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 VII 
 
 The Effect of the War of 1812 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 Consolidation of tlie Union 
 
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 Historical and Political Science 
 
 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 
 
 History is past Politics and Politics present History — J<)reeman 
 
 FIFTH SERIES 
 
 VII 
 
 The Effect of the War of 1 8 1 2 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION 
 
 y 
 
 By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. 
 
 TV/or in Philosophy in Coluvibia College 
 President of the Industrial Education Association's College for the Training of Teachers 
 
 BALTIMORE 
 
 PtJBLiCATioN Agency of the Johns Hopkins Univeesitt 
 
 JULT, 1887 
 
'fin 
 
 Copyright, 1887, by N. Muerat, 
 
 JOHN MURPHY A CO., PRINTERS 
 BALTIMORE. 
 
THE EFFECT OF THE WAR OF 1812 
 
 ■DPON THE 
 
 CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION. 
 
 The two great motive forces in American politics during the 
 first century of the national existence were the questions of state | 
 sovereignty and of slavery. The pressure of the first was almost 
 wholly, yet but temporarily, relieved by the second war with 
 Great Britain, and it was reserved for the great civil war of 
 1861-5 to put an effectual quietus upon both. 
 
 The course of the conflict over these questions shows that 
 until the war of 1812 that of state sovereignty, pure and sim- 
 ple, occuj)ied the foremost place in the nation's political activity. 
 From the conclusion of that war period until 1861 the question 
 of slavery, with all its far-reaching collateral issues, asserted its 
 preeminence, and in its disastrous overthrow and complete 
 downfall carried the state sovereignty heresy with it to a 
 common ruin. 
 
 The concrete question with which we are to deal at present 
 is the effect of the war of 1812 on the consolidation of the 
 Union. To understand this intelligently we must acquaint 
 ourselves with the positions taken in reference to the state- 
 sovereignty dispute down to the time when war was declared, 
 and with the condition of the Union at that time in respect to 
 real unity. We must examine the political character and 
 motives of the war itself, and discover the status of the 
 
 5 
 
6 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [252 
 
 uatioual unity in the years immediately succeeding the war. 
 When all this is done we shall be entitled to pronounce upon 
 the effect of the war of 1812 on the consolidation of the 
 Union. 
 
 It is probable that in the light of historical fact, and the 
 full discussion which the question has since received, culmi- 
 nating in the irrevocable verdict of a terrible civil war, no one 
 will care to deny that the Declaration of Independence of July 
 4th, 1776, was the act of an ethnographically and geograph- 
 ically unified nation, and not the separate though synchronous 
 deed of thirteen constituent parts of that nation. Moreover, 
 the authority of the Continental Congress as a revolutionary 
 body cannot be questioned. It was this Congress that drew up 
 and adopted the Articles of Confederation of 1781. But even 
 at the time of the original adoption of these Articles by Con- 
 gress, November 14th, 1777, the enthusiasm of 1776 was 
 abated ; the national ardor had cooled and had been superseded 
 by more particularistic and selfish feelings. Thus the infant 
 nation of 1776, even before it had risen from its cradle, seemed 
 sickening to its death. 
 
 " The preponderance of the anti-national tendencies during 
 the early life of the Union undoubtedly had its origin in the 
 political and social development of the states, in their want 
 of political connection before the Revolution, in the little 
 intercourse, commercial and other, between them, and lastly 
 in various differences in their natural situation which rendered 
 a rapid intergrowth of the several States impossible and the 
 collisions attendant thereon unavoidable." ^ 
 
 When the time came to form a national government it was 
 but natural that two opposing views should be taken as to 
 the extent of the powers to be conferred upon that government. 
 
 To begin with, the very nature of the question provoked, 
 if it did not require, the formation of two opposing parties ; 
 
 ' Von Hoist, The Constitutional and Political History of the United States, 
 Chicago, 1877, Vol. I. pp. 106, 107. 
 
253] Consolidation of the Union. 7 
 
 then, the selfisli feelings of a particular state or states, loth 
 to give up natural advantages to the common weal, would 
 oppose a strong central government, and in any such move- 
 ment as the American Revolution, an ultra-democratic i)arty, 
 large or small as the case may be, is sure to develop. But in 
 this case fact proved more powerful than theory. The stern 
 necessities of the case and the ably-defended opinions of Plam- 
 ilton, Madison, and their coadjutors, in spite of the technical 
 provisions of the Articles of Confederation, carried through 
 the proposition for the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, and 
 in it sounder political science prevailed. As a result our 
 present Constitution was promulgated. 
 
 The great Constitutional Party, as we may appropriately 
 describe the Federalists, immediately after the organization 
 of the government under the instrument of 1787, put forth 
 by word and deed a theory of government deduced from 
 their interpretation of the Constitution, which m reality they 
 had framed. The occasion of the crystallization of the ele- 
 ments of this party into an unified whole was the struggle for 
 the adoption and adjustment of the system of 1787. Their 
 theory was, in brief, that the government was based on a 
 national popular sovereignty, that the central government 
 should be independent in all its machinery of the local gov- 
 ernments, exercising all general powers and interpreting by 
 its own constituted agents what was local and what was gen- 
 eral, under sucli limitations as were put upon it in the Con- 
 stitution itself by the national popular sovereignty. But in 
 the struggle this party was obliged to give up, if indeed it 
 ever distinctly held, a wholly national doctrine and ground 
 itself for the purpose of victory on a federal system, midway 
 between confederation and nationalism, though strongly lean- 
 ing toward the latter. This federal system, though still hold- 
 ing to the sovereignty of the people of the United States as 
 ultimate, yet admitted that a system of local commonwealth 
 governments was fundamental in our political system. In 
 other words, it allowed that the Union was one of states, but 
 not of state governments. 
 
8 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [254 
 
 The original opponents of this doctrine cannot be dignified 
 with the name party. Their nucleus was a few extremists of 
 the Rousseau stamp, who believed or pretended to believe that 
 the state of nature was the only perfect state and that all 
 society had originated in a social compact ; that government, 
 which is in its very nature tyrannical and oppressive, had 
 grown up from an exaggeration of powers originally relin- 
 quished by the individual in the compact. Around such men 
 and opinions as these the opposition to Federalism began to 
 collect. It acquired strength and definiteness by the debates 
 on the Funding^ and Assumption^ bills, the Slavery Peti- 
 tion^ debate of 1790, the Excise Tax,^ the National Bank 
 bill,^ and from the complications in foreign affairs in which 
 the administration became involved. In addition " the French 
 Revolution introduced from abroad an element which, inde- 
 pendent of the actual condition of affairs and partly in conflict 
 with it, kept excitement at the boiling point during many 
 years.^ The French Revolution was at first hailed with delight 
 by all parties in the United States ; when, however, after the 
 death of Mirabeau, the impossibility of control and the mis- 
 takes of the helpless court transferred the preponderance of 
 power to the radicals and when the anarchical elements daily 
 grew bolder, the Federalists began to turn away. The anti- 
 
 ' Von Hoist, 1. 85, 86. Hildreth, History of the United States of America. 
 New York, Harper and Brothers, 1851, Vol. IV. 152-171, 213-220. This and 
 most of the following references to Hildreth are given to show where fuller 
 information on the subjects referred to may be found. 
 
 2 Hildreth, IV. 171-174, 213-220. 
 
 3 Von Hoist, I. 89-93 ; Hildreth, IV. 174-204. In this debate the threat 
 of civil war was uttered on the floor of the House of Kepresentatives for 
 perhaps the first time. The speaker was Tucker of South Carolina, and his 
 words were : " Do these men expect a general emancipation by law ? This 
 would never be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war." 
 See Benton, Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, I. 208. 
 
 * Von Hoist, I. 94, 95 ; Hildreth, IV. 253-256. 
 
 * Von Hoist, I. 104-106; Hildreth, IV. 256-267. 
 «Hildreth, IV. 411-413. 
 
255] Consolkkdion of the Union. 9 
 
 Federalists on the other hnnd cluno- more dearlv to it than 
 ever, Tlie farther Franee proceeded, by the adoption of brutal 
 measures, in the direction of political idealism, the more rank 
 was the growth in the United States of the most radical doc- 
 tn'narianism; the more attentively the legislators of France 
 listened to Danton's voice of tliunder and Marat's fierce cry 
 for blood, the more boldly did demagogism in its most repul- 
 sive form rage in the United States." ^ 
 
 Many of the objections to the Federalist measures were 
 closely bordering on the ridiculous, while but a few were 
 defensible. " But no reasoning was too absurd to find credu- 
 lous hearers when the rights of the States were alleged to be 
 in danger and the services of the phantom ' consoliiiation ' 
 were required. The politicians Avould not, however, in a, 
 matter of such importance have dared to wage so strong a war 
 of opposition and they C( uld not have carried it on for ten 
 years and have finally conquered, if they had not had as a 
 broad and firm foundation to build upon, the anti-national- 
 istic tendencies which prevailed among the people." ^ 
 
 The word anti-nationalistic is used advisedly; for by it is 
 meant that among the people there was a strong feeling that 
 any dissatisfied state or number of states might secede or 
 withdraw at pleasure from the Union. Nor was this idea by 
 any means confined to the anti-Federalists or to that section 
 of the country in which their strength mainly lay. It is also 
 a mistake to suppose that these feelings never found vent in 
 words until the great slavery contest, many years later. In 
 point of fact, as early as 1793, when peace with England was 
 endangered by Genet's machinations and their consequences,* 
 there were those in the New England States who in no covert 
 language urged that a dissolution of the Union was preferable 
 to war with Great Britain. Here are the words of Th. Dwight, 
 
 » Von Hoist, I. 107. 
 ''Vonllolst, I. 106. 
 
 3 
 
 Von Ilolst, I. 112-118; Ilildreth, IV. 412-440, 477, 478. 
 
10 Tlie Effect of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [256 
 
 ^vriting at this time to Wolcott : "A war with Great Britain, 
 we, at least in New England, will not enter into. Sooner 
 would ninety-nine out of one hundred of our inhabitants sep- 
 arate from the Union than plunge themselves into an abyss of 
 misery," ^ Hence it is evident that the geographical grouping 
 of the friends and enemies of the Jay treaty ^ did not escape them 
 in spite of appearances which were at first deceptive. Going 
 beyond the limits of the question immediately under considera- 
 tion they pointed to a division of the republic into two great 
 sections and declared an understanding between them to be a 
 condition precedent to the continuation of the Union. Wolcott 
 writes to his father the following, August 10th, 1795: "I am, 
 however, almost discouraged with respect to the southern states; 
 the effect of the slave system has been such that I fear our 
 
 government will never operate with efficacy Indeed 
 
 M'e must of necessity soon come to a sober explanation with 
 the people and know upon what we are to depend." ^ 
 
 It was reserved for the Alien and Sedition laws of 1798^ 
 to call forth from the opposition their first definite declaration 
 of political principles. This is contained in the Kentucky and 
 A'^irginia Resolutions and in the supplements thereto passed 
 on receipt of the replies from other State Legislatures. But 
 we find another instance of definite talk concerning disruption 
 before these resolutions were passed. In May of 1798, the 
 idea of separation arose in the South as a means of escape 
 from the supremacy of Massachusetts and Connecticut, which 
 had to the Southern States become unbearable. John Taylor 
 of Virginia, by no means an luiimportant man, said " it was 
 not unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia 
 and North Carolina with a view to their separate existence."^ 
 Jefferson wrote him in relation to this matter, June 1st, 1798, 
 
 ' Gibbs, Mem. of Walcott, I. 107. Quoted by Von Hoist. 
 
 * Von Hoist, I. 122-128; Ilildreth, IV. 488, 539-556, 590-616. 
 ^ Gibbs, Mem. of Walcott, I. 224. 
 
 *\on Hoist, I. 142; Hiklreth, V. 216, 225-228. 
 
 * Von Hoist, I. 143. 
 
257] Consolidation of the Union. 11 
 
 that it would not be wise to proceed immediately to a dis- 
 ruption of the Union when party passion was at such a 
 hei<2;ht. ^ 
 
 The Kentucky Resolutions^ of November 10th, 1798, and 
 November 14th, 1799, really sounded the keynote of the 
 Federalists' opponents, who had now come to be called Re- 
 publicans. In brief their position Avas that the Constitution 
 Nvas a compact to which the states were integral parties, and 
 that each party had an equal right to judge for itself as well 
 of infractions of that compact as of the mode and measiires 
 of redress ; and that the rightful remedy against the oppres- 
 sion of the central government or the exercise by it of any 
 ungranted powers, was the nullification of any obnoxious act 
 by the state or states objecting thereto. This was distinct 
 and exact as far as it went, but it left to Calhoun and a greater 
 crisis the logical pursuance of the doctrines to their farthest 
 conclusions. 
 
 If the claim to the rioht of nullification as set forth in 1799 
 was well-srounded, the Constitution was indeed different from 
 the Articles of Confederation in particulars, but the political 
 character of the Union was essentially unchanged, and it was 
 now as before, a confederation of the loosest structure. On 
 this very point the comment has been well made : " to the 
 extent that practice was in accord with theory a mere mechani- 
 cal motion would have taken the place of organic life. Sooner 
 or later even that would have ceased, for the state is an organ- 
 ism, not a machine."^ 
 
 Washington now, December 25th, 1798, in writing to 
 Lafayette, declared that " the Constitution, according to their 
 [the anti-Federalists'] interpretation of it, would be a mere 
 cipher." * Three weeks later he wrote to Patrick Henry : 
 
 •Jefferson, Works, IV. 245-248. 
 
 2 Von Hoist, I. 144-100 ; Hildreth, V. 272-277, 296, 319-321. 
 
 'VonHolst, I. 151, 152. 
 
 * Washington, Works, XI. 378. 
 
12 The Efed of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [258 
 
 " Measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued 
 which must eventually dissolve the Union or produce coer- 
 cion. ^ 
 
 Very shortly afterward the ultimate consequences of the 
 Kentucky interpretation of the Constitution were boldly 
 drawn .^ Tucker, whose edition of Blackstone appeared in 
 1803, writes: "The Federal .government, then, appears to 
 be the organ through which the united republics communi- 
 cate with foreign nations and with each other. Their sub- 
 mission to its operation is voluntary ; its councils, its engage- 
 ments, its authority are theirs, modified and united. Its 
 sovereignty is an emanation from theirs, not a flame in which 
 they have been consumed, nor a vortex in which they have 
 been swallowed up. Each is still a perfect state, still sover- 
 eign, still independent and still capable, should the occasion 
 require, to resume the exercise of its functions in the most 
 unlimited extent."^ Surely there is little here that marks 
 any degree of consolidation. This makes the Constitution 
 but a bond of straw and the nation to be no nation ; nothincr 
 but a mere conglomeration of independent commonwealths. 
 And when we recollect that this view was that of a larsre 
 majority of the people at that time, and then read anew the 
 Constitution and its exposition as given by its framers, we 
 must agree with John Quincy Adams in saying that "the 
 Constitution itself had been extorted from the grinding neces- 
 sity of a reluctant nation." * 
 
 The hold of the Federalists, which had gradually been 
 growing weaker, was effectually loosened once and forever by 
 the presidential election of 1800. Up to that time that party 
 
 ' Washington, Works, XL 389. 
 
 ^ Von Hoist, I. 151, note. 
 
 3 Tucker's Blackstone, Philadelphia, 1803, I., Part 1, Appendix, p. 187. 
 
 * The Jubilee of the Constitution, a discourse delivered at the request of 
 the New York Historical Society on Tuesday, the 30th of April, 1839, being 
 the fiftieth anniversary of the inauguration of George Washington as Presi- 
 dent of the United States, New York, 1839, p. 55. 
 
259] Consolidation of the Union. ^ 13 
 
 had controlled the executive, the judiciaiy, and the Senate, 
 althouoli the House of llepresentatives had on several occasions 
 contained an opposition niajority. The accession of Jeiferson 
 to power was the death-knell of the Federalist party, and 
 from 1800 until their final dissolution they were an ineffective 
 and vacillating minority. 
 
 The downfall of the Federalist party explains in a great 
 measure the security which the continuance of the Union 
 enjoyed during the two following decades.^ The party which 
 represented particidaristic and nullifying tendencies was in 
 power and had an overwhelming majority, both legislative 
 and popular, behind it. But although the possibility of a 
 disruption was thus very small, yet the essence of the internal 
 struggle remained the same. Indeed its character was placed 
 in a clearer light by the facts that the parts played by each 
 party were changed, so far as the question of right was con- 
 cerned, and that the opposition, in spite of its weakness, was 
 not satisfied with wishes and threats of separation, but began 
 in earnest to devise plans of dissolution. 
 
 These mutterings were first heard in connection with the 
 purchase of Louisiana in 1803.^ The New England states 
 especially opposed its consummation as affording to the south- 
 ern states a source of power with which to become predom- 
 inant in the Union for all future time ; and they feared that 
 the incorporation of the western territory into the Union and 
 its economic development would prove injurious to their own 
 commerce. 
 
 These two elements together had weight enough to draw 
 from them the declaration that they would be forced to a 
 separation from the Union. Plumer of New Hampshire 
 declared in the Senate : " Admit this western world into the 
 Union, and you destroy at once the weight and importance of 
 the eastern states, and compel them to establish a separate 
 
 •Hildreth, V. 414-418. 
 
 * Von IIol!,t, I. 183-187 ; Hildreth, V. 478-481. 
 
14 The Effect of the War o/ 1812 upon the [260 
 
 indepentlent empire."^ And also Griswold of Connecticut, 
 the acknowledged leader of the Federalists, declared in the 
 House, October 25th, 1803: "The vast unmanageable extent 
 which the accession of Louisiana will give to the United States, 
 the consequent dispersion of our population, and the distri- 
 bution of the balance which it is so important to maintain 
 between the eastern and the western states, threatens at no 
 very distant day, the subversion of our Union." ^ And although 
 chronologically out of place, it will not be amiss to recall the 
 speech of Josiah Quincy, delivered in the House of Represen- 
 tatives, January 14th, 1811, on the bill "To enable the People 
 of the Territory of Orleans to form a Constitution and state 
 Government, and for the admission of such state into the 
 Union." ^ Mr. Quincy did not hold that a state had either 
 a constitutional or a natural right to withdraw from the Union 
 when it thought such a course best for its own interests ; but 
 he did maintain that such a violation of the fundamental 
 compact might be made that the moral obligation to maintain 
 it ceased and the right of revolution attached. His words 
 are : " — I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion 
 that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually 
 dissolved ; that the states which compose it are free from 
 their moral obligations : and that as it will be the right of all, 
 so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a 
 separation amicably, if they can; violently, if they must. . . . 
 Suppose, in private life, thirteen form a partnership and ten 
 of them undertake to admit a new partner without the con- 
 currence of the other three, would it not be at their option to 
 abandon the partnersiiip after so palpable infringement of their 
 rights ? How much more in political partnership, where the 
 admission of new associates, without previous authority, is so 
 pregnant with obvious dangers and evils. . . . This bill, 
 
 'Von Hoist, I. 187, note. 
 "Von Hoist, I. 187, note. 
 3 Hildreth, VI. 266. 
 
261] ConsoVidation of the Union. 15 
 
 if it passes, is a deatli-blow to tlie Constitution. It may 
 afterwards linger; but lingering, its fate will, at no very- 
 distant period be consummated." ^ 
 
 Recollecting the date at which this speech was delivered, it 
 will be noticed that it is of very great im])ortance in connection 
 with our subject, as showing that just previous to the outbreak 
 of the war with Great Britain, such opinions, marking no real 
 consolidation in the Union, were openly expressed on the floor 
 of the National Legislature. 
 
 The statement not infrequently made, that at the time of the 
 Louisiana purchase there were no serious thoughts of a disrup- 
 tion of the Union is untrue. In the letters of the Federalists 
 we find not only that wishes to that end were expressed, but 
 that formal plans were devised. It is admitted that they had 
 no prospect of success ; yet the fact that they were so seriously 
 discussed is another link in the chain of cumulative evidence 
 to prove that the Union, so-called, was really no Union at 
 
 Later, in 1806, when it seemed as if the north and the south 
 had begun to close the breach between them, came the embargo 
 question to tear open the old sores and create new ones."^ And 
 in this case, at least, the opposition acted not from sentiment 
 alone, for the embargo touched the pockets of a great part of 
 the country, "The planters' staple articles, principally tobacco 
 and cotton, remained unsold, but the planters themselves suf- 
 fered relatively but little damage. Their })roducts would keep 
 and they Avere sure of finding a market again as soon as the 
 harbors were open. The farmers sold a considerable portion 
 of their products in the country itself, but the rest was a total 
 loss. The productive industry of the New England fishermen. 
 
 ' An abstract of this celebrated speech and an account of the circumstances 
 attending its delivery will be found in the "Life of Josiah Quincy," by his 
 son, Ednuind Quincy, Boston, 1867. Pp. 205-218. 
 
 *VonIIolst, I. 198-199. 
 
 3 Von Hoist, I. 201-217. 
 
16 The Effect of the War 0/ 1812 iqwn the [262 
 
 ship-builders, ship-owners, importers and exporters, and all 
 who were dependent on them, ceased almost entirely."^ 
 
 " In this dispute also it is impossible not to recognize a 
 division of parties arising from diverse interests produced by 
 geographical position, and every struggle in which this played 
 any part became in consequence doubly bitter. The South, 
 which held the balance of powder in the reigning party and so 
 was primarily responsible for the embargo, would have least 
 to suffer from it. The powerless minority of the New England 
 states, the consideration of whose interests, it was pretended, 
 dictated the measures of the administration, had greatest cause 
 for complaint. The middle states occupied a position betokened 
 by their name ; their interests unquestionably inclined them 
 more toward the North, but they wavered from one side to the 
 other." ^ Nowhere here do we see any disposition to consult 
 each other's interests as if the good of one were the advantage 
 of the whole. No such advanced idea of the national unity 
 then existed. 
 
 The investigation of the information bought by Madison 
 from the British spy, Henry ,^ discloses still further the fact 
 that at this time secession was regarded as the panacea for all 
 real or fancied oppressions. Henry's mission confessedly was 
 to find out and report to his chief. Sir James Craig, Governor 
 of Canada, how far the Federalists would feel inclined to look 
 to England for support in case of a disruption of the Union. 
 One of the most distinguished sons of Massachusetts was of 
 opinion that Henry would find support enough for his opera- 
 tions, if the Administration's policy w^as not changed. As 
 early as November, 1808, John Quincy Adams expressed the 
 fear that this might lead to civil war. Later he claimed to 
 have unequivocal evidence to prove that there was a systematic 
 
 >Von Hoist, I. 209. Cf. Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, III. 692; 
 IV, 64. 
 
 2 Von Hoist, I. 209, 210. 
 
 3 Von Hoist, I. 221, 222 ; Hildreth, VI. 284-287, 390. 
 
2G3] Consolidation of the Union. 17 
 
 attempt inaking; to dissolve the Union. In his opinion New 
 Eni!:lan(l would have undoubtedly made sure of the assistance 
 of Great Britain if the Administration had made civil war 
 inevitable by an effort to overcome the resistance to the 
 embargo by force or by extending- it farther.^ 
 
 In this hasty glance at the salient points in the history of 
 the country from 1789 to 1811, in so far as it bears upon our 
 subject, we find nationalization nowhere, decentralization every- 
 where. Secession, so far from being regarded as unconstitu- 
 tional or unjustifiable under any circumstances, was the club 
 WMth which every minority on any important question strove 
 to beat the majority to terms. It mattered not what opinions 
 as to ultimate sovereignty the parties held. Such considera- 
 tions as this were lost sight of in the strifes of sectional l)reju- 
 dices and the clash of material interests. " Judged from an 
 impartial standpoint, the fact that the possibility of civil war 
 or a division of the Union were so frequently and on relatively 
 insignificant occasions, thought of on both sides, may be fairly 
 taken as a measure of the degree of consolidation which the 
 Union had attained at that time. The actual condition of 
 affairs presented so unusual a complication of positive and 
 negative factors so peculiarly grouped, that it was no easy 
 matter to determine their sum total." ^ It is interesting to 
 read here the following words, uttered in 1828:^ "It is a 
 melancholy reflection — a subject that excites our best and 
 inmost feelings — that projects or speculations as to a dissolu- 
 tion have been so frequently indulged. That leading men in 
 Virginia looked to a dismemberment in 1798-9, when the 
 armory was built; that Burr and his confederates had an eye 
 to the establishment of a western government in 1805-6; that 
 many contemplated a building up of the 'Nation of New 
 England' from 1808 to 1815, seems to us undoubted; but 
 
 > Von Kolst, I. 222, 223. 
 «VonIIolst, I. 220, 221. 
 3 See Niles' Register, XXXV. p. 210. 
 
 2 
 
18 The Efect of the Wwr of 1812 ujwn the [264 
 
 the lengtlis to which cither party proceeded rest very much on 
 conjecture or depend on opinion. . . . But whatever have 
 been the designs of individuals, we have always believed that 
 the vast body of the jDcople have ever been warmly attached to 
 the Union." In view of our discussion the last sentiment, 
 however desirable, certainly seems unwarranted, and at the 
 declaration of war in June of 1812 we have the spectacle of a 
 government composed of eighteen^ sovereign integers, each 
 looking to its own interest alone, never consulting the general 
 weal, and claiming the right and the duty to secede from the 
 so-called Union whenever such a course mio-ht seem most 
 favorable to its individual interests. What effect the war with 
 Great Britain was to have upon the consolidation of the Union, 
 we can now understandingly inquire. 
 
 Into a detailed account of the course of events abroad which 
 brought about the war of 1812 we must not here enter. But 
 we must examine the causes and character of the war in so far 
 as they have a direct bearing upon parties and sections in the 
 United States. 
 
 The beginning of 1808 saw the Berlin and Milan decrees of 
 Na])oleon and the Orders in Council of England all in force,^ 
 and Jeiferson, his second term nearing its close, at the helm of 
 state in the United States. To his Administration five courses 
 of action w^ere open, some one of which must be adopted as its 
 own and worked out to its logical conclusion. This choice 
 lay between (1) doing nothing and allowing the individual 
 ship-owners to help themselves as best they might; or (2) 
 attempting a further negotiation with England; or (3) sus- 
 pending all commerce with the outside world ; or (4) granting 
 
 ' In addition to the original thirteen states t]ie following liad been admit- 
 ted into the Union : Vermont, March 4th, 1791 ; Kentucky, June 1st, ] 792; 
 Tennessee, June 1st, 1796; Ohio, November 29th, 1802; Louisiana, April 
 8th, 1812. 
 
 2 Hildreth, VI. 32-35. The Berlin decree was dated November 21st, ISOG, 
 and the Milan decree, December 17th, 1807. The Orders in Council were 
 of the date of May 10th, 1806 and November 11th, 1807, respectively. 
 
265] ConsoUdadon of the Union. 19 
 
 letters of marque and reprisal to American ship-owners ; or 
 (5) declaring war upon England innnediatcly. Of these pos- 
 sible lines of pt>licy, entrance upon the fourth or fifth was 
 precluded, for a time at least, by a wholesome fear of the 
 British navy; the first was shut off by a- feeling for the 
 national honor; tlie third was the choice of the Administration ; 
 but tlie second had recommended itself as the most natural 
 and as having precedents in the country's history. Indeed it 
 had been tried, resulting in the treaty which was agreed upon 
 in December, 1800, but to ^v^lich Jefferson had refused his 
 assent without ever submitting it to the Senate. This step 
 having thus failed, the Administration had been free to pursue 
 its chosen policy, and to tlie Tenth Congress, October 2Gt]i, 
 1807, the President recommended an embargo/ His recom- 
 mendation was dutifully accepted by his party followers in 
 Couirress, and the embary-o became a law before the end of the 
 year. The Federalists upon whose New England constitu- 
 encies the measure bore heaviest, opposed the measure both on 
 economic and on constitutional grounds, and their discussion 
 of this question presents us with what was destined to be but 
 one of many mortifying exhibitions of the old party of the 
 Constitution. But on the constitutional objection it was over- 
 matched and was forced to fall back to the vantage ground of 
 the economic arijument. And this in turn was little heeded 
 by the party in power, so long as it did not come directly home 
 to themselves. But when it began to touch their own pockets, 
 as it did a few months later, then human nature proved to be 
 too strong for party sentiment.^ So evident did this become 
 that Nicholas, of Virginia, the Administration leader on the 
 floor of the House of Representatives, himself introduced, 
 January 25th, 1809, a resolution favoring the repeal of tlie 
 embargo and the defence of our maritime rights against all 
 belligerents.^ After some haggling as to the date on which 
 
 » Hildretli, VI. 55, 56. 
 
 "Hiiareth, VI. 9G-100. 
 
 3 Von Uoht, I. 214; Ilildrctli, VI. 125-180. 
 
20 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [266 
 
 the Embargo Act should expire, March loth, 1809, was agreed 
 upon as a compromise and the resokitions were passed. This 
 virtually threw the United States back to the position in which 
 it was when confronted by five possible courses of action, while 
 two of the five, — those by further negotiation and cutting off 
 all intercourse with the outside world — proved useless by the 
 failure of the treaty and of the embargo. The prospect of an 
 amicable solution of the difficulty by a further treaty was poor 
 indeed, if we consider the spirit of the British Government and 
 the hostility of the Republican party to everything British. 
 In Great Britain Mr. Fox was dead and a new Administration 
 had come into power strongly retrograde in policy and having 
 George Canning for its soul. Great Britain was determined 
 to recover her commerce and to take back her seamen, and the 
 United States had no alternative but to submit or fight. The 
 resumption of commerce and its defence, referred to in the 
 Nicholas resolutions, must then be by war. 
 
 The Eleventh Congress at its first session voted the con- 
 tinuance of the non-intercourse Act with Great Britain, and 
 then two years passed during which the latter continued the 
 execution of her offensive orders and decrees against neutral 
 commerce. But when the Twelfth Congress assembled in 
 November, 1811, it was felt that some decisive action would 
 soon be taken.^ The leadership of the dominant party had 
 been assumed by younger and more impetuous men ; and 
 with Clay as Speaker of the House, Calhoun standing second 
 on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Crawford and 
 Grundy acting with them, war was certain within the ycar.^ 
 
 The move was quick and emphatic. On November 29th 
 Calhoun's committee reported a resolution declaring '' For- 
 bearance has ceased to be a virtue. . . . The period has 
 aiTived when in the opinion of your committee it is the sacred 
 
 * For tlie personal and party constitution of tlie Twelfth Congress, see 
 Hildretli, VI. 259, 2G0. 
 -Von Hoist, I. 226. 
 
267] Consolidation of the Union. 21 
 
 duty of Con_o:rcss to call forth the resources and patriotism of 
 the country."^ In addition the committee recommended that 
 the standing army be increased by 10,000 men and that the 
 President be authorized to call 50,000 volunteers under arms. 
 This was all acceded to without any delay by au overwhelm- 
 ing majority. 
 
 But such resolutions were inoperative without the coopera- 
 tion of the President, and he was for peace. Fortune, how- 
 ever, favored the war party. A presidential election would 
 take place in the following autumn and Madison was anxious 
 for a second term. In this the leaders of the war faction saw 
 their opportunity. They waited upon Madison and plainly 
 told him that the condition sine qua non of their support in 
 the coming campaign was his acceptance of their war policy. 
 Madison knew very well that both Monroe and Gerry were 
 rejidy and willing to accept the })residential nomination on a 
 war platform. This determined his action, and he gave in 
 his adherence to the war party.' 
 
 On April 3rd he wrote to Jefferson that the action of the 
 S'*itish government in refusing to repeal the Orders in Council 
 had lett tL t United States no option but to prepare for war, and 
 that an embargo of sixty days duration had been recommended.^ 
 This recommendation had already been sent in on April 1st. It 
 was acted upon by Congress, but the war party could not wait. 
 \ They drove Madison on, and on June 1st he sent in his mes- 
 "•'ige recommending a declaration of Mar.* Two days after- 
 ward Calhoun reported on it from his committee, and the 
 declaration was carried in the House by a vote of 79 to 49. 
 The Senate was more deliberate, and after two weeks' delay it 
 passed the declaration, June 17th, by a vote of 17 to lo. 
 
 An analysis of this vote is interesting as showing the sec- 
 tional character of the war party and of the opposition to it. 
 
 ' Von Hoist, I. 22fi-227 ; Ilildreth, VI. 2G2-265. 
 *Von Hoist, I. 2:^0-232; Hildreth, VI. 2S9-291. 
 3 Ilildreth, VI, 291-294. 
 * Von Hoist, I. 2.S2, 233 ; Hildreth, VI. 303-306. 
 
22 The Effect of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [268 
 
 Louisiana, making the eighteenth state, had just been admitted, 
 and the House contained 177 members apportioned in the ratio 
 of one to every thirty-five thousand inhabitants. There were 
 36 members of the Senate, thus making a total of 213 in both 
 houses, not inckiding the Vice-President who was presiding 
 in the Senate. The New York delegation of 27 was then for 
 the first time more numerous than tliat of every other state. 
 Pennsylvania was second with 23 members, and Virginia 
 third with 22. I^he members from New Hampshire, most 
 of those from Massachusetts (which then included what is 
 now the state of ISIaine), those from C^onnecticut, EIkkIg- 
 Island, New Jersey and Delaware, with several from New 
 York, some from Virginia and North Carolina, one from 
 Pennsylvania and three from JMaryland, opposed the war. 
 The members from Vermont, some from New York, all but 
 one from Pennsylvania, most of them from Maryland, Vir- 
 ginia and North Carolina, all from South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and Louisiana, supported it. 
 New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, 
 and Delaware were represented by senators who opposed 
 the war. Massachusetts and Maryland were divided, while 
 Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and Louisi- 
 ana were represented by senators who supported the war. 
 Of the large sea-board cities, Boston and New York were 
 represented by members found in the minority. The dele- 
 gations from Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and New 
 Orleans were with the majority. The eastern states as a 
 rule opposed the war ; the western states were all for it, 
 with the southern and middle states divided. The })ractical 
 feature was that the war administration could command a 
 majority of nearly forty votes in the House and one of four 
 or five votes in the Senate. 
 
 Taking the reasoning portion of the community as the judge, 
 probably tlu; declaration of war was mostly condemned; but the 
 instinctive patriotism of the young men of the country enthusias- 
 
269] Consolidation of the Union. 23 
 
 tically maintained it. Few denied that sufficient cause for the 
 war existed, but the time and mode of its declaration were con- 
 demned. Defensive though the Avar ai)|)eared to be, yet it was 
 offensive in that it was vohmtarily undertaken by tlie United 
 States to compel Great Britain by the invasion and conquest 
 of her North American dependencies, to respect our maritime 
 rights as neutrals. 
 
 A united sentiment on the part of the people, more espe- 
 cially those from whom men and money must principally be 
 drawn, would have excused in a groat measure the haste and 
 lack of preparation with which the war had been declared 
 and would soon 'have filled up the ranks of the army and 
 the coffers of the treasury. But any such unanimity was 
 entirely wanting. The policy of the old Republicans, witli 
 the excei)tion of the small class of Francomaniacs, as well as 
 of the Federalists, had been alike neutrality and peace. But 
 however peaceful might have been the intentions of Jefferson 
 and his close followers, there had always been a faction, more 
 or less large, which was determined to bring about a war with 
 Great Britain. This faction had served as the nucleus about 
 which various forces and tendencies had caused the now trium- 
 phant war party to crystallize. 
 
 But that the war was a party one was too evident to be 
 denied even by its warmest advocates. In the first place we 
 have the important address to tlieir constituents by thirty- 
 four members of the minority in the House of Representa- 
 tives.^ This address held, in substance, that the United 
 States was a nation [sic) com])osed of eighteen independent 
 sovereignties united by a moral obligation only. It went on 
 to say : " — above all, it ai)peared to the undersigned from 
 signs not to be mistaken, that if we entered upon this war, 
 we did it as a divided peopie ; not only from a sense of the 
 inadequacy of our means to success, l)ut from moral and 
 })oli(icj\l objections of great weight and very general influ- 
 ence.'' These "moral and political objections" were con- 
 
 1 Niles' Register, II. 309-315. 
 

 24 The Efed of the War 0/ 1812 vjyon the [270 
 
 sidered by the authors of the address to have the greatest 
 weight, and to tlieir words the next presidential election -gave 
 a peculiar emphasis. The war was the live issue of the cam- 
 paign and the result showed more phiinly than had been done 
 in many years before, the geographical separation of parties. 
 All the New England states excepting Vermont, together 
 with New York, New Jersey and Delaware cast their elec- 
 toral vote solidly for De Witt Clinton. Maryland was 
 divided, while Pennsylvania and all the southern and wes- 
 tern states voted unanimously for Madison.^ Aside from 
 what such a separation as this too plainly indicates, the 
 proof that the war was a sectional one is cumulative. Six ' 
 months before the declaration was made, Macon of North 
 Carolina, one of the most distinguished of the war party, 
 said : " And here, sir, permit me to say that I hope this is 
 to be no party war, but a national war. . . . Such a war, 
 if \yar we shall have, can alone, in my judgment, obtain the 
 end for which we mean to contend, without any disgrace."^ 
 And two years later Webster in his forcible rhetoric declared : 
 " The truth is, sir, that party support is not the kind of sup- 
 port necessary to sustain the country through a long, expen- 
 sive, and bloody contest ; and this should have been considered 
 before the war was declared. The cause, to be successful, must 
 be upheld by other sentiments and higher motives. It must 
 draw to itself the sober approbation of the great mass of the 
 people. It must enlist, not their temporary or party feelings, 
 but their steady patriotism and their constant zeal. Unlike 
 the old nations of Europe, there are in this country no dregs 
 of population fit only to supply the constant waste of war and 
 out of which an army can be raised for hire at any time and 
 for any jjurpose. Armies of any magnitude can be here noth- 
 ing but the people emboaiod ; • and if the object be one for which 
 the people will not embody there can be no armies."^ 
 
 > Noted by \'on Hoist, I. 23G. 
 
 * Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, IV. 452. 
 
 3 Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, V. 139. 
 
 •s? 
 
271] Consolidation of the Union. 25 
 
 But previously, in his celebrated Fourth of July oration at 
 Portsmouth, in 1812,^ Webster had taken the ground that the 
 war was unjustifiable in political economy, but that it was now 
 legally declared and had become the law of the land, and ail 
 citizens, including those of New England, although they saw 
 that their personal interests had been disregarded, should ])ay 
 their share of the expenses and render personal service to the 
 full and just extent of their constitutional liability. Here the 
 old question again arose. AVho is to decide what that consti- 
 tutional liability includes? And here again is seen the absurd 
 and disgraceful position of the once-honored Faleralists. All 
 of the New England legislatures, excepting that of Vermont, 
 as well as that of New Jersey, planted themselves upon the 
 ground marked out for them by Webster, Avith the further 
 and, in the light of the past history of the men engaged 
 in the movement, ludicrously extreme position taken by the 
 Supreme Court of Massachusetts and the military commander 
 of Rhode Island. The outgrowth of this doctrine was the 
 refusal of militia aid by New England and, a little later, the 
 Hartford Convention.^ 
 
 Upon the history and work of the Hartford Convention we 
 need not dwell longer than to recall the fact that the states in 
 sending delegates to the Convention v/ere committing an extra- 
 constitutional and, to say the least, highly unnational act, that 
 their report read like a revised edition of Madison's Virginia 
 Resolutions, that they urged specific constitutional amend- 
 ments, some of which — notably those calling for the prohibi- 
 tion of commercial intercourse, the admission of new states, 
 and the declaration of war by a two-thirds majority only of 
 both houses of Congress — sound strangely like process under 
 tiie old Confederation regime, 1781-7. As showing the anti- 
 _/: . 
 
 > Curtis, Life of Daniel AVebster, I. 105. Cf. Webster's Speech in the 
 House of Representatives, January 14th, 1814, Benton, Ab. Debates of Con- 
 gress, V. 138. 
 
 '^\o\\ Hoist, I. 260-272; Ilikhetli, \\. 472, 473, 532-535, 545-553. Cf. 
 Dwight, History of the Hartford Conventiuu. 
 
 ^ 
 
 «? 
 
 L 
 
26 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [272 
 
 national tendencies prevalent at the time, the report of the 
 Hartford Convention is of interest to us. But the almost 
 immediate conclusion of peace put an end to any attempts 
 to carrv out its sugo-estions. 
 
 With the conclusion of the war came a calm, and in its 
 quiet we are able to discern what were the effects of the con- 
 llict upon the great internal question in the United States. 
 
 Looking back from our standpoint of the present we can 
 easily conclude that as a matter of right the war was certainly 
 fully justified, but as an economic policy its expediency must 
 be questioned. It had lasted two and one-half years and 
 raised the national debt from §45,000,000 to §127,000,000, 
 or at the rate of somewhat more than $30,000,000 a year. 
 Yet its political effect was cheaply bought even at that price. 
 Although not destined to be permanent, the national feeling it 
 produced was something entirely novel, but none the less 
 excellent. 
 
 From 1800 to 1815 the old national party, the Federalists, 
 driven by the necessities of opposition and selfishness, gravi- 
 tated over to the particularistic doctrine, but lost weight at 
 each step, until finally, like a candle burned to its socket, they 
 flickered faintly in the Hartford Convention and then went 
 out forever. On the other hand, the Republicans, led by the 
 jiossession of power and, it were charitable to suppose, a more 
 enlightened intelligence, grew stronger day by day as they 
 gave up, in practice at least, their old particularistic and strict 
 construction theories for a more broadly national platform. 
 That the sentiment of the people at large had correspondingly 
 changed is shown by the next presidential election. When 
 the votes of the election for the eighth presidential term were 
 counted, it was found that only 34 out of 217 had been cast 
 for Federalist candidates. Even Rhode Island now severed 
 lier connection with her old friends, ]Massachusetts and Con- 
 necticut, although Delaware now joined them. How demoral- 
 ized the Federalist party had become appears still more clearly 
 wlien we see how their votes for Vice-President were scattered. 
 
273] Consolidation of the Union. 27 
 
 Massachusetts voted solidly i'or John Eager Howard of Mary- 
 land, Dehnvai-e did the same for Robert G. Harper of 
 Maryland, while Connecticut gave five votes to James Koss 
 of Pennsylvania and four to John Marshall of A^irginia. 
 These three states alone cast any electoral votes against the 
 Republican candidates. The Republicans now, for the instant 
 at any rate, a national party, remained masters of the field 
 and until circumstances should develop new party issues their 
 supremacy was assured. 
 
 Strano-clv euoutrh sound the testimonies to the unilVing 
 influence of the war given by men who belonged to the same 
 party that Jefferson had once led. And we know of no 
 better way to show this effect of the war than by a few selec- 
 tions from the political correspondence of the leading men of 
 the period. 
 
 Almost with a voice of prophecy Gallatin had written to 
 Nicholson, July 17th, 1807, in regard to the war which was 
 even then looked forward to : " In fact the greatest mischiefs 
 M-liich I apprehend from the war are the necessary increase of 
 executive power and influence . . . and the introduction of 
 permanent military and naval establishments,"^ both of which 
 we know to be the concomitants of a perfect nation. 
 
 September 6th, 1815, Gallatin writes to Jefferson, then in 
 retirement at Monticello : "The war has been useful. The 
 character of America stands now as high as ever on the Euro- 
 pean continent and higher than it ever did in Great Britain. 
 I may say that we are favorites everywhere except at courts, 
 and even there we are personally respected and considered as 
 the nation designed to check the naval despotism of Eng- 
 land." - 
 
 Again he writes to Jefferson, under the date of Xovember 
 27th, 1815: "The war has been successfully and honorably 
 terminated; a debt of no more than eighty millions incurred, 
 Louisiana paid for, and an incipient navy created; our popu- 
 
 > Henry Adams, The "Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 339. 
 '^ Adams, Writings of Albert Gallaiin, I. Gol, 652. 
 
28 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [274 
 
 lation increased in the same and our resources in a much 
 greater proportion ; our revenue greater than ever." ^ 
 
 Gallatin says to Matthew Lyon,- I\Iay 7th, 1816: "The 
 "svar has been productive of evil and good, but I think the 
 good preponderates. Independent of the loss of lives and of 
 the losses in property by individuals, the war has laid the 
 foundation of permanent taxes and military establishments 
 which the Republicans had deemed unfavorable to the happi- 
 ness and free institutions of the country. But under our 
 former system we were becoming too selfish, too much attached 
 exclusively to the acquisition of wealth, above all, too much 
 confined in our political feelings to local and State objects. 
 The war has renewed and reinstated the national feelings 
 and character which the Hevolution had given and which 
 were daily lessened. The people have now more general 
 objects of attachment with which their pride and political 
 opinions are connected. They are more Americans ; they feel 
 and act more as a nation, and I hope that the permanency of 
 the Union is thereby better secured." ^ 
 
 And twenty years later, when the smoke of the old battle 
 had cleared away and another conflict, this time one of prin- 
 ciples, was waging, Gallatin wa'ites to Edward Everett, Janu- 
 ary, 1835: "I do insist on the undeniable fact that the 
 national character has been entirely redeemed by the late war, 
 and that at this time no country is held by foreign nations and 
 governments in higher respect and consideration than the 
 United States." ^ 
 
 ' Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 667. 
 
 '^ Matthew Lyon represented a Vermont district in the House of Eepre- 
 sentatives from 1797 to 1801, and a Kentucky district from 1803 to 1811. 
 For some of the incidents of his sensational political career, see Hildreth, 
 V. 80, 187-191, 247-250, 295; VI. 238, 239; and also McMaster, A History 
 of the People of the United States from the Eevolution to the Civil War. 
 Kew York, D. Appleton & Company, 1885. Vol. II. pp. 327-320, 356, 363- 
 3675- 399-402, 430, 532. 
 
 ^ Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 700. 
 
 "Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, 11. 500. 
 
275] Consolidation of the Union. 29 
 
 Jefferson writes to Gallatin, May ISth, ISIG, in reference 
 to the lack of political dissension in A'irginia, and says: " This 
 spontaneons and universal concurrence of sentiment has not 
 been artificially produced. I consider this as presenting an 
 element of character in our people ■which must constitute the 
 basis of every estimate of the solidity and duration of our 
 government." ^ Strange words these to come from the pen 
 which drew up the Kentucky resolutions ! 
 
 Crawford, in a letter to Gallatin, bearing the date of Octo- 
 ber 27th, 1817, writes: "The President's tour through the 
 East has produced something like a political jubilee. They 
 were in the land of steady habits, at least for the time, ' all 
 Federalists, all liepublicans.' A general absolution of politi- 
 cal sins seems to have been mutually agreed upon." ^ 
 
 The war had ruined the particularists ; it had made all 
 nationalists, if we fflay use the word. The bonds of the early 
 days of the revolution were forged anew and the nation's heart 
 beat as one. Patriotism and national pride had conquered 
 sectionalism and personal selfishness. The era of good feeling 
 had dawned.^ But it was the ominous calm that precedes the 
 tempest. 
 
 AA'ith this position gained and all foreign entanglements re- 
 moved by Waterloo and its consequences, the United States 
 was thrown back on itself and the fire of slavery which had 
 been smoldering in its bosom now found an opportunity to 
 burst forth afresh and kindle the conflagration from v.hich 
 
 * Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 705. 
 
 5 Adams, "Writings of Albert Gallatin, II. o5 ; Hildreth, VI. G23. 
 
 ^ Owing to the fact that this essay was Avritten before the excellent His- 
 tory of the United States of America under tlie Constitution, by James 
 Schouler, Washington, 1886, was publislied, uo references to that work ilre 
 made. Volumes I. and II. of Mr. Scliouler's History, embracing the period 
 discussed in this monograpli, are particularly important for the proper 
 imderstanding of the influences at work in it. In Vol. II. 4o2-4o4, it is 
 gratifying to find the author taking the view of the elFect of the War of 
 1812 that is developed in this essay. 
 
30 The Efect of ihe War of 1812. [276 
 
 the camp-fires of the great civil war forty years later were 
 to be lighted. 
 
 But because the good effect of the second war with Great 
 Britain was soon swept away by the slavery dispute, we must 
 not overlook the fact that such an effect existed. The country 
 entered the war distracted, indifferent, and particularistic ; it 
 emerged from it united, enthusiastic, and national. But the 
 ebb was to be greater than the flow, and half a century was to 
 elapse before the conditions of national unity which existed in 
 the years immediately following the war of 1812 were again 
 to be plainly observ^ed in our political history. 
 
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The Republic of New Haven. 
 
 A History of Municipal Evolution. 
 
 By CHARLES H. LEVERMORE, Ph. D. 
 
 Fellow in History, 18Sl,-S5, Johns Hopkins Universily, 
 
 (^Extra Volume One of Studies in Historical and Political Science.^ 
 
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 The Republic of Kew Haven is unique and one of the most 
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 or of the Italian republics by their extent of territory. It is equally 
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 any standards of material greatness. And yet few persons realize how 
 far-reaching in American History is the influence of a single town like 
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 of comparison with that of Greek cities. 
 
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PHILADELPHIA 
 
 1681-1887; 
 
 A History of Municipal Development. 
 
 By Edward P. Allinson, A. M., and Boies Penrose, A. B. 
 
 OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAE. 
 
 (Extra Volume Two of Studies in Historical and Political Science.') 
 
 While several general histories of Philadelphia have been written, 
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 also been consulted, and important facts found therein are now for 
 the first time published. 
 
 The history of the government of the city begins with the medi- 
 aeval charter of most contracted character, and ends with the liberal 
 provisions of the Reform Act of 1885. It furnishes illustrations of 
 almost every phase of municipal development. The story cannot 
 fail to interest all those who believe that the question of better gov- 
 ernment for our great cities is one of critical importance, and who 
 are aware of the fact that this question is already receiving wide- 
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 the governvient of cities.^' 
 
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Baltimore 
 
 AND THE 
 
 Nineteenth of April, i86i. 
 
 A. Study of the "War. 
 By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, 
 
 Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of Baltimore and Mayor of the City in 1801. 
 
 (Extra Volume Three of Studies in Historical and Political Science.^ 
 
 The position of Judge Brown as Mayor of Baltimore in 1861 
 gave him excejitional opportunities for observing and understanding 
 the municipal situation. His unflinching devotion to official dutj 
 in marching through Pratt Street at the head of the Massachusetts 
 Sixth Regiment, on the 19th of April, in the midst of a furious 
 mob, will inspire confidence in his account of the events of that 
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 are frankly discussed. Judge Brown's point of view is that of 
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 the South in 1861. After the lapse of a quarter of a century, 
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 land view of past Politics may serve to enlighten the Present and 
 instruct the Future. 
 
 The volume comprises 176 pages, octavo, and will be sold, bound 
 in cloth, at $1 ; and at reduced rates to regular subscribers to the 
 "Studies." 
 
 Orders should be addressed to The Publication Agency of 
 THE Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 
 
MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES, 
 
 A MONTHLY PUBLICATION 
 
 {JPbr eight months in the year) 
 
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 OF THE 
 
 ACADEMIC STUDY OF ENGLISH, GERMAN, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 ROMANCE LANGUAGES. 
 
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 JajMes "VY. Bright, Julius Goebel, Henky Alfred Todd, Associate Editors. 
 
 This is a new and successfully-launched periodical, managed by a corps of professors and 
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 The list of contributors to Modeej," Lasguage Notes, in addition to the Editors, includes, to 
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 University, Mass. ; Bradley, C. B., University of California, Cal. ; Brandt, H. C. G., Hamilton 
 College, N. Y.; Browne, Wm. Hand, Johns Hopkins University, Md. ; Buenham, Wm. H., Johns 
 Hopkins University, Md.; Carpenter, Wm H., Columbia College, N. Y,; Cledat, L., Faculte 
 des Lettres, Lyons, France; Cohn, Adolphe, Harvard University, Mass. ; Cook, A. S., University 
 of California, Cal.; CosuN, P. J., tfniversity of Leyden, Holland; Crane, T.F., Cornell Univer- 
 sity, N.Y.; Davidson, Thomas, Orange, N. J. ; Egge, Albert E., Johns Hopkins University, 
 Md. ; Fay, E. A., National Deaf-Mute College, Washington, D. C. ; Fortier, Alcee, Tulane Uni- 
 versity, La. ; Garner, Samuel, Indiana University, Ind. ; Gerber, A., Earlham College, Ind.; 
 Grandgent, Charles, Harvard University, Mass. ; Gommere, F. B., The Swain Free School, 
 JIass. ; Hart, J. M., University of Cincinnati, Ohio; Hempl, Geo., University of Gottingen, 
 Germany ; Huss, H. C. O., Princeton College, N. J. ; von J.\gemann, H. C. G., University of Indi- 
 ana, Ind.; Karsten, Gustaf, University of Geneva, Switzerland; Lang, Henry R., The Swain 
 Free School, Mass. ; Learned, M. D., Johns Hopkins University, Md.; Leyh, Edw. F., Balti- 
 more, Md; Lodeman, A., State Normal School, Mich.; Morfill, W. E., Oxford, England; 
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 sity of Tubingen, Germany ; Smyth, A. H., High School of Philadelphia, Pa. ; Stoddard, Fran- 
 cis H., University of California, Cal.; StCrzinger. J, J., Bryn Mawr College, Pa.; Thomas. 
 Calvin, University of Michigan, Mich. ; Walter, E. L., University of Michigan, Mich.; W.vR- 
 Een, F. M., Johns Hopkins University, Md. ; White, H. S., Cornell University, N. Y. ; Zdano- 
 Wicz, Casimir, Vanderbilt University, Tenn. 
 
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 { 
 
 coy TENTS, APRIL, 1887. 
 
 Scheie De Vere, M. — A few Virginia Names I. 
 Davidson, Thomas. — Dante Text-Criticism. 
 Leyh, Edward F. — Odius ^unic Sanngetal. 
 Bright, James W. — Notes on the Andreas. 
 Stoddard, Francis H.— Accent Collation of 
 Citdmou's Genesis B. 
 
 REVIEWS. 
 
 Cosquin, Emmanuel.— Contes populaires de 
 Lorraine {T. F. Crane.) 
 
 Braune, ^Vilhelm. — Althochdeutsche Gram- 
 niatik ( //. C. G. Brand/.) 
 
 Brief Mention, Personal, Obituary, Jour- 
 nal Notices, Recent Publications, Pub- 
 lications Received. 
 
JOHNS HOPKINS DNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 Historical and Political Science 
 
 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 
 
 History is past Politics and Politics present History — B«e»nan 
 
 FIFTH SERIES 
 
 VII 
 
 The Effect of the War of 1 8 1 2 
 
 rPOX THE 
 
 CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION 
 
 By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. 
 
 Tutor in Philosophy in Oultimbia College 
 President of the Industrial Education Association's College for the Training of Teachert 
 
 BALTIMORE 
 
 Publication Agency of the Johns Hopkins Universitt 
 
 JULY, 1887 
 
 PJilCL' TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 Historical and Political Science. 
 
 Herbert B. Adams, Editor. 
 
 Neither the University nor the Editor assumes responsibility for the views of contributors. 
 
 PROSPECTUS OF FIFTH SERIES.— 1887. 
 
 The Studies in Municipal Government will be continued. Tlie following 
 papers are ready or in preparation : — 
 
 I-II. City Government of Philadelphia. By Edward P. Allinson, A. M. 
 (Haverford) and Boies Penrose, A. B. (Harvard). January and Febru- 
 ary, 1887. Price 50 cents. 72 pp. 
 
 III. City Government of Boston. By James M. Bugbee. March, 1887. 
 Price 25 cents. 60 pp. 
 
 IV. City Government of St. Louis. By Marshalx, S., Snow, A. M. (Har- 
 
 vard), Professor of History, Washington University. April, 1887. Price 
 
 25 cents. 40 pp. 
 V-VI. Local Government in Canada. By John George Bourinot, LL. D. 
 
 Clerk of the House of Commons of Canada. May and June, 1887. Price 50 
 
 cents. 72 pp. 
 VII. The Influence of the War of 1812 upon the Consolidation of the 
 
 American Union. By Nicholas Murray Butler, Ph. D. and Fellow 
 
 of Columbia College. July, 1887. Price 25 cents. 30 pp. 
 City Government of Baltimore. By John C. Kose, B. L. (University of 
 
 Maryland, School of Law). 
 City Government of Chicago. By F. H. Hodder, Ph. M. (University of 
 
 Mich.) ; Instructor in History, Cornell University. 
 City Government of San Francisco. By Bernard Moses, Ph. D. ; Professor 
 
 of Histoiy and Politics, University of California. 
 City Government of Nevy Orleans. By Hon. W. W. Howe. 
 City Government of New York. By Simon Sterne and J. F. Jameson 
 
 Ph. D., Associate in History, J. H. U. 
 The History of American Political Economy. Studies by K. T. Ely, Wood- 
 
 Kow Wilson, and D. E. Dewey. 
 
 FOURTH SERIES.— Municipal Government and 
 Land Tenure. — 1886. 
 
 I. Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River. By Irving Elting, 
 
 A. B. (Harvard). Price 50 cents. 
 II-III. Town Government in Rhode Island. By W. E. Foster, A. M. 
 (Brown). — The Narragansett Planters. By Edward Channing, 
 
 Ph. D. (Harvard). Price 50 cents. 
 
 IV. Pennsylvania Boroughs. By William P. Holcomb, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), 
 
 Professor of History, Swarthmore College. Price 50 cents. 
 
 V. Introduction to the Constitutional and Political History of the indi- 
 
 vidual States. By J. F. Jameson, Ph. D. and Associate in History, 
 J. H. U. Price 50 cents. 
 
 VI. The Puritan Colony at Annapolis, Maryland. By Daniel E. Ean- 
 
 DALL, Fellow in History (J. H. U.). Price 50 cents. 
 
 VII-VIII-IX. History of the Land Question in the United States. By 
 Shosuke Sato, Ph. D. and Fellow by Courtesy, J. H. U. Price $1.00. 
 
 X. The Town and City Government of New Haven. [Chapters VIII 
 and IX from Levermore's "Eepublic of New Haven."] By Charles H. 
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 fornia. Price 50 cents. 
 
 XI-XII. The Land System of the New England Colonies. By Mel- 
 ville Egleston, a. M. (Williams College). Price 50 cents. 
 
 {Continued on third page of cover.) 
 
 \ 
 
THIRD SERIES.— Maryland, Virginia and 
 Washington.— 1885. 
 
 I. Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to the United States. 
 Willi minor papers on George Washington's Interest in Western Lands, 
 tlie Potomac Company, and a National University. By II. B. Adams. 
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 II-III. Virginia Local Institutions : — The Land System; Hundred; 
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 IV. Recent American Socialism. By Richard T. Ely. Price 50 ceiit.i. 
 
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 VIII. The Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of_ New 
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 IX-X. American Constitutions; The Relations of the Three Depart- 
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 XI-XII. The City of Washington. By J. A. Porter. A. B. (Yale). Price 
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 SECOND SERIES.— Institutions and Economics.— 1884. 
 
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 III. The Past and the Present of Political Economy. By R. T. Ely, 
 
 Price 35 cents. 
 
 IV. Samuel Adams, The Man of the Town Meeting. By Professor James 
 
 K. HosMEK (Washiiioton University, St. Louis). Price 35 cents. 
 V-VI. Taxation in the United States. By Henry Carter Adams, Ph. D. 
 
 (J. n. U.); University of Michigan. Price 50 cents: 
 VII. Institutional Beginnings in a Western State. By Professor Jesse 
 
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 VIII-IX. Indian Money as a Factor in New England Civilization. By 
 
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 X. Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North 
 
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 XI. Rudimentary Society among Boys. By John Johnson, A. B. (J. H. 
 
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 FIRST SERIES.— Local Institutions.— 1883. 
 
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 Edward A. Freeman. With an account of j\Ir. Freeman's Visit to Bal- 
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 II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns. By H. B. Adams. 
 
 \\"\i\\ Notes on Co-oijeration in University Work. Price 50 cents. 
 
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 — Local Government in Pennsylvania. By E. R. L. Gould, Ph. D. 
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JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 Historical and Political Science. 
 
 Herbert B. Adams, Editor. 
 
 The first annual series of monthly monographs devoted to History, Politics, and 
 Economics was begun in 1882-3. Four volumes have thus far appeared. 
 
 A library edition of the entire set of four volumes, indexed and bound in olive-green 
 doth, is now ready. Price $12.50 net. 
 
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 • VOLUME I. — Local Institutions. 479 pp. $4.00. 
 
 VOLUME n. — Institutions and Economics. 629 pp. $4.00. 
 
 VOLUME III. — Maryland, Virginia, and Washington. 595 pp. $4.00. 
 
 VOLUME IV. — Municipal Government and Land Tenure. 600 pp. 
 ?3-50. 
 
 VOLUME V. — Municipal Government and Economics. {In progress.) 
 
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