachmann-Munckerschen), S. 747, findet sich folgendes Bekenntnis 
 Lessings : ' ' Ich bin nicht gelehrt — ich habe nie die Absicht gehabt, 
 gelehrt zu werden — ich m5chte nicht gelehrt sein, und wenn ich es 
 im Traume werden kSnnte. Alles, wonach ich ein wenig gestrebt 
 habe, ist, im Fall der Not ein gelehrtes Buch brauchen zu konnen. — 
 Der aus Buchern erworbene Reichtum fremder Erfahrung heiBt Gelehr- 
 samkeit. Eigne Erfahrung ist Weisheit. Das kleinste Kapital von 
 dieser ist mehr wert, als Millionen jener." Von gr5Berer Wichtigkeit 
 ist wohl eine Stelle aus den Axiomata, L. M. xni, 120: ; 'Noch kann 
 ich mich iiber eine Frage nicht genug wundern, die der Herr Pastor 
 mit einer Zuversicht thut, als ob nur eine Antwort darauf mOglich 
 ware. "Wtirde," fragt er, "wenn die neutestamentlichen Biicher 
 nicht geschrieben, und bis auf uns gekommen waren, wohl eine Spur 
 von dem, was Christus gethan und gelehrt hat, in der Welt iibrig ge- 
 blieben sein?" — Gott behute mich, jemals so klein von Christi Leh- 
 ren zu denken, daB ich diese Frage so geradezu mit Nein zu beant- 
 worten wagte. Nein ; dieses Nein sprache ich nicht nach, und wenn 
 mir es ein Engel vom Himmel vorsagte. Geschweige, da mir es nur 
 ein Lutherscher Pastor in den Mund legen will. — Alles, was in der 
 Welt geschieht, lieBe Spuren in der Welt zuriick, ob sie der Mensch 
 gleich nicht immer nachweisen kann : und nur deine Lehren, gott- 
 licher Menschenfreund, die du nicht aufzuschreiben, die du zu predigen 
 befahlest, wenn sie auch nur gepredigt worden, sollten nichts, gar 
 nichts gewirket haben, woraus sich ihr Ursprung erkennen lieBe? 
 Deine Worte sollten erst, in tote Buchstaben verwandelt, Worte des 
 Lebens geworden sein ? Sind die Biicher der einzige Weg, die Men- 
 schen zu erleuchten, und zu bessern? Ist mundliche Uberlieferung 
 nichts?" 
 
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