^Aft. r VWv n rvm IAaTWAaMWV nMwWiWM /VtoAAAAA/^MAA/V* ! •' *& BWflvWW^^ VMMaa wMfm } LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.! | _ # | 4?^ Vi.3. | | UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. | .WWVMrt V\A*a. Ww\. ^mmL"NM ^^^^m^ M&ms,: ^Mm *A»rtM ^MAMVYIAV^A*AA»aA, «^Aj 2 ,aa.. ! ! ^\*.a.'"^ WW* !^Wfe^ i/^tea^3^ ■MMtem \r\-- ■ . ■ =«.i. .An. lA/lM /\-A«A' i/tofirwy-'- ■'■■■ ■- WmMftmm Mi*to&fo&8&^. mmmnw a/VWW Wm. %^%MWthf**?»&, *nmm V A ' ,^/Wl M^ i/VVWi iM^ i^/^/ ##fl^fl#^^ \:^/1^^A^ w^n^ i/wvi/vy^ ...»4^/ ' FOUR LECTURES UPON RECEIT EVENTS II ITALY: Sriinmi in tjp Mm-^wk Wrasthj BY H. FOKBES, ^ ol$ MARCH, 1851. NEW-YORK: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR BY D. FANSHAW, 33 Ann, comer of Nassau-staeet. Entered according to Act of Congress, by H. Foebes, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-one, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New-York. n S OCT XTAXiir. In consequence of the desire expressed by several American citizens, that measures should be taken, by- means of lectures, to diffuse more generally among their fellow-countrymen a knowledge of the origin, progress and projects of the movement in Italy, I have prepared a course of four Lectures upon these points. Since the earliest days of the ancient Roman Repub- lic, that state exercised immense influence over all its neighbors, till eventually its power became predominant over the known world. There were then peculiar reasons for that greatness — some of these causes yet exist — but some have passed away, never to return, unless the world should recede in civilization, and leave Italy alone in pos- session of the arts of war and of peace. In the ancient world (if I may be permitted that ex- pression) Italy was so situated, geographically, as to be about the centre : dividing the Mediterranean Sea into two parts, and commanding not only the finest military, but likewise the best commercial position. Italy is, on its northern frontier, protected by an almost impassable barrier in the Alps, whence run that chain of mountains called the Apenines, traversing the centre of the Peninsula 4 FIRST LECTURE, from North to South. From the main ridge various small branches diverge ; while the plains are intersected with large, deep and rapid rivers : thus offering to the inhabi- tants great facilities for resistance against an invading foe. The fertility of the soil is not surpassed t>y any country — its climate ranks among the finest in the world — and the mines produce abundance of iron, copper, silver, coal, sul- phur, and every mineral requisite for the use of man. Since the old system of the universe, in which our world was supposed to be flat, passed away, and gave place to our new (or round) globe, the relative situation of Italy became likewise changed. To what nation is due this passing away of the old world, and the installation of the young one 1 Who dared first to pronounce our planet to be round 1 Who had the courage and the intelligence to seek this continent, in defiance of all obstacles, prejudices, and persecutions ? To Italian intellect and perseverance we owe not only these discoveries, but likewise the mariner's compass, the bank- ing system, the telescope, the verification of the earth's motion, the discovery of the laws of gravitation, the revi- val of the arts and of literature, the thermometer, the ba- rometer, galvanism, and the fundamental principles of nearly all our modern improvements. The mental culti- vation imported from Greece to Italy has never left that soil; through the Eepublic it passed on to the Empire, and even protracted its existence during the reign of " The Dark Ages," when, throughout the known world, it was extinguished in all other spots. Popery has contrived in latter times to suppress in- tellectual development in certain professions and pursuits ; but in such channels as it can flow, without incurring the blighting suspicion of the Priests, it still shines brighter in Italy than in any other atmosphere. Nor is intellectual quickness confined to an educated few in that country — it FIRST LECTURE, 5 is to be found there rough and unpolished throughout the people in general* It is an error to suppose that popular education is at a lower ebb in Italy than in any other country in Europe. The knowledge of reading and writing generally diffused among the population in Northern Italy is scarcely equalled anywhere, unless it be in Prussia, or in the United States. Even in the kingdom of Naples, which is comparatively far behind the rest of Italy, many of the inhabitants in the poorest rural districts can read. The national genius of the nation has been more successful in preserving and in developing the seeds of learning in- herited from their ancestors, than tyranny has been in its endeavor to prevent their growth, A very natural question must arise in the mind of all men who hear these remarks. How, then, could a nation possessing such advantages allow itself to be trodden un- der foot by domestic and foreign oppression ? The expla- nation can be given in a few words — by means of Priest- craft ! But the power of the priests is passing away — the nation now perceives the baneful consequences of this influence, professedly spiritual, but really political. The people are resolved, at any cost, to free themselves from the combined dominion of despotism, whether clerical, military, domestic, or foreign. The undertaking is ardu- ous — but it is holy. The neighboring tyrants fully appre- ciate the importance of the effort : hence the formation of armed coalitions, and the activity of diplomacy to strangle young liberty in Italy, before it can attain its manhood. But Italy is not disheartened by these difficulties— she is, on the contrary, spurred forward to greater exertions. The Italian patriots seek the alliance of no royal government, but they desire the friendship and sympathy of all free people in their struggle against the common enemy of mankind. To prevent the Italians from obtaining that good will, every possible artifice is called into play. 6 FIRST LECTURE. The political events in Italy, both during the decline and since the fall of the Roman Empire, having been caused by the priesthood, it is necessary that I should notice some of the principal points which give such im- mense power into the hands of the Pope. This climax was gradually reached through apparently insignificant encroachments of the clergy, by which, having laboriously and perseveringly secured a foundation, it became compa- ratively easy for them to erect the superstructure of that colossal edifice, which not only overshadowed Italy, but even the remotest regions of the earth. In calling your attention to the following superstitions, I desire that it may be clearly understood that these evils do not exist in Italy alone, but that they are the natural inheritance of Popery, whether in Spain — France — Ireland, or elsewhere. Since the Pope has been able to wrest the sceptre of the world from the Roman Emperors, and to cheat even the Italians out of their nationality and their liberty t the remaining nations of the earth may be assured that there can be but little hope for themselves, if in an unguarded hour, Popery should be permitted to obtain a footing on their soil. The history of the early Christians is not the object of the present discourse. I must, however, remark, that so long as these congregations regulated themselves upon re. publican principles they got on remarkably well. So great was their success, that at length the princes and nobles considered it would be their interest to join them ; they took the rising religion under their protection, and (as it always happens with royal and noble reforms) conduct- ed the current into the most impure channel. Young Christianity was eventually absorbed by old Paganism — the statues of the gods became statues of saints, and the various temples (nominally Christian churches) continued, as before, to be the resort of Pagan idolators. FIRST LECTURE. 7 Among the instances of heathen gods turned into saints, or of saints turned into heathen gods, we find the image of Jupiter turned into St. Peter — in the right hand was formerly brandished a thunderbolt, which is now supplanted by a key. In such reverence is this idol held, that the right foot is reduced to half the thickness of its fel- low, from the kisses of the faithful, who come on pilgrim- age from all parts of the globe, more even than from Italy. Under the Popish superstition all virtues or vices have their protecting saint or god, the same as under the ex- ploded heathen system. St. Disma is the god (or protect- ing saint) against thieves. St. Nicola, the protector of thieves. St. Martin, of soldiers. St. Demetrius, who rais- ed a tumult against Paul, because he feared he would spoil the trade of image-making, has been dubbed the pa- tron of silver-smiths. Diseases and the various parts of the human body have their special saint or saintess, the classification depending generally upon the reputed occu- pation, mode of martyrdom, or death of the sainted indi- vidual. St. Lucia presides over diseases of the eyes, having been reported to have had her eyes put out. St. Appolonia is supposed, in her martyrdom, to have had her teeth ex- tracted, therefore, all Papists — Spanish, Irish, Portuguese, or others — suffering under the tooth-ache, are recommend- ed to pray, but especially to ?nake some present to her. St. Agata presides over diseases of the breast. St. Barbara protects from lightning. St. Biaggio the throat. St. An- dreas apoplexy, &c. &c. The Madonnas are innumerable — each priest, convent or church, upholds his own and proclaims her superiority over the neighboring pictures or statues. There are, among the most celebrated, the Madonna of the moun- tain, of the dreams, of fire, of the fountain, of the sun, snow, well, grotto, hail, lightning, &c. &c. Also a black madon- na, WITH A LITTLE BLACK JESUS. 8 FIRST LEG TUBE. Some years ago I saw near Toeplitz, in Bohemia, a groop of idols representing the Father, Son, and Holy 'Ghost. The Father was represented as an elderly gentle- man, seated in an arm-chair ; the Son, a younger and more slim figure, was seated at his right hand ; while the Holy Ghost, in the form of a triangle with glory, was perched upon the right shoulder of the Father and the left shoulder of the Son. I saw several processions of pil- grims along the road, such as I have never seen in Italy. Even in England we find that the Pope has sent a cargo of relics, duly authenticated nails from the cross — of which there are already a good number in various places. The Virgin's milk, &c. &c. (Vide debates in Parliament, and the address of Cardinal Wiseman. Beasts, birds, insects, &o. have their protecting saints. St. Antonio, abate, is the protector of horses, cows, pigs, and asses — which are sprinkled with holy water once a year, (St. Antonio's day,) at the cathedral or church. For an extra trifle the priest will save the fat pig or the stub- born ass the walk to church, by visiting, sprinkling and blessing him in his gty or stable. Cities, villages, fields, houses, families and individuals have their patron saint, of whom they generally possess (or believe that they possess) some relic. The various altars are so plentifully supplied with relics that, if these fragments were to be put together, some saints would possess more than one head, and most of them would be furnished with several arms and legs. St. Appolonia had in her shrines several bushels of her own teeth. The Italians having wittily said " what a mouthshe must have had" — his Holiness issued an order call ing them in. All these odds and ends are duly certified to be genuine, and to work miracles. In certain countries, where other religious denominations exist, and where, therefore, prudence prevents any display which might cause compari- sons injurious to Popery, these methods of procuring money FIRST LECTURE. 9 are kept as private as possible, but the dangerous delusion that Popery is different in one country from another should be constantly guarded against. It may feign to accommodate itself to circumstances, but that is only de- ception, till it can venture to show itself in its true colors and without any disguise, as it hopes soon to do in America. I will not, however, take up the time of my hearers with matters of dogma, the explanation of which I would rather leave to a Doctor of Divinity, but I must request a few moments attention to the practical working of this system, that you may comprehend the dreadful state to which Popery can reduce a country, and appreciate the dif- ficulties which the Italian patriots have had to encounter. So soon as the old religion had assumed the name of Christianity, and the gods and goddesses, with their priests, had been saved from penury by undergoing baptism, then the artful men at the head of this change commenced applying to their purposes such Biblical texts as could be construed in favor of their schemes of ambition, while the remainder was studiously concealed, the people being told that none but the priests cculd understand the inter- pretation. The priests having been permitted to obtain a footing in the government of the state, the throne of the Caesars gradually gave way to the chair of St. Peter. The Popes then began to exercise a sway over Italy and the rest of Europe, such as none of the Emperors had been able to acquire. Consuls, Proconsuls, Senators and other honor- able civil and military officers were replaced by a horde of cunning hypocritical Cardinals and Bishops, backed by legions of friars and nuns. In those times the art of print- ing had not been invented — the facilities of communica- tion between the different parts of the country were few, — everything likely to enable the laity to obtain instruc- tion was discouraged, so that knowledge was monopolized 10 FIRST' LECTURE. by the clergy, the populations became daily more hood- winked, and the atrocious system gained strength. Vari- ous attempts were, from time to time, made in Europe to throw off this horrible incubus ; till Popery succumbed in England and in part of Germany. But the priests were well aware of the vital importance of keeping Rome free from the infection of heresy, therefore they concentrated their forces round their capital, and exterminated the non- conformed in Italy. Up to the epoch of the Reformation, the authority of the Pope in all matters exceeded that of any temporal Prince. From that date his Holiness was obliged to di- vide his power with the chiefs of the several states. This infringement upon his prerogative the Pope submitted to most unwillingly ; and all successive Pontiffs have shown their determination to reassert and to reassume their "Divine Right" on the earliest opportunity. Till such an occasion may present itself, Popery having, per se, no physical force to uphold itself, trusts for that to the bayo- nets of the princes ; while these despots exact, as payment from the Pope, tha$ the Papal priesthood shall spiritually assist them in maintaining their royal and autocratical sway over the people. Such is the unholy alliance which the nations of Europe are striving to break up, by intro- ducing the principle of Civil and Religious Freedom. When we contemplate the spiritual means which the Pope has at his disposal, it will no longer be surprising that the overthrow of the despotic system should not be accomplished in the short space of time in which we all desire it should be ; but you must reflect that such revo- lutions require time to mature, and that they must have a beginning before they can have a conclusion. The nucleus of thinking patriots must, in all countries, be at first small ; and their opinions can only be disseminated by patient labor in the midst of difficulties and dangers, and FIRST LECTURE. 11 in defiance of prejudice, bigotry, and ignorance. In Ame- rica, previous to the Kevolution of '75, there were many ways of instructing the public respecting their rights and their interests ; but in Italy these means were comparative- ly few. Nevertheless, the symptoms of American revo- lution were for a long time evident, "before actual hostili- ties commenced. Let us investigate the means at the disposal of the Pope and the despots ; then let^ us observe how the pa- triots combatted these obstacles. \ Let us commence with Auricular Confession, which is the most potent lever in the hands of the priests, by which all family ties are rent asunder, friendship and confidence are overthrown, and liberty crushed. From the earliest infancy of Popish children, their rigid attendance at confession is inculcated as indispensable, under the pretence that any sins can be forgiven after their confession, and through that means only. Some minor or venial sins can be wiped off by any common priest, while mortal sins require higher function- aries to whitewash them ; and even in certain cases the Pope himself has to grant a special indulgence to the delinquent. The ceremony of confession is gone through without the exaction of any fee. Secrets have to be coaxed out j of the simple; and were not that process gratuitous, / much very valuable political information would be lost to the government and to Mother Church. But indulgences, masses, sums to be distributed in alms, (with Priests, charity begins at home,) make the gratuitous confession a very expensive business. Not the actions only, but the very thoughts are to be divulged to the confessor.* Thus the priest becomes thoroughly versed in the projects, hopes, fears, doubts, opinions, &c. * Vide Dean's Theology. 12 FIRST LECTURE. of the entire neighborhood. Did this imposture merely empty the pockets of a few silly old women, though ex- tremely improper, it would not merit to occupy one of the chief places among the evils of Popery ; but it is, in point of fact, the main reliance of despotism, by which it is enabled to enthral the masses. The father confessor is generally pretty well informed of the persons from whom the inquisitors, or the political agents, are anxious to worm out revelations ; and under the cross-questioning of a skilful Jesuit, few secrets can be kept concealed. Wives are thus drawn into bearing witness against their husbands — mothers against their children — little children against their parents — servants against their employers — friend against friend. Unguarded expressions of any man in the midst of his family, (should priestcraft or kingcraft be the object of his conversation,) will often consign the father of a family to the Inquisition, or to death. The difficulties and dangers in breaking up such a sys- tem are immense; for before a Papist will leave his creed, he must first be brought into a state of doubt ; which doubt generally gets known to the confessor. The person through whom the doubt has been disseminated gets into the Inquisition, while the doubter himself has a good chance of travelling the same road. Should a person entirely neglect the confessional, he is reported accordingly to the authorities ; and if any one should have been absent for any length of time from his parish, he is closely watched after his return till his opi- nions have been ascertained. The union of a few persons disaffected against the existing order of abuses is, there- fore, extremely hazardous. According to the regulations of the priests, no confes- sor can divulge a secret confided to him through the con- fessional ; and any priest who does so far forget his situa- tion as to betray these secrets, is supposed to commit the FIRST LECTURE. 13 greatest crime. I never heard of a priest who had be- trayed a secret, even of a most atrocious deed, provided it be merely an offence against morality, or the decalogue ; /but when the knowledge acquired affects the interest of the Government or of 'the Church, without the confessor ostensibly taking any measures, the information does in a most singular manner find its way into the bureaux of, the Inquisition, or of the political police. I will give an example of the discovery of the secret society called the Young Italy, through the confessional, in Calabria. The existence of this society was known, but the Neapolitan government could procure no traces of the corresponding members, or of their plans. The con- fessors, therefore, were applied to, and the mitre was an- nounced as the reward of the priest who could squeeze out of some penitent the desired information. A certain S was among the number of those suspected ; his wife was, consequently, questioned as to the persons who were intimate with her husband — the hypocritical priest professing the greatest esteem for her family, and pre- tending to have no other desire than to give so excellent and Christian a woman good advice as to the persons who frequented her house. This innocent and unsuspecting woman defended all the associates of her husband, and in proof of their excellence, went home to fetch some pa- pers showing their philanthropic projects. The father con- fessor, having the bishopric nearly within his grasp, waited for her return. Having perused the papers, and having expressed his satisfaction at discovering that all her hus- band's friends were such good people, he requested per- mission to keep these documents till the next day, that he might consider them more attentively, and give her advice if there should appear to be anything improper in their schemes ; and the reverend father carried them direct to the Intendente of the King. Nobody could blame the 14 FIRST LEC'tCRf. unfortunate woman : the fault lay with the diabolical sfWr em, and the reverend yiper who sat in the confessional. / Not only do the Priests pry into the family secrets of 4he whole neighborhood, but they likewise strive to ma- nage the private affairs of their flocks : to make and patcfo up again household quarrels — to take the education of the youth into their hands, lest they should become too en- lightened — and even to act as matrimonial agtents. The multiplicity of these occupations, each of which is, per se T productive of more or less vice, requires- a proportionate- host of ecclesiastics ; and a host indeed they are. As this immense spiritual army exercises no useful calling by which its members may contribute towards the productions of the country, they have to be provided for fcy the labor of their neighbors. Various methods arey therefore, put in practice, through which to replenish their pockets and their cellars ; of which inventions the most lucrative is Purgatory, whereby persons are taxed after they are dead: This matter, however, having very little of a political bearing, E shall not treat of; neither shall f say much about convents, which are scattered over the country, like so many citadels of superstition, where the inmates, fearless of exposure, may indemnify themselves for that demure behaviour which prudence dictates to them to assume outside the walls. Though I have lived for many years in Italy, I did not, till the summer of 1849 r / become fully aware of the hypocrisy of the Monks, or get an insight into the luxury of the monastic life, which I procured from the circumstance of the troops being fre- quently quartered in some of these establishments. I now can certify that the mendicant friars have stores of every sort of provision — all of the choicest quality. Un- til the occasion alluded to above, I did not believe that Italy could produce such exquisite wines as I discovered in their cellars. I have inspected many of their kitchens, / FIRST LECTURE. 15 and I can certify that they resembled museums of culinary utensils. I found in each cell a bunch of knotted cords, called a " discipline,'" with which each monk is provided for the ostensible purpose of self-flagellation — I could not discover one which bore the slightest traces of having f the order, and the education of its mem- bers especially fit them to perform the duties of a- poli- tico-clerical police. They acknowledge no law but the commands of their superior — -they have no sympathy but for their own sect. They are cruel and unrelenting, when 1 they have power — but they are cringing, hypocritical and sanctified, when in search of it. They attach great im- portance to getting the confessional into their ltands — also to having the management of public education. They well * Vide Cardinal Rioci eu Convents. 16 FIRST LECTURE. \ know that u knowledge is power,'''' and they try to monopo- J lize all for themselves. | When they discover a lad of fine ; natural abilities, every artifice is put into practice to draw y him to them. If they succeed in their project, then no pains are spared in the education of one whom they destine Thus were the friends of civilization (but the enemies of the King) exterminated, their houses sacked, and their fa- milies in most cases, even to the little children and women, thrown out of the windows. This terrible blow crushed for a time the liberal party in Naples; but the barbarities of the King and his satellites have recruited those ranks which they had thinned, so that the patriots there now number more than they did previous to May, 1848. Per- haps these atrocities were necessary to demonstrate the fallacy of hoping any good from a Prince, and of permit- ting a King to continue on his throne, to misdirect a revolution. The first act of Bomba, after his triumph of the 15th of May, was to recall his troops, which were marching to- wards the Venetian frontier. This order was received by Pepe at Bologna ; but the refusal of the General to obey, and the menacing attitude of the Bolognese, caused the march to be continued to Ferrari. General Pepe had been named to the post of commander of this division, partly to satisfy the people, who placed great reliance in him, and partly to get rid of him out of Naples during the premeditated reaction. The King placed his confidence in the second in command — General Statella, who had se- cret instructions from His Majesty, with the brevet of the chief command, (setting aside Pepe,) to be used when the propitious moment should arrive. This was made use of at Ferrari, when the patriotic portion of the troops, refusing to betray their country at the bidding of a despot, fol- lowed Pepe to Venice, in the defence of which place they 6* 66 THIRD LECTURE. contributed till August, 1849, when it capitulated. Gene- ral Statella, with the remainder of the Neapolitan army, consisting of such as the royalist officers and the priests could influence, returned to Naples, taking another route from that by which they had marched towards Ferrari, lest they might be intercepted by the indignant Romans. We must now return to Lombardy, where we left Charles Albert collecting votes — while his adversary, Ra- detzky, was collecting bayonets. After the Austrian General had received his second reinforcement, and had allowed them a couple of days' rest, he left Verona for the purpose of assuming the of- fensive. He had not yet received a sufficient augmenta- tion to enable him to assail his opponent in the encamp- ment before Verona ; but the position of the King inside the quadrangle of the four fortresses, without one single exit safely secured in his own hands, was so false that the marshal had merely to execute a manoeuvre which almost any school-boy could have calculated, namely, the sei- zure of the bridge of Goito, by which all hope of retreat would be cut off from the Piedmontese. The situation of Peschiera, which fortress was at the last extremity for want of provisions, also required an effort to be made for its relief. At the end of May, Radetzky left Verona unperceived by Charles Albert, and entered Mantua with his army. Early in the following morning he sallied out of Mantua by the western gate, expecting, with such overwhelming forces, to sweep away in a few moments the handful of Tuscan volunteers encamped at Cortatone and Monta- nara on the road to Goito. Had the Austrian General succeeded in this project without experiencing any delay, the war would have been at once finished, in as far as the King would have been concerned, because Radetzky would have reached Goito earlier than Charles Albert, and would THIRD LECTURE. 67 have enclosed the Piedmontese army, as in a trap. The lit- tle division of Tuscans, (under 6000,) however, kept their ground from the morning till the afternoon. About 1500, the wreck of the Tuscan volunteers, effected a retreat upon Goito in the evening, after having by their gallant self devotion thwarted the plans of Radetzky — for their unex- pected and protracted resistance caused the loss of an en- tire day to the Austrian General ; and Charles Albert, warned of his danger had just sufficient time to cross his army over to the right bank of the Mincio — or, in other words, to get out of the trap by the same door through which he had entered. The despised and doomed volunteers saved that very King who distrusted them. Radetzky on reaching Goito a day after he had calcu- lated, found the Piedmontese ready to receive him. The main object of the manoeuvre (viz: the possession of the pass of Goito) having proved abortive, the next important operation for the marshal, was to relieve Peschiera. The Austrians made several ineffectual charges to break the Piedmontese line ; but they were repulsed in each effort, and after a day's hard fighting Radetzky considered it pru- dent to retreat before reinforcements could join Charles Albert. Though the King could have pursued the Aus- trians with manifest advantage — for the roads were bad, and the stores which they were escorting to Peschiera would have proved a great incumbrance to them — never- theless Radetzky was suffered to retire unmolested to Mantua. If Charles Albert had, from the beginning of the cam- paign, taken the precaution to have thrown up some strong fortifications on both banks of the Mincio at Goito, so as to have always been sure of the passage, then he need not have feared being cut off — and then he might by traversing one side of the triangle, while Radetzky passed around the two, have intercepted the marshal, between Mantua 68 THIRD LECTURE. and Legnano, on his retreat, which would have totally- changed the prospect of the war. But His Majesty took counsel of none but those whom he considered to be de- voted royalists — such men as had the courage to speak the truth plainly, were discarded — persecuted — and ca- lumniated. After the battle of Goito, Peschiera capitulated : and while Charles Albert was making electioneering capital out of the surrender of that fortress, Radetzky crossed the Adige at Legnano with 42,000 men: dashed into the midst of the Venetian provinces : and cut off Durando, who was, with 13,000, reposing on his arms, and electio- neering. The General awoke to a sense of his situation when retreat was impossible, (for though the King with a superior force could have come to his relief — Durando with his small corps could not reach the King,) and he then made a splendid though unsuccessful resistance against an army more than three times his numerical force. The battle lasted from dawn on the 5th of June till evening, when the commanding positions had fallen into the hands of the Austrians; t and Durando, completely surrounded, had expended all his ammunition. A capitulation was then agreed to, by which the corps of Durando was to re- cross the Roman frontier, and not serve against Austria for the space of three months. The conduct of the King and his camarilla in this emergency deserve particular attention. So soon as the intentions of Radetzky became evident, by his placing him- self between Vicenza and Padua, thus entirely cutting off the retreat of Charles Albert's General, messengers were despatched to His Majesty, entreating him to hasten to the relief of his lieutenant. It should also be borne in mind, that the army of the King had but a few days previous, at Goito, proved itself superior to that of Radetzky — there- fore, if on this most favorable occasion, the camarilla had THIRD LECTURE. 69 permitted a junction to have been effected between the victors of Goito and the 13,000 of Durando, then the Aus- trian marshal would not only have found himself over- whelmed, but likewise completely cut off from his retreat upon the four fortresses, while the volunteers in Treviso, Pa- dua, Venice, &o. were ready to fall upon his flank and rear. In this campaign the Austrians were, time after time, in the power of the King, who, under the guidance of his imbecile advisers, always permitted them to escape. In the present instance, when the delay of an hour might peril the result of the campaign, the King sent evasive answers — and at length a positive refusal to move from his quarters in the trap, to which he had with an uncon- ceivable infatuation returned, after the victory of Goito. Thus the Venetian provinces and the volunteers were sacrificed ! Treviso quickly shared the fate of Vicenza, and the resistance in the north-east of the peninsula was restricted to the island of Venice and its dependent fort- resses Maestre, Brondolo, &c. The troops in the city and forts of Venice were commanded by Pepe, and consisted partly in Venetian levies, and partly in the shattered remains of various corps of volunteers. The Venetians again sent remonstrances to the King, who replied, in plain laguage, that "if the provision- al government of Venice were dismissed — himself ac- knowledged King — and a garrison of 4000 Piedmontese were received within the city, he would instantly march against Radetzky, and free the country from the enemy." The Venetians preferring these hard conditions to their return under Austrian tyranny, Manin and the rest of the republicans retired from office — the 4000 Piedmontese were received in the city — and the royal commissioners took possession of the government in the name of Charles Albert. The relative position of Charles Albert and of Radetz- 70 T HIE D LECTURE. ky was, however, very different at the end of June, to what it was at the end of May. While the former had been intrigueing to disorganise and to destroy the volun- teers, and to diminish the number of his own troops, the latter had been actively engaged in collecting means, and in increasing the number of bayonets at his disposal. Ra- detzky, therefore, decided upon taking the offensive early in July, commencing by another manoeuvre, having for its object the closing of the trap-door at Goito. Instead, however, of passing round by Mantua, as he had done previously, he broke through the Tery extended line of Charles Albert, (which readied from Rivoli to Somma- campagna,) and pushed on a corps to the Mincio, between Goito and Peschiera, crossing the river without encoun- tering any obstacle. . The Piedmontese, though placed in most disadvantageous positions, (their two wings being separated,) nevertheless stood their ground on the right and left ; but when the King ascertained that the enemy was crossing the Mincio — that the communication with Peschiera was already intercepted and the pass of Goito would soon be secured by the Austrians, his perilous situ- ation became evident, and he ordered a precipitate retreat. The fatal consequences of the King's mis-management now became manifest to all, and the warnings of the li- berals, so often despised and rejected, were recollected — nevertheless the King and his camarilla continued to resist the appointment of men of energy to the direction of civil or military affairs. In March the Milanese had (almost without arms) freed themselves from their hated oppressors — the population in July had arms and some organization^ so that with the further help of the neighboring cities, they had reasonable grounds for anticipating a successful resis- tance. Patriotic leaders of energy and honesty being in- dispensable in this emergency, the royal commissioners in Milan were deposed, and a committee of public safety, THIRD LECTURE. 71 composed of three citizens, was established. These men encouraged the popular enthusiasm, and prepared the city for a vigorous defence, while the armed bands were called upon to molest the besieging army, and to cut off their supplies. Had the King seconded this determination of the Mi- lanese, and had he with his army kept the field, menacing the Austrians in flank as they advanced towards Milan, no attack could have been made upon that city — the cam- paign could yet have been turned in his favor — and his reputation (with the crown of Italy attached to it) could have been preserved for him. At this critical moment he sent notice to the Milanese, that he would enter the city, and bury himself under its ruins, rather let the Aus- trians become their masters. This chivalrous declaration had the desired effect — the enthusiasm for Charles Albert revived — the committee of public safety was dismissed — and the defence was in an evil hour trusted to the King. While Radetzky advanced upon Milan, the Generals of the King destroyed all the preparations of resistance made by the committee, and the royal camarilla on its side, made every exertion to disorganise the patriots. In the hour of need His Majesty abandoned the citizens — he fled by night out of one gate as Radetzky prepared to enter by another. A terrible lesson was thus given to the Lombards — to all Italy — to the whole world, of trust- ing a revolution in the hands of a Prince! As a climax to all these errors, the King issued orders to Garibaldi, and to all other officers, to lay down their arms — likewise to his commissioners, to deliver up Venice to the Austrians, and to retire with the 4000 Piedmontese within the frontier of the Tecino. Garibaldi, as might be supposed, refused to obey such orders — he continued to defend himself against vastly superior numbers until eventually driven across the frontier. 72 THIRD LECTURE. The Venetians, so soon as they had recovered from the astonishment which such a proposal of surrender gave rise to, replied to His Majesty, that " when they consent- ed to accept him as King, it was with the express stipu- lation that he should free the country from the presence of the enemy — and certainly it was never contemplated that he should hand them over to the tender mercies of the Croats — consequently that Charles Albert, having failed to perform his part of the contract, and having renounced his claim in favor of their enemy, the Emperor of Austria — they, the people, would have nothing more to do with him ; but that they would reinstate their former republican go- vernment, and would defend themselves without seeking any kingly aid. When the success of the Austrian arms was known in the other parts of Italy, the Jesuitical reaction strove again to raise its head. The King of Naples prepared an expedition against Sicily : the Pope strove, but in vain, to nullify his reforms, for the Romans were able to confine the reaction to the limits of the Vatican : while the Grand Duke, of Tuscany took a decided stand on the reactionary ground, trusting to the vicinity of Radetzky's bayonets. The Duchies of Parma and Modena were oc- cupied by the Austrians, and the rule of their respective petty tyrants was restored. The Austrians likewise en* tered Bologna — but the citizens, left to their own resour- ces, rose against the intruders and drove them away. At this epoch (August, 1848,) the Austrians menaced the frontier of Tuscany, and the liberals insisted that the government of the Grand Duke should take .energetic measures. This the Grand Duke did in one acceptation of the phrase — but in the wrong sense — for he attacked the liberals. The political clubs now came forward, is- sued addresses to the people, and nominated a central committee of defence in Florence, The government im- -THIRD LECTURE. 73 mediately appointed another committee, so as to thwart the action of that named by the clubs — and as two con- flicting powers could not exist in the same state with ad- vantage to the public, it was determined that the one nominated by the clubs should limit its present operations to watching the progress of events, and be in readiness to act when called upon ; which resolution was officially no- tified to the government. Matters seemed coming towards a crisis, Leghorn having protested against the violation of the constitution, when Father Gavazzi arrived at that port, en route for Bo- logna. The authorities refused him permission to land ; but the people took him out of the ship, and the Nation- al Guard furnished him a piquet to protect him from the police. From this circumstance arose the collision which shortly afterwards took place between the citizens and the troops, who, with the Governor and the police, were dri- ven out of the city. The Grand Duke next issued incendiary proclamations calling upon his faithful subjects to join him at Pisa, (about ten miles distant from Leghorn,) to " restore order." The people of Leghorn, on the other hand, issued their expla- nation of the case, appealing to the good sense of the Tuscans and of all Italians. In plain language they de- monstrated that they were armed in defence of the consti- tution, liberty, law, and order, which the reactionary go- vernment was endeavoring to subvert. The volunteers collected at Pisa soon perceived the deception which the Grand Duke had practiced upon them — some returned to their homes — some went to Leghorn — and His Royal Highness was left nearly alone at Pisa. Now mark the duplicity of a Prince. When he found himself in this dilemma, he issued a proclamation declar- ing his aversion to civil war — recommending the volunteers to return to their homes — and thanking them for their 7 74 THIRD LECTURE. demonstration in favor of order — yet while he was pen- ning this document he was negotiating with Charles Al- bert for two corps of troops of the line to reduce Leghorn, and to support the reaction. The troops came, but it was soon found that they too were accessible to reason, and that a fraternization was taking place between them and the Tuscans — they were therefore speedily sent back. The Grand Duke having failed in his projects of vio- lence, threw himself on the chicanery of diplomacy, mak- ing peace with his subjects by laying upon his ministers the blame of his past conduct. Guerrazzi and Montanelli were then called to the ministry by the desire of the peo- ple. His Eoyal Highness likewise promised to convoke a constituent Assembly, and conceded every point required of him. Secretly, however, he remained in correspon- dence with the reaction and diplomacy, he sent away his valuables unperceived, and prepared himself for flight upon the first convenient occasion. King Bomba's expedition against Sicily sailed from Naples and attacked Messina early in September, notwith- standing the assurances given by diplomacy to the provi- sional government that there was no need of any uneasiness on the subject, since these hostilities would not be permit- ted. The Sicilians, having placed j reliance upon these promises, were taken unawares, and Messina was sacked. After that blow the diplomatists did write some pro- tests — but to what purpose 1 The mischief was accom- plished ! An armistice was subsequently agreed upon — the diplomatists lulled the people into a fatal confidence in their good offices — prohibited and prevented their tak- ing those energetic measures for their salvation, which they wished to do — and eventually handed over the Sici- lians to the tender mercies of Bomba. Scarcely had the noble resistance of Leghorn restored "order" and the "constitution" to Tuscany, before the « THIRD LECTURE. 75 Pope and the reaction in Rome made fresh attempts to subvert order. The Romans, however, encouraged by the success of their brethren of Leghorn, insisted upon the constitution being respected. The Jesuits on the other hand advocated extreme measures, trusting as usual to the bayonets of Austria for support. Pio, as on former occasions, endeavored to steer a medium course — he named Rossi as his minister, who was disliked by the Je- suits, since he had been exiled for liberalism when a young man— while it gave no confidence to the liberals, because he had been a minister of Louis Philipe. He, however, declared that he intended to abide by the constitution. On the 15th of November, 1848, he was killed on the steps of the National Assembly, in the midst of the police of the government, who did not even endeavor to seize the assassin. The papal police pretended that, some hours afterwards, they made exertions to ascertain the name of the person who struck the blow, without obtaining any clue to the mystery. A new ministry was then named by his Holiness- — but it did not give satisfaction. On the 24th of November, Pio, acting under the ad- vice of the Jesuits and diplomatists, disguised himself as a footman, mounted the coach box by the side of a coach- man, and in this undignified style abandoned the aposto- lic chair. This step it was hoped by the Jesuits and diplomatists would have brought about a violent and sanguinary reaction — but it was quite the contrary. So soon as the flight of the Pope was known, the people de- cided that the ministry already appointed by him should continue to direct the public affairs, till an Assembly of the Representatives of the people, elected by universal suffrage, could be brought together. The ministers named by Pio previous to his flight re- mained in the exercise of their functions till the meeting of the Assembly. The Pope had left a note with the 76 THIRD LECTURE. master of the wardrobe, of which this is the copy, — " Rome, November 24, 1848. " Dear Marquis Sacchetti : " I leave. Tell the ministers to take charge of the effects in the apostolic palace. Pick" Not a word about the people — or their wants — only an injunction to take charge of his clothes and other property ! Messengers and deputations were sent to His Holi- ness, requesting him to return to Rome as head of the church — but none of these were able to obtain an audi- ence. Pio caused it to be signified to these deputations that he would never return, unless it should be as absolute sovereign — thus demonstrating that it was not for his spi- ritualities, but for his temporalities that he cared. The flight of Pio, it should be recollected, was not the result of menace or of violence used against him — but it was a scheme of the reactionists ; in which, however, they proved themselves to be very deficient in discretion, for the consequence of it was the consolidation of the revolu- tion. His taking up his residence with King Bomba, was another essentia* blunder — for it identified his cause with that of the most odious tyrant in existence. Finding the reaction in his favor was somewhat more tardy than he had been led to expect, he thundered anathe- mas from Gaeta — he called upon the Swiss troops to join him — and failing in all his projects, he eventually appeal- ed to foreign despots for the use of their legions, to spread destruction and desolation throughout the states of the church. Cardinal Marini and other prelates went into such parts of the mountains as were inhabited by the most bigotted and ignorant of the population, striving to excite their fanaticism. But the success was but small — privi- leged passports for Heaven have not now the charm they formerly had. THIRD LECTURE, 77 Among other advantages which the people derived from this ill-advised step of His Holiness, was the elec- tion of an Assembly chosen by universal suffrage — so that the nation could peaceably and legally pronounce its determination respecting the form of government. It likewise gave the world a complete practical refutation of that calumny which has been so industriously circulated by the agents of the reaction, who have represented the people as not fit to be trusted with the guidance of their own affairs. But experience has proved these assertions of the royalists to be totally false — for the elections were participated in by ALL classes of citizens, not in the capital only, but throughout the state, in so remarka- ble orderly a manner, that they might with justice be cit- ed as examples to many neighboring countries, where popular elections are not new introductions, and where in- timidation, bribery and rioting are not absolutely un- known on similar occasions. The conduct of the people was the more praiseworthy, since the elections occurred in a moment of peculiar difficulty, reactionary agents be- ing at that time busily engaged in attempting to excite disorder, and being well provided with Russian gold, back- ed by superstition and calumny, which the Jesuits know so well how to use. The Pope on his part had menaced with ex-communication all those who should dare to vote for the election of members to the Assembly. Let us now turn and contemplate the Assembly cho- sen by the people, and we shall find them all to be men conspicuous for their patriotism — their talents — their so- cial position and private virtues. The constitution and the laws enacted by this constituent Assembly serve as a corroboration of my assertion. No man can, in any coun- try, guarantee the future — but from such a commence- ment we have strong presumptive evidence of stability, 7* 78 THIRD LECTURE. legality and order — vastly different from that which the Pope produces. I must here remark that popular meetings during the whole course of the movement were very common. All the Italian cities and even many towns had their " People's Club.'''' Large cities had several in the various quarters. These met frequently in the evenings after the hours of work — the people frequented them to partake in the dis- cussion of questions of public interest, rather than go to a theatre or a cafe. These meetings, like so many debat- ing clubs, accustomed the population to public assemblies, and diffused an immense amount of useful information among the citizens of all classes. I have sometimes known that, on extraordinary occasions, when the usual place of meeting has been found too small, an adjournment has tak- en place to some larger locality, such as a theatre or the market place, yet I never saw any confusion. In Florence, the regular meetings were held twice a week in a church : in Siena, in the opera house. A theatre is particularly well adapted for such a purpose, since the President, Vice- President, Secretary, &c. can have their table placed on the stage, while such as desire to address the audience can advance to the platform and speak. The presence of la- dies in these assemblies is productive of the best results. The good order maintained in discussing the most excit- ing questions, and the excellent good taste displayed by even the most illiterate class of the population is very re- markable. Their suggestions to the government were va- luable and produced profound impressions in the villages around, where these deliberations and votes of the popu- lar clubs were circulated. The address of the " People's Club" to Pio IX, in the spring of 1849, is a chef (P mure. Before proceeding further with the affairs of Rome, I must observe that early in the month of February, 1849, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, under the advice of the di- THIRD LECTURE, 79 plomatists, ran away clandestinely from Siena, and pro- ceeded to Gaeta to join his brother-in-law, Bomba and the Pope. Imitating the example of His Holiness when he absconded from Rome, His Royal Highness issued in- cendiary proclamations, exciting the Tuscans to civil war, but in vain ; for a triumvirate was named, composed of Guerrazzi, Monzoni and Montanilli. The general desire of the Tuscans was to unite with Rome and form one re- public of Central Italy. This was the wisest project which could have been suggested — it would have given a com- mencement to Italian unity — the population of the new republic would have been 5,000,000 — and the kingdom of Naples would, to a certainty, have speedily joined this State. The diplomatists became frantic at beholding the result of their intrigues — every imaginable scheme was practised to gain time — and delay was procured. But delay is not destruction, and it will eventually bring about a more sweeping reform than otherwise might have occurred. Every day confirms the probability of this result. The dread of a republic, orderly, economically and justly administered in the centre of Italy, may have been one of the stimulants which induced the King, Charles Albert, to break the armistice with Austria, which he did in March, 1849. His Majesty, who coveted the crown of Italy, (without knowing how to gain it) viewed with dread the spread of republican ideas in central Italy, under the tutilage of those men whom he distrusted and calumni- ated. Unable to bear the comparison between his own conduct and that of the patriot leaders, he rushed madly forward, in the hope of retrieving his fortune. However, the camarilla which surrounded him, remained as obsti- nately attached to the reaction as they ever were — in short, this handful of courtiers was under Jesuit influence, which was another name for Austrian. 80 THIRD LECTURE. Had the King undertaken this second campaign with energy, placing patriotic and capable leaders at the head of his troops, instead of applying to diplomacy to recom- mend a commander, he could have been nearly certain of success — for the Austrain army would have had to en- counter the whole of Lombardy and Venice in insurrec- tion, besides the army of the King to meet in the field. Had Charles Albert kept his whole, army together, he could have marched into Milan without Eadetzky being able to offer any resistance — but on the contrary, he divid- ed his 120,000 men into three divisions, one he sent round by Piacenza — another by the Lago Maggiore — and the centre he marched towards Novara, on the road to Milan — one division, the right, was three days' march dis- tant. The Austrian General at once attacked the centre with his whole force. The battle lasted the greater part of the day — -the Piedmontese soldiers, as usual, behaved bravely — but the commanders so completely mismanaged the manoeuvres, that nearly half the troops were not placed so as to be engaged — and the weight of the Aus- trian attack had to be supported by only a comparatively few, who were overwhelmed. In the evening of this dis- aster, the camarilla surrounded the King — whom they in- duced to abdicate and fly — the new King immediately signed a disgraceful armistice, against which, the country in general, especially the city of Genoa protested. But, be- fore I mention the circumstances attending the publication of the news at Genoa, I must relate the painful sacrifice of life which occurred at the city of Bresica. Among the modes of warfare determined on by the King, was that of raising the country in insurrection, in the rear of the Austrians. The city of Bresica was par- ticularly important for this operation, both on account of its topographical position, as on account of the very anti- Austrian feeling of the inhabitants. An agent was sent THIRD LECTURE. 81 to that place, who, acting according to his instructions, excited the people to rise in arms, in the name of His Majesty. After the defeat and armistice of Novara, no counter- orders were despatched to Bresica — and the people of that city, misled by false hopes, persevered in their resistance. An Austrian division, under Haynau, was then sent against the place, the inhabitants of the city resisted heroically, and the Austrians were everywhere repulsed. Eventually Haynau, having obtained a parley, induced the citizens to desist from further opposition, by demon- strating that they were entirely isolated, the King having been defeated and an armistice signed. A stipulation was made in consequence, by which the citizens on the one hand desisted from further resistance — while entire obli- vion of the insurrection, security for persons and property, &c. &c. was guaranteed by the Austrian General. Hav- ing by these treacherous means obtained ingress to the city, Haynau gave it up to pillage — and such a massacre followed as seldom has been related in history, and that contrary to the faith of a solemn capitulation. Whole fa- milies were murdered, and even babies thrown out of the window. The spirit which such atrocities has raised in the country can be pretty well imagined. While these barbarities were being perpetrated by Haynau, Genoa and some other cities of Piedmont refus- ed to acknowledge the armistice. The division of La Marmora, about 20,000 strong, was consequently marched against the insurrection of Genoa, (at the head of which was General Avezzana,) and after several days resistance, the King's troops became masters of the city. General Avezzana, with about a dozen of those most compromised, left for Rome, where he rendered very essential service, as minister of war. General Avezzana is a citizen of the United States. He has for many years resided among you, having been forced to emigrate in the year 1821. 82 THIRD LECTURE.. Immediately after this, the invasion of Tuscany and the Bolognese provinces by the Austrians, and the Eoman expedition of the French occurred. Bologna made a splen- did resistance — but it is seldom that the defence of an open city can be protracted beyond a few days. So soon as the Croats obtained an entrance into the place, and became mas- ters, they perpetrated their usual barbarities. Thence they proceeded^to Ancona, which not being prepared for a siege, though partially fortified, soon fell into their hands. The fortifications have since undergone a thorough repair, which, with other proceedings, demonstrate the intention of the Austrians to keep their acquisition — so long as they can. The Austrians then advanced to Perugia and Spolito, but did not get nearer to Rome than that latter city, which they subsequently evacuated. The next (and last) Lecture will give some accounts of the affairs of Rome since the flight of the Pope, and dur- ing the siege — also respecting the state of the country since that epoch. OST 2TAZ.TT. In the present discourse I shall treat of the interven- tion of the Austrian, Neapolitan, Spanish and Trench coalition, and of its consequences, that you may better comprehend the important events which will soon begin to develop themselves in Italy, and in other parts of Eu- rope. I must beg of you to bear in mind that Italy is the only country in Continental Europe in which despotism is obliged to provide foreign bayonets to keep down the people — the other countries are as yet oppressed by their own sons, marshaled into standing armies. Innumerable conjectures have been formed respecting the motives which prompted the French to undertake an expedition against a sister republic, and in favor of a des- pot — of a Pope. To enable ourselves to form any opinion approaching to correctness upon this subject, we must take a glance at the state of parties in France — and at the Prince President himself. A year previous to the embarkation of the expedition against Rome, France had undergone a revolution — the echo of the Italian movement. The same error was com- mitted by the people in each country, viz: to believe in the promises and the repentance of royalists and reaction- 84 FOURTH LECTURE. ists. In Trance, a majority of this class managed (under false colors) to get elected into the National Assembly The Jesuitical reactionary party, emboldened by the for- bearance of the people, sought allies among the trading and moneyed interests, whom they succeeded in fright- ening with an insane fear of progress. The cry raised by the artful partizans of despotism was " Good christians ! Society and property are in danger — we alone can save you ! A little more or a little less of liberty is of no material consequence when com- pared with property — rally quickly around us, we alone can save you I " By this scheme they drew pecuniary re- sources from the timid wealthy, and physical support from a deceived and victimised public — whereas neither society nor property were ever menaced : Despotism alone was in peri], and got propped up again. You Americans do not thoroughly appreciate Jesuitism : take warning by the fate of your neighbors : recollect that it is by unfurl- ing false banners, by feigning principles not their own, and by creating ungrounded alarms, that this monster ob- tains the accomplishment of its projects. Royalism, Je- suitism and diplomacy, by spreading the panic far and wide, greatly contributed to the nomination of Louis Bo- naparte to the Presidency ; but there were other agencies which likewise contributed towards this catastrophe, among the chief of which we may consider the disunion which had been sown among the republican ranks. Se- veral candidates were in the field, but no single party be- ing sufficiently strong to insure the success of its special favorite, a combination of several fractions decided upon supporting some individual to occupy merely ad interim the vacant station. Louis Bonaparte, being a person of whose talents the royalists had no fear, they voted for him rather than for Cavagnac ; and as he had by his writings and speeches led the people to hope that he would uphold FOURTH LECTURE. 85 the glory of France, and check the ambition of foreign despots this "Prince" became the successful competitor. Possessing all the ambition, but lacking the genius of his uncle, and despairing of becoming the architect of his own fortune, with no other materials than his own merit, the Prince President was no sooner elected than he threw himself into the arms of that very reactionary party which only desired to make a convenient tool of him. He was so blind that he could not perceive that, if the royalists should ever be strong enough to bring about a restoration, it would not be in favor of him, but of another. To conciliate the Czar, the nobles and the priests, and un- der the pledge of a quid pro quo, the Prince President determined upon the dangerous experiment of a Papal res- toration. Though the majority in the French Assembly as well as the bourgeoisie were at that epoch trembling at the phantoms which the royalists had conjured up ; yet so outrageous of common decency was the expedition in its nature, that the advisers of the Prince President found it prudent to shrowd it under false pretexts. First, the As- sembly (and through that medium the whole nation) was officially assured that the object in view was to uphold French influence and interests in Italy — wheras the inter- vention has totally swamped them. Next, it was pre- tended that the French cabinet was desirous to prevent the intervention of Austria — whereas it acted according to a secret understanding with the imperial court, Aus- tria at that time not being itself in a position to interfere with the Roman republicans. It was repeatedly asserted officially by the French ministry, that they did not con- template the restoration of the temporalities of the Pope — whereas the French had nought else which they could give to His Holiness, since his spiritualities had been offered to him — even had been urged upon him, im- mediately after he had fled from Rome in November, 1848. 8 FOURTH LECTURE The concurrence of the French Assembly was neces- sary to obtain a vote of funds — which were granted. But to persuade the French soldiers to become a party to this transaction, more deceit was practised. The troops were told (and they believed) that they were going to fight the Austrians — their commander alone knew the secret object of the expedition. Before proceeding with an account of the warlike pre- parations on both sides, I wish to call the attention of my hearers to the situation of Rome and of the provinces. I have already mentioned that there existed in the Roman state a constituent Assembly, elected by universal suffrage, charged with the mandate of forming a constitution and of providing for the exigencies of the times. The deposition of the Pope from his temporal rule, which had been pro- nounced defacto by himself, when he voluntarily aban- doned the government, was, on the 9th of February, 1849, pronounced legally and formally by the representatives of the people. The decree — moved by Professor Filopanti — was re- markably concise, and merits recording. Article 1. Popery, in point of fact, and in point of right, is deprived of its temporal power in the Roman States. Art. 2. The form of government in the State shall be democratic — under the glorious name of Roman Republic. Art. 3. The Roman Pontiff shall have every guarantee for the independent exercise of his spiritual functions. Art. 4. The policy of Rome, in relation to the other parts of Italy, shall be such as the common nation ably requires. Another decree abolished the Inquisition, and destined that immense edifice to be portioned out in gratuitous lodgings for poor families. Other decrees restored to the State, for the use of the FOURTH LECTURE. 87 poor, all lands detained by the convents. An income Of 400,000 dollars per annum was designated for the private use of the Pope, besides his palaces, &c. Entire liberty of conscience was established : as a proof of which two Jews were among the members of the Assembly — the one elected at Ferrara, the other at Bologna. Notwithstanding the provocations which the past con- duct of the popish partizans had given, not an execution took place during the reign of the republic. On one oc- casion there was for a few moments a little excitement and irritation in the city, some Jesuits in disguise having been discovered sent into Rome as spies by the French. On another occasion when some of the instruments of torture from the Inquisition were discovered hidden in a convent of monks. And likewise when some gross abuses of the confessional had come to light, upon which occasion the people took these wooden boxes out of the churches to burn them, together with other popish paraphanalia. But the triumvirate, so soon as they were informed of the circumstance (although their opinions were diametrically opposed to the Papacy) issued a preclamation calling upon the people to respect liberty of conscience : consequently the people took back the confessionals, &c. to their places. The republican government took no part in any religious persecution. Amongst other objects of priestly pride which excited the indignation of the Roman populace were the State coaches of the Cardinals. Some of these were, on the oc- casion above alluded to, destroyed before the triumvirate could rescue them. But were there no popular excite- ments during the American revolution ? Were there no carriages [private carriages) burnt, and no household fur- niture thrown into the bonfire in the stamp act riots in 1765 1 Such acts are inevitable sometimes — it is only surprising that we cannot find more instances in Italy, 88 FOURTH LECTURE. where the provocation was far greater than can be shown in any other country. The opening of the Inquisition was one of the very memorable occurrences consequent upon the establishment of a free government. The orders were executed by the civil officers of the republic, accompanied by crowds of citizens anxious to assist in liberating any victims which the prison might contain. The probable opening of this den of iniquity had been for several days publicly can- vassed in the city — therefore the inquisitors got the alarm, and removed much out of sight. This we infer because many stair-cases and passages were discovered which had been quite recently walled up, and so dirtied over as out- wardly to look like old masonry. A withered old monk opened the gate at the summons of the civil authorities, the other "familiars" made their escape through some of the many secret outlets. The janitor, abusing the for- bearance of the people, had the impudence to protest against the " sacralege "—but the people passed on with- out^heeding his grumbling. The prisoners, among whom was a bishop, were set free. On penetrating into the interior, the rooms of the chief inquisitors were examined — and the three great li- braries were for the first time opened for public inspection. In one of these large halls were the various manuscripts which had been from time to time robbed from their au- thors, upon the occasion of their having sought permission to print their works, but who never could procure even the restitution of their productions — thus did the Jesuits plunder these poor men of their discoveries,- inventions and ideas. But these manuscripts were not destroyed by the disciples of Lojola, who treasured them up for their own instruction. In another large library were collected all the prohibited works of various languages ; which, like the manuscripts already mentioned served, to educate and FOURTH LECTURE. to sharpen the cunning of the Jesuits. The third library- consisted of books not prohibited. Several passages were discovered leading to the tribu- nal — the torture — the obliviat, &c. In this last place, which was covered by a trap-door in a narrow corridor, were found the remains of many victims, whom the holy fathers did not Consider it prudent to liberate after having tortured them, but whom the inquisitors wished to be dis- encumbered of. Tresses of long female hair were found in this horrible pit — which vestiges of murdered women could not have belonged to nuns, since they have their hair cut short. The trap-door serving as a lid to the dry well was so constructed that the slightest pressure of any- thing upon the top would make it tip over, and the person unconsciously traversing this tomb, could not help being precipitated into the gaping chasm, where death might come speedily -or slowly, as it might by chance happen. No egress was possible except through this treacherous trap -door — and no one let down even a cup of water to the" doomed victim, who probably broke some limbs in the fall- — fortunate were those who broke their necks. In the cellars of this building, which is impiously styled the Holy Office, were discovered rows of bodies buried up to their necks only — leaving the heads above ground. From the contortions of the bodies and skeletons interred at different periods, it was evident that they had been BURIED ALIVE. Nor was it in the inquisition alone where the evidences of murders were discovered. In a convent of monks near Veletri, and in another in Rome, were discovered the re- mains of murdered females. Many most false assertions have been circulated by the reactionists respecting the intentions of the Romans to have destroyed some of their finest churches, and other monuments — even to the blowing up of St. Peters itself. 8* 90 FOURTH LECTURE. If the Romans had desired to have destroyed any of these monuments they could have done so. If by blowing up, or by pulling down St. Peters, they could have ensured the blowing up or the pulling down of Popery and Jesu- itism, 1 have no doubt but they would have sacrificed the edifice. The indignation of the Roman people was not directed against a mere pile of bricks and mortar — theirs was a far nobler enterprise — they sought to appropriate these localities to a better use. The amount and the description of the republican troops in Rome has been the subject of much misrepre- sentation — the total force never mustered 16,000, many ill-armed and most of them recruits. As the war pro- gressed, this small number became greatly diminished. The armies of the coalition numbered upwards of 90,000 men in the field— all well armed, organized and disciplined. The French, 40,000— Neapolitan, about 25,000— Austrian, about 30,000 — Spanish, 6,000 : besides an immense re- serve in the several States of France, Austria, Naples and Spain. The assertion that there were many foreigners in the service of the Roman republic during the revolution, is false. Even if there had been ever so large a number, that could not have affected disadvantageously the rights of the Romans — on the contrary, it would have shown that OTHER PEOPLE HAD THE SAME WAY OF VIEWING THE matter, as the Romans had. Were there no foreigners who showed their active sympathy for the American re- volution of 11761 The King of Naples has a force of 7 to 8000 Swiss in his pay, besides many foreign officers among his other troops. The Emperor of Austria has a large number of foreigners in his army. The Pope had his Swiss guard (about 5,000) besides receiving large sums of money from all parts of the world — even from the pa- pists of the United States. The French have their foreign FOURTH LECTURE. 91 legion. Why are the republicans to be debarred from re- ceiving the active sympathy of all those who are of their party] This question is not the cause of Rome alone, but that of the whole civilized world, bound together in the bond of fellowship, struggling to resist the league of despots — and strange indeed it would be if those who love liberty should look on at this contest with indiffer- ence — or if the Romans should reject the sympathy of such as take up arms, and risk their lives in the defence of li- beral principles. The calling Italians "foreigners" in Italy is absurd — Washington might just as well have been styled a foreigner when he came to Long Island, because he ivas not bom there, but in Virginia. The French expedition was commanded by General Oudinot — a devoted servant of royalty. Before sailing from France he issued a general order, couched in such terms as to lead the soldiers to believe that they were about to take part in a glorious and useful war against Austrian aggression, and in support of republican Rome. The expedition reached Civita Vecchia on the 25th of April, 1849, and the commandant persevered in the same system of deception, announcing to the authorities of the place that his intentions were amicable. The Governor not be- ing prepared with orders from Rome as to his line of con- duct in these circumstances — not believing it possible for the General of an army of brave and honorable French soldiers to be guilty of falsehood — and not wishing to show discourtesy to those who professed to come as friends, received the French as brothers. The two republican banners were hoisted on the tree of liberty by the French and Roman officers, both of whom were deceived by Oudinot. Having thus secured a footing in the city and castle, the French General suddenly caused the Roman battalion to be disarmed, and took military possession of the place. Soon after this, the Roman minister of foreign 92 FOURTH LECTURE. affairs (Rusconi) arrived at Civita Vecchia, to demand a categorical answer from Oudinot as to his intentions. In reply, the French General still pretended that he came on a friendly mission, and had no intention of acting against the government elected by the people. Having declared his resolution of marching to Rome, Rusconi very appro- priately informed him, that if the French desired to march against the Austrians, the Roman army would greet them as brothers — but the Austrians being in the north, while Rome was south, the French could have no need of taking that direction — but Oudinot persisting in his plan of marching to Rome, he was officially informed of the de- cree of the constituent Assembly, that in such a case "force should be repelled by force." This caution the French General totally disregarded — he thought that he had under his orders an army suffi- ciently strong to crush all opposition on the part of the republicans. He was likewise misled by the priests, who represented to him that they had a party within the walls desirous of co-operating with the French army to restore the Pope. In this particular the Pope may have been himself deceived — at any rate his agents completely mis- led the General, who found to his cost that there was but one party in Home — the party of the people. On the morning of the 30th of April, 1849, the French army arrived before Rome. The defence of the city was confided to General Avezzana, who had taken all those measures which the shortness of the time permitted. Having placed some corps of volunteers along the wall, he then posted General Garibaldi with 1200 men in a few villas outside the gate called Porta St. Panceazio, to the west of Porta Cavallegere. The French General attacked the gate called the Porta Cavalagere, where the city re- cedes into a bay, thus exposing his troops to a destructive cross fire from the volunteers near the gardens of the FOURTH LECTURE. 93 Vatican, which projected on the French left, and from the corps of Garibaldi on their right. Oudinot also made two ineffectual attempts upon the walls near the Vatican. When the engagement had become general, Garibaldi left his position in the villas and attacked the enemy's flank with such vigor that their right wing was obliged to change front to repel him. The very superior numerical force of the French enabled them to repulse Garibaldi, and se- veral hand to hand encounters with the bayonet occurred, in one of which between three and four hundred soldiers were taken prisoners and conducted into Rome. When General Avezzana perceived that the little band of Gari- baldi was exposed to the weight of the entire right wing of the French, he sent reinforcements to him to the amount of 1500 men, which enabled the Romans to repel the French, when the whole line of the expeditionary army of Oudinot retreated about fourteen miles on the road to Civila Vecchia, pursued by Garibaldi, who actually encamped with 2,500 men in front of the French army — nor did he return to Rome till recalled by the government. The French suffered so severely on the 30th of April that they had not dressings or surgeons sufficient to sup- ply their wants; Oudinot therefore applied to the Romans, who sent him surgeons and dressings. He proposed to exchange the soldiers whom he had captured at Civita Vecchia, for those taken in the engagement of the 30th of April — but the Roman government replied that they could not place these on the same footing — the former being the victims of his treachery and bad faith — while the latter were fairly captured in open war. The only prisoner taken by Oudinot on that day was the good priest Ugo Bassi, who exposed himself alone by seeking the wounded. This man was sent on parole to Rome to propose the exchange in the way the French General desired. According to his promise, Bassi returned to the enemy's camp, but without 94 FOURTH LECTURE having obtained a favorable answer. The spirit of Regu- lus is not extinct in Rome. In the Eoman hospitals the same attention and care was bestowed upon the French invaders as upon the Ita- lian patriots : this humanity, however, only served to exas- perate Oudinot, because his own conduct suffered the more by such comparisons. Though the eyes of the French began to be opened to the real state of the Italian question, yet their military renown was compromised, and before that every other consideration gave way. Fresh troops were sent for from France, where various pretexts were invented to palliate the defeat ; and the French remained nearly inactive till their arrival. This lull allowed Garibaldi the opportunity of leaving the city with 2,000 men to watch the Neapolitans, who, to the number of about 25,000, had invaded the Roman territory on the south. A division of this army left the Tusculum hills where they were encamped, and went for- ward to meet the Romans. Garibaldi drew up his little force at the small town of Palestrina, where the enemy attacked them, but were completely routed. Garibaldi's want of cavalry alone saved the royalists from being annihilated. A larger expedition was now sent against the King of Naples, who was still encamped among the Tusculum hills, having his head-quarters at Velletri, which was occupied by the main body of 18,000 men. The Roman vanguard (1,800 men) was under the orders of Garibaldi. On their approach to about three miles of the place, an attack was made upon them by about 8,000 Neapolitans, when Gari- baldi, after an obstinate conflict, repulsed the enemy with great loss : but the main body of the Romans, under Ros- culi, not coming up in time, the army of Bomba was able to effect its retreat — the King leading the way. The Spanish force gave very little uneasiness to the FOURTH LECTURE. 95 republicans : hearing of the reception given to their allies, General Cordova remained at a respectful distance from the scene of action. The Roman army was recalled in haste immediately after the affair of Velletri, considerable reinforcements having been received by Oudinot. We have now to re- mark one of the grossest breaches of good faith ever com- mitted by any person, whether a public or a private man. By an arrangement entered into between the Roman and the French Generals, an armistice existed, which pre- cluded the resumption of hostilities prior to the 4th of June. On the night between the 2nd and 3rd of that month Oudinot attacked the Romans with all his army, directing his principal efforts against the Villa Pamfili, (a very important position, about half a mile distant from Rome, outside the Porta St. Pancrazio,) which was occu- pied by a battalion under the command of Colonel Ma- nara. Although taken by surprise, relying perfectly on the sanctity of an armistice, the Italian republicans made a resolute defence ; but being eventually overcome by the great numerical superiority of their assailants, they were driven back with a heavy loss to the villa called "the Four Winds," (i quatio venti) half way between the Villa Pam- fili and the city. In the mean time the alarm was given in Rome, where the citizens were sleeping tranquilly under the security of a truce. At day-break the French vigor- ously attacked the quatro venti, and drove, out the batta- lion of Manara, but Garibaldi having come up with rein- forcements, retook the position from the French. The battle was general throughout the line— several villas were alternately taken and lost. The famous Cassino dei quatro venti was taken and retaken at the point of the bayonet four times. When it was in the possession of the French the Roman cannon played upon it — when the Romans had re-taken it, the French Artillery cannonaded it — so that 96 FOURTH LECTURE. the building presented a curious spectacle at the end of the day, the walls being literally riddled. This obstinate and sanguinary battle which commenced at 2 A. M. lasted till dark (about 18 hours) without a mo- ments cessation. The French at night were in possession of the quatro venti — but the Romans kept the Vasullo, and most of the other important positions outside the walls. From the 3rd of June till the end of the siege the French artillery every day played upon these villas. The details of the engagements which constantly oc- curred between the French and Roman troops would be tedious for a lecture — in a few words I may explain that the former pushed on their approaches by day and by night, while the latter threw in their way every imagina- ble obstacle. Some steps were taken in Paris by the friends of ci- vilization and justice, to make a peaceful demonstration to the chamber upon the subject of the Roman expedition ; but the feeling of military honor was aroused in the na- tion, and the participators in this procession were punished by imprisonment, transportation or banishment. Lesseps, who had been sent from Paris to Rome as plenipotentiary, and who had candidly informed his government of the real state of public opinion in Italy, was recalled and disgraced. He has since published some facts which have greatly en- lightened the world respecting the Roman question. The attachment of the citizens to the republican form of go- vernment was not confined to the city of Rome, but per- vaded the entire state. The efforts of a few reactionary papists, and of the priests, to create discontent and confu- sion, totally failed. The country people saw that their interests and well being met with attention from the new government — that the taxes most heavily weighing upon the poor were rescinded — that the vexatious police regu- lations were annulled — and that measures were taken to FOURTH LECTURE. 97 procure gratuitous education for those who chose to profit by it. On the night of the 21st of June a Prussian, who served among the Romans, deserted to the French, through a low sally gate where he was on duty, and conducted in the besiegers by the same way. Scarcely was it discover, ed that he had left his post, before the picket on duty was surprised by the enemy who had entered within the forti- fication. The French planted some pieces of cannon in a commanding positionpoin, ting them along the ramparts. Desperate efforts were made to dislodge the intruders, but without success — however, the houses near at hand were loop-holed, barricades were made all around the spot where they had obtained a footing, and their further ingress was prevented. Thus a contest was at the same time raging both within and without the walls. At length the approaches of the invaders were com- pleted, and on the third of July they became masters of the city up to the Tiber. On the fourth — all military re- sistance having already ceased — the representatives of the nation, considering that the sacred cause of the people could not be lost by the mere taking of the city of Rome, decreed that the citizens Giuseppe Mazzini, Aurelio Saffi, and Mattea Montecchi should remain depositaries of the national interests, with extraordinary powers to raise loans or troops, and to take such other measures as circum- stances might dictate to them to adopt — with power like- wise to add to their number, and to call together the re- presentatives of the people at any time or place. On the fifth of July the constituent Assembly was closed by or- der of the French General. A protest against this act of violence was presented to the officer, and as it has been published in several European papers. The members of the republican government, nearly all of the constituent 98 FOURTH LECTURE. Assembly and the principal officers retired to Switzerland, Piedmont, or adjacent states. The conduct of the republican government was par- ticularly deserving of notice in regard to their administra- tion of the public finances. Not one cent was appropri- ated even to furnish the patriots with the means of retir- ing into exile — they preferred to let the contents of the treasury fall into the hands of the invaders, rather than to allow their enemies to have the satisfaction of accusing them of having applied any portion to their private use. The behavior of the citizens was not less remarkable than that of the constituent Assembly, for when the Cardinals or their allies appeared, they were received with silence and contempt. All intercourse was (and yet is) suspend- ed between the French and the inhabitants, except a few of the popish aristocracy. The Romans, since the en- trance of the French into their city, have not done them- selves less honor than they did during the siege. When the city itself was no longer tenable, Garibaldi, with about 4000 men, quitted Rome, and endeavored to make his way to Venice. Followed and harassed by the enemy, after marching through Tuscany and the moun- tains of the Appenines, he reached the Adriatic, and on the 2nd of August, 1849, embarked in a few fishing boats with a handful of companions, the remant of his force, which was dwindled down to about 300 men. They hoped to elude the Austrian squadron blockading Venice, but the attempt did not succeed. The boats got scattered during the night, when being pursued by the Austrian fleet, part was captured, and part regained the shore. Among the latter was Garibaldi, who traversed the Roman provinces, some portion of the other states, and reached at length the western coast of Italy. On entering Piedmont (his native province) he imagined that he was secure from persecu- tion — but he was mistaken, for he was treated as a prison- FOURTH LECTURE. 99 er of state by that very government at whose invitation he had been armed against Austria ! From Genoa he was sent to Tunis ; but so enterprising an enemy in the vi- cinity of the French possessions in Algiers, could not fail to cause alarm to the Prince President, therefore diplo- matic intrigue prevented his landing. He consequently returned to Sardinia, and remained at the little island of Sa Margarita till he could get to Tangiers, and thence to the United States, Among those who embarked in the same boat with Garibaldi at Cesenatico, were Ciceroacchio, and the priest Ugo Bassi. This excellent man, who was chaplain to Garibaldi, was taken prisoner by the Croats on the 4th of August in the neighborhood of Eavenna, and thence was conducted to Bologna. He was immediately sentenced to be shot; but the government of the Pope interfered alledging that being a priest he could not be executed till he had been desecrated. The desecration therefore took place on the 7th of August at the hands of the priests, by scalping the crown of the head, where the tonsure is — the forehead where the cross is marked with holy oil upon the ceremony of ordination — and the skin of his hands which have also been anointed with oil, and have touched the Host in the administration of the mass. In this state he was delivered again to the military and was shot on the morning of the 8th of August, 1849. The populace rushed to the spot where he fell, and dipped handkerchiefs in his blood, to treasure up as that of a saint whose mur- der they will avenge. His name is never mentioned but as " the Martyr Ugo Bassi" If an exemplification were required to demonstrate how much the papal tyranny sur- passes any other despotism in cruelty, we here find an il- lustration — the Croats kill — but the Cardinals first torture their victims. One of the first acts of Oudinot in Rome, was to es- 100 FOURTH LECTURE. tablish a triumvirate of three Cardinals, to act in the name of his Holiness, till Pio should return from Gaeta, which he had pledged himself to do so soon as the republic should be extinguished. However, after the government of the people had been expelled, the journey of his Holi- ness was delayed under various pretexts- — especially through that of the financial embarrassment. A loan of considerable amount became the only condition under which the Pope could be induced to return — and to avoid the insult towards the French, which his refusal to enter Rome while they were there, would have inflicted, and the serious consequences of such an act, Rothschild negotiated the bonds of his Holiness at the instance of the French government, payable in three installments — the first of which was to be advanced to Pio IX pre- vious to his leaving the kingdom of Naples. I am unable to explain how it happened, but after this first portion of the loan had found its way into the hands of the Cardinals, it disappeared, without the trea- sury of the State being any the richer. The Pope then wanted more money before he would leave his friend the King of Naples*; but as he had, already received the sti- pulated price by anticipation, the patience of the French began to evaporate, and, much against his inclination, he was brought to Rome on the 12th of April, 1850. The deportment of the people was admirable — no insults — no tumults — but a gloomy silence. Surrounded by his guards and chief officers, as he in state entered the gate of the city, a reproachful address from the people was given into his hands, and the individual who present- ed it instantly disappeared. This cutting rebuke for his blood-thirsty deeds has been published in many periodi- cals. It begins " Rejoice, Oh Pope ! Thou art in Rome. Thou art King." &c. The return of Pio to Rome was hailed by the reactionary press of Europe as a triumph — FOURTH LECTURE. 101 but. like their other triumphs, it has served to make the priests even more odious than they previously were. The people see — and feel — that since the return of his Holi- ness, things proceed from bad to worse. One of the calumnies invented to excuse the French intervention, was, that the Romans desired the restoration of the Pope, but that a band of foreigners prevented the faithful subjects of Pio from exercising their own free will. Yet since the French (themselves foreigners) have expelled from the city all Italians not actually born within the walls of Rome, even sending to their respective parishes those who came from the surrounding villages ; and have thinned the remaining population by executions and im- prisonments, while numbers have fled to avoid these per- secutions — the state of public feeling instead of being more reconciled to, is daily becoming more averse to Po- pery. The quadruple intervention is a tree producing very bitter fruit, which those who have reared it must swallow. It was undertaken to eradicate republicanism from the breasts of the Italians, where it has made it take a firmer hold than ever. The suffering of individuals may be considerable — but the advantage to the cause will be great — for that love of liberty and that hatred of Popery which before were but general, are now become universal. It is calculated that there is scarcely a family composed of five persons in the Roman States, one of whose mem- bers is not either banished — in prison — or killed. In Na- ples there are 40,000 political prisoners. In all parts of of the peninsula there have been persecutions and execu- executious which have swelled the loss of life to an incredi- ble amount. Those killed in battle were many, but they form only a small item when compared to the crowd of inoffensive citizens who have fallen under the unbridled license given to the tools of despotism — as at Bresica, Messina, Naples, &c. of which loss precise estimate will, 9* 102 FOURTH LECTURE. in all probability, never be obtained — besides many others who have perished in exile— or have lost their health or their reason in solitary confinement. When will these atrocities have an end 1 . Only when the state of Europe may permit the Italian patriots to make an appeal to. arms ; when the condition of neighboring states shall be such as to impede the formation of another coalition in favor of a Pope. One single enemy could not prevail against the forces which Italy could bring into tha field — but four powers combined are more than Italy, single-handed, can contend against. As to appealing to justice, that was done in 1846, 1847, 1848, 1849. ' It failed then: nor can I discover a solitary instance in which the people have gained any good, or have wrested any privileges from ty- rants by a mere appeal to justice and humanity, unbacked by force. When the people call aloud " civilization " and "progress," the Kings reply "order" — "obedience." As for justice, that sides with the strongest. The Papal authority, reinstated by the French, annulled all regulations favorable to civil and religious liberty — or to the amelioration of the condition of the working classes — to education or to civilization in general. The oppressive taxes which had been rescinded by the repub- lican government, were rigorously collected by the Pope's agents. The property of all the members of the repub- lican government — of the Assembly — and of the officers of any note, were confiscated — the obligations of the re- public were repudiated — the Inquisition was re-established and filled with victims. So numerous are the priestly per- secutions that it has become necessary to fit up branch es- tablishments of the Holy Office. Vexatious police regu- lations — domiciliary visits — imprisonments and executions since the 6th of July, 1849, have been constant occurrences : all which, in a few months, have dealt more fatal blows FOURTH LECTURE. 103 to Popery, than years of the most active liberal propa- ganda could have done. In September, 1849, his Holiness— stung to the quick by the attacks of the liberal secret press, issued his edict respecting printers and types. But the work continued — is now continuing — and will in future continue, through all obstacles, from whatever quarter they may come. This winter Pio has offered a reward of $2000 for the convic- tion of any person concerned with the clandestine press — but bribery has had no better success than violence, and has proved that the Italian republicans are not to be cor- rupted by gold, more than they are to be exterminated by steel. The persecution directed against Mazzini was of the most bitter kind. Denied by the Piedmontese govern- ment permission to remain in Genoa, his native city, he retired to Switzerland, where a royalist agent named Vi- setta, but- nicknamed Paschetta, was commissioned to rid the Kings of their uncompromising adversary, and jesuiti- cally to throw the odium of the deed upon the republicans, as if it had been an act of party vengeance. To carry out this royal project, in the month of January, 1850, Pas- chetta addressed himself to two Italian refugees in distress, offering them money. They caused him to be arrested and imprisoned in Geneva. Upon his person were found documents sufficient to connect a certain royal government with this projected murder ; but the hired assassin could not be legally convicted, because the crime was merely in contemplation, and had not received a commencement of execution. By this legal quibble Visetta escaped punish- ment, and was allowed to retire to Turin. Some semblance of a constitution being yet in exist- ence in Piedmont after the fall of Rome, some of the re- fugees were able to remain in that kingdom, and their in- tercourse with the inhabitants helped to ripen the anti- 104 FOURTH LECTURE. papal feeling. The King Victor Emanuel, son of Charles Albert, opposed this anti-papal feeling, so long as he could with prudence do so. Finding however, that it was not only general in his own state, but was gaining intensity throughout Italy, his next plan was to turn it into political capital for his own purposes. From this cause sprang the famous Legge Siccardi, by which the Popish priesthood was made amenable to the ordinary civil tribunals in cases of infractions of the criminal laws. His Holiness, how- ever, loudly protested against the arraigning of a priest before a court of justice even in cases of murder — and is yet quarrelling with the King of Sardinia for striving to uphold the Popish doctrine by simply abandoning (for a time) the most revolting and unpopular of the clerical privileges. With the people the Legge Siccardi is ac- cepted as an instalment only — they have been victimized too recently by the jugglery of royal reforms — the recol- lections of 1846, 1847, 1848 and 1849, are yet fresh in their memory. A change in the political situation of Italy must at any time be a vary serious matter, not only there, but likewise in its bearings upon the rest of Europe : when, however, we consider that Rome itself (the strong-hold and the capital of Popery) is, in a religious sense, in a state of transition, the immense importance of this movement to the whole world must become palpable. The address of the Roman People's Club to Pio IX in the spring of 1849, composed, as all such pieces are, by the working men themselves, is an extraordinary document — it is enti- tled to additional interest when we consider the quarter whence it emanated, and it demands the most profound attention of anti-papal communities. This document was published by the American and Foreign Christian Union in their magazine of January, 1850, and I am not able to FOURTH LECTURE. 105 describe my astonishment and chagrine at not finding a response from all opponents of Popery in America. Where in this emergency are the Protestant pastors? If they desire the destruction of Popery, why do they not seize this most propitious occasion'? Is the zeal of the Pilgrims sunk into apathy — or is the aversion to Popery, which formerly existed among the Puritans, now turned into sympathy? Will those who formerly protested against Popery, now protest against the revolutionists who strive to overthrow their enemy % The Christian Union executive committee issued an address to their brethren 12th of April, 1850, calling upon them " speedily to em- brace this opening," warning them that otherwise "Italy would be rescued from the grasp of Popery, only to fall into the jaws of infidelity." The young men of Boston formed a society for the purpose of aiding in this under- taking. Their address, issued November 20 f 1850, has been published and generally distributed. Yet the preach- ers' meeting return the following reply to the request for anti-papal^ moral and religious tracts for distribution in Italy,— " New- York, January 16, 1850. " Resolved, That while we would express no opinion unfavorable to the case in which Col. Forbes is engaged, nor interfere with the right of any member of this meet- ing to co-operate with him, yet, as a meeting, we think it best to recommend no specific mode of action. "M. D. Crawford, SecY" Is the Italian question to be likened to a magnet hav- ing two poles — the one being political attraction, and the other dogmatic repulsion — and with some of the anti-papal clergy, is the political attraction stronger than the repul- sion upon religious principles ? All those who embark on board of a rotten craft, or cling on to the tackle, will go to the bottom with her — nor will they receive much pity 106 FOURTH LECTURE. for the consequences of their obstinacy and infatuation. I have read (14 Levit.) that when the plague is in a house it should be cleansed, and the walls scraped ; and that if afterwards the plague should return, then the house should be pulled down — the beams, mortar, bricks, &c. should be cast out into an unclean place outside the city, and ANOTHER HOUSE SHOULD BE BUILT WITH FRESH MATERIALS. So it was in the late movement in Italy — the State was cleansed and scraped of Popish impurities — but the Pope has returned — therefore the course for the Italians to fol- low is very plain. Having endeavored to give you some correct notion of the origin and progress of the revolution in Italy — also of the events which attended its momentary suppression, I will now call your attention to the present position, and to the prospects of the cause. Convinced of the necessity of. confiding the national regeneration to the energies of a patriotic executive, in- stead of relying upon treacherous or imbecile Princes and nobles ; the representatives of the people in the parlia- ments of Venice and Sicily, besides the principal military commanders of tke patriots, have subscribed their names to the decree of the Roman constituent Assembly, dated the 4th of July, 1849, (a day which will be henceforth re- markable in Italy as well as in the United States,) confer- ing the executive upon Mazzini, Safn and Montecchi, to whom have been added Salicetti and Sistori — with Agos- tini as secretary. In virtue of the authority conferred upon them, and considering the signs of the times to be such as to warrant the opinion, that the moment for ac- tion cannot be far distant, and may present itself sud- denly — and considering that it would be highly reprehen- sible in them, were they to allow that moment to come upon them while the liberal party should be unprepared, they have issued a patriotic loan of ten millions of francs, FOURTH LECTURE. 107 that they may not he without pecuniary means during the first shock of the approaching tempest. This loan has been taken up with avidity, not merely in Italy, but like- wise in other countries — thus the active sympathy of all civilized European nations has been shown. The moral effect of this is very powerful — the tyrants of the present day have difficulty in raising money, even at a ruinous sa- crifice — while the Italian national loan has been speedily negotiated at par, without any effort on the part of the patriots beyond the announcement of its emission. The despots of Europe are aware of the activity of the Ita- lian committee — though they are in profound ignorance as to their plans of operation. The despots of Europe, who pretend to be strong, tremble at a handful of exiles. What means of repression do these despots really possess 1 Let us first consider Austria, which has a popu- lation of about thirty-six millions ; of which number about 6,500,000 are Italians ; and at least twelve millions more of Hungarians, Poles, &c. engaged in the insurrection and who are yet hostile to the imperial sway. In Bohemia and in Vienna itself we have seen revolutions in 1848 — the discontent which is great even to-day, goes on in- creasing, and explosions may occur at any moment. The situation of her finances are deplorable— bankruptcy stares her in the face — the imperial government appears to be indifferent to it. But though the morality of the court does not blush at such a method of wiping off its debts, the effect upon the existing relations of society in such a catastrophe must be tremendous. The amount of troops, which her internal and external position oblige her to keep up, exceeds 500,000 men — a portion of which she quarters on her neighbors, either in the Roman provinces or in the German States — thus temporarily relieving her own exchequer, though she, by the same act, creates a fresh difficulty, by increasing the exasperation of the inhabitants 108 FOURTH LECTURE. of the districts thus overburdened. At the least compu- tation one-third of the Austrian troops are Italians, Poles or Hungarians — of whom few (if any) would not seize the first favorable opportunity to obtain their respective nationalities. The power of Austria lies not in her own strength or energy, but in the borrowed bayonets of Russia. The empire of Russia is not in so disorganized a condi- tion as Austria. The finances, though not very flourishing, are not in a desperate state — nevertheless it is impossible that the autocrat can maintain the million of soldiers now under arms, unless he obtain resources out of the empire. The revolutions of Russia are generally confined to the strangling of one emperor to substitute another — in which court intrigues, the sixty-five millions of plebians take but little interest — the internal system does not change, nor do the external relations essentially alter in conse- quence of such events. In the Polish provinces, how- ever, there is a probability that on the first great Euro- pean movement, the Russian troops would have plenty of employment in that quarter, without going either to Hun- gary or to Italy "to seek adventures. An element from which the despotic reaction calculates upon receiving very effectual support, is the sympathy of the severel crowned heads and courts of Europe. These having the management of their several states, can, and do lend powerful aid to the Emperors of Austria and Russia, even when pretending to be at variance with them. Another prop to the cause of King-craft exists in the di- plomacy of Lord Palmerston, which vacillating between its fear of republicanism and of Russianism, alternately domineers over and betrays the former, while it strives to appease the voracity of the latter by sacrificing whole states, as in Italy, Holstein, Cassel, Cracow, &c. The position of France in Italy is peculiarly embar- FOURTH LECTURE. 109 rassing to the French government, and threatening to the peace of Europe. The French had some trouble in gain- ing a footing within the eternal city : since then the posi- tion of their troops there has been, and will continue to be intolerable; but the great difficulty has to come. HOW ARE THE FRENCH TO LEAVE ROME % The DAY OF DEPARTURE MUST COME. THEN, WHAT WILL HAPPEN 1 ? If they should be driven out, will it be by the population of Rome ? or by the Austrians 1 If the French should vo- luntarily retire, what will become of the Pope ? Will they take him with them, or will they leave his Holiness to be dealt with by the Romans according to his deserts ? Will Pio attempt to run away again ? and will the Aus- trians attempt to replace the present army of occupation in Rome should that retire % And what would be the re- sult of such an indignity to a nation so tenacious as the French of its military renown 1 History does not present one alliance between France and Austria, which has not produced some fatal catastrophe. I can discern but one way by which the French nation can with dignity to itself get out of the Roman difficulty, viz : That the people of France declaring the intervention to have been the work of a reactionist faction, order their legions to make a tardy amends to the Italians by marching against the Austrians. If the French cannot make this sacrifice, then let them at least withdraw their army, and protest against the coalition interfering in the internal affairs of the Roman Republic. Under the misrule of the Popish reaction Italy is get- ting into a condition of indescribable confusion — but it is to be hoped that no partial insurrections will prematurely occur. That fruit which is plucked before its time, is sour, whereas if it had been permitted to come to maturity it would have been sweet. When an apple is ripe it will fall on the first breeze, from whatever quarter it may blow ; whether the tempest arise from the elections in France, 10 110 FOURTH LECTU.E-E. or from some unforseen cause in Germany or elsewhere. The whole of Continental Europe is a volcano, which may explode at any moment — when that time shall arrive, that very dangerous interregnum which succeeds the over throw of an old government, previous to the establish ment of a new one' will be avoided in Italy. The consti- tuent Assembly at Rome has voted the constitution— the elections by universal suffrage have already taken place, and the representatives of the people, though to-day in exile, are ready to re-appear at their posts on the first summons. Both the patriots and the despots have their elements of strength, as they likewise have their weak points — whether the struggle re-commence speedily, or be yet de- ferred for a season, is dependent on a variety of circum- stances. In the mean time the popular cause is gaining vigor every day, and that spirit of progress which nothing can extinguish is awakened among the nations. I must, on closing this course of lectures, thank the ladies and gentlemen for their patience in listening to my explanations. I am very sorry that such important topics should not have fallen into more efficient hands. The only excuse for my presuming to present the matter to the American public is, that I was in Italy during these occur- rences, and am therefore more familiar with the subject than persons could be who were not upon the spot. (Note, page 105.) THE BOSTON YOUNG MEn's ADDRESS CLOSES THUS! "Although we, as American freemen, most cordially sympathise, with the Italian patriots in their hopes of obtaining freedom and national independence, nevertheless, our society does not contemplate any direct action in that matter, but intends to limit itself to the simple propagandist operations. " We warmly invite our fellow countrymen of ALL DENOMINATIONS, to rally round the BROAD PRINCIPLE OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, and to form similar societies in their respective cities and towns, that we may all co-operate in this GREAT AND SACRED CAUSE/' A FEW WORDS ON POPERY AND DESPOTISM, Addressed to the Boston Young Men's Society in aid of Italy, and published for distribution by that Association. ■ W- Boston, December 2, 1850. In my endeavors to bring the Italian cause under the notice of the citizens of the United States of America, I have experienced several difficulties. Of course I anticipated that impediments would be thrown in my way by the Jesuits, through the innu- merable channels at their disposition. I expected, however, that the anti-papal feeling of the New Englanders would more than compensate me for any Papal hatred: just as I hoped that the popular sympathy in favor of all oppressed European libe- rals would reduce to insignificance any conservative opposition. But I find that the organs of our ene- mies continue to keep the public misinformed, and to produce so much doubt respecting the recent European revolutions, that many sincere friends of freedom remain inactive in consequence of these conflicting statements ; while others are discouraged through the erroneous belief that all hope for liber- ty is lost. So far, however, from the cause of civil and religious liberty being lost, it stands to-day upon 2 A FEW WOKDS ON a surer basis than it did in 1847; whereas the finan- cial and other embarrassments which surround Po- pery and Despotism increase daily, and render their ultimate success nearly hopeless. Neither let it be supposed that, because Italy is a long way off, what occurs there cannot operate upon the public here. Italy — that country which formerly spread civili- zation over the known world — is, geographically speaking, a long way off; but popish influence is IN YOUR YERY MIDST POPISH INFLUENCE WHICH IS AL- LIED WITH DESPOTISM FOR YOUR RUIN ! The intimate alliance between Popery and Des- potism is palpably evident from the simple fact, that all despots, notwithstanding the discrepancy of their religious creeds, unite in upholding the Pope by force and by intrigue. It is evident, moreover, from Popish bulls and other documents, that his Holiness looks to the despotic potentates for physical-force protection. For example : in his encyclical of 25th May, 1844, the prelates are directed to apply to the princes for assistance in suppressing instruction, " BECAUSE IT CANNOT HAVE ESCAPED THEIR (the princes') WISDOM, THAT IT IS HIGHLY TO THE INTEREST OF THE COMMON WEAL ;" SUlCe, " FROM THE UNIVERSAL LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, THE POLITICAL LIBERTY OF ITALY WILL ALSO SPONTANEOUSLY FOLLOW." Popery, which has daily need of the sword of Despotism to exterminate its adversaries, repays its powerful protector with the use of its spiritual in- fluence over the minds of the ignorant. These two enemies of mankind have but one common soul — one common interest — one common hate against everything that is noble, generous, or good. Their scattered members, large and small, in every quar- POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 3 ter of the globe, are linked together with what Byron so appropriately calls " dirty diplomatic quills" The third article of the secret treaty of Verona, 22nd October, 1822, bears directly on the alliance between Popery and Despotism, and runs thus: — '"The contracting powers offer their common thanks to the Pope for all that he has, till now, done in favor of their cause ; and they solicit his constant cooperation in their design of subduing the na- TIONS." Will the declaration of their intentions be considered as a fact sufficiently startling to awaken mankind? or will the nations not yet "subdued" continue to slumber, and quietly to allow these spi- ders to weave a web around them, out of which, when once completed, they will have no chance of escape — no more than a miserable fly ? As man cultivates the fruits of the earth which are necessary for his subsistence, so Despotism and Popery, with untiring zeal, propagate ignorance, su- perstition, and vice — racking their brains to devise fresh expedients to prolong the existence of these their essential elements. All the offspring of these two monsters fraternize cordially ; for the sons of darkness, of all climes and languages, know that they have one common bond of union. Have not the children of Light a common brotherhood ? or does fellow-feeling only belong to tyrants ? In 1847 that mortal struggle commenced, in which, light eventually must illuminate darkness, or darkness will extinguish light — not in Italy only, but all the world over. The cause of the Italian patriots is, there- fore, THAT OF THE ENTIRE CIVILIZED WORLD. The great revolution in England, which com- 4 A FEW WORDS ON menced under the auspices of Hampden, prospered so long as Papists and nobles were excluded from power. The germ of liberty was thence car- ried to North America by the Puritans, and there flourished ; because the popish and royalist elements were too insignificant to produce any baneful con- sequences. Thence the seeds were conveyed to France, where they withered so soon as Jesuit in- fluence (like a wolf in sheep's clothing) was per- mitted to creep in. The original object of the revo- lution was then lost sight of; and the struggle which ought to have been a war of opinions, was diverted from its proper course into a contest of nations ; by which means the neighboring populations, which would have sympathized with, were alienated from the French, and the ancient abuses were eventually restored. Had the nationality of Italy, instead of its subjugation, been attempted, those disasters, which subsequently overwhelmed France and the rest of continental Europe, would have been avoided. The French revolution of 1830 failed because it was left in the .hands of a prince, who, with the co- operation of the Popish priesthood, soon misdirected the current into its old channel. The determination of attacking Popery, the enemy of civilization, in its stronghold, Rome, has only been thought of in the last revolution ; and till this vampire be destroyed, no permanent good can be effected. Italy, there- fore, is the field upon which the liberties of the world must be gained or lost. To aid them in this task the Italians hope to receive the active fraternal sympathy of all philanthropists — not as a charity, nor as a right, but in the name of civilization and liberty, that such a sacred cause may not be periled. POPERY AND DESPOTISM, 5 Popery is styled a religion; but it does not de- serve that appellation— it is, literally speaking, a POLITICAL ENGINE, BY WHICH BAD MEN HOPE TO OBTAIN DO- MINION. Under the cloak of religion, and protected by the bayonets of the despots, Popery operates like an immense secret society ; but it is more terrible than any other, since its members blindly obey the orders of their chief, whether dictated by ambition, cupidity, revenge, or lust. In other secret societies the motives for action, and the plans of operation, are the result of deliberation among the members, and secrecy is not kept up within the circle of the society itself. Though the religious dogmas of Popery are the most ridiculous of all superstitions, both ancient and modern, j^et I do not desire to awaken religious fana- ticism against the Papists, or to interfere with liber- ty of conscience. Such simpletons as allow them- selves to be cheated out of their pence by an old man in petticoats, who blasphemously presumes to call himself the representative of God on earth, de- serve neither public protection nor private pity. But when this old man turns out to be the tool of certain despots, enemies of the State, then it is time to take up the matter ; not as a question of con- science, but of public safety. Let priests freely preach, and fools as freely believe that the Pope has the keys of Heaven. But when upon the strength of these pretended keys, im- pious men, whose consciences lie in their purses, for- give crimes, and even sell indulgences by anticipa- tion — when they inculcate that it is not only justifi- able, but even commendable to break faith with and to exterminate all who are not of their sect ; thus 6 A FEW WORDS ON compassing the destruction of their neighbors, and making a market of vice — then it is time to look out for one's pockets and one's throat. If a set of men like to live secluded, by all means let them do so. But when they encourage idleness in others, live upon the earnings of the poor, or build seraglios wherein to entice young women of beauty or of property, then it becomes a matter of public in- terest. If a man likes to confide to another all his own thoughts words or deeds, let him do so — but if he pries into his neighbors' affairs, and acts as a poli- tical spy for the priest, then that man becomes a public nuisance. If a man be such a ninny as to allow his wife once a week or oftener to have a cozy Ute-a-Ute with a young priest (or an old one either) that is the husband's business — the more fool he. But when young women are thus closeted and question- ed, that case affects the State, because that which was pure may thus become polluted, and then be palmed off upon the public. One of the soporifics which have contributed to lull to sleep good people both in America and in England, is the falsehood so industriously circulated by the Jesuits, that Popery is totally changed from what it used to be ; and that it is not now that san- guinary monster which it formerly was. Be not de- ceived. Popery cannot alter, for when it does be- come changed it is no longer Popery. The only va- riation I have been able to discover between ancient and modern Popery, is its method of performing an auto-da-fe. Formerly the unfortunate victims used to be burned. Since public opinion (not the humanity of the priests) has now rendered such revolting spectacles impossible, it has been discovered that the POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 7 inquisitors resorted to the secret and brutal alterna- tive of burying their prisoners alive, the head only- being left out of the ground. On the opening of the Inquisition at Rome, by order of the Triumvirate, dur- ing the days of the republic, rows of corpses of per- sons murdered in this manner were discovered. Archbishop Hughes, -of New-York, in his lecture, " The Church and the World," confesses that Popery has been at times, from prudential motives, " forced to lower her authoritative voice, and speak in gentler tones to those who still recognized her spiritual do- minion." The Pope in his letter to his nuncio at Vi- enna, in 1805, furnished mankind with a very plain example of the doctrine of expediency : treating of the right of persecution, he says, " we are arrived at TIMES SO CALAMITOUS AND SO HUMILIATING TO THE BRIDE OF CHRIST, THAT IT IS NEITHER POS- SIBLE NOR EXPEDIENT TO HAVE RECOURSE TO THOSE MOST SACRED MAXIMS, AND SHE MUST SUSPEND THE COURSE OF HER JUST SEVERITY AGAINST THE ENEMIES OF HER FAITH." Be assured that the pretended humility of the Je- suits is mere hypocrisy, to obtain a firmer footing in the country, which, if they once secure for themselves, they will crush all further opposition, and every- where extinguish Light and Freedom. Popery is anxiously watching for the earliest opportunity to perform over again all the scenes of the St. Bartho- lomew and of Smithfield : treacherously to blow up a Legislature : or to massacre its opponents una- wares, as in Ireland, when servants murdered their employers, and benefactors were butchered by those very persons whom they had befriended. Never forget the words of the Pope to Count 8 A FEW WORDS ON Daun on the occasion of his victory at Hochstein* "The benediction of Heaven upon thee, who hast vanquished the wicked heretics — ex- terminate heresy at a blow — extirpate the infamous race of luther and calvin. the destroying angel will fight by thy side. May thy arm" (not the hand only but the entire arm,) "constantly smoke with the blood of these wretches. may the northern countries of Germany be subdued to the true Church by the sword — by fire — and by blood. " The attempt just made by the Pope, at the insti- gation of the despots, to disturb the internal tran- quility of Great Britain, is a fact which ought to arouse even the most apathetic and incredulous. His Holiness shows the nation that he has abandoned none of the arrogant claims of his predecessors. He casts the apple of discord into the midst of the peo- ple, in the hope thus to prepare the way for their de- struction — for no nation distracted by internal feuds can resist against external aggression. Let not Americans disregard this lesson, and go to sleep under the idea that there is no danger for themselves. In the year 1828 Frederick Schlegel, in a course of lectures delivered before the court and nobility of Vienna, demonstrated, that in as much as the reformed religion favors republicanism; so, on the contrary, Popery favors monarchy, and he added these words "The great hotbed of democratical prin- ciples which supplies France and the rest of Europe, is North America." Consequently the imperialcourt immediately organized the " Leopold Foundation " for the purpose of giving greater activity to the spread of Popery in the United States. This society POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 9 was fully approved of by the Pope, in his Bull of 30th January, 1829, and was by him enriched (as usual) with indulgences, remission of sins, &c. &c. &c. The French Minister declared in 1825, that "the conversion of the Americans to Popery was of the greatest importance, not only on the score of religion, but MORE ON ACCOUNT OF THE POLITICAL POSITION OF Europe." Did not Lafayette warn you that if ever the liberties of America should be in danger, it would be in consequence of the spread of Popery among you? Bishop R&ze (papist) distinctly explained to an Italian gentleman, that as yet the papists were not strong enough in the United States to take power into their own hands, but that they were numerous enough to hold the balance between parties. That consequently the orders to all prelates from the Pope, and from the court of Austria, were for the present (and until they should be able to do more) merely to direct all their attention to the throwing of discre- dit in every possible manner upon liberal institu- tions. Cast your eyes towards the Austrian and Popish agents in France — men whose former trea- sons against the State have been generously forgiven by the too confiding nation — men who pretend to the exclusive possession of patriotism, intelligence, and honesty, though they are in fact acting in obedience to the orders of their country's enemies — men who have the impudence to avow in the national assem- bly their anxiety to behold an expedition to Rome enacted in Paris ! Does not the conduct of these artful royalists on the other side of the Atlantic, pre- cise]}- correspond with the confession made by Bishop Reze as to the Emperor's projects here? Yes ! when 10 A FEW WORDS ON these Austro-jesuitical agents have dragged their na- tive country, France, completely into the mire, then indeed will be seen " the expedition to Rome per- formed over again in Paris " by hordes of barbarians who will subvert the government selected by the people, restore the exiled tyrant, devour the sub- stance of the land, and massacre its population. Just Retribution for the expedition aoainst Rome ! It may appear strange that England, from whence Popery was expelled in an incredibly short space of time, should find herself to-day in her present dis- agreeable predicament. Let us devote a few mo- ments to consider this subject. Henry VIII was not a man to be trifled with, and on embracing the Re- formation, he, without any hesitation, confiscated the whole of the possessions of the Popish Church, distri- buting the same among the clergy of the new church, and such persons of local influence as he hoped could draw the nation to his side. Besides this property, he likewise confiscated, and distributed among his own partizans, the estates of such of his subjects as refused to ackngwledge his supremacy in matters of religion. Like other royal reformers, his majesty, " Defender of the Faith" reformed as little as possible — barely enough to justify his turning out the Pope, and nominating himself head of the church — but the People derived some benefit from this commence- ment of improvement, and they subsequently (with- out the royal consent) presumed to advance further in the road of progress. Had the Irish confisca- tions been bestowed upon native Irish of influence in their several districts, Popery would in all proba- bility have been disposed of as effectually there as in England : but these lands having been stupidly and POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 11 unjustly bestowed upon English courtiers, (absentees,) the native population looked upon them as invaders and oppressors ; the laity attacked the intruders in a political sense ; while the popish priests stirred up a religious fanaticism through all classes. This resistance has lasted for ages, and does not seem likely to be easily pacified. The new British church being wedded to the state, and being a legal necessity rather than a matter of conscience, naturally soon became cor- rupt. The two Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge, intimately connected with the state church, instead of being purely and simply seats of learn- ing and of progress, became tory engines for the manufacture of retrogression. As I graduated at Oxford, I maybe allowed to express an opinion upon this subject ; but the discussion of the imperfec- tions in the Universities being long and out of place here, I shall merely observe, en passant, that nothing which has occurred in the Pusey and Popish mania occasioned me any astonishment, except the aban- donment of certain snug fellowships, which tempo- rary sacrifices, however, seem subsequently to have been amply indemnified. The unhealthy condition of the tory state church, and of the exclusive Univer- sities, naturally led them to follow in the wane of the Court and the Nobility, which have a natural tendency to favor Romanism, as being more nearly allied to absolutism — upon the same grounds as the imperial court sent the Leopold foundation to this country. There is, however, one circumstance which may put a bar to their completing this premeditated piece of iniquity, viz. the possession among them of sundry confiscated estates formerly belonging to ca- tholic proprietors, convents, or glebelands. 12 A FEW WORDS ON • Another cause which has contributed to foster the Popish pretensions and power, is the improper mode in which the elective franchise is accorded to the people ; it being based upon a property instead of an educational test. Consequently, in Ireland, where the priests keep the peasantry in the greatest igno- rance, the popish pastors drive their flocks like sheep to the voting booths, there to record legally, not each man's own independent vote, but the pleasure of his Holiness, and of the foreign despots. In these cases oaths are of no value, since they are absolved by anticipation. But if reading and writing, instead of rent-paying, were to be made the qualification for voting at elections, then the popish priest would either lose his pocket full of votes, or he would be obliged to permit his flock to procure the so much dreaded educational qualification. Then a premium would be given for the extension of education, (which up to a certain point ought to be gratuitous,) while the baneful influence of these priestly agents of our enemies would be curtailed — a great good would be effected, and a great evil would be diminished. The development of the Popish crisis at this parti- cular juncture is due to the principle, (or rather the want of principle}) upon which the foreign policy of the nation has been conducted — provoking and threat- ening our enemies, without having the courage to act up to the menaces ; and then sacrificing the continen- tal liberal party, England's natural ally, because the aristocracy dread any change which may peril the safety of their god, mammon. Their great desidera- tum therefore is status quo ; and if forced to move, then they strive to retrograde rather than to advance. Lord Palmerston has, upon the main points, followed POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 13 the usual policy of his class and of his predecessors in office. The whole privileged class, misled by ear- ly prejudices, and inflated by pride and riches, seems to be totally blind to the injury it is inflicting on the nation. The agitation which pervaded Italy previous to the death of Gregory XVI was the natural result of centuries of tyranny, and was not caused by the meddling of our foreign secretary. When he became aware of the state of things, he encouraged their de- velopement, little dreaming of the explosive nature of the materials he was handling ; and imagining (poor man !) that he could make use of the popular disaffection for his own purposes, and then check it at his pleasure. The people, however, had in view a nobler object than the gratification of the private pique of an outwitted diplomatist. The people plain- ly pronounced the word freedom. Had Lord Palmerston then understood the signs of the times — had not his aristocratic prejudices so completely obscured his vision as to prevent his ap- preciating the splendid position in which he was ac- cidentally placed — had he courageously and hu- manely held out to liberty a friendly hand, instead of a bundle of deceitful protocols, he would have earned the lasting gratitude of the human race. But he was unequal to this great work, and he soon deserted the popular camp to seek the more genial society of the oppressors. Through all the future phases which this struggle may assume, the past du- plicity of royalism, popery, and diplomacy, with the confidence of the people so basely betrayed, must al- ways be kept in mind. Despotism has demonstrated that it will be satisfied with nothing less than the 2 14 A FEW WORDS ON annihilation of its adversaries. Will any one dare to assert that self-preservation is not justifiable for the people ? The two great political parties to-day existing in Europe are the Liberals and the Anti-liberals. The former desire progress and civilization's can be seen by quoting the demands of the people, published in the Italia del Popolo of last March : " Nationality — FREEDOM — THE GENERAL GOOD OF ALL MANKIND — LIBERTY OF SPEECH AND OF CONSCIENCE — PRO- TECTION OF JUST LAWS, INSTEAD OF THE ARBI- TRARY CAPRICE OF AN USURPATION. We WILL SE- LECT FOR OUR RULERS THOSE CITIZENS THE MOST CONSPICUOUS FOR THEIR VIRTUES AND INTELLI- GENCE. We will have education for all — FOOD FOR THE MIND — BREAD FOR THE BODY— 1 THAT THE WILL OF GOD BE DONE ON EARTH AS IT 15 in heaven.' " On their banner they bear the motto: «< GOD AND THE PEOPLE." The other party assumes the appellation of Con- servatives — Lovers of order — Moderates ; names well suited to mask their real project, which is the op- pression of the people. This party was, eighteen hundred years ago, very much the same as it is to- day. We have all of us read about these conserva- tives figuratively described as a camel unable to get through the eye of a needle. Where they were then — there they are now — and there they always will be. This camel party, who stick on the wrong side of the needle, and like certain pharisees and hypo- crites " call good evil, and evil good ; who call light darkness, and darkness light," is subdivided into two factions, each of which hates the other, though they generally combine together against their common prey, the people. POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 15 One of these factions is composed of the divine- right-absolutists, and includes the Pope, the despots, and a portion of the nobles, with their dependants. Their motto is " No concessions ;" and they are anx- ious to right while they stand on the vantage ground and hold the resources of the State in their hands. The chiefs of this faction are Nicholas, Haynau, Metternich, Schwartzenberg, and the Pope. His Holiness has declared, (speaking against the pro- gress of the age,) "We are aware that we have been placed here not only to deplore, but also to crush these evils." The other faction of Camels consist of a section of the nobles, together with a considerable portion of the more timid wealthy. These hoist the banner of constitutional monarchy ; partly in the expectation of seizing, for their own advantage, (not for the be- nefit of the people,) some of that power of which imperialism may be shorn: and partly in the hope of pacifying the popular voice at the sole expense of the absolutists. This faction is by far the most dan- gerous enemy to the popular cause ; because by a profusion of promises, (which are intended never to be fulfilled,) the friends of civilization are cajoled so as to let pass every favorable occasion for action. Palmerston may be considered as the European lea- der of this faction. His lordship's agent in Italy is Azeglio, minister to the King of Sardinia. His words may serve to explain the state of affairs in Piedmont, and the quarrel with the Pope, more clearly than any arguments I could use. He says : " I venerate Popery ; therefore my words, however harsh they may be, must not be considered as the expression of hatred from an enemy, but rather as the effusion of 16 A FEW WORDS ON grief which rises within us for the fate of a friend who is obstinately bent upon his own ruin." From this it is evident that the Pope is acting the part of a spoiled child, who beats his nurse for preventing him from burning his fingers. Great Britain stood in 1848 in a more exalted situ- ation than she had occupied since the days of Crom- well. Each nation of Europe, except herself, was convulsed to the centre. She alone stood erect, hold- ing the destinies of the world in her hands. Without firing a shot — by the mere weight of her peaceful influence, the nations of the earth so long oppress- ed could have been made free, and future convulsions and bloodshed could have been avoided. When the fortune of war placed this power in the hands of Na- poleon, he turned it to his own ambitious purposes, and paid the penalty. When Palmerston, in 1848, could have effected this with peace, he threw away the golden opportunity — and he is now reaping his reward. His Lordship cared nothing about Civiliza- tion or Humanity — but troubled himself greatly about the shofck his order might sustain if democra- tic institutions should be successfully established in neighboring States. Frightened at ihe m giant of his own nursing, his Lordship summoned to assist in its destruction those very potentates against whom he but a few days previous had excited it. This giant — the People — assailed on all sides by its avowed ene- mies and by its pretended friends ; sickened by Jesu- itical intrigue at its heart, was eventually chained down. The despots rushed eagerly to destroy it. Stab after stab have they inflicted, but the terrible truth that it is not mortal is at length beginning to be manifest to them. POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 17 How do the despots now treat their deliverer, Palmerston ? Just as such a person deserves to be treated ! They are concentrating all their energies' to destroy him, and they will succeed, unless he lean upon the people for support — unless he loose the bonds of this giant, and call on him to save him. No choice is now left his Lordship, but the selection between Russianism, or Liberalism. If he do not, with a good grace, embrace the latter, he will be de- voured by the forn&er ; for the coalition which Russia will create will be very different from that of Napo- leon ; into which league many of the Powers enter- ed unwillingly, whereas the former allies of Great Britain, betrayed by the Government, would now be its bitter foes. What are these dreams of Lord Palmerston, so ruinous for Great Britain — and so injurious to mankind ? Status quo ante '47 — the iniquitous trea- ties of 1815 — -a balance of power without equilibri- um — and trade at the price of Liberty and Honor. Let us look at his practical results ! Has he, during his somnambulism, secured the peace of the world? Quite the contrary ! Has he made Great Britain esteemed and respected by any party ? Quite the contrary 1 Has he secured internal repose to his own country ? Quite the contrary ! Has he dis- armed the ambition and hatred of Russia? Quite the contrary ! Has he augmented the number of England's allies ? Quite the contrary ! But the old tottering thrones of the Pope, and other despotic enemies of England, have been for a few months propped up again — the friends of England and of civilization, have been proscribed — and all the conti- nent of Europe, is now under the influence of Russia. 2* 18 A FEW WORDS ON Though Lord Palmerston at times affects extreme zeal in the defence of British interests, he neverthe- less allowed an English family to be held as host- ages at Florence, where they had fled for protection, and where an English ambassador was residing. Even if the father of this family had done wrong in fighting against the Pope and Austria, that is no reason for permitting his children to be made respon- sible. A similar outrage was never before submit- ted to by any nation. But our foreign secretary at that time rejoiced at the persecution of all who had dared to resist Russianism, or who presumed to have opinions more liberal than those of his Lordship. The British Ambassador in Tuscany celebrated with festivities the triumph of the enemy of Italy, Eng- land, and Humanity. The first serious blow which the patriotic cause received was in Sicily — that spot where the first appeal to arms against tyranny was made. This disaster was brought about by the diplomacy of Lord Palmerston, which caused to be elected into the pro- visional government an undue proportion of the no- bility — or of persons favorable to that class. He next discountenanced, and caused the provisional govern- ment to abandon those active measures which were indispensable to ensure success, and used threats and promises, to cause the second son of Charles Albert to be elected king — nor was the full extent of the mis- chief perceived until it was too late to find a remedy. Lured into a false security by these deceptive arts, the Sicilians were eventually abandoned, and their re- volution was crushed. Had the energies of the peo- ple been permitted to have developed themselves, then the tyrant of Naples would have fallen, and the POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 19 southern part of Italy, united with Rome and Tusca- ny, would have been able to have accomplished the liberation of the remainder of that Peninsula. The French had not then thought about intervention — nor had the Prince-President then been elected. Even after this disaster, the cause could have been saved if, on the flight of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, that duchy had united itself with Rome, (as the Tuscan population wished to do,) but Lord Palmerston again interfered in favor of Russia, Austria and the Pope, and by his diplomacy, did civi- lization more effectual mischief than did the quad- ruple armed intervention. Russia and her minions tri- umphed, while those who trusted in the British foreign secretary were again betrayed. I believe, neverthe- less, that it is unjust to accuse his Lordship of preme- ditatedly betraying his country and humanity. It can- not be denied that he has done incalculable damage to every body except the Czar : but people should recollect, that when a panic seizes possession of a man's intellects, his common sense takes flight. In the case we are now treating of, his Lordship was bewildered by an insane fear of Republicanism on the continent, (an imaginary ill :) and dismayed by this phantom, he rushed blindly into the meshes of his wily Muscovite foe. Lord Palmerston and all Europe are, in consequence of these blunders, now menaced with something very different from a mere shadow. Austria, bankrupt and desperate, is united to the Cossacks, that she may participate in the pil- lage of the west. Already has she absorbed by ex- actions, forced loans and confiscations, all that can be squeezed out of Italy and Hungary. She has on foot a more numerous army than was in existence 20 A FEW WORDS ON even in the wars against Napoleon — not one man of which can be dispensed with, for revolution men- aces her from within. Her credit is so completely exhausted that even the cupidity of the stock-jobbers is unable to palm off any new loan upon the public. Nothing, therefore, remains for her to do, but to sub- sist like a highway-robber, by plundering the neigh- borhood. The financial situation of Russia, though not so deplorable as that of Austria, is nevertheless not brilliant. If the Autocrat diminish his army, he must abandon his royal dependants, (or satraps,) and suf- fer civilization to advance. If he keep up his pre- sent amount of forces, he cannot provide for them out of his national revenues. Hunger must there- fore impel both Emperors to fall upon Germany,, where they may perhaps obtain some months of sub- sistence. But after a short stay, the same imperious necessity — Hunger — will drive them more westward. . — Then, may those Jesuitical French conservatives have the satisfaction of assisting at the representa- tion of the expedition to Rome, performed in Paris. There, these combined Croats and Cossacks may obtain a few scanty meals, but it is in England alone where they can find a plentiful repast — Albion is their land of promise. How stealthily is Russia work- ing her approaches against Great Britain. All in- tervening states are in turn overwhelmed, in which operation Lord Palmerston, with an inconceivable infatuation, assists to bind the victims hand and foot,, so as to prevent their defending themselves against the common enemy. However, there is yet the hope, that the continental liberal party may over- come Russtanism, whether their determination be or POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 21 be not pleasing to his Lordship's diplomacy — thus he may be saved nolens volens. If the British aristocracy could but divest them- selves of their childish terror of the word Liberalism, so as to examine calmly the substance, they would perceive that the dominion of Russia is far more to be dreaded by them, than can be the spread of Repub- licanism on the continent. Let us suppose that the entire continent of Europe were under the republi- can regime, Great Britain, which is separated from her neighbors by the sea, and by (what is a yet more effectual barrier) different habits and institutions, might yet continue under a monarchy. Even if the monarchy were to be eventually converted into a Republic, in consequence of the republican system working on the continent practically better than monarchy in Great Britain, the nobles would merely lose some empty titles, and a few privileges — their lives and properties would be safe. Whereas if Rus- sia were to become dominant, their wealth, privileges, liberty, and perhaps life would be lost, or enjoyed only by permission of the Czar. I will cite two or three examples of Austrian con- servatism in Itaty. When Schwartzenberg command- ed a brigade at Boara, on the Adige, he ordered, of the native local authorities, a certain number of ladies for himself and his officers ! The authorities having remonstrated, and explained that women of the sort he wanted, were not to be found in that part of the country, this imperial conservative replied angrily : " Then send us your wives." This occurred during a period of peace, was totally unconnected with poli- tick, and caused extreme indignation. At Ferrara, Dr. Cotica, as in duty bound, sent to the hospital, cer- 22 A FEW WORDS ON tain females who were in a state requiring medical care. These females happened to be (without his knowing it) under the protection of the imperial troops. The croat commandant sent for the doctor, who sus- pecting no personal violence, naturally repaired to his lodgings, where he was tied up and flogged so severe- ly, that he died in consequence. Let the English conservatives recollect that this is what the Croats and Cossacks call " maintaining order." At Bologna, a prohibition was issued against the carrying of any sort of weapon or knife. A butcher going to his daily occupation, was taken up for having a knife in his possession, and immediately condemned to death, al- though he explained who he was, and that the instru- ment was requisite for his trade- He was shot, and fell wounded, but not killed. In that state, yet alive, w T ithout taking the trouble to give him the coup de grace, the grave was filled up over him. Volumes of such examples could be furnished, and it is to de- fend themselves against such atrocities that the na- tion rises : all who impede the people from protecting themselves, are accessaries to these crimes. Both the American and British public are mis- informed respecting the feasibility of establishing constitutional monarchies on the continent of Eu- rope. They draw their conclusions, as to the suit- ableness of that system, from seeing the greatness of England, without considering collateral circumstan- ces. Great Britain has flourished in despite of, but not in consequence of monarchy. The prosperity of the English is due to their in- dustry, not to their government. Flow inferior is the royal to the republican side of the American lakes, though the Canadian territory is the most fertile. No POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 23 better example than the flourishing condition of the United States, could be produced to show what the English race is capable of, when allowed to do the best they can for themselves, unshackled by royal protection. This colonial limb, which, seventy years ago separated itself from the mother country, and turned republican, has now become nearly as great as the body of which it formerly was but a small part. Constitutional monarchy is composed of three elements : the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the democratic. In England, the middle portion is the preponderating power: thus the balance is more easily kept steady, and the extremes are prevented from coming in contact. But on the continent, the middle portion only exists nominally, consequently the extremes come into frequent collision. Under constitutional monarchy, as well as under repub- licanism, popular suffrage is to a certain extent practised : but under the former regime, it is sub- jected to the corrupt action of patronage, intimida- tion, and direct bribery. As Philip De Boni so justly observes, "under a republican government, the virtues of the people ascend upwards and operate upon the rulers ; while under royalty, the vices of the court descend into the nation and corrupt it." Constitutional monarchy (on the continent at least) requires its spies as much as a pure despotism does : its diplomacy is equally intriguing and slip- pery : the promotions in the public service are dictat- ed by nepotism : education and morals are neglect- ed : religion is turned into a state engine : the poor are oppressed, and hatred is engendered between classes. All its complicated machinery is continually 24 A FEW WORDS ON out of order, and is extremely expensive— a very old proverb reminds us that "the more a government costs, the worse it is." How much more economical, practical, and suitable to the wants of the people is the republican form — therefore, if it should be con- sidered requisite for a people to go through a prelimi- nary education under one form, to fit them' for the other, it is with the Republican regime that they should begin. The Romans in '49, selected that form best suited to them, and showed that they appreciated the advan- tages of Republicanism — so enthusiastic were they in defence of that government, which bid fair to keep them in their rightful station among the family of nations, and in civilization, that the women vied with the men in their devotion to the cause. Many fought, and some were killed by the side of their husbands or brothers : others tended the hospitals, bestowing the same care upon the wounded French soldiers, their prisoners, as upon their own citizens. the triumvirate sent from Rome, Surgeons and dressings to the French invaders, who had not sufficient of their own. I have in vain searched history to find a parallel to such acts. In selecting a form of government, historical recollections have much weight with a nation. His- tory reminds the Italians of no constitutional mon- archy, but of much republican glory. In any future movement, that very perilous interregnum, between the subversion of the usurping tyranny and the establishment of a national government, will be avoided, since the people have already decided upon their system, and have elected their legal represen POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 25 tatives, who continue to be the depository of the national interests, and who, though in exile, are only waiting the moment when it will be their duty to re-appear at their posts. In the revolution of 1847-48 the Republican party, rather than risk that a dissention might arise, stifled their political opinions, and aided the constitutional monarchists against the absolutists ; thus performing the greatest act of self-devotion. But these infa- tuated constitutional-monarchists, having proved their incapacity, and having ruined themselves, should henceforth silence all factious opposition, if they have any patriotism, and aid the Republicans to accom- plish that task they themselves failed in performing. Let us devote a few lines to examine (setting aside theory) how the different systems worked practically in Italy. Were not the defenders of Venice and of Rome republicans ? On the other hand, were not the interests of the nation sacrificed by the royalists and papists? Did not the republicans open the doors of the Inquisition, and abolish that institution ? Did not the royalists and papists re-establish it, and fill its cells with victims? Have not all the Princes (not in Italy alone, but all over the continent,) violated those constitutions, to which, in a moment of panic, they had registered their consent, sanctified by a solemn oath? Consider not that the Italians have been duped more than their neighbors — all the con- tinent has been deceived by these imperial and royal hypocrites — the Italians with the rest, but not more than the others. If one nation has been cheated more than another, it is FRANCE. That great nation is now furnishing the world with an illustration of what evils Jesuit and royalist craft can accomplish, even 26 A FEW WORDS ON in a republic — deplorable as is her condition now, a yet more bitter cup awaits her. Observe the conduct of the Romans since they have "been overwhelmed by the combination of des- pots. Are these republicans conquered ? NO ! Are the despots nearer their object ? NO ! They are farther off than ever ; they have consolidated in the minds of the masses those principles they were desirous of eradicating ; they have made that uni- versal which was before only general. The mercy, forgiveness, and moderation of the patriots, have been rewarded by floggings, extortions, confiscations, ban- ishments, executions, and calumnies ; but the day of atonement is not distant. The nations of the earth have now learned by experience, that it is not sufficient to have mere abstract Right on their side, but that they must likewise have Might ; and that they must not cherish vipers in their bosoms. The clandestine press is again at work, circulating its propaganda through every pore of the nation: neither the ingenuity of the Jesuits, nor tl*e espionage of the police, nor the bay- onets of the coalition, can stop its progress. One of the mistakes which contributed to injure the popular cause, was the disregard and contempt which the People had for the intrigues of Popery and Despotism. Bear this in mind, Americans, and suffer not yourselves to be misled into the same fatal error; never under-rate the power of your enemy. Observe that Popery is the first weapon with which the Czar attacks England. His imperial majesty leagues himself with the same insiduous foe, whom the Emperor of Austria, at the recommendation of Schlegel in 1828, encouraged and strengthened, for the purpese of injuring you. There is hope that the POPERY AND DESPOTISM. 27 step taken by the Pope in England, may prove prema- ture, and may serve to arouse the nation to a per- ception of its danger. There is hope that the con- servative party in England may not imitate the ex- ample of their fellows on the continent, and impede the people from defending themselves from the Nortern Autocrat. You Americans cannot look on at these events with indifference. England is nearest to the scene of action ; if she succumb, your turn comes next, and quickly. The same instrument, Popery, will be used against you, to sow discord and disorder in your country, that the Cossacks and Croats may "restore order." Have you no recollection, during the Mexican war, of certain papist deserters, who left your ranks to side with their co-religionists ? How much more forcible would the ease present itself if the Pope himself were among the ranks of the enemy, and supremacy over their fellow- citizens on earth, with paradise in heaven, were to be held out to them by his Holiness as a reward 1 Nor is what I have just noticed as having occurred in Mexico, to be considered as an isolated case ; a true Papist is bound to consider the interests of his religion, (as designated by the ecclesiastics,) as pre- eminent above every other consideration. In Italy, do not the priests league themselves with the foreign invaders, to enslave their country? Do not all those of this class, in Switzerland, France, and everywhere else, do the same '? The " Essule Italiano, " an Italian newspaper of New- York, 10th August, 1850, gives a case in point, of a Jesuit being employed in treasonable intrigues respecting the fortress of Alexandria, which the Austrians hive, for a long time, coveted. This 23 A FEW WORDS ON POPERV AND DESPOTISM. letter from the Jesuit father, Vigna, to Count Bolza, head of the police in Milan, gives an example of the treason of the Jesuits, as well as of their immorality, in searching for such agents as are in needy circum- stances. He begins by lamenting the " innumerable evils to which the venerable company of Jesus" was subjected in Piedmont, and praised the paternal government of the Emperor of Austria ; hoped for the vengeance of God against the common enemy, and added that "although trust is to be placed in divine assistance, nevertheless, human co-operation is by no means to be despised." The Reverend Father then explained that he had found a professor who would be a " most fitting instrument in Alexandria, a very learned man, with limited means of existence therefore easy to be allured by the bait of a bribe" "Alexandria is a most important place, and this professor is a most appropriate person." You Americans are free and happy — Your an- cestors won you your Liberty; do not, however imagine that j.t does not require vigilant watch- ing. The intercourse between the old and new world is such, that, if the former be in bondage, you cannot long continue free ; either its inhabitants must become as you are, or you as they are. Remember that your friends are our friends ; that your enemies are our enemies; and that the happiness of the human family, with the peace and tranquility of the world, depend, mainly, upon the triumph or the destruction of Civil and Religious Liberty in Italy. H. FORBES. D. Fanshaw. Printer and Stereotyper, 35 Ann, corner of Nassau -street. NOV. SECONE* EDITION. 1850. Published for distribution, by the Boston Young Men's Society in favor ofltuly. FORBES'S ANSWER ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. fin Jj ~y*'& In the Lecture published by the Roman Catholic Arch- bishop Hughes, in the present year, under the title of "The Ciiuhcii and the World," there appear several remarks which I cannot allow to pass wholly without com- ment, inas- jch as they are directed against the present European movement in favor of civilization. He has styled Pius IX. "the Man of the Age," and justly ; for he will certainly be remembered, to the latest posterity, as the man who mainly contributed to accomplish (not by his genius or humanity, but through his blindness, and entirely against his will, ) the great work of the age — the annihilation of Popery and its foundations — the super- stition and ignorance of the people. Respecting the numerous enconiums bestowed upon him, I shall merely observe that I by no means acquiesce in them, nor do I lack reasons in abundance for entertaining these opinions ; but I shall not bestow any time upon dis- cussing that matter, simply because I cannot permit myself, by entering upon personalities, to be drawn away from the main question — from the discussion of Principles. Our adversaries invariably resort to personal abuse instead of argument, in order to draw the attention of their oppo- nents from the main question of Popery, and force them to devote their time to their own personal defence, as is the case at present with Achilli, who is devoting that time and those mental energies to conducting a law-suit, which ought to have been exclusively occupied in combatting Popery. Some there are who would retaliate, mud for mud, (and materials are not wanting,) hut even that is a loss of time, and soils one's fingers. The best answer is to redouble the activity of the attack upon the main question, and never he drawn from it, under any pretext whatever ; for if we were to follow their example, they would not fail to adduce it as a proof that we dared not discuss the question of papacy upon its merits, without first creating prejudices against it. As I have accused their party of dealing in abusive language, a specimen from their chief may perhaps be both inter- esting and instructive to the American public. Some per- sons may differ in political and in religious opinions, from those referred to in the anathema of his Holiness, but there are none who do not respect them as citizens, and who do not believe that their endeavors are prompted by philanthropic motives. Yet so intolerant of all its opponents is the spirit of Popery, that the American evangelical societies are thus spoken of: " Certain societies in which is collected, (as in one common receptacle,) whatever heresy, or the most impious sects offer of crime, of sacrilege, and of blasphe- my." .... "This was the object of the impious ravings and scheme of the Waldenses, of the Begurdians, of the Wickliffites, and other children of Belial, the refuse of human nature and its stain." . . . . "To attain their object the more easily and readily, they fearlessly wade through every crime." Then follows an injunction to the Prelates to appeal for support to the power and authority of the Princes, since the Pope presumes that they must be aware that it is for their interest to uphold his church. At the epoch of the elevation of Pius IX. to the Papal throne, Italy was in such a state of feverish excitement, brought about by centuries of misrule, that the government had no other choice than to select between Reform and Revolution. The Papal Court was then divided between two parties ; — the one was composed of the Austro-Jesuit faction, who maintained that one concession only paves the way for another. These men preferred running the hazard of a revolution, and commencing the struggle while they stood on the vantage ground ; having the services of all the civil and religious organization at their disposal, and their adversaries being weak — rather than making their resistance ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. after they had abdicated a portion of their power. The other faction was equally desirous of saving Popery, but differed as to the means. They hoped to avoid the impend- ing storm by the timely concession of a few reforms in some of its grossest abuses. The confessor of the Pope, Padre Graziosi, Cardinal Micari, and the advocate Silvani, private friends of Pius, belonged to this party, which was supported by the influence and promises of a certain diplomatist, then at enmity with the Austrian and French ministry, on account of the affair of the Spanish marriages. The Pope feared, on the one hand, the consequences of a revolution, and on the other hand, had a truly papal horror of reforms. He therefore, (as all timid people do,) decided upon a course which was the most dangerous of all ; he tried to satisfy the compromise party, by granting the least possible quantity of reform, while he consoled himself and the Austro-Jesuit par- ty by nullifying these concessions in every possible manner. The fact of a Pope conceding to any reform whatever, was such a novelty, that mankind seemed to think the mil- lenium had commenced. Subsequent events have, however, cleared up the mystery, and unravelled the riddle. After the sudden death which overtook Graziosi, Micari, and Sil- vani, the compromise party at the Court of Rome became extinct, and the advocates of despotism and extermination had the entire direction of pontifical affairs, both in Church and State. The Archbishop has, likewise, at the very beginning of his Lecture, fallen into another error. He represents the revolution of Paris as preceding that of Palermo. The revolution of Palermo occurred on the 12th of January, 1848; that of Paris on the 23d and 24th of Feb. following, and may be considered as an echo, (but not the only one,) of the Italian liberal Propaganda. The Archbishop appears astonished that the result of the agitations and revolutions of 1847-8 should be a state of things throughout Europe in 1850, much more oppressive than that which previously existed ; and this he attributes to the world having, during the Reformation, wrested out of the hands of the church the task of ameliorating the condition of mankind. He endeavors to show that the Roman Cath- olic religion harmonized the conflicting elements of society, 4 FORBES S ANSWER TO made monarcks humane, and populations submissive. He says, " When the church had sway, nations had no despots — I mean of the absolute stamp." ..." One of her (the church's) crimes, in the false accusation of modern times, is that she undertook to support despotic kings." In reply to these observations, I desire to remark that we to-day behold nothing other than the natural result of the course pursued by the too-confiding people in the years 1847, '48. and '49. The epidemic whirh pervaded the world in 1847-8 was that inconceivable delusion, that the Pope, despots, and nobles would peaceably abdicate their usurped sway over mankind. Fearing the consequences of open, undisguised opposition to the national will, they yield- ed to the crafty recommendation of Palmerston, and the eyes of the world were dazzled by the phantasmagoria of a reforming Pope and reforming princes ! And, as if that were not sufficient completely to bewilder the people, we are next treated to the farce of ultra royalist nobles suddenly transformed into red republicans ! 8omc there were among the people who did not place any confidence in these mira- culous conversions ; but unfortunately the multitude were misled by them. For the honest mechanics could not be- lieve that even Popes, princes, or nobles could be guilty of such falsehood, ingratitude, and baseness. "With liberty on their lips, and treason in their hearts, these nobles were allowed to retain the direction of public affairs, and for a time to trample down the patriots. In what position do the victors now stand ? They are this day in greater fear of the vanquished than the vanquished are of those, who, through the means of deceit and treachery, are now their oppressors. Nor can I admit that the above inference of the Arch- bishop is a just one. The revolution is far from being over ; it is now merely in progress ; and the country may justly be likened to a strong man whose health has been injured by a long course of intemperance and vice, conse- quent upon a neglected education and the bad example of his tutors. Reduced to a desperate condition, this man has at length turned over a new leaf — dismissing his monarchial and priestly quacks, and commencing a course of medicine and diet. Would the state of exhaustion or inconvenience ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 5 in which this man might feel himself during the progress of his cure, be a fair test between the comparative merits of his for- mer method of life and that of any virtuous sober neighbor; especially when the dismissed and disgraced authors of his ruin should have conspired to disturb his repose, and mali- ciously to adulterate his medicine with poisons? I entertain no doubt as to the ultimate annihilation of Popery, and all its coadjutors ; but I see that, before going to its own place, it will tear and lacerate the body of its victim, as did the unclean spirit. Mark 1 : 25-26, and Luke 9 : 42. The assertion of the Archbishop, that despotism did not exist in the dark ages, is somewhat at variance with all that history has yet written. I have always seen this period described as having been one continued exhibition of climac- tic ruffianism : commencing with the barons' retainers, who overawed the peasantry ; ascending step by step to the chiefs who domineered over their men-at-arms ; till we arrive at the yet wider despotism of the princes, who, in their turn, were prtest-ridden ! The Archbishop infers that the Roman Catholic religion was the friend of ameliorations, because some reforms, and especially that great instrument called the Magna Charta had the good luck to exist previous to the days of Luther and Calvin. Did any (even the very least of them) take their rise from the priesthood ? It would be just as appro- priate to style George III. a republican, because the Decla- ration of Independence was signed and successfully upheld during- his reign. I must confess my surprise that the Archbishop has ventured to refer to this Magna Charta as a proof of popish liberality and love of reform. As a histo- rian, he ought to know that it makes directlv against his cause. Let us look at the facts relating to it. John of England had a dispute with Innocent III. in the year 1207, respecting the nomination to the See of Canterbury. In consequence of this, England was excommunicated by the Pope in the following year, 1208, and John himself was put to the Ban in 1200. In the year 1213, we find John obliged to barter his kingdom to the Pope to obtain for- giveness. In consequence of this transfer, and to save themselves FORBES S ANSWER TO from this popish usurpation, which was even more oppres- sive than the mere royal tyranny, the barons revolted, and obliged John, (who continued in England as the local ruler, though he bowed as vassal to the Pope,) to accept their conditions, embodied in the Magna Charta, June, 1215. As soon as this was known to the Pope, he issued his Bull, August 25, 1215, in the following language, (Rymer Clarke,) — "We entirely reprobate and condemn a com- pact of this kind, ( compositionem hujus modi,) prohibiting, under the threat of anathema, (lest the said king should presume to observe it, or the barons, with their accomplices, should enact its observance,) as well the said charter, as its obligations or provisions, and making it void and of no ef- fect." On the same day the Pope issued an epistle, in the same strain, to the English barons; but no notice being taken of it, it was followed by ban and interdict, (Math. Paris, page 270,) with the direction to the Bishops, " That they should solemnly publish it through all England, ac- cording to our sentence, on all Sabbath and feast days, with the ringing of bells and the burning of candles, until the barons shall render satisfaction to their Lord the King, for the injuries and damages inflicted, and faithfully return to his service." What a remarkable similarity there is between the liber- ality of Innocent III. and that of Pius IX. ! The Pope's Encyclical of last December, in which he inveighs against what he calls " the new art of printing," may be perhaps eonsidered by the Archbishop as a proof of his civilization ! The epoch at which the church was at its zenith of power, prior to the reformation, is cited by the Archbishop as the most perfect state of human society, either before or since known in the world, " from whence we derive the little good we now enjoy." He therefore must, of course, consider that trial by combat, by fire, or by miracle, is better than our jury system — that the arbitrary decrees of princes, dictated by their confessor, are better than laws made by the freely elected deputies of the people — that the caprice of a baron is better than the habeas corpus and a court of justice — that the inquisition is preferable to freedom of conscience, (which the Bull of the Pope has declared to be a " pestilential error ,") — ignorance better than educa- ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 7 tion — convents preferable to schools — no roads to rail- roads — ■ that Bulls of the Pope are more desirable than what his Holiness stigmatizes as being " that worst and never sufficiently to be execrated liberty of the press." Such the Archbishop avows to be his opinion ; but I think it will require more eloquence than is possessed by all the Archbishops in the world, and more miracles than the pres- ent Pope and all his predecessors have conjured up, to per- suade the Americans to take his view of the matter, and to barter their liberty for his slavery. I do not here pretend to discuss matters of dogma ; but as I have an Archbishop in hand, I may be excused allud- ing to the 2d Epistle Corin. 3d chapter, 17th verse, which says: — "Where the spirit op the Lord is, there is LIBERTY." Now in no part of the world is there less of Liberty than there is at Rome ; therefore in no part of the world is there less of the spirit of that Lord, whose priest the Archbishop professes to be. How much more simple it would be, if things were but called by their proper names : if, instead of calling Popery "The Roman Catholic Religion" it were to be styled in plain English, " That wonderfully organized and tremendously powerful political engine — POPERY." We now come to that very important part of the Arch- bishop's Lecture which treats of the right of insurrection ; i. e. of revolution. He says, " The Catholic Church does not recognize the principle that the people may change their government when they will." This, there is no doubt, is the doctrine of Popery ; but I am surprised that the Arch- bishop (who is in general so very cautious in his expres- sions,) should have published, in the United States, an explicit avowal of this principle. He is, however, acting under the influence of another fixed principle of Popery — viz. the doctrine of expediency — and he strives to qualify the above avowal by the addition of a most ambiguous pro- viso, so as not to shock the Americans by blaming their revolution of '76, while he at the same time retains his hold upon the passive obedience and divine-right doctrine of Popery. This Popish doctrine of expediency is most mysterious. We find some persons handed over to the in- quisition and to the executioner for expressing, or for being 8 FORBES'S ANSWER TO suspected of entertaining liberal ideas ; while others meet with rewards and promotions for pretending to these same opinions. The Archbishop explains that (he Roman Catholic Church desires ; ' not servile, but reasonable obedience," and he adds that revolution is proper "when the injury to the people is more than the benefit to the government." Hence arise two questions — First, What is the rule by which the church distinguishes "servile " from " reasonable obedience?" Secondly, By what rule can we test whether the injury to the people be greater than the benefit to the government? The first of these queries can best be an- swered by referring to the Bulls and acts of Infallible Popes, and noting the motives for which they have at times excited the resistance of the people against their rulers, and vice versa. Gregory II., in the eighth century, fomented a revolt amongst the Romans, Venetians, Lombards, and all Italy in general, not to free the people from bondage, but merely to augment his own authority. Gregory VII. (1073) deposed Henry of Germany, and raised against him a bloody war, in which, however, the anathemas of the Pope proved of little avail against his rival, and his infallible Holiness having overreached himself, was eventually excom- municated for simony, perjury, sacrilege, scandal, sorcery, necromancy, infidelity, heresy, and beringarianism. This war, in which the people were excited against their sover- eign, and foreigners likewise were called upon to assist in the Pope's behalf, was not to liberate an oppressed people, but, as usual, merely to extend papal dominion. The enumeration of the various cases in which the people were excited by the Popes against their rulers, would take a volume in itself. Each instance invariably had for its ob- ject papal aggrandisement. These proceedings were always accompanied on the part of the Pope by absolving from oaths, &c, &c, the history of which furnishes some most atrocious examples of perjury and blasphemy, all for the aggrandise- ment of the Papacy or the oppression of the people, as in the case of Edward of England, whom in the year 1306 the Pope Clement absolved of his oath to observe the char- ter, and at the same time anathematized such of his subjects as should dare to insist upon the king's observance of such an oath. ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 9 Amidst the mass of horrors revealed in this oath-absolv- ing process of the Popes, (which the Archbishop would do well to become better versed in before he delivers any more lectures in praise of their civilizing propensities,) we stum- ble upon one fact which has something of the ludicrous mixed up with it. Paul V., having in his infallibility taken an oath, which he subsequently found to be inconvenient, by this same presumption of infallibility, absolved himself of his oath! (1555). When we look at the opposite side of the question, and take examples of rulers exhorted and praised for the massa- cre of their people, we find these acts to be dictated by the same motives — Popish ambition and intolerance. On the occasion of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, for instance, Gregory XIII. went in procession to the Church of St. Louis, to return thanks to God ; and he sent his congratu- lations to the "most Christian King," for a deed "so long meditated and so happily executed." If we wish an ex- ample of rulers stirred up against the people, in the present d;iy, we have Pius IX., who might have enjoyed the full exercise of his spiritual functions, with a revenue of four hundred thousand dollars per annum, his palaces, &c, &c, but which he refused, unless he could enjoy his temporal powek likewise. Of this affair we have seen the commence- ment, but we HAVE NOT YET SEEN THE END. His Holiness would do well to reflect upon the fate of Gregory VII. We next come to the test by which to decide whether the " tyranny be of greater injury to the people than it is ben- efit to the government." I must here state explicitly, that I cannot recognize any other question as meriting public attention, than this: Have the people, or have they not, suffered injury from the tyranny exercised upon them t The archepiscop;il idea of endeavoring to strike a balance between the injury to the people and the benefit to the govern- ment, is an admission on the part of the prelate that a gov- ernment may be permitted to have interests in opposition to those of the public, and demonstrates that he advo- cates a principle that strikes at the very root of republican- ism. It is manifestly placing the ' ' divine right" (as under- stood by Popes and despots,) in direct opposition to public right. Either the government is the servant (or hired 1* 10 agent) of the citizens, or the people are the humble subjects of the government. If the former be the case, then cer- tainly the people are as much justified as any other employer would be, in dismissing an agent who is not doing their work to their satisfaction. If the Archbishop denies this proposi- tion, let him frankly tell the American people that he does deny it. Let a public agent in this country try the experi- ment, and impudently talk of divine rights and of private interests at variance with the public welfare. Should the people, overcome by compassion and a desire to forgive, consider that the maladministration of their agent were caused by the ruinous and vicious system introduced by his predecessors, and should they be satisfied with a mere change of method without dismissal, then would this ser- vant be bound to the public by an 'immense debt of grati- tude ; and treason on his part would he the more infamous. Such is the history of the recent events in Europe — the errors of the people have all been on the side of kindness and of goodness. That the result thus far should have proved disastrous, is not their fault but their misfortune — if they be imposed upon again, after the experience they have so dearly bought, then, indeed, it will be their fault. Hear what the Roman people say to the Pope upon this subject. " Giovanni Mastai, how long will you insult your country, and she bear \^ith you? " . . . . " Oh senseless we ! that we should ever have believed you — ever have applaud- ed your feigned promises and ephemeral concessions, to find ourselves deluded in our hopes, and cheated of our hap- piness." What does Mazzini say upon this subject? " On all sides thousands have fallen — some by the hand of the executioner, some on the field of battle, some from hunger and want, in exile. With a smile on their lips, with defiance on their brow, with that calm serenity which can belong only to those who have a consciousness of having completed their mission, these martyrs met their fate." Looking at the 18th chapter of Revelation, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th verses, we find in allusion to the destruction of a certain lady in scarlet, — ' ' Reward her even as she re- warded you, and double unto her double according to her ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 11 works ; in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double. How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously, so much torment and sorrow give her ; for she saith in her heart, I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow. Therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, and mourning, and famine ; and she shall he utterly burned with fire ; for strong is the Lord God that judge th her. And the kings of the earth who have committed for- nication and lived deliciously with her, shall bewail her and lament for her." Let us suppose that the question had to be decided, whether the injury to the people were greater than the ben- efit to the government, — before whom could the point be argued, and who could give a verdict V The Americans are acknowledged by the Archbishop to be the fittest judges of their own affairs ; can he debar the Eomans from the same right, and force them to submit to the decision of the Pope, the despots, the Jesuits, and their adherents ? The Roman people, after the voluntary flight of the Pope, in November, 1848, elected a constituent assembly charged to form a constitution. These elections took place by uni- versal suffrage — amidst the most remarkable good order — and the Republic was legally and solemnly declared, amidst universal satisfaction. Until the Romans had freed them- selves from the thraldom under which they had been held by the Papal government, it was impossible to take the opinion of the nation through the ballot box. The Romans have endured Popery for some centuries, and surely they must be the most competent judges of its merits. Nor is the present the first struggle of the Romans against popish oppression. The history of Rome shows a series of attempts to free itself from this servitude, which has been forced upon its population by fraud and violence. In 1815 the people protested against it ; and the authorities of Bologna warned the Pope not to stop in that city, or they could not guarantee the maintenance of public tranquility. If Popery was disliked by the Romans in times gone by, when the mass of the people were bigoted believers in its doctrines, how much more odious must it appear now that their faith is shaken, and that the Pope (refusing to accept his spiritualities without his temporalities) has appealed to 12 FORBES's ANSWER TO foreign despots to reinstate him as an absolute prince, eau-ing his capital to be bombarded, and the citizens to be massacred. The Archbishop asserts that the late efforts on the part of the Italians to throw off the yoke of despotism were not sanctified by a sufficient justification ; therefore, that they are unworthy of being treated other than as ungrateful and rebellious subjects, and that the American revolution of '76 is not to be compared with the late European outbreaks. 1. Because the Americans iv ere justified in their resistance, the conduct of the British government having been oppress- ive. 2. Because the leading men of the revolution of '76 were religious men. " They reverenced, or at least professed to reverence, God. They recognized the rights of property." And, 3. Because the American revolu- tion succeeded, while the European struggle has (so far as it has yet proceeded) failed. The Archbishop having declared that the Americans of '75-6 were justified, while the Romans of '47 were not justi- fied, let us take a view of the causes of complaint of the one and of the other. In treating of this matter, I by no means wish to speak slightingly of the motives of the Americans in their revolution ; but I desire to demonstrate to the citizens of the United States that the Romans had much stronger reasons for their resistance. The great grievance of the American colonies in '74 and '75 was the being taxed without having a share in the repre- sentation. In this they were quite right to resist ; but, by the same rule, the Romans have the same right. If, in '73, the Bostonians did right in pitching the tea overboard, then the Romans did equally right in pitching Popery overboard. In America, personal liberty at least was protected, while in the states of the Pope any person could be (as now) thrown arbitrarily into prison, or into the inquisition, and there kept for an indefinite period. In America, there was trial by jury ; not so in the states of the church, where, if sometimes the authorities should consider it expedient to go through the formality of a trial, the government not only named the judges and the law officers for the prosecution, but likewise the lawyer for defending the accused. The avocato Ulisse Pantoni of Forli was banished and suspended ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 13 from practising in the profession, for conscientiously defend- ing certain liberals for whom he had been named counsel before the special court convoked at Ravenna, in 1832, and for refusing to deliver to the papal government some papers proving the innocence of the accused, which papers the Pope's police eventually took by force out of his study. Among other iniquities in this affair, one of the prisoners accused of having killed a carbineer, proved that, on the night in question, he was at his home, a great distance away from the spot indicated, and that a Franciscan friar, on a journey, having called at his father's house, slept that night in his room. The friar, when cited, corroborated the asser- tion ; and in consequence he was severely reprimanded, and sent to the inquisition at Rome, for giving evidence without having first consulted his superior. ( Vide ultimi fatti di Romagna. M. Azeglio.) In America, the citizens could travel or visit each other withDut any impediment ; whereas, in Italy, any one moving but a few miles from his home, without a passport, would be immediately imprisoned. Any one giving a friend, or even a member of his own family, a night's lodging, and neglecting to report the fact to the police by twelve o'clock the next day, was (and is) liable to severe penalties. Americans had liberty of conscience — of the press — of education. Not so the Romans ; many of whom have been imprisoned, and have even lost their lives for being suspected op not thinking as the papal government tvishes people to think. Ameri- cans were not subject to the intolerable nuisance of political and domestic spies — but the Romans have not only political spies in every nook and corner of the country, but their wives, their children, and domestics, being forced to go very frequently to the Father Confessor, they are so questioned by the priest as to be made to act the spy upon their parents and upon each other. In America there were no monopo- lies — while in Rome there hardly exists any thing free from monopoly. The lives and properties of Americans were protected — not so the Romans ; for the police being occu- pied exclusively with politics, can never give their time to matters of such secondary importance as looking after mere robbers and assassins. Add to these every species of vice and corruption, in every department of the State ; the intolerable 2 14 FORBES'S ANSWER TO tyranny and arrogance of the priestly magistrates ; and a list of other evils too long to enumerate separately. Let us observe the dignified and temperate words of the Roman People, convened by the popular club, in the Spring of '49, for the purpose of composing an address to the Pope ; which document, having been voted at a public meeting, must be considered as a true sample of the opinion of the mass of the citizens. They say : — " It is not the word Re- public we are in love with, but we want a wise, prudent, and just government. Now this, call it by what name you will, is what we have always wanted, and we have a right to it. To this point we tried to urge you ; from which, the govern- ment of the Popes had so far receded. This act, simple, and full of justice and moderation, you designate the product of unbridled license, and the audacity of depraved passions ; and those men, who, from love of country, attempted it, you call the enemies of God and man. Silence, false Pontiff ! and profane not thus the name of GOD ! " Let us see what are the demands of the people, as ex- pressed by Mazzini, who was, (and is,) the most remarkable of the Roman Triumvirate. He says, " what are the de- mands of the people ? Nationality. Freedom. The pro- tection of just laws, instead of the arbitrary caprice of an usurpation. We will select for our rulers those citizens most conspicuous for their virtues and intelligence. We will have education for all — food for the mind — bread for the body. That the will of God be done on earth as it is in Heaven." The next objection of the Archbishop to classing the Ital- ian movement with that of 76 is, he says, because the Amer- ican revolutionists were religious men. " They revered, or at least professed to revere, God. They recognized the rights of property." The Archbishop here seems puzzled to de- cide whether these men really revered, or merely professed to revere God. Since he is in a mist, there I must leave him to find his own way out. If he were to refer to the Pope's encyclical of last December, which says, " The EASIER TO DECEIVE THE PEOPLE, THEY PRETEND THAT PRO- TESTANTISM IS BUT ANOTHER FORM OF CHRISTIANITY," he might by chance get some light thrown upon this difficult question. When the time shall arrive in which he can ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 15 venture to speak out his opinion, perhaps he may let us know it. Before dismissing this second objection I must quote a few lines from the above mentioned address of the Roman People, just to exemplify their religious opinions. In speak- ing of the Papal Government they say, " The first care was given to the heaping up of gold and silver ; but none was bestowed to giving to the Church the truths of the Word of God." "When you left Rome, the Bible entered it ! " and again, " If you appeal to the religion of the canons, we stand by the Holy religion op the Gospel ; You belie it, — yes ! We believe in the Christ of God, and our faith daily increases on comparing His doctrine with your prac- tice," &c, &c. Having heard what the people say, let us now hear what Mazzini says, in his address to the Roman Priests : " For a long time a divorce has existed between the Catholic Church and humanity. This divorce is most fatal ; since without Christianity, no state of society founded on brotherly love and charity ean exist ; without Christianity, there can be neither peace nor true liberty ; without Christ- ianity, our corrupt nature will always resist every important reformation, and we shall have neither a country nor any thing whatever that is good. Besides, it is absolutely neces- sary to re-link earth to heaven — to re-establish harmony between this world and eternity — between man and God, the Father and Instructor of all men. I now warn you that the important hour is about to strike ; that the period of time is accomplished ; that Materialism, the offspring of Popery, is overcome ; that the want of a religion is on every side felt. Through your misconduct, men's consciences are now in a state of doubt — religion is banished from men's hearts." . . . "In the name of God we ask you of what creed you are ? Whether you understand the scriptures ? Whether you be Christians or Idolaters ? " . . . " Our re- ligion is eternal ; eternal is the church of believers. The reformation of the corrupt church, which might be accom- plished solemnly and peaceably through your aid, will, it you do not march with us, cost a terrible struggle — tears — and a multitude of martyrs." The Archbishop's ideas seem again in a mist respecting 16 FORRES'S ANSWER TO the rights of property, which he pretends were not respected by the Republic. It was not the Republican, but the Papal Government which confiscated every thing it could lay its hands upon. Nobody can respect the memory of the heroes of ' 76 more than I do. I believe them to have been men such as are rarely to be met with, either on the score of extreme in- tegrity, patriotism, disinterestedness, or talent; yet, if I am not misinformed, the British Government heaped upon them very much the same epithets as those with which the Papal Government has honored the leaders of the present Italian revolution. The third motive given by the Archbishop for condemn- ing the Italian struggle, is not exactly the sort of argument I should have expected from one professing to be a minister of religion ; but it is the only fact he has produced, viz : that it has been overcome. Since his criterion of right is force, he must by his own rule acknowledge that for some months the republicans were right, and the Pope was wrong • and, in a few months, he may have again to draw a similar con- clusion. One of the singular circumstances in this most un- precedented affair, is, that the Pope, to recover his tempo- ralities, should appeal to those whom the Archbishop styles " rank unbelievers themselves," and that his Holiness should be most profuse in heaping upon them his blessings, benedic- tions, and incfulgencies. He seems, also, to be not less afraid of his deliverers than he was of the liberals in ' 48, for he has already attempted to escape from Rome since the French troops escorted him back. To excite a greater prejudice against the European move- ment, the Archbishop applies at random the usual words "Socialist," "Demagogue," "Order/' &c. The defini- tion of the word Socialist is, I imagine, any person who lives in the society of his fellows ; and this all men do, unless they be kings, or hermits, who have no companions to asso- ciate with ; even in nunneries, the inmates have a species of socialism, after their own fashion ; and I have understood that their sociability is generally enlivened when there hap- pens to be a monastery within a small distance. On the second head I must say I have heard no sentence uttered by any revolutionary orator so likely to excite hatred between ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 17 classes as is the following of Archbishop Hughes himself. "Political economy has not seen, or seeing, has not dared to denounce, the social blunder, the mockery of freedom, which is presented in the spectacle of the starving labourer maintaining a contest of competition with the bloated capitalist." If one of us had uttered these words, what abuse would have been heaped upon all of us by the despots, and their organs ! The less, therefore, this popish prelate says about " Demagogism," the better. The other cant expression about "order," is worn so threadbare that it is useless to dwell upon, it, for the public have discovered that the soi-disant "friends, of order," (such as reigned in Warsaw,) are in reality the subverters of all order. It is by the perversion of such words and expressions, that the reactionary panic has been called into existence in Europe. Haynau bears the chief odium of these excesses, but the second place only is due to him. The first place ought to be occupied by those diplomatists who have manu- factured this reaction out of false pretences. As to anarchy, (respecting which the Archbishop seems so alarmed,) there has existed none, except in his own head, and there, apparently, there is a sad jumble. He condemns liberty, and in the same breath explains that he approves of it ! He condemns despotism, and in the same page praises it ! He declares revolution to be justifiable, and at the same time declares it to be unjustifiable ! Does not this look like anarchy ? Now out of all this arises a question, Is the Archbishop's brain muddled, or not ? His infallible Holiness seems to think it is not, and seems disposed to con- sider him the Wiseman of America. In the Archbishop's endeavor to condemn revolutions, or reforms of every description, he asks whether the people, (say in Russia,) can have a right to change their government? " We say, all Americans say, they have ; but have they tru- ly?" are his words. I confess that if they have not that right, then neither could the Italians, nor even the Americans, have had it. Yet the prelate acknowledges that the Americans had it, and in that case so had, and so have, the Italians, the Russians, and all others. But he explains that if they have a right to change one day, they have equally a right 2 o 18 FORBES S ANSWER TO to change again the next ; which, according to him, would be anarchy. Has not the Emperor of Russia the power of revoking his decrees as often as he pleases ? Has not the republic of the United States, (as well as every other state,) the power to alter her laws, so as to render them more suit- able to her wants ? Thus, according to the Archbishop, all the world is, and always has been, in a state of anarchy. Most persons think that the timely alteration of an obnox- ious law, is the best way to avoid, instead of the means of creating anarchy. Anarchy signifies confusion, and the subversion of all law. Now the organic laws of that system of which our globe forms a part, command that everything be kept in constant motion forward. When this natural progress is stopped, comes corruption, which is the motion reversed. No ANARCHY IS PRODUCED BY THE FORWARD MOVEMENT. The day dawns, and runs its course forward. The year begins and advances, always forward. Man is born, and goes forward in his race. Whenever a despot puts an im- pediment in the way of civilization and human progress, the organization called society, gets unsteady, and advances with jerks. Whenever the despotic power is such as com- pletely to arrest the movement forward, then anarchy must necessarily result. What would be the consequence if some persons were to build a dam across a stream V Would not the water by its accumulation gradually swell till the pressure be so great as to sweep away the obstacle ? So it is with the Pope and the despots of the present day; they have obstructed the current of civilization, but they cannot make it flow back to its source. Should the mischievous authors of this impedi- ment be themselves overwhelmed in the ruin they will have caused, they will richly deserve such a recompense for so much wickedness. The work of Italian regeneration now advancing, places Archbishop Hughes in a very embarrassing position before the American public. So long as he directed his attacks merely against the English, he could cheaply obtain the reputation of a red-hot radical ; he could, in the true spirit of Loyola, propose to purchase a shield, while his lay com- panions subscribed for the purchase of arms. The popish ARCHBISHOP HUGHES. 19 oppression in Italy being much more severe than ever oc- curred in this country or in Ireland, he must either eschew all his former protestations of republicanism and of sympathy for the oppressed, or he must become proportionably more vio- lent in his attacks against the Pope's government, than he formerly was against that of Great Britain. 'All his endeavors to reconcile popish with republican maxims, must turn out miserable failures, and tend only to demonstrate more palpably their antagonism. " No man can serve two masters ; " therefore the Archbishop had better for the future abandon his attempts to prove that midnight is mid-day, and not meddle any more with politics ; but limit his occupations exclusively to his spiritual functions — to his masses, his confessional, and his indulgences. H. FORBES. THE ROMAN REPUBLIC AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. New York, June 1st, 1850. To the Editor of the Tribune. Having had placed in my hands an article signed Sigma, from the New York Courier and Enquirer, treating of the late Italian revolution, and of the leading persons concerned in it, written under the most erroneous impression, I cannot let such false views remain before the public, without endeavoring to rectify them to the best of my feeble ability. I am the more inclined to take this step, because from my intercourse with American citizens since my arrival here, I find them in general misled upon these subjects, their information (except the cor- respondence and editorial articles which have appeared in the Tribune and a few other truly democratic papers) having been gathered from the London journals. That press, though most ably conducted as regards the composition of its articles, yet, to please its aristocratic readers, invariably gives such an arti- ficial coloring to every political event, that each endeavor made by an oppressed country to free itself from tyranny and ame- liorate its condition is distorted so as to appear to be the rebel- lion of a restless faction, for the sake of pillage ; while the patriots who sacrifice themselves and their fortunes for the pub- lic good, are stigmatized with the appellation of brigands ! Unless, forsooth, the movement be made by the nobility in favor of a very aristocratic constitutional monarchy, which being only another name for oligarchy, generally meets with sympathy from the ruling class in Great Britain. What a lamentable fact, that a press which ought fearlessly to advocate justice — which instead of humoring the vices and foibles of the public ought to endeavor to correct them — and which pos- sesses in itself talent sufficient to ensure so desirable result, should prefer to pander to these faults in the mercenary hope of selling a few more copies. Being an Englishmen, unless I had been thoroughly convinced of the justice of the Italian cause, I should not have taken up arms in its defence, (such a course being opposed to my private interest,) and I most certainly should never have allowed my eldest son to accompany me to the field. I grant that in the commencement of the revolution some blunders were committed ; that faith was placed in the promises of the princes and nobles ; that some persons were placed in offices for which they proved unqualified ; while some most estimable persons were neglected. But these accidents were, under existing circumstances, unavoidable, and the only wonder THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. 21 is, that so few cases of this sort occurred ; for the despotic Italian governments had allowed the public no means of appre- ciating the capabilities of those from among whom the people had to choose their leaders. It could only be, therefore, after an individual had committed some (perhaps serious) mistake, that his incapacity could be discovered , and a remedy applied by the nomination of some other person to his situation. To perplex the people the more, and to thwart everything which might be of service to the popular cause, the Jesuits and the aristocrats incessantly worked in secret to raise in public esti- mation those most unworthy ; resorting, on the other hand, to calumnies, to ruin the reputation of such as they considered men of superior worth. The local princes, having unfortunately assumed the disguise of reformers — ipstead of showing them- selves in their own true colors - — so long as the selection rested with them, nominated, (as princes always do,) those persons who would best second their royal desires. Oh ! little do you republicans know here in America what these Jesuits are ! Shut your eyes to them a little longer, suffer them to get a firmer footing in the country, and you will then begin to feel it, free Americans though you be. They take any shape, assume any color best suited to their purpose. They insinuate them- selves everywhere ; they contrive to know every secret. In- dustriously and patiently do they labor to obtain this object by securing the rising generation, especially the females, through the instrumentality of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart. They seldom dedicate much time to proselyting persons of mature age, for they know that they can catch in their nets a hundred little fish easier than they can trap one full-grown one. A country in a state of revolution requires all its energies then, more than at any other time, and the nomination of a few persons to situations for which they are not qualified, may peril the success of the enterprise. But the people are not to blame for this ; the odious yoke which they are endeavoring to shake off is alone responsible for these difficulties. Hungary was differently situated in this respect. That country had long been the main prop of the Austrian Empire. There had there been a Constitution for a length of time. There were statesmen, generals, officers, and soldiers ready made. The Italians in time would have had just as good ones, but a certain time was absolutely necessary to form them, and to discover such as might be most suitable to the various departments of the public service. The first man in Europe was already at the head of the Triumvirate. The subordinate offices were beginning to be appropriately filled. As regards their soldiers, I could not de- sire to have better materials out of which to form battalions, for I set down as a rule that all those men will make good sol- 22 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC diers, after a little drilling, who take well to the bayonet. Cavalry, artillery, and officers, take a somewhat longer time to form, though the Italians have natural facilities in this respect. Both Italy and Hungary have acquired some dearly-bought ex- perience, and when the struggle recommences it will be under different auspices, and with a common accord. The correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, Mr. Sigma, should have reflected a moment before he compared the state of affairs in Rome with the state of things in the United States of America, where the struggle for independence is over, and where the country has enjoyed many years of peace and pros- perity. Let us consider what was her position during her rev- olution. At the commencement, she had good officers already made. She had a country to defend into which an enemy could not penetrate without almost certain destruction — vastly differ- ent from Italy. She had a strong foreign legion in her pay. She afterward had the direct support of one powerful nation, and the good wishes of some others, beside the sympathy of a strong party in England itself. The transition from her former to her latter state was not so great a difference ; for personal liberty, the laws, customs, and municipal institutions suffered but little change ; freedom was not to her a state unknown. But with the Italians, liberty was a state for ages totally un- known, and it is therefore surprising that no excesses, no abuses occurred. Far be it from me to depreciate the noble efforts so successfully and gloriously made to establish Ameri- can Freedom, but I wish, in simple justice, that the extraordi- nary difficulties and sufferings of the Italians should be fairly appreciated. Itaty, for ages under the demoralizing rule of despotic princes, priests, and superstition, had to contend, sin- gle-handed, against the gold and the combined bayonets of for- eign princes and aristocrats ; against the subtle intrigues of Jesuits and aristocrats within ; and last, though not least, against British diplomacy in the disguise of friendship. The Republican party at the beginning of the Revolution, acting upon pure patriotic principles, and having in view the delivery of the country from foreign oppression, before any other consideration, stifled its private opinion, to join in one common cause against the common enemy. It was only after the destruction of that sacred cause, and the abandonment of Lombardy by Charles Albert, that the Rebublicans came for- ward as the sole remaining chance of retrieving the hopes of the country ; for it being clear that the royalists either could not or would not act, a prolonged seclusion would have been as culpable, as it would have been injudicious for them to have earlier pushed themselves forward without having first allowed a fair field and every possible assistance to the royalist party in AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 23 its endeavor to liberate the country. Whether the royalist party in its turn acted in the same generous manner, is a ques- tion hardly worth asking, since it is notorious that their creed is diametrically opposed to the philanthropic Republican princi- ple. Monarchy and Aristocracy being based upon selfishness — upon the aggrandisement of the few to the detriment of the many, they can only maintain their positions by fraud, corruption, su- perstition, intrigue, physical force, and the ignorance of the masses. The Republican party had, therefore, to act under immense difficulties. Not only had it to make head against foreign foes, but at the same time to counteract the insidious efforts of the Royalist-Aristocracic-Jesuitical party, and of British diplomacy. Peculiar circumstances enabled this engine to act with more than its usual effect, for the British Foreign Secretary having, for motives best known to himself, excited and encouraged the Italian movement, especially in Sicily, the mass of the popula- tion was easily persuaded by false friends, to place reliance in these slippery promises. The experience of past and present times teaches us that implicit reliance can be reposed on the good faith of nearly every Englishman as a private gentle- man. The same experience demonstrates that no reliance whatever can be placed upon the faith of any Minister up to the present time ; and as if this disease were approaching a crisis, the present Foreign Secretary has far surpassed all his predecessors. Such acts as those of Sicily, Genoa, Parga, used to be scattered over a lapse of years ; but the achievements of Lord Palmerston crowd close upon each other. Scarcely has his Lordship obtained for England one of her blackest pages in history through the Oporto tragedy of '47, when he begins to play his tricks in Italy, as if he considered the millions of human beings as mere toys for him to use in gratifying his pique for the Spanish marriages. Unfortunate people ! — aye, and unfortunate Palmerston ! if to be a Lord and a Minister it be necessary to be devoid of humanity and of honesty. The habitual abandonment by the English Cabinet of the va- rious nations or parties compromised through its instigation, has raised a general distrust which affects even the individuals of the nation. The whole nation is not, properly speaking, responsible for this, since it has not universal suffrage ; there- fore, only a portion of the people can by their votes protest against the dishonor such conduct entails upon their country. In the limited space of a letter I cannot enter into the painful details of the events of the Lombard-Venetian revolution of '48, or the train of disasters brought about by the Piedmontese Camarilla in the spring of '49. I can only hazard a few obser- vations, in consequence of the accusations against the people 24 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC contained in the above mentioned correspondence of Sigma. The aristocrats and Jesuits have had the advantage of an or- ganization which it has taken ages to perfect. The Republi- cans had to organize as they proceeded, so that much bad seed scattered by the Jesuits sprung up with the good seed sown by the patriots. The Jesuitical enemy could conspire and strike in the dark ; the patriots do not use such means. The Jesuiti- cal enemy had (and has) inexhaustible funds for every species of corruption, while the patriots frequently want that which is absolutely necessary for subsistence. In short, all the advanta- ges, one excepted, lie on the side of the despots ; that one is the advantage of fighting under the banner of Reason and Justice ! Reason and Justice cannot be crushed! They may be persecut- ed, gagged, calumniated, compressed — but never extinguished. They may be chained, and plunged to the bottom of a sea of blood, yet they will buoy themselves to the surface, acquiring fresh purity and brightness from each new persecution. This writer cites in his letter certain daughters of Popes and Cardinals who are known to him to be prostitutes. From these he might certainly learn some tales of the profligacy of the priesthood, for none could instruct him better on that head ; but they are not exactly the fittest instructors upon other subjects. This fact, however, accounts for his circulating the same calum- nies invented by the Jesuits against the Liberals, using even the very words and expressions constantly in the mouths of the priests. When Citizen Bonaparte first prostituted the French bayonets in the service of the Pope, such accusations might have found some persons to give ear to them ; but they wont do now ; people 1 in Italy know better ; they know their false- hood, and the motives for which they were promulgated. Our author says further, that " if the French intervention had not occurred, inconstant and unjust as it was, the Roman Re- public would have died of itself from five distinct causes. 1. Abandonment. 2. Atrophy. 3. Paralysis. 4. Phrehsy. 5. Gangrene." The despots and Jesuits were, I presume, as well informed upon this subject as the writer of this sentence could possibly be, and if they had believed that there had been the slightest hope of its dying from any one of these causes, be assured they would not have let slip so advantageous a circum- stance. This insane intervention was only determined upon after experience had proved that the Constitution of the Repub- lic was so strong as to resist the effects of all the poisons which were secretly and abundantly administered every hour by the agents of the Royal -Aristocratic -Jesuitical conclave. The northern powers were the instigators of this project, in the double hope of ruining the Roman Republic, and at the same time disgusting the French nation with their President and AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 25 their Republic, so as to pave the way for the fall of Napoleon the Little, and the restoration of Henry the Vth. Napoleon the Great destroyed the Republics of Genoa and Venice. His pig- my nephew, endeavoring to imitate his uncle only in the darkest pages of his history, has brought about his own ruin, and thus far has played the game of the despots. But the good sense of the people, the righteousness of their cause, will save from destruction both the Republics of France and of Italy. From having held a command in the Italian Provinces, I can certify to the tenacity of life in even the remotest extremities of the Roman Republic. I do not know of one instance in which, when we had been driven from any position by overwhelming forces, and obliged to abandon a town or a village, the Austri- ans, on entering the place, did not find the tree of liberty erect, though the inhabitants well knew that a heavy fine, and perhaps other severer punishment would be the consequence. Nor do I know of one instance in which the Austrians could find a native to cut down these trees, consequently the Austrian pioneers had themselves to perform the operation. linder the head of Abandonment, Sigma proceeds in a strain more suited to a Northern despot than to a free American citi- zen, attempting to prove that no revolution can succeed unless diplomatically recognized by the European Powers. The first desideratum for a revolutionary government, according to my notion, is to secure the independence ot the country ; that done, the " recognitions " will come of themselves. Such old gov- ernments as do not think proper to exchange courtesy with the new one, may let it alone. During a revolution, the friendship of royal governments is neither to be expected nor desired ; it would be a dangerous protection. Had the American Charge, in the name of a free people, recognized the Roman Republic, that would have been a matter of exultation and encouragement. How does Sigma dare to charge the Republicans with the death of Rossi? Nobi.dy knows who struck the blow, which was given on the steps of the Assembly, in the midst of the soldiers and of the police of the Jesuits, (though nominally the Pope's,) who did not interfere. Many have been the surmises on this subject. Rossi had once been banished by the influence of the Jesuits, who never liked him, and who never forget nor forgive! I can make no positive accusation, but this I can assert, that the Republicans do not use these means, while his- tory cannot count the numbers of victims who have fallen under the poignards of Jesuits and tyrants, who always contrive, if possible, to lay their own crimes to the charge of their adversa- ries. Who attempted recently to assassinate Kossuth, Bern, and others 1 Perhaps the Austrian Government can throw some light upon this inquiry, while the Sardinian Government can 26 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC perhaps furnish some particulars respecting the ahortive attempt of a similar nature against Mazzini, in the month of January- last. Perhaps Massimo Tapparelli, (commonly called D'Aze- glio,) can inform us what Jesuitical influence exists in the Pied- montese Cabinet. The accusations of Sigma increase in virulence under the head of Atrophy. Does he not see how inconsistent he is when he charges the Government of Rome with " unrighteous confis- cations," while in the same sentence he names as one of the causes of its pecuniary embarrassment the fact that it had " rec- ognized all the debts of the old regime V The Government had fearlessly and righteously ordered that sundry public lands be- longing to the poor, but which the convents had pilfered, should be restored to the lawful possessors, so that the desire of the doners who bequeathed these lands for the use of the poor, should be in reality carried into effect. Persons can imagine much better than I can describe the rage of the Monks and Je- suits at this proceeding, and it is almost needless to add that the lands are now taken back again to serve as they did before, for the maintenance of indolent friars. Sigma says that the Govern- ment had neither means nor credit ; yet a few lines below he says that it paid for everything. Yes, to its honor be it said, " it paid for every tiring." Neither " three millions of dollars," nor even one cent, was " given to the populace for their toler- ance." Why how can Sigma expect people to believe that a government which he declares to have been " without credit or means," could have squandered with a more lavish hand than the Emperor of Russia ! It was only by the most rigid econ- omy that the Government could meet the most urgent wants. The Assembly abolished some imposts which pressed heavily upon the working classes. These taxes the Cardinals have re- established. The issue of paper money was the work of Pa- pacy — the Triumvirate curtailed it as much as possible. And on the third head, Paralysis, the Republicans receive a mass of abuse in nearly the same language as that so lavishly bestowed upon them by the Jesuits. The defenders of Rome are called foreigners, &c. &c. The foreigners were very few. As near as I can number them I should say there were in Rome about a hundred and fifty Poles, about forty French, a few, (per- haps a dozen,) Corsicans, (though they could hardly be styled foreigners,) about a dozen between Germans and Hungarians, and four English. The French were never placed in a position to fight against their countrymen. Besides the above number in Rome itself, I had with me in the provinces about a hundred, chiefly Swiss. Some of these were excellent officers ; others were of less value. All of them, however, fought for a principle. Per- haps it may be presumed that in the racks of the despotic troops AND ITS CALUMNIATORS. 27 there were no foreigners? The Austrian General, Nugent, whom I had opposed to me on the Piave, is an Englishman. On board of the Austrian steamer which carried me a prisoner from Pola to Caorle, there was an English officer named Barry. The Austrian Admiral was a Dane. Is it not notorious that the Austrian and Russian armies are full of foreign officers'? Have not the French their foreign legion? Was it not the British legion which secured the revolutions of Spain and of Portugal? Have not the Italian governments Swiss troops ? In short, there is not a nation but has foreigners in its service. The Jesuits would be glad to dissuade the liberals from taking advantage of the same thing? There were not any negroes, as Sigma pre- tends there were ; we would have accepted them with gratitude had they come, but none presented themselves. Garibaldi had a negro servant who always attended upon him ; he was killed in Rome, by a shell, while walking in the streets. Sigma pays but a sorry compliment to the French, when he asserts that the serious check they received was from a handful of " fugitives and vagabonds." His assertion that the Roman people were indifferent, is, by this time, pretty clearly manifested to the Pope, and the French, and to the world, to be a calumny ; what a noble example of perseverance this people has shown dur- ing the siege and since the occupation ! Equally destitute of foundation has the calumny against Gar- ibaldi been proved to be. After performing prodigies of valor and suffering excessive privations, when taken prisoner near Chiavari, he had not half a dollar upon him — the remains of a little sum a few faithful friends had furnished him with, to facil- itate his escape. When a young man, circumstances not per- mitting him to defend the cause of liberty in Europe, he fought for that cause in the New World. No tyrants could ever obtain the use of his uncompromising sword, and that is why the tyrants hale him. Sigma stigmatizes the Republican soldiers as " Roman hire- lings." He does not seem to know that the meaning of the word soldier is one who receives his solde, or pay ; all soldiers who receive their pay, are hired. Many of the Republican soldiers not only maintained themselves, but equipped and maintained some of their less wealthy companions. Some received only their rations ; some, having no means of their own, were obliged to accept their pay. If these troops can be styled hirelings, at any rate, since they fought for a principle, they were principled hirelings ; whereas, the despotic soldiery, fighting for simple pay, and without any regard to principles, must, by the same rule, be unprincipled hirelings. In speaking of the fourth disease, " Phrensy," he charges the Government with having " constantly outraged justice, and 28 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, ETC. struck at the most sacred rights," &c. Let him cite an unjust act of the Government — one solitary instance. True it is, that it struck direct at what Jesuits and tyrants call " divine right," for it declared the equality of all citizens. Not a single indi- vidual had his properly confiscated ; even those nobles and Je- suits openly in arms against the Government, had their families and their properties respected. Can the Royalists say this much ? Sigma is accusing the Government of having done pre- cisely that which many have censured it for not having done ! The nobles and Jesuits did lock up their money — but not from fear. This act was done with the mischievous project of pro- ducing distress among the people, thus to excite them to discon- tent, and to embarrass the Government. No shops were ever shut except during the night, as in ordinary times. If any houses outside or inside Rome suffered from the effects of the struggle, it is the invaders who should be reproached with the injury, and who should repair the damage. It is false that the Assembly voted itself a sum of money be- fore separating. A proposition was made by some member, whose name I forget, to the effect that the Deputies should have the means furnished them of proceeding out of the State; this was instantly negatived by universal disapprobation. The mem- bers who had not sufficient for their expenses to carry them to a foreign land, received what was strictly necessary from a pri- vate fund which was among themselves ; while the public funds, which might have been carried away to assist the emigration, or to further agitation and propagandism, were left in the coffers of the State, and fell into the hands of their successors. Finally, as to •' Gangrene," in reply to which, I confess that in the head quarters of Popery there was much corruption ; but the Pope and Jesuits, not the people, are to be blamed for that. It was to remedy these evils that the people made their revolu- tion, and, in a short time, they effected incredible ameliorations. It was to prevent these ulcers from being cured that the Jesuits and their allies, the nobles, got French, Austrian, Neapolitan, Swiss and Spanish bayonets, backed by British diplomacy. Yet, notwithstanding these fearful odds against us, we still hope that the cause of humanity may eventually triumph over mis- representations, corruption and violence. H. FORBES. THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. Springfield, Monday, June 5. To the Editor of the Tribune : Since you have been so obliging - as to insert in your columns my reply to the calumnies of Sigma against the Roman Repub- lic, I am encouraged again to trespass on your patience by send- ing you a few observations touching a system of misrepresenta- tion which has been insidiously disseminated throughout this country, as likewise in Europe. The Aristocratic-Jesuitical party seems to be especially in- terested in distorting the Italian question, not only because it involves the immediate welfare of some twenty-five millions of human beings, but likewise because, from its religious, as well as from its geographical position, it could not fail to exercise an immense influence upon the cause of civil and religious lib- erty throughout the entire world. By most artful misrepresen- tations this party endeavors to deprive the Liberals of the sympathy of American freemen. In monarchial countries it is studiously inculcated among the people that they ought to be overwhelmed with respect and gratitude whenever the Prince relinquishes some small portion of his power, as the means of preserving the remainder. Let us imagine that a joint stock company had deposited their funds or other valuables in the hands of an agent, and this agent were to take it into his head to appropriate the whole to his own use, leaving the company in a state of destitution. Let us imagine that this agent, fearful lest the company might come and forcibly take back its property, were to hire a band of ruf- fians to protect him, and that this mercenary gang were to beat, imprison, or kill the poor defrauded merchants. Let us imag- ine that their friends and neighbors, having united to assist them, this dishonest agent, rather than risk a fight, were to re- store to the company a tithe of his plunder, and then were to have the effrontery to tell them that they ought to be grateful for his generosity — what would you sny of such a fellow'? Such is precisely the relative position of People and of Prince. The oppression of the Pope is even more odious, for he, uniting the temporal to the spiritual dominion, destroys all confidence between man and man, all affection in families ; he works upon the superstition of the masses, using for political purposes the power he claims to exercise as head of the Catho- lic Church, shutting men out of heaven for not obeying his 3* 80 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND authority as king. But not to enter on theological discussion, which is out of place here, let us class the Pope (where he so obstinately insists upon being included) among the temporal Princes, and let us impartially weigh the conduct of these Princes toward the People. When the oppression of the Italian Government, had, in '47, risen to such an excess that the Princes could no longer with- stand the popular movement, these artful men, acting under the advice of a British peripatetic Ambassador, placed themselves at the head of the Liberal party — to lead, and to mislead it. W hat else could be expected from royal and Jesuitical diplomatists ? When were Princes ever known to have reformed themselves? King Ferdinand of Naples (commonly called Bomba) is the most cruel tyrant of the present day, even past ages cannot show a worse one. Once he gave way to the popular will, and accepted the Constitution. Unfortunate day ! Had he not done that act of deceit, he would have been swept away, and would not have had the opportunity, shortly afterward, to be- tray and to exterminate those same men who had saved his crown and his life. No sooner had the noble generosity of the too confiding multitude removed from his cowardly soul the fear of punishment, and persuaded him that he could, with impuni- ty, conspire against the nation, than, together with his Jesuiti- cal companions, he laid schemes for enacting a modern St. Bartholomew. Through the instrumentality of the priests, who from the altars declared that their religion was in danger, this iniquitous clique worked upon the superstition of the Laz- zaroni, exciting them by the double motive of religion and of plunder. List* of the doomed families were distributed by the confidential agents of this modern Nero. The police marked the houses devoted to destruction, while bands of Lazzaroni, each led by a priest and a police agent, carried destruction from dwelling to dwelling, promiscuously massacreing men, women, and children, and plundering their houses. The soldiers of this royal tiger, aiding the bands above alluded to, traversed the city, attacking every group of Liberals, who, with the courage of despair, congregated together for mutual protection. The Swiss troops (recruited almost exclusively from the ranks of the Sonderbund) surpassed the others in ferocity. As a specimen, I can cite one circumstance : About 400 Liberals having taken refuge in a house, these barbarians contrived to . break down the stair-case, to prevent escape ; then setting fire to the building, all perished in the flames. This conduct of the Swiss w y as the more surprising, since they had but a few days previous shown marked sympathy with the Liberals. The change was brought about by the subtlety of the Jesuits, who, by sending agents of their own under the disguise of Liberals, THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 31 to quarrel with the Swiss, marched them against the enemies of the King under feelings of personal irritation. The respon- sibility of these atrocities lies, therefore, more on the shoulders of the King and the Jesuits than on those of the troops. Such is the rule of the King of Naples. As an undisguised tyrant, he is less dangerous than some others. He acts up to the maxim that the kingdom is his by divine right ; and, like a certain English Duke, he says, " Can I not do as I will with my own ? " A few days sooner or later this monster must fall, amid universal execration. The Grand Duke of Tuscany has shown himself to be at heart as great a tyrant as his brother-in-law, Bomba ; but he is more cunning. He formerly abolished capital punishment for all crimes — even for murder — yet at the same time, without trial, banished to the most unhealthy parts of the Maremma, all persons suspected of Liberal opinions. Thus, with true Jesu- itical hypocrisy, while he contrived to rid himself of those op- posed to his despotism, he subjected his victims to greater suffer- ing than if he had handed them over at once to the executioner. Though he had solemnly engaged to uphold the Constitution, he nevertheless clandestinely absconded — issued an incendiary proclamation, exciting the Tuscans to cut each other's throats — and, on finding that they had too much good sense to listen to his exhortations, he invoked the Austrian intervention. The desire of the mass of the population was to unite with the Ro- man Republic, but the intrigues of British diplomacy and of the Piedmontese Camarilla, operating upon the weakness of some persons of influence in the country, who allowed them- selves to be misled by these promises and menaces, the much desired union was deferred — the Grand Duke returned to Florence, supported by Austrian bayonets, and the Jesuits be- came masters of the field. Who were their first victims? Those very persons whom they had mystified, and through whose culpable weakness in listening to their honeyed words they had returned to power ! The British Ambassador, who was mainly instrumental in this restoration — who was the first person to fete the entry of the Austrians — lost all influence under the new order of things, so that he is now as busily em- ployed in unmaking as he was before at creating — not from humanity, but from pique. On the return of the Grand Duke, his Royal Highness caused the prison doors to be opened to the most atrocious criminals, in order to make room for political of- fenders. He turned loose the rogues, and put in prison the honest men ! How truly royal ! The Pope, who had always been a most weak man, was, when first elected, entirely under the guidance of Cardinal Micari, of his confessor Graziosi, and the advocate Silvani — all three 32 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND libsral minded men. Unfortunately these good men were all of them suddenly and simultaneously taken ill, and all of them died. Then the Pope fell into other hands, and he attempted to undo all the good he had commenced. His deeds may be considered, from the death of the three persons above mentioned, more as the work of the conclave, than his own spontaneous acts. All the accusations with which he charged the Triumvi- rate, have been proved to be false, while, without the slightest hesitation, he himself commits those very crimes; witness, among other proofs, the Decree of Confiscation just published in Rome. The British Foreign -Secretary, however active he may have been in crushing the European movement, has by his direct agency contributed but little to the crimes of the Roman reaction; the Pope did not want his stimulus. Moreover, the British Consul at Home is an honorable, independent merchant, who has never been contaminated by the Jesuitical lessons taught in the school of diplomacy. However numerous and fatal may have been the faults of Carlo Alberto on previous occasions, nevertheless he seems to have been determined, in the spring of 1849, to try a last des- perate effort to wipe off the stains upon his reputation ; but all was useless. The Camarilla effectually thwarted all his pro- jects ; the disaster of Novara put an end to his career, and he in his turn, found himself an exile. The Republicans, had they not been interfered with by French intervention in Rome, could have remedied these disasters. They were organizing, in the centre of Italy, a truly patriotic and strong government ; one which derived its power not through the oppression of those at the head of the State, but from the popular sympathy upon which it was founded — from its wisdom, its moderation, its justice, its firmness, its honesty. This new Government, though surrounded by all sorts of difficulties, was fearlessly placed in comparison with the long-established governments on all sides of it, that all nations might see which system worked the best. Such philanthropic projects could not but meet with the opposi- tion of the despots, and the Republic now lies prostrate, stunned, but not dead. The tyrants and their organs have dared to say that the people are not fit to govern themselves, because they avoid the vices of their former oppressors. The princes accuse the people, who required reforms, of being actuated by a desire to plunder. Have not the princes committed every species of rapine and plunder? Where can one instance of this be found on the part of the people in insurrection'? 1 will cite one example out of many of the people's honesty. While proclamations of thjs nature were yet on the walls of the Tuscan cities, a citizen of Leghorn, alarmed at seeing a great crowd in the streets, ran off home from his store, with his handkerchief full of dollars ; the THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 33 weight broke the linen, and the dollars fell into the crowd. The bystanders, making a circle, helped the man in his misfor- tune, and collected his dollars for him ; not a cent was missing- ! A few days before this circumstance the police had been turned out of the city. During the whole of the time that there was no police, not a robbery ocevrred ; yet some calumniators are to be found, who endeavor to represent the people as unfit to be trusted out of leading strings. The people can only hope to improve their education when they are masters, and have the power to do so. So long as the tyrants have the power in their hands, every effort will be made to prolong the ignorance of the multitude. Could anything have been more orderly and decorous than were the Roman elections under the auspices of universal suffrage 1 Was not the Assembly composed of men the most eminent for their virtues and patriotism 1 Could any body of delegates have con- ducted itself with greater dignity than did the Roman represen- tatives of the people, amid unprecedented difficulties, and in a city besieged by an enemy 1 These elections and this Assem- bly can bear comparison with any in the world. The world has seen how the Republicans acted up to their principles ; how they forgave all their former adversaries and persecutors ; how they showed the most sublime moderation ; and how they have been rewarded by inhuman persecutions and executions. Among the many persons placed in responsible situations, with the com- mand of the resources of the country, it is now evident that not one of them mal-appropriated a single cent of the public money : while, on the contrary, there are innumerable instances of great sacrifices of private interest among the Republicans, for the pub- lic good. The patriotic exiles have, in a state of absolute pov- erty, left their country. What a contrast with their enemies ! Even a considerable portion of the very last loan obtained from the Kothschilds has disappeared among the Cardinals ! Will the public continue to uphold the cruel, and to maltreat the just 1 Will the public praise the dishonest and blame the honest ? The suffering has been great; those individuals who have been the more immediate victims of these cruelties are to be pitied, and for their sake these persecutions are to be regretted. But the cttM.se must be strengthened by them ; it was a necessity that the contrast between the despots and the patriots should be shown in such clear colors to defy contradiction. Though Uome had fallen into the hands of the Jesuits, had Sicily been saved, it could have remained an island fortress, where the sacred fire of freedom could have been kept alive. But the Royal Camarilla of Piedmont, together with British diplomacy, ruined that hope likewise. '1 he Sicilians, misled by the delusion that they would be recognized as an independent 34 THE ITALIAN PRINCES AND state by Great Britain, placed at their head a Provisional Gov- ernment, in which the aristocratic influence predominated. Trusting in the promises of the British Foreign Secretary, they elected a King of his dictation. Their flag was immediately saluted by twenty-one discharges from British vessels of war. The people, lulled into security, did not take those measures necessary for their defence. Various manoeuvres were put into practice, to prevent their being able to use all those means which were within their reach, while finally, abandoned by their King elect, and likewise by British diplomacy, (as usual,) they were handed over to the tender mercies of King Bomba, to be by him persecuted and massacred. How could it be otherwise 1 ? Princes and diplomatists, men without consciences, having been allowed to direct a revolution, guided it where it best suited their narrow views. All revolu- tions which have been conducted by nobles have^ ended in their merely securing for themselves certain aristocratic privileges, as was the case in England before the Reform Bill. The Re- form in England in 1832 was brought about by the shopkeepers ; they secured for themselves the right of voting. A revolution, to produce benefit to the people, must be conducted by the peo- ple, and by such as they can place reliance in, or the people will always be cajoled out of the fruit of their labor. It is to be hoped that in the approaching contest the people may profit by the past dearly bought experience — that they may recollect how they have been betrayed by Princes, Nobles and Diploma- tists — that they may always bear in mind that these men are the allies of the Jesuits, who never forget nor forgive. All nations must act for the general benefit of mankind and not for local advantages or national aggrandisement. The despots, re- gardless of nationality, assist each other against the people, having established for that purpose a league, which they blas- phemously call "Holy." The immense armies which cover all Europe, are not directed against each other, but only against the people. Their device is, " divide and conquer." Not only do they endeavor to provoke jealousy between the cities and provinces of Italy, (and also of Germany,) calling a native of Florence a foreigner when in Rome, and vice versa — but they continue to foment hatred between nations, exciting Germans against Hungarians — Hungarians against Italians — Italians against Poles, &c. &c. Let the people now have their league, which with some greater show of reason they can call " Holy." May the despots never again find the students of Vienna wil- ling to march against the Italians. No ! Humanity, civilization, and the cause of the people are the same in Vienna as in Italy or in Hungary — they are the same on the Rhine as on the Danube or on the Seine. THE ITALIAN PEOPLE. 35 The delusion so successfully practiced upon the merchants and shop keepers, is now beginning to dissipate. They see that the party falsely calling itself the Protector of Order, is in reality the subverter of all order — that, by its unscrupulous efforts to maintain its supremacy, it keeps the world in constant agitation — that it is the enemy of all improvement, civilization and education. This party was so reckless that, at the risk of plunging all parts of Europe into civil war, it destroyed credit and confidence, for the purpose of laying the blame on the lib- erals, and exciting against them the indignation of those very persons, for whose benefit the patriots were toiling. Europe is now fast dividing itself into two camps. In the one are to be found the Pope, Kings, Nobles and Jesuits, mar- shalled under the banner of despotism. In the other is the peo- ple, collected under the banner of liberty. These two princi- ples cannot coexist. Should by any misfortune the Cossacks succeed in subduing Europe for a time to their influence, then in no part of the world will Liberty be allowed a hiding-place — not even the New World will be free from the scourge of des- potism. American citizens have every inducement to sympa- thize with the European patriots — for the love of Justice — for their interest — for the sake of tranquility, prosperity and com- merce, which cannot flourish till Liberty be triumphant. — The people cannot be exterminated, and until they obtain equal rights, all expectation of their being quiet and contented, is a dream. There may be, as there is now, a lull between the storms — but that is not peace. Europe owes much to Ameri- ca for having shown how well a Democratic Government works ; on the other hand, if the millions of emigrants who have left Europe through disgust at the despotic system, had remained there, and had worked for the general good, the Old World would now be free. This great question might two years ago have been settled nearly without a struggle, had British diplomacy sincerely sup- ported the just demands of the oppressed multitudes. The vacillating conduct of the British Foreign Secretary, and his sympathy for Nobles, have brought society into its present state of confusion. The Patriots are willing to rely upon reason and argument. The Despots, however, being weak on these points, ojily place their faith in force, coercion, and violence. When THE STRUGGLE RECOMMENCES, MAY GOD PROTECT THE RIGHT ! Yours, &c, H. FORBES. FOUR LECTURES RECENT EVENTS Iff ITALY Mittmit in ttiB H ntr-^nrk imtnrattr, BY H. 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