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 AN APPEAL 
 
 THE A-MERICi^N PEOPLE 
 
 A PROTEST 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 THE ^MERIOi^N PEOPLE 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 THREE LETTERS 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO THE GEEAT AMERICAN QUESTION, 
 
 PEACE OR WAR. 
 
 TORONTO: 
 W, C. CHEWETT & CO., PRINTERS, 17 <fe 19 KING STREET EAST. 
 
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 AN APPEAL 
 
 TO THE AMERICAN' PEOPLE AND THE CIVILIZED WORLD 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO 
 
 THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY, " PEACE OR WAR." 
 
 Whereas the American people have already made prodigious efforts to 
 " conquer a peace/' with all the terrible and destructive implements of 
 modern warfare, during the past two years : and whereas these efforts have 
 not had the desired effect, as yet : and whereas it is not absolutely certain 
 that these efforts ever will have the desired effect, however prolonged and 
 obstinately maintained they may be (the experience of the last two years 
 having demonstrated that " the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle 
 to the strong) : it becomes the bounden duty of the intelligent and humane 
 public, in America and the civilized world, to consider whether there may 
 not be some other means of settling this dispute, otherwise than by lighting 
 it out with sword and cannon. 
 
 The simplest and most obvious mode of terminating a quarrel dr dispute 
 is to concede or give up " the bone of contention," should it prove not to be 
 worth fighting for. 
 
 In applying this rule to the present question, an intelligent Northerner 
 will immediately exclaim " What ! Give up the Union. Make an uncondi- 
 tional surrender of the very thing which we have all been fighting for, and 
 which has already cost us so much blood and treasure during the last two 
 years?'' I answer, no; not an unconditional surrender; for then were all 
 this blood and treasure spent and wasted in vain. The Northern people and 
 the civilized world have a right to demand some compensating advantages 
 for all the sacrifices they have made during the past two years. The com- 
 pensating advantage is nothing less than the utter eradication of slavery and 
 oppression, wherever it exists upon the surface of this world of ours. The 
 breaking of every yoke. It is time now that every creature having the form 
 of a man should be free. Man alone, of all created beings, is susceptible of 
 indefinite improvement and advancement, socially, intellectually and morally. 
 Therefore man, now, at this age of the world, is far too precious to be used 
 
as a slave, as a mere animal, or as a machine. Have we not animals enough ? 
 Let us raise more ! They cost much less than men, and are Physically much 
 more powerful. Have we not machinery enough ? Let us invent and manu- 
 facture more ! We have already proved that nothing in this respect is 
 impossible to us. The public have only to declare that it requires a machine 
 adapted to any useful and practical purpose whatever, and it is now positively 
 certain that some one will soon be found to invent this machine, and others 
 to manufacture it. Past experience proves this. Therefore, since our God 
 is so liberal with us as to give us unlimited control over all the elements in 
 and about our earth, so that nothing is impossible for us ; no mechanical 
 power beyond our reach, so soon as we require it ; let us in like manner be 
 equally liberal towards our fellow men. Let us ^' break every yoke, and let 
 the oppressed go free.^' 
 
 The American people residing in the Southern States are not more 
 enlightened than we are at the north, therefore we cannot reasonably expect 
 them willingly to make what will appear to them a very great sacrifice 
 indeed, unless we on our part set them a good example, by making the 
 greatest sacrifices which can be expected from us. As for these past two 
 years, they at the South have poured out their blood like water, and hesi- 
 tated at no sacrifice whatever in fighting for their own independence. Why ! 
 Let them have it. They deserve that at least, if they will only concede to 
 others what they demand for themselves, by granting independence also to 
 their slaves. But the intelligent Southerner will naturally reply, that he 
 has been fighting not only for independence for himself, but also in defence 
 of his right to retain his slaves, which are almost his sole dependence, his 
 only property ; that if the institution and perpetuation of slavery has been a 
 disgrace to the age, the Southerner is no more to be blamed than the 
 Northerner. Slavery has not only been countenanced by the great bulk of 
 the North, but the largest share of the profits (such as they were) fell to the 
 North. Therefore it is but just that the North should do their share 
 towards compensating the South for the immediate loss which they will 
 undoubtedly sustain by releasing all their slaves. 
 
 The North have three strong inducements to lead them to agree to do 
 their share towards compensating the South, should they on their part agree 
 to free their slaves. 
 
 The first is, that it is but just that they should bear their part of the 
 expense, as they have already reaped their share of the profits. 
 
 The second is that, as a matter of finance or commercial policy, it would 
 be much less expensive to agree to pay their share towards compensating the 
 South for the immediate loss of their slave property, than it would be to 
 
^-9 
 
 fo^ce the South to free their slaves, or even to submit to the Union again, by 
 force of arms. 
 
 The third is that, slavery once eradicated, the great barrier between North 
 and South is broken down ; and however much separated we may be for 
 the present, our commercial and social interest and advantage will most 
 certainly ultimately lead us willingly and cordially to unite again. 
 
 It will be obvious to the intelligent reader, that if the " bone of conten- 
 tion" is thus given up on these terms, we shall have present peace and future 
 union ; and all the blood and treasure which the war has already cost will 
 not have been spent in vain. For the world will thereby have been led to 
 take one great step in social, intellectual and moral progress. 
 
 Heney Wentwoeth Monk. 
 
 St. Nicholas Hotel, Broadway, 
 
 New York, 30th March, 1863. 
 
A PROTEST 
 
 AGAINST THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, 
 
 FOR STILL PERSISTING IN ENDEAVOURING " TO CONQUER A PEACE' 
 BY FORCE OF ARMS, 
 
 INSTEAD OF SETTLING THIS DISPUTE WISELY, JUSTLY AND EQUITABLY, 
 
 IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE FOREGOING APPEAL. 
 
 "Whereas an appeal, simple and comprehensive, short and intelligible, has 
 now been made to the American people, to cease to endeavour to settle the 
 great American question of the day by brute force, after the manner of 
 irrational creatures, and to begin now to endeavour to settle this question 
 equitably, justly, reasonably and wisely, after the manner of ra^iowaZ creatures. 
 
 And whereas it is foreseen that the American people are not yet prepared 
 to receive and act in accordance with wise counsels in reference to the settle- 
 ment of this great question. 
 
 I do hereby solemnly protest against the American people, in the name of 
 the just, righteous and merciful God (who would willingly save mankind 
 from all unnecessary suffering), that if they shall still persist in endeavouring 
 to " conquer a peace" by force of arms, after this warning, that they will 
 have to thank themselves and themselves alone for all the evil that they shall 
 thus bring upon themselves. For " as the vessels of a potter shall they be 
 broken to shivers.'' God will cause them to be divided against themselves ; 
 party against party — " ruler against ruler" — " every man's sword against 
 his fellow" as it were — so that confusion and anarchy and insecurity of life 
 and property shall prevail, instead of order and security. 
 
 This I do now foresee, and this I do now foretell. Not that I have any 
 hopes of the American people, that they will now regard either this protest 
 or this appeal ; but that hereafter, when these my words shall be fulfilled, 
 and when what I have here foretold shall actually have come to pass, so that 
 this my view shall no longer appear " a matter of opinion" but " a matter of 
 fact." Then I would wish that the most intelligent and best disposed among 
 the remnant of the American people may know in whom they can have 
 confidence, to unite again for the preservation and salvation of what may yet 
 remain of the American people. 
 
 Henry Wentworth Monk. 
 
 St. Nicholas Hotel, Broadway, 
 
 New York, 31st March, 1863. 
 
~// 
 
 THREE LETTERS 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO THE GREAT AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 Georgeville, Township op Stanstead, C. E., 
 
 ^th March, 1863. 
 
 To,_ _ 
 
 Toronto. 
 
 I have decided to send you a copy of a couple of letters, which I lately 
 posted to New York. You will perceive that their object is to make a begin- 
 ning towards establishing a just and equitable basis, upon which we may hope 
 that a peaceful arrangement may ultimately be made between the two con- 
 tending parties of the American people. 
 
 Let the great bulk of intelligent men throughout America and the civilized 
 world once agree together in determining upon " a Easis," which the common 
 sense of unprejudiced and impartial men must acknowledge to be just and 
 equal ; and there is no doubt that their influence would soon create a public 
 opinion which would soon force the combatants to lay down their arms, and 
 seek to arrange their differences by measures less brutal and more God-like. 
 
 Men are not mere brute beasts, who have no other means of settling a 
 difference than by fighting it out like so many dogs. God has given us reason 
 and judgment which is undoubtedly perfect, just so far as it is enlightened. 
 If then we are the enlightened people which we profess ourselves to be, why 
 then should we continue to behave ourselves as dogs and heathens naturally 
 do ? and not as civilized and enlightened (not to say christian) men should 
 behave themselves. 
 
 If there is a difference between man and man, do we consider them justi- 
 fied in doing their utmost to murder each other, or to rob and destroy the 
 property of each other ? or do we justify small companies or communities of 
 men either, if they seek to redress their grievances by such methods ? Why 
 then should we tolerate any longer such brutality, when large communities 
 or nations differ ? 
 
 Up to this time, before any nations had arrived at the stage which is called 
 enlightened, we have been compelled to tolerate much which was brutal ; but 
 we need do so no longer now ; for now " the voice of the people'' is in reality 
 as "the voice of God." It has but to "speak and it is done" — to make 
 itself heard and it is obeyed. 
 
8 
 
 To this voice, tten, let us appeal for an equitable and peaceful adjustment 
 of the differences which threaten to lead to the destruction of one of the fore- 
 most (if not the foremost) of the nations, and myriads of the finest men of 
 our race. 
 
 Neither let the public opinion of the civilized world lose much time in 
 making itself heard ; for though it would be all-powerful now (while the 
 frenzy which always attends war is confined to the American people, the rest 
 of the civilized world still remaining, as yet, comparatively cool and reason- 
 able) yet should the chief of the European nations, by some untoward accident, 
 become involved in this desperate struggle, the frenzy of war would of course 
 extend to them also, and a reasonable and powerful public opinion would be 
 no longer possible. The " still small voice" of wisdom might then seek in 
 vain to be heard. Amid the excitement of passion and the din of war, none 
 would then hear or regard either wisdom or reason or common sense, until 
 the cities of the whole civilized world, both in Europe and America were 
 heaps of ruins. It needs no prophet to foretell this! Therefore let the 
 intelligent public be wise in time, and make its voice heard, before this fear- 
 ful and unprecedented conflagration (which already envelopes the American 
 nation) spreads any further. 
 
 Henry Wentworth Monk. 
 
 Georgeville, Township of Stanstead, C. E., 
 
 Ath Marchf 1863. 
 
 To Messrs. Fowler and Wells, 
 
 iVettJ York, 
 
 On the other side of this you will see a copy of a letter which was written 
 and posted to the New York Tribune on the 27th ult. As it is quite possible 
 that this paper may be so trammelled by party considerations as to be unable 
 to give to the world views which may possibly lead to the salvation of your 
 country, and the great advantage of the world generally, I thought it 
 would be as well to send you a copy, as I know you to be exceedingly 
 liberal publishers, who regard the real interest of your country at large more 
 than the apparent interest of a particular party. 
 
 I need not comment upon the letter, for you have only to read it over 
 carefully two or three times, and you will find that it speaks for itself, and 
 offers to the American people a basis upon which a permanent peace can be 
 re-established upon this continent. 
 
^/ 
 
 9 
 
 Of course tnatiy minor considerations are not even alluded to in ttis lettef, 
 because such considerations would soon have swelled this letter into huge 
 proportions. It would have been a volume, not a letter. Nevertheless, the 
 main argument and point is all condensed into this little letter. The basis 
 for a peaceful arrangement is undoubtedly there, and that is all that was 
 essential for the present* 
 
 This basis must be published, that the voice of the AmericaU people and 
 of the civilized world may have the opportunity to try it, and either uphold 
 it or condemn it, and find a more equitable basis Upon which to re-establish 
 peace again. For why should the American people be swept from the face 
 of the earth ? They have hitherto benefited the world incalculably I They 
 have given food to the hungry !— liberty to the oppressed ! They have led 
 the way in god-like triumphs of skill in rendering the elements of our earth 
 obedient to the will of man ! even to the compelling of the lightning to b^ 
 our messenger, to bear intelligence from nation to nation, from city to city, 
 and from man to man ! Is such a people to be allowed to destroy itself 
 utterly in a moment of frenzied passion 1 If not, they now have a most 
 favorable opportunity of showing their superiority to the rest of the world by 
 inaugurating a new era, in which passion, even in the heat of war, shall be 
 made subservient to the god-like reason which man possesses, and which was 
 originally intended to rule over all his passions (not excepting either " love 
 or war." 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 Henry Wentworth Monk. 
 
 Georgeville, Township of Stanstead, C. E., 
 
 Tiih February, 1863. 
 
 To Horace Greeley, 
 
 Editor of the New York Tribune, 
 
 Sir, — I have been occupying myself lately in trying to discover if there is 
 any peaceful solution to the great problem, which the sword has hitherto, it 
 appears, attempted in vain to solve. 
 
 At the very outset a great difficulty presents itself. In these mighty 
 struggles between millions of men an appeal to reason or justice is seldom 
 fairly made. Far from this : in general the passions of the contending parties 
 are so fully aroused that they regard nothing, and are satisfied with nothing 
 
10 
 
 but victory or defeat. So long as these passions prevail, there seems to be 
 nothing for it, but to let great armies destroy each other, and desolate their 
 country. 
 
 Could we hope that reason would be listened to, even now, at this stage of 
 the great contest, would it not surely appear to be much better for each of 
 the contending parties to make one great sacrifice rather than persist in pro- 
 secuting this desolating war to the bitter end. 
 
 Suppose that the North has but this one more great effort to make, and 
 that then the South shall lie helpless and bleeding at its mercy— conquered 
 by the sword ! can we reasonably hope that the hearts of the people of the 
 South shall then be turned to the Northern people so as to be one with them, 
 any more than this was so when New Orleans was captured by force of arms ? 
 Have we not rather much more reason to suppose that if the South is con- 
 quered and subdued by force of arms, that it will have to be retained in sub- 
 jection by force of arms also ? And then farewell to the freedom which has 
 been, up to this time, the glorious boast of America ! In what respect shall 
 we then be better off than the European nations ? Shall we not then also 
 have large standing armies, burdensome debts, and enormous taxation, &c. 
 
 If, on the other hand, it should be among the possible events that the 
 South (which has already resisted the North much longer than most of us 
 thought possible) should contrive to continue this resistance until the North 
 is wearied, what have we then ? Nothing but a contest temporarily given up 
 from sheer exhaustion on both sides ; most probably to be renewed again and 
 again, upon slight provocation, as often as the combatants shall have regained 
 their strength a little. 
 
 Thus you may perceive how that (to one not carried along by the passions 
 raised by this mortal struggle between the two divisions of your great nation) 
 there seems to be nothing for us to hope for so long as the sword and the 
 sword alone decides this contest. Perhaps this may not be so : nevertheless 
 it is at least possible that this may be so; and in that case it were well to 
 determine upon what terms it might be possible for both parties to consent 
 to lay down their arms. 
 
 Of course it is utterly impossible to satisfy the desire of both parties to 
 the full extent, when they are at direct issue with each other. The one 
 insisting upon union at all hazards and at every cost, and the other equally 
 determined upon a disunion. But though they cannot both have what they 
 desire in this respect, yet both parties may have peace with all its blessings 
 ao-ain, if they really desire this, and are each willing to make a very great 
 sacrifice for the sake of this peace. Yet great as this sacrifice will be, it will 
 not be near so great as the sacrifices that they will be called upon to make 
 
II 
 
 should they persist in carrying on this contest by the aivord to the uttermost. 
 Neither will this sacrifice be too great for either party to make for the sake 
 of a permanent peace. 
 
 Let the North be magnanimous ! Let the South be free, on condition that 
 they free their slaves. 
 
 Thus each may make a very great sacrifice for the sake of present peace 
 and future great advantage. The North may reconcile itself to this sacrifice 
 by the reflection, that no peace or union could be permanent so long as 
 slavery existed. But slavery (the direct or indirect cause of their present 
 great trouble) being rooted out, permanent union at any future time is not 
 only possible, but extremely probable, according as the people on this conti- 
 nent shall find it for their mutual interest and advantage to be united. And 
 in the mean time, the South being nominally or really a separate people on 
 one side of the still great United States, would be no more injury to them 
 than the Canadas now are on the other. 
 
 The South also might reconcile herself to the great sacrifice required on 
 her part, by the consideration that it is better to yield icillingly and nohhj 
 now, for the sake of peace and humanity, than to have to yield hereafter, 
 when sooner or later the whole civilized world might insist upon it. Besides 
 the inconvenience of the sacrifice would be only temporary. The slaves 
 would either soon make good servants, or machinery would soon be contrived 
 which would be made to do the work of a great many of them. 
 
 I have now done my part. I have communicated my idea. It remains 
 for you to give it to the world for as much as it is worth, and let it bo 
 objected to or improved on. In the mean time, 
 
 I remain very truly yours, 
 
 Henry Wentworte Monk 
 
PRIKTED AT THR STEAM PRESS ESTABLISAMENT OF 
 XT. C. CHEWETT t CO., 17 k 19 KINO STREET EAST, TORONTO. 
 
n 
 
 -6 
 
Original sent to Her Majesty, and copies posted to the Archbishop of 
 
 Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Houses of Parliament, Sir Moses 
 
 Montefiore, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Lord Mayor, and others. 
 
 THE PROPHET TO THE QUEEN. 
 
 Daughter of England ! in the time of Jonah, the King of Nineveh 
 and his Nobles proclaimed a fast unfeigned unto the Lord of heaven and 
 earth. 
 
 And, Lady Victoria, seeing the fall of London openly published in 
 her own journals, the multitude of her sins printed in paper for the 
 Synagogues and Churches of this great City : 
 
 Wilt not thou, O Queen, lay aside thy robe, cover thee with sack- 
 cloth, and command that a day of restraint be sanctified before God ? 
 
 For behold, the messenger of the Lord, that foretold the death of 
 Nicolaus of Kussia, of war, pestilence, and famine, is sent to you the 
 Sovereign of these Islands of the Sea. 
 
 Wherefore, call a solemn assembly of the Bishops, Ministers and 
 Councillors of State, and lay before them this message, that the nation 
 may know the eternal JEHOVAH can execute his threatenings. 
 
 For if ye be proud and take not warning, this people's blood shall 
 be upon you, for ye are our witnesses that we have delivered unto you the 
 charge of the Lord. 
 
 SHEMAJAH DE GILMOll. 
 London, January WtJi, 1857. 
 
 THE FAST PROCLAIMED AFTER A TIME. 
 
 " Are ye slaves of the state, or servants of God ? " 
 
 THE PR0PHF1 TO THE BISHOPS. 
 
 Lo ! I am here a Missionary among jSIinisters, the messenger of the 
 LORD of Hosts to the citizens of London. 
 
 Publishing to the Sabbath Congregations the sins of London and 
 her judgment, imprinted on the doors and walls of their Synagogues and 
 Churches. 
 
 Behold, in your days, the Ambassador of the KING eternal, presents 
 his holy credentials to the Sovereign of a people, which are gone away 
 backward. 
 
 He calls a nation to repentance before the decree bring forth : Alas, 
 that well favoured England should be in peril of invasion ; that London 
 should hear withiu her streets the sound of the trumpet, the alarm of 
 War ! 
 
 Wherefore, O ye shepherds, warn the faithful of your flocks, multiply 
 the number of the righteous, for, the intent of prophesying and of preach- 
 ing is, to save the cities and the souls of men. 
 
 SHEMAJAH DE GILMOR, 
 
 The Queen's Seer, 
 Eurdon's Hotel, Whitecross Street, London. 
 
 London, February, 9^^., 1857. 
 
 THE BISHOPS MOVED TO ACT I^'I)EPENnENTLY, AND MANY DID SO. 
 
THE SINS OF LONDON, Mc> 
 
 As published ill the Public Journals, and imprinted on the doors and walls 
 of Five Synagogues and Sixty-three Churches of England, in London, on 
 Saturday night, for the Sabbath Congregations; and copies sent to the 
 Bishops, Clergy, Queen, Nobles of piety, and to both Houses of Parliament, 
 Ambassadors, and Foreigners, in the year 1856. 
 
 A GAIN the word of the Lord came unto me, saying, Son of Man, 
 -^ shew London her abominations. 
 
 1. \\\ the midst of it, her merchants go after Mammon: the traders 
 
 have false balances, and deceitful weights. 
 
 2. The priests teach for hire, exalting themselves : the foolish inter- 
 
 preters of prophecy divine for gain. 
 
 3. Her magistrates judge for reward: the lawyers burthen ; truth and 
 
 equity are not in their courts. 
 
 4. Thy physicians are of no value ; they practise abortion, killing with 
 
 opiates : thine apothecaries sell poisons. 
 
 5. In thee the rich defile their neighbours' wives; the poor murder 
 
 children, losing soids for burial money. 
 
 6. Your young men assemble in harlots' houses : they commit whore- 
 
 dom, and shameless uncleanness. 
 
 7. Her watchmen corrupt the maidens of servantry : the police forswear 
 
 themselves, and their force is not right. 
 
 8. The glutton in his excess of meats, the drunkard in his vomit, mock 
 
 at moderation and prayer. 
 
 9. Thy midnight thieves, the dicing gamester, and idle cards, make 
 
 London a reproach unto the heathen. 
 
 10. In thee the son dishonoureth his fiither, the daughter riseth up 
 
 against her mother, the sister is humbled. 
 
 11. The sabbaths of the Lord are polluted: the profane walk through 
 
 her streets despising holiness. 
 
 12. Books of fiction are preferred to pages of truth : lying newspapers 
 
 to pulpit sermons preached in power. 
 
 13. Her churches are forsaken : the wicked rebel against the Most High: 
 
 they liave trodden down his righteous. 
 
 14. In thy synagogues are Jews that worship the scroll of the law : but 
 
 not Jh:HOVAH, the God of Jacob. 
 
 15. The rulers of the nation trust in the shadow of France: they pro- 
 
 claimed a fast unto the Lord. 
 IG. But behold, killing of sheep and slaying of oxen: revelKngs, ban- 
 quetings, and liypocrisy. 
 
 17. In thee are women contrary to Nature, yea, men witli men working 
 
 that which is unseemly. 
 
 18. Sodom hath not done so wickedly as thou and thy daughters; every 
 
 man of Belial in dark chambers. 
 
 19. Shall I not visit these ? saith the Almighty Lord : shall I not be 
 
 avenged on such a city as this ? 
 
 20. Set yourselves in array against London, ye armies of aliens; lo, I 
 
 will send a fire : 
 
 21. In your time, Queen Victoria, it shall devour her palaces, with 
 
 shouting in the day of battle. 
 
 22. And ye shall know that I the Lord have poured out my fury upon 
 
 you. 
 
 SHEMAJAH DE GILMOR. 
 Re-piMisJied in London^ Tehruary, 1857, and in 
 January, 1859, and in March^ 18G2. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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