E 340 
 .Ct5 L7 
 Copy 1 
 
 >/ 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. JOHN C. CALHOUN, 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS: 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 NOTICES OF HIS FATHER AND UNCLES, AND THEIR BRAVE CONT)UCT 
 
 DURING OUR STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 N E W - Y O R K : 
 
 J. WINCHESTER, NEW WORLD PRESS, 
 
 30 ANN-STREET. 
 
 SUN OFFICE, CORNER FULTON AND NASSAU: J. C. WADLEIGH, 459 BROAD- 
 WAY: BRAINARD & CO. BOSTON: ZIEBER & CO. rHILADELPHIA : WILLIAM 
 TAYLOR, BALTIMORE: GEO. JONES, ALBANY: J. B. STEEL, NEW 
 ORLEANS: AND BY BOOKSELLERS 5; TERIODICAL AGENTS 
 THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 PRICE f>\ CENTS. 
 
ALISON FOR ONE DOLLARI 
 
 JUST PUBXiISHSD, 
 
 AT THE NEW WORLD OFFICE, NO 30 ANN STREET, IN 
 
 ONE LARGE AND SPLENDID VOLUME, 
 
 OF 5i2 PAGES, OCTAVO SIZE, ON NEW LONR-PRIMER TYPE, 
 
 ALISON'S 
 
 HISTORY OF EUROPE, 
 
 FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION IN 1789, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 EESTOMTION OE THE BOURBONS IN 1815. 
 
 ABRIDGED FOR THE USE OF THE GENERAL READER, AND ALSO FOR COLLEGES, 
 
 ACADEMIES, AND OTHER SEBIINARIES OF LEARNING, 
 
 BY EDWARD S. GOULD. 
 
 This splendid volume will embrace the most complete, perspicuous, and compreliensive History of Eu- 
 rope, during the stormy period fron> 1789 to 1815, which has ever been Riven to tht world. It is a perfect abriage- 
 raent of Ahson-liis errors excepted-in elegant lanijuase and clear style : and will prove fiir more acceptable 
 tc the general reader than the verbose original. 
 
 We need not say to those who have read Harper's edition of Alison, that it abounds wiih gross errors. 1 hese 
 are, for the most part, copied literatim et verbatim from tlie English edition, which is sown thick with them. 
 They are of such a character as not only to impair tlie value of the work, but to render it, as a standard, m 
 which minute accuracy is indispensable, almost worthless. In our abridged edition, every mistake even of the 
 most trivial sort is corrected, and Mr. Alison is set right, not only with regard to the geography of places, but 
 with regard to historical facts, which he has sometimes in the strangest manner perverted from their notorious 
 bearing and character. Take, for example, his ignorant and prejudicial account of our war with Great Britain. 
 Shall this be allowed to go abroad anio«g the youth of America to damp their patriotism and chill their ardor ? 
 The intelligent reader need not be informed tliat it has always been usual to issue Abridgements of very Hiig 
 and valuable histories ; and that these abridgements, from their better adaptstioii to the mass, have often taken 
 the place of the original works. In Harper's Family Library are found volumes of this kind. 
 
 We beg leave to assure our friends and the public, who ought to be our friends, that the book we shall give 
 them, will be highly creditable both to the editor and publisher ; and that it will contain every fact and ivadeiit, 
 detailed by Alison, in as full, circumstantial and clear a manner as is necessary for the full satisfaction of the 
 reader, whether he be old or young, learned or ignorant. , 
 
 Among the many commendatory letters in reference to our proposed Abridgement of this great and faulty 
 work, we refer with pleasure to one from no less distinguished a personage than the Hon. Roger Winot Shkr- | 
 MAN, of Connecticut. It is as follows, and singularly corroborative of the views which we a fortnight since, ex- 
 pressed on the subject : 0,0,0 
 
 Fairfield, Conn., October 2, 1843. 
 "My Dear Sir— I have taken all but two of the 1G numbers of Alison's history, and have read half of it. It is 
 so FILLED WITH TEDIOUS AND USELESS DETAILS AS GREATLY TO IMPAIR ITS VALUE. The period it embraces 
 is one of the most interesting in the annals of the b-'iman race, and all the important facts are given v/jth fidelity. 
 But the vast compilation of facts, widcli are neither interesting nor instructive, prevents its vcru s^'crai pe- 
 rusal. 
 
 " I was much gratified to find by the New World of September23d, that " Edward S. Gould, Esc|." had abridged 
 the work, reducing it to one octavo volume. / will suspend m;/ future attention to the copy tchicti I now have, 
 and await the arrival of the abridgement. A dollar is stated to be the price. I enclose that sum, and wi>h yon 
 would have the goodness to procnre the volume for ine, and send it by the first opportunity. 
 
 Very truly yours, R. M SHERMAN." 
 
 The capitals and italics in the foregoing letterare, of course, our own. We are proud to place the name of the 
 venerated writer first among the purchasers ol our work— a name dear to all lovers of learning and true pat liots. 
 Mr. Sherman's lofty standing andcliaracterare too well known to need the record of our pen ; hut as he is anioog 
 the great men of a former generation, and has never mingled in the political contests of tlie day, there nia" be 
 hose who are not aware that he is the most eminent member of the bar in Connecticut, and for many years neia 
 the office of judge in tne nignest ccmrt ol tna^ Mavt. App.ovi' fvorr. such .1 source is li.'gi..y giatuymg, ano 
 counterbalances the false abuse cf a thou.sand such interested parties as Harper and Brothers. 
 New York, October, 1843. J. WTXCHESTER. 30 .\nn-.street. 
 
LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. JOHN C. CALHOJJN, 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS: 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 NOTICES OF HIS FATHER AND UNCLES, AND THEIR BRAVE CONDUCT 
 DURING OUR STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 N E W - Y O R K : 
 J. WINCHESTER, NEW WORLD P R E 8.S', 
 
 ' I so ANN- STREET. 
 
 1843. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 We believe, with many of Mr. Calhoun's friends, that neither his public or pri- 
 vate life is as fiilly known among the mass of our fellow citizens as it deserves 
 to be. 
 
 We have in the following pages, in much haste, thrown together many of the 
 most prominent traits and circumstances which have marked the career of himself 
 and ancestors ; and we have endeavored to point out those actions in his life which 
 go to prove him one of the most distinguished of men, the ablest statesman, and 
 the most extraordinary man of the age in which we live — whose reputation will 
 descend to posterity as that of a great and good man, when the prejudices and false 
 impressions, cast around him by over zealous opposition, shall have passed away 
 for ever. 
 
 It is a circumstance worthy of note, that, among all the present candidates for 
 the Presidency, Mr. Calhoun is the only one whose family were involved or took 
 any active part in the Revolutionary War ; while he himself contributed largely to 
 bring about and to sustain the late contest with Great Britain. It may also be 
 noticed, as an interesting fact, that his father served thirty years, and the subject of 
 this sketch thirty-one years, in public life — making a period of sixty-one years for 
 father and son. To maintain the uninterrupted confidence of their constituents for 
 such a length of time, argues a high degree of merit and integrity on the part of 
 both father and son. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 New- York, Norember, 1843. 
 
LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. JOHN C. CALHOUN 
 
 The father of John C. Calhoun was Patrick Calhoun, from Donegal, in Ireland, 
 who emigrated to America before the Revolutionary War. The family of Patrick 
 first settled in Pennsylvania, and afterward removed to Virginia, where he married 
 a lady by the name of Caldwell, the mother of John C. Calhoun, and whose family, 
 also, came from Ireland. After Braddock's defeat, Patrick Calhoun, being driven 
 by the Indians from the western part of Virginia, in 1756 removed to Abbeville 
 Di.strict, in South Caiolina, where John C. Calhoun was born on the 18th of March, 
 1782 ; he being the youngest of five children — four sons and one daughter. He was 
 named after his vmcle, Major John Caldwell, whose assassination by the Tories in 
 the Revolutionary War, we shall have occasion to speak of, in another part of thia 
 work. 
 
 To understand the hardships to which Mr. Calhoun's family were exposed, prior 
 to, and during the Revolutionary War, it is necessary for the reader to bear in mind 
 the position of the country at that early period of our history. 
 
 In 1756, we find there were thirteen weak and scattered colonies, with a popula- 
 tion of little more than two millions of people, without good roads, or means of 
 ready conununication — with Ihe rolling ocean on one side, and a dark wilderness on 
 the other — filled with powerful tribes of Indians, inflamed against them by the 
 emissaries of France ; while the mother country only regarded them as fit subjects 
 for future taxation and o;)pression. Under these gloomy and adverse circumstances, 
 our first settlers had little else to depend upon, beyond the help of God, and their 
 own stout arms and l.:ave hearts. From Maine to Georgia, for years, the borders 
 of the colonies, nowc.il'. 'd the old thirteen States, presented an unbroken and bleeding 
 frontier, where men a compelled to work their fields in sight of log block-houses, 
 with their rifles by tl ides, ready to rally at the first alarm, in defence of their 
 wives and children, it often happened, however, that the Indians suddenly sur- 
 prised and cut off whole families and communities, leaving utter desolation and ruin 
 in their train. The liistory of those troublesome times is full, of villages sacked and 
 burnt — of women and children barbarously butchered and scalped, and whole set- 
 tlement.*? depopulated, by the most savage, wild, and ferocious foe, with whom man 
 
6 LIFE AND CHARACTER O t* 
 
 has ever teen called to contend against ; and whose known mode of warfare was 
 distinguished by cunning and cruelty, and so conducted as to deceive and to destroy 
 their victims, sparing neither age or sex in their fell swoop of destruction. We read 
 of Indian wars and bloodshed in the Far West, at the present day ; but the tribes 
 that now remain, are weak and softened by incipient civilization — their worst acts 
 of cruelty being far behind those infhcted by the more powerful and barbarous tribes 
 with whom our forefathers, in their hour of trial and weakness, had to withstand. 
 Even the Cherokees — now a small, and one of the most civilized tribes — in the early 
 settlement of the country, were found to be the most cruel in the torture of their vic- 
 tims ; while the stake and the faggot were the instruments of death used by all. To 
 fall into their merciless hands, was to be burnt alive at the stake ; and, by this hor- 
 rible mode of torture, hundreds of men, women, and children, suflTered the most pain- 
 ful deaths. Those were times, indeed, " that tried men's souls ;" and they were just 
 such times as old Patrick Calhoun had the soul and the courage to meet and stand up 
 against. With a heart as brave as a lion, he was always found at the point of danger, 
 and ready to do battle for his coimtry. He had fought the Indians on the western 
 borders of Virginia, till the period of Braddock's defeat, when the combined forces of 
 the Indians and French poured upon the defenceless settlements in desolating fury, 
 and compelled the scattered inhabitants to fly for safety before their approach. 
 Among other families forced to yield to a foe flushed with victory, and eager for the 
 extermination of all whites in their way, was that of old Patrick Calhoun, who 
 sought a home in Abbeville, South Carolina. But here he found he had pitched his 
 tent in the face of an enemy still more powerful and ferocious than any with whom 
 he had yet contended. The Cherokee Indians were now his near neighbors, and 
 could bring into the field a powerful array of warriors. They inhabited all the 
 country west and north of him, and were ready, at any moment, to malce a descent 
 upon all the whites within the State. But, in this beautiful part of the world 
 old Patrick Calhoun had fixed his home, and he determined, by the help of God, 
 to defend it, if it should cost him his life. And defend it he did, both against 
 Indians and British ; and, when full of years and full of honors, was buried on the 
 farm his industry had improved, and his valor had secured. 
 
 He had not been long at his wilderness residence in Carolina, before he 
 and his neighbors were called upon to rally in defence of their homes. The Chero- 
 kees, excited by evil influences, were led to meditate an attack on them; and having 
 approached the settlements in large force, ready to do their weak of destruction, the 
 alarm was given, and all the male persons able to bear arms were rallied, and old 
 Patrick Calhoun placed at their head. When his gallant little body of men were 
 brought together, their whole force amounted to only thirteen ! But every man 
 was true grit, and a stranger to fear. Their old commander had a soul as warm 
 as fire, and as large as a barn, and which was as brave as it was warm. He, wdth- 
 out waitijig for the Indians, at once led his men forward to i ?et them, and, if pos- 
 sible, to fall upon them by surprise. After leaving their v. "- and children to the 
 care of God and their country, they went forth to an uner .nd bloody contest — 
 and a majority of the little force were doomed never to re:, i again in this life. 
 When old Patrick, with his small band, had penetrated ii. > the dark and silent 
 depths of the forest, seeking stealthily for the wary foe, he ^ a Jdenly met them, and 
 became immediately engaged in deadly combat. Old Patrick was foremost in the 
 fight, urging on his followers to the struggle. Seven of hism?n — more than one- 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 7 
 
 half of his brave little troop — lay dead around him. Himself, and six others, were 
 all that remained. The Indians appeared in overwhelming numbers. Old Patrick 
 made a careful retreat, and saved his remaining men ; while the Indians had met 
 with such a severe resistance, that they thought it prudent also to leave the 
 field, and -retire from the settlements. When old Patrick returned to the battle- 
 ground with his men, to bury their dead companions, they found the lifeless bodies 
 of twenty-three Indian wai'riors. 
 
 BATTLE OF OLD PATRICK CALHOUN WITH THE CHEROKEE INDIANS. 
 
 Many other exploits and conflicts between the whites and Cherokees, might be 
 detailed, in which old Patrick Calhoun took an active part, had we time to relate 
 them. His superior skill and bravery in Indian warfare, like that of General 
 Jackson, had become as famous among the Indians as among the whites. They 
 knew and dreaded his power. In those days, no settler ever ventured out on a 
 hunting excursion, or for any other purpose, without his rifle, accompanied by a 
 good supply of powder and balls, and a large knife at his side. 
 
 Old Patrick, on one occasion, took down his gun for a stroll in the forest alone, 
 and during his rambling, suddenly met a Cherokee Chief. Each knew his 
 man. The Indian, as soon as he saw old Patrick, sprung to a tree, and screened 
 himself behind it, while old Patrick threw himself down behind a log. They were 
 both dead shots; and whoever tired first, should he miss his aim, and afterward be 
 visible to the other party before he could reload, he would receive the deadly ball 
 of his antagonist. The position of each was extremely critical. To all appear- 
 ance one of them had to die : their chances were equal ; and nothing but successful 
 stratagem, contrived by great presence of mind, could give either party an advan- 
 tage. The least imprudence, or" failure of marksmanship, would have resulted hi a 
 loss of life. In such an emergency, none but a cool and brave-minded man, ac- 
 customed to meet savages in battle, could expect to come out victorious. In this 
 
8 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF 
 
 trying situation, we find old Patrick Calhoun equal to the dangerous circumstances 
 in which chance had suddenly placed him. In order to draw the fire of the Indian 
 first, he placed his hat on the end of a stick, and gently raised its crown above the 
 log, behind which he lay ; on perceiving which, the Indian mistook it for the head 
 of old Patrick, and fired his rifle at it, but still retained his position behind the tree, 
 not certain of the success of his fire. Old Patrick again raised his hat when the 
 Indian had reloaded, and again drew his fire. Still the chief feared to expose his 
 person. This was continued till the fourth fire was drawn, when, the chief sup- 
 posing his balls had slain his antagonist, stepped from his concealment so as to ex- 
 pose himself. The moment was auspicious for old Patrick, who levelled his 
 rifle with an unerring aim, and lodged his ball in the shoulder of the chief, who, 
 finding himself seriously wounded, took to precipitate flight. On examining his hat, 
 he found it pierced with four bullet holes. 
 
 OLD PATRICK CALHOUN FIGHTING A CHEROKEE CHIEF. 
 
 During the whole of the Revolutionary War, we find old Patrick was a substan- 
 tial and active patriot. South Carolina, in proportion to lier population, suffered 
 more seriously in our struggle for independence, than any state in the Union. 
 Before the rupture with Great Britain, she had peculiar advantages of trade al- 
 lowed her, and it was a favorite colony with the mother country ; and had less 
 to complain of than any other of the thirteen. 
 
 The rich products of Cai'olina were eagerly sought by British merchants, and 
 Charleston early became one of the most important and flourishing seaports in 
 America. But, when the Carolinians heard of the .scenes passing in Boston, and 
 of the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, their ieelings of sympathy and love 
 
JOHN C. CALHOtTN. 9 
 
 of liberty were aroused. And there was no colony among them that went into 
 the contest more clearly on principle than South Carolina. While the people 
 of the northern colonies were proscribed by British power, and the port of Boston 
 was closed, no act of the mother country was ever specially levelled against the 
 people, or the pecuniary interest of this State. The people of this colony, 
 therefore, went into the war with everything to lose, in the way of property, and 
 nothing to gain but liberty. It was principle for which they contended. When 
 told they had no reason to complain, that their taxes were nothing compared to 
 the advantages granted by England, their patriotic cry was, " We have millions 
 for defence, but not one cent for tribute." 
 
 So lenient had the home government been to the Carolinas, that, at the breaking 
 out of the contest, a number of the more timid colonists took sides with her, and 
 became the most cruel and bitter foes the patriots had to meet during the war. They 
 were at all times, and in all places, considered even worse than the English. 
 
 When the British army took possession of Charleston, they immediately adopted 
 the most severe and rigorous measures toward the patriots of this colony, consider- 
 ing them the most xuigrateful of all the subjects of King George the Third. It is 
 not our purpose to go into the history of those troublesome times. They stand re- 
 corded in the most sacred archives of our history. 
 
 In the same proportion as the British inflicted cruelty, confiscation and death, on 
 the unfortunate colonist who took up arms in defence of their country, in the 
 same ratio were the patriots inflamed with resolution and courage. A lady in 
 Charleston, when she found the British were about to take possession of the city, 
 set fire to her own house. When it was besieged, the ladies worked with their own 
 hands on the trenches and breastworks. They also attended the sick and wounded of 
 the army ; supplied them with clothing and food, and both nursed and dressed their 
 wounds. When the city fell into the hands of the Englisli army, they shunned the so- 
 ciety of British officers, and sought out their countrymen in the dungeons and prisons 
 of the town, and administered all they could to their comfort. It was a dark day for 
 Carolina ; some of her best blood was made to flow like water for the cause of free- 
 dom. It was about this period that the brave and gallant Col. Hayne was led out 
 to execution, by order of the bloody-minded Lord Rawdon, and whose premature 
 death cast a gloom over the whole nation. From Charleston, the English spread 
 over the Carolinas, and made a complete conquest of the country. Lord Raw- 
 don, wherever he went, carried death and desolation before him ; all the unfor- 
 tunate Whigs who fell into his hands, whether by Tory craft or British warfare, 
 were, in most cases, ignominiou.sly hung or immersed in dungeons, and chained 
 to their floors ; or were made to endure sufferings more terrible, in some instances 
 than death itself. Amid these bloody scenes and wide-spread conquests, there were 
 a few men who kept the field in spite of all attempts made to defeat and capture 
 them. The brave Sumpter and Marion, with handfuls of men, living in swamps 
 and pine forests, subsisting on potatoes and other scanty fare, still held out lor their 
 country, and were always on the alert, and ready to strike a blow when an oppor- 
 tunity presented itself. Among the brave men who held out faithful to the end 
 and never failed in his duty, was old Patrick Calhoun. He had to defend his 
 home against Indians — and now for seven long years we find he was ranged ou 
 the side of the patriots, fighting for the libertiea of the countrj-S 
 
10 
 
 LIFE A N D C HAR ACTER OF 
 
 At the close of the war, we find old Patrick occupying high ground among his 
 fellow-citizens, who reposed the greatest confidence in his honor and courage. 
 
 Before saying more respecting this brave old man, we will turn to the members 
 of Mr. Calhoun's family on his mother's side — the Caldwells ; all of whom bravely 
 joined the patriot cause, and rallied to the support of their country's standard. The 
 eldest was Major John Caldwell — the uncle after whom, as we have said, John C. 
 Calhoun was named. 
 
 This uncle became early a conspicuous officer in the ranks of the soldiers of the 
 Revolutionary War, and excited the deadly hate of the Tories. In those days the 
 Tories were both the murderers and plunderers of their own countr}^men, struggling 
 ior liberty. They generally asssociated in small bands, under leaders of the most 
 cruel and abandoned character, who paraded through the country, pillaging the 
 houses and destroying the property of all the Whigs that fell in then- way. They 
 were, generally, a cowardly set, and always avoided a contest with the Whigs, 
 unless the odds were greatly in their favor. They were despised even by the higher 
 class of English ; officers and were only used as tools and spies, to do the vilest and 
 lowest acts of villainy. They were mostly Americans, and a disgrace to the coun- 
 try which gave them birth. Whenever the Whigs were absent from home, they 
 sought an opportunity to approach their dwellings and rob them of everything 
 valuable they could carry ofT; and completed their work of destruction by mur- 
 
 BEATH OF MAJOR JOHN caldwel'l. — See Hcxt page. 
 
 dering women and children, and sitting fire to their houses. They, often, on finding 
 a Whig at home, on leave of absence, either shot him on the spot, or carried him 
 off to the British, for imprisonment or execution. We could go on, if our limits 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 11 
 
 permitted, and relate many horrid deeds of cruelty committed by these marauding 
 traitors, during our war of Independence. 
 
 Major Caldwell was a Virginia gentleman of high respectability, and hadadojrted 
 the cause of his bleeding country with that ardor and devotion peculiar to the tem- 
 perament of the race of people from whom he had sprung. He was in the prime of 
 life, and had a high and responsible part before him to act, in the perilous affairs of his 
 country. His course was decided. Liberty's banaer was unfurled, and he ruslied 
 to the rescue. When accidentally at home, in the bosom of his family, surrounded 
 with all those comforts of life secured by honest industry, and encircled by all the 
 tenderest ties and relations of domestic life, the approach of armed men was heard. 
 He rushed into the yard to see who they were, when a baiid of infernal Tories 
 fell upon their unarmed victim and, assassinated him in front of his own door. Not 
 content with this deed of murder, they set fire to his dwelling and reduced all to 
 ashes, while his helpless family were forced to fly to the fields and woods for pro- 
 tection. Thus perished one of John C. Calhoun's uncles, in the prime of life and 
 manhood. 
 
 At a time when Lord Rawdon had proclaimed that South Carolina w-as recon- 
 quered, and had firmly planted himself in Camden, after the defeat of Gen. Gates ; 
 and, when Lord Cornwallis was preparing to pass through North Carolina and 
 invade Virginia, a commander appeared in the southern field, on the patriot side, 
 whose bravery and skill were a match for the best officer in the English army — and 
 that man was old Daniel Morgan, the Wagoner General, as he was called. With 
 a regiment of riflemen, and an infantry force under Colonel Howard, of Maryland, 
 srled by the cavalry under the command of Lieut. Col. WasJdngton, he made an 
 attempt to relieve a place called Ninetij Six, then embracing Abbeville and Pendle- 
 ton, m South Carolina, and then the residence of old Patrick Calhoun, and at present 
 the home of the subject of this memoir. Gen. Morgan had acquired great skill in fight- 
 ing both Indians and English with his brave riflemen, who were present at the battle 
 of Saratoga, and the surrender of Gen. Burgoyne. We find liim now liovering on the 
 advanced forces of Lord Cornwallis. In the gallant little army of General Morgan 
 was Young Caldwell, a brother of Major John Caldwell, and the second uncle of 
 John C. Calhoun. No sooner had Lord Cornwallis heard of Morgan's march upon 
 Ninety Sk, than he sent a strong detachment of his army to attack him, composed 
 of 350 men under Colonel Tarleton, a part of the light infantry of the 7th regiment, 
 the first battalion of the 71st, accompanied with two field pieces of artillery. The 
 British, in their infantry, had the advantage oi five to four over the Americans. 
 
 Tlie two forces met at a place called the Cowpens, near a .small river, in Soutli 
 Carolina, called the Pacolet. At first the British seemed to gain the advantage, but 
 brave old Morgan's riflemen poured in such a deadly fire on the foe, aided by Col. 
 Washington's attack on the forces of Col. Tarleton, that the scale of victory 
 was .soon turned in favor of the Americans. In the midst of the conte.st t/oung 
 Caldwell was slain on the field of battle, and closed his earthly existence while his 
 brave companions were filling the air with the glorious shouts of victory. Thus 
 nobly perished, in a noble cause, this brave uncle of John C. Calhoun. In this 
 well-fought battle the British had ten commissioned ofllccrs, and one hundred rank 
 and file killed, two hundred wounded, twentj--ninc commissioned officer?, and about 
 five hundred privates taken prisoners. Two pieces of artillery, two standards, ^ght 
 hundred muskets, thiity.fivc baggage-wagoos, and upward oi one hiuidied dragoon 
 
1^ 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF 
 
 horses, fell into the hands of the Americans ; while the latter only had twelve men 
 killed, and eighty wounded. One of the twelve killed was young Caldwell. This 
 
 DEATH OF YOUNG CALDWELL AT THE BATTLE OF THE C W P E If S . 
 
 triumph, at a most gloomy and disastrous period of the American war, proved of the 
 greatest service to our cause. It gave fresh courage to the brave patriots, and caused 
 them to rally in defence of their country with fresh vigor and renewed energy, that 
 
 IMPRISONMENT OF CALDWELL IN THE DUNGEON OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 never relaxed afterward till the complete and perfect independence of the country 
 was acknowledged by Great Britain. 
 Mr. Calhoviu's third and laist uncle, Caldwell; and the lemainiiig kother oi. the 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 
 
 13 
 
 two deceased Caldwells, also espoused, with the same zeal and courage, the cause 
 of his country, which marked tlie character of the whole family. He marched 
 against the British ; but, unfortunately, in some manner not fully known, was made 
 a prisoner of wai", and was treated with the greatest rigor and closely confined. For 
 nine long months he was chained in a dungeon at St. Augustine, in Florida— a place 
 badly provided with the ordinary comforts of life, and, in a hot climate, liable to 
 engender disease in the confined air of daik and damp prison cells. 
 
 The long struggle finally terminated. We became an Independent Nation of 
 Freemen, and were left free to make our own laws and appoint our own rulers ; 
 and, for the first time in the modern history of man, the great experiment of the 
 capabilities of the people to govern themselves was commenced. 
 
 The first thijig to be done was the formation of laws regulating suffrage in the 
 several States, with movements for forming free constitutions under which to act. 
 In South Carolina there was a party in favor of confining the right of suffrage to a 
 property qualification. This proposition roused the feelings of old Patrick Calhoun, 
 who still survived. He determined not to submit to such an aristocratic measure ; 
 and being dstermined to defend the right of suffrage at all hazards— and failing, by 
 arguments, to convince his opponents of the justice of his cause— and seeing they 
 were determined to open a poll contrary to what he conceived to be justice andlaw, 
 he shouldered his rifle and rallied his neighbors, who also seized their arms; and. 
 
 OLD PATRICK CALHOUN MARCHING IN DEFENCK OF THE RIGHT OF SITFRAOE. 
 
 placing old Patrick at their head, they marched to the place appointed tor holding 
 the polls, withia twenty-three miles oi Charleston, and compelletl a chuuge of the 
 
14 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF 
 
 plan of voting. This act made old Patrick so popular, that he was, thereupon, 
 elecetd a member of the State Legislature, in which body he sei-ved for a period oi 
 thirty years ; and, like his son, enjoyed the uninterrupted confidence of his con- 
 stituents as long as he would agree to serve them. 
 
 In March, 1782— in the year after the battle of the Cowpens, which was fought 
 in January, 1781— and in the year after the battle of Guildford, fought in March, 
 1781 — and in the year after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown, on the 
 17th October, 1781— /o//.vi C. Calhoun, the youngest child, and son of old Patrick, 
 was born, as we have stated. Being the youngest of old Patrick's children, he was 
 the favorite and pride of the old man's heart. But the noble old patriot dropped off 
 before young Calhoun had received his education, and he was not spared to witness 
 tlie future success and distinguished honors held in reserve for his favorite son, who 
 seems to have mherited all the native vigor peculiar to the old man, marked by the 
 same frankness and decision of character, chastened by superior education, and long 
 and laborious study. Of the early days of young Calhoun, we have not time to 
 dwell. As his father had left his family in rather narrow circmTistances, he would 
 not agree to leave his mother, to pursue his studies, until the elder brothers entered 
 into some arrangement which might afford him the means of obtaining a thorough 
 education, without trenching upon any resources necessary to the comfort and hap- 
 piness of his aged mother. This being accomplished, and after having exhausted the 
 means of instruction then at command in that part of his native state, he left for 
 Yale College, at New-Haven, Connecticut. He set out with a full determination to 
 make thorough work of whatever he engaged in, saying, " he would prefer the life 
 of a farmer, to being a half-informed lawyer or doctor." At College he soon dis- 
 tinguished himself as an assiduous student, and made rapid progress. He set out to 
 qualify himself for any station in life, if possible, to which his fellow citizens might 
 see fit to call him. He is one among the very few of our American statesmen who 
 have made a science of public affairs, and qualified himself by his education, and by 
 a laborious and studious life, for the dignified and elevated profession of a statesman. 
 When he graduated at College, he received the highest honor in his class ; and 
 acquitted himself with so much success in argument with Dr. Dwight, that the 
 venerable President predicted he would, one day or other, be President of the United 
 States. On returning home, Mr. Calhoun entered on the study of the law, in which 
 he soon took high rank. He afterward became a distinguished member of tlie 
 South Carolina Legislature. 
 
 In 1812, while quite a young man, we find him a member of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the United States Congress, and an active and leading member of the 
 Committee on Foreign Relations. It was a most important and critical time in the 
 history of our country. It had become evident, that, before we could enjoy our in- 
 dependence in peace, another conflict had to come off" with Great Britain. From the 
 close of the Revolutionary War, we had been looked upon by the proud monarchies 
 of Europe, in the light of successful rebels. They seemed to consider that we had 
 accidentally gained our independence by the aid of the French, and the diversion of 
 English forces in foreign wars; and that, in case of a second and single-handed 
 contest with Great Britain, we should be completely flogged, if not reannexed to the 
 British crown. These opinions of our strength entertained abroad, caused us to be 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 15 
 
 treated with contempt by several nations, while others made no scruple to invade 
 our rights whenever it suited their convenience. Several powers refused to acknow- 
 ledge us as an independent nation — among whom, was Austria. At one time, the 
 brave General La Fayette lay immersed in the prison of Olmutz, within the do- 
 minions of Austria. Our countryman, Hufer, with Bolman, were thrown into a 
 loathsome dungeon, for attempting the rescue of La Layette. We then had no 
 minister aft the court of Austria, to plead our cause, or to interfere in behalf of Gen- 
 eral La Fayette and the gallant young men who attempted his release. Among the 
 foremost to insult our Hag, and to injure our property on the high seas, were the 
 English. In short, we were kicked and cuffed about on all sides. England claimed 
 the right to search our vessels and impress our seamen at pleasure ; and, at the com- 
 mencement of the late war, three thousamd of our brave tars were laboring in the 
 British service, into which they had been forced. Our commerce had been pillaged 
 under the Berlin and Milan decrees. Mr. JefTerson tried an embargo, which only 
 had the effect to injure ourselves, to create discontent, and to lessen our patriotism 
 and self-respect. 
 
 When Mr. Calhoun took his position in the American Congress, his clearsighted- 
 ness at once discovered, that, if we wished to maintain our rights and independence 
 as a nation, and compel others to respect them, we must fight in their defence. 
 His first move, therefore, in 1812, when on the Committee of Foreign Relations, 
 was to urge Congress to declare war at once against Great Britain, the chief offender 
 He considered all non-importation and embargo acts as worse than useless. He 
 joined his committee in reporting a declaration of war against England, and advo- 
 cated its expediency and necessity in a strain of patriotic eloquence that has never 
 been surpassed. In the height of his appeal to the patriotic pride of the country, 
 he exclaimed — " I would prefer a single victory over the enemy, by sea or land, to 
 all the good we shall ever derive from the non-importation act. The memoiy of 
 Saratoga, Princeton, and Eutaw, is immortal. It is there, you will find the country's 
 boast and pride— the inexhaustible source of great and heroic sentiments. But what 
 will history say of restriction .' What examples worthy of imitation will it fur- 
 nish to posterity .' What pride, what pleasure will our children find in the events 
 of such times ? Let me not be considered romantic. This nation ought to be taught 
 to rely on its courage, its fortitude, its skill and virtue, for protection. These are 
 the only safeguards in the hour of danger. Man was endowed with these great 
 qualities for his defence. There is nothing about him that indicates he is to con- 
 quer by endurance. He is not encru.sted in a shell ; he is not taught to rely upon 
 his insensibility, his passive suffering for defence. No, sir ; it is on the invincible 
 mind — on a magnanimous nature, he ought to rely. Here is the superiority of our 
 kind ; it is these that render man the lord of the world. It is the destiny of his 
 condition, that nations ri.se above nations, as thoy are endowed in a greater degree 
 with these brilliant qualities." 
 
 After a long and hard- fought struggle, war was declared on the 18th of June, 
 1812, and that by a single casting vote. It was late in the season of a long and 
 anxious Session of Congress, before the Republican party were enabled to carry 
 this most important measure. The administration was opposed, iii the adoption of 
 this great and patriotic movement, by men who have since filled, and now seek the 
 highest offices in the gift of the people. They^ were^then found standijig — not iii 
 
 ^ 
 

 ^16 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF 
 
 the Democratic ranks — but in opposition. Mr. Calhoun performed a most important 
 part in sustaining, and carrying through Congress, this great national question. It 
 
 JOHN C. CALHOUN REPORTING THE DECLARATION OF WAR. 
 
 is believed, without his aid, the bill could not have passed, as he, beyond doubt, by 
 his labor in the Committee, and his eloquent speeches made in its favor in the 
 House, largely contributed to its success. And his distinguished services on this 
 occasion were lauded by the Republican papers and people, from one end of the 
 Union to the other. Even the Richmond Enquirer was most lavish in praising the 
 splendid and patriotic efforts of Mr. Calhoun, at that time. In proportion as he 
 was praised by the Republicans, the more was he abused and slandered by the 
 Federalists ; and it is remarkable that none of the latter party have ever, during 
 his public life, forgiven him, or have any one of them ever been found hi his sup- 
 port — while large portions of them have occasionally rallied in the support of 
 almost every other candidate for the Presidency. Mr. Calhoun never afited with 
 tUero, and not a man of them has ever acted with him. 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. J>7 
 
 During the late war, the name of a Democrat, or a Republican, meant something ; 
 but now-a-days the title is prostituted to serve the purposes of faction, or to give a 
 false label to federalism, in order to sink its character before the people. Nobody 
 novir-a-days, calls himself a federalist ; and why ? Because our glorious defence in 
 the late war, and the complete vindication of our rights, at home and abroad, made 
 the name excessively unpopular with the people. The federalists now call them- 
 selves Democrats, with an alias or two ; but they are federalists still. They were 
 so on the 12th day of June, 1812, and on the 8th day of January, 1815, and will 
 he so to the end of the chapter. To call a party Democratic Federalist, is about as 
 appropriate as to call the Tory paity in England Republican Tories. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun has been a Democratic Republican during his whole past life, and 
 will be so to the day of his death. 
 
 When the war commenced, it found us unprepared ; and, in our first conte.st on 
 land, we were worsted. But our little navy rode gallantly out to sea, m the face of 
 the greatest naval power in the world. They soon eng^ed the enemy in battle 
 after battle, and gained victory after victorj-. The charm of England's naval invin- 
 cibility was broken. The proud title she had assumed of being mistress of the seas 
 was disputed by us, and successfully set aside. 
 
 Our hrave Jack tars, excited by feelings of s>Tnpathy for their messmates who 
 were compelled by their captors to take up arms against their native homes, and 
 burning with enthusiastic patriotism, they nailed their colors to the mast-heads of 
 their ships, and sought out the English on the highways of the deep ; and, under 
 the motto of « free trade and sailors' rights," tliey filled the world with the glory 
 of their deeds. The splendid naval engagements in which our vessels of war were 
 engaged, imparted universal joy to the Republican party of the country. On every 
 side was heard the names of Hull, of Lawrence, of Rogers, of Perry, of Porter, and 
 other brave men. The same spirit which animated the commander and crew of the 
 Constitution in their glorious action with the Guerriere, animated the bosom of 
 every officer and sailor in the American Navy. 
 
 When we review those brilliant events in our country's history, we, too, are ready to 
 exclaim, with Mr. Calhoun—" Give us one victory by sea or land over the enemy," to 
 all the embargo acts that can ever be imposed. The memory of our naval triumphs are 
 now as immortal as " Saratoga, Eutaw, and Princeton." It is in them we find 
 cause for our country's " boast and pride." If there was any American bosom that 
 did not vibrate with the general joy of the nation at the result of our heroic naval 
 actions, at the time they transpired, it was found among the Federalists of that period. 
 To them, victory was a source of regret. They, alone, opposed the war, with a zeal 
 worthy of a better cause. They not only took sides against the war, I)ut did all 
 they could to put down our most patriotic members of Congress who advocated it. 
 Their opposition rose so high, that they seemed, for a time, on the brink of going 
 over to the enemy. These were the men who opposed John C. Calhoun then, and 
 the.se are the men who oppose him still, in whatever ranks they are found. And 
 these are the men, who rejoiced not when the loud huzzas of our victorious tars 
 came over the sea to our shores. These are the men, who rejoiced not when 
 the western wind bore on its wings Perry's triumph on Lake Erie. These are men, 
 who wept not when Lawrence expired, saying, witli his dying breath, " Don't give 
 up the ship /" 
 
 Our success on the oceaii ijifuaed new lii'e into our people, and tliey soon began 
 
16 I'lF^ AND CttAEACVER OF 
 
 to feel their renewed importance as a nation. Owing^to |the want of fortifications 
 and other defences along our sea-coast, the English were enabled to invade us at 
 several points, and burn some of our towns, and inflict other outi-ages unbecoming 
 a civilized nation ! Owing to this cause, they were successful in reaching Wash- 
 ington, and blowing up the capitol, which was a source of humiliation and regret 
 to the whole country. But the act aroused the energies of the whole nation, and 
 we began rapidly to recover lost ground on land, which continued until the great 
 victory obtained by General Jackson at New-Orleans ; soon after which the war 
 closed, by our obtaining an honorable peace from Great Britam. 
 
 Our experience and progress as a nation, since the late war, has fuUy established 
 the wisdom and expediency of that measure. In that conflict, we proved to the 
 world that we could measure arms, both by sea and land, with the most powerful na- 
 tion — and that, too, single-handed. By the honorable and brave defence of our rights 
 in that contest, we rose at once to the front rank among the nations of the earth. 
 Our flag now waves in every sea, and is respected throughout the world. Our brave 
 tars are as free as the ocean-bird, and fear no opposition from a foreign soil to " free 
 trade and sailors' rights." We now have a minister at the coml of Austria, and at 
 every other court in the world, civilized or barbarous ; while old England honored 
 us with a special minister in the person of " a noble lord." Throughout the old 
 world and the new world, the bare name of an American citizen is a passport to 
 respect and consideration. The writer was, in 1840, on a visit to Liege, a large 
 town in Belgium. He went to pay a visit to the Government Citadel, or Arsenal. It 
 was on a Sunday morning, and it so happened that he had no introduction, or person to 
 introduce him. On presenting himself at the gate, and asking admittance — " From 
 whence do you come ?" was the interrogatory. " I am the coimtryman of Washing- 
 ton !" was the reply. " Enter, sir ; you are at liberty to view everything within 
 these walls. We reverence the name of Washington, and respect the country-from 
 whence you come." 
 
 We suppose all will admit the great advantages which have been acquired by this 
 country, in the way of trade and extension of commerce. It has given us an invin- 
 cible navy ; it has put our whole country in a state of defence ; and has tended, in 
 many ways, to advance the coimtry a half a century beyond what it would have 
 been without this " second war of independence," as it is often justly called. 
 
 During the whole of the war, Mr. Calhoun never relaxed or abated m the exertion 
 of his labor and talents in its favor ; and, at its conclusion, we find him called by 
 Mr. Monroe to fill the office of Secretary at War. On entering upon its duties, he 
 fomid its affairs m confusion, and that its financial disbursements had been wastefully 
 applied. He soon introduced order and economy in all its arrangements, and suc- 
 ceeded in discharging its high and responsible duties with an ability and success 
 that has never been surpassed, if equalled. 
 
 He had seen and felt the humiliation of the coimtry, arising from the defenceless 
 condition of our sea-coast during the war which led to the capture of Washington, 
 and the destruction of our Capitol, and determined to use all his influence in putting 
 the country in such a position of defence as to prevent a future contingency of the 
 
 kind. 
 
 At this period, General Bernard, who had been a great engineer under Napoleon, 
 and who had, by his direction, erected some of the most complete and powerful forti- 
 fications in Europe— specimens of which are to this day seen with surprise and won- 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 
 
 Id 
 
 der at Antwerp and other places — arrived in America, an exile from France. Mr. 
 \ Calhoun lost no time in availing himself of his services. General Bernard was 
 placed at the head of our engineering corps, and went on to plan and execute a 
 chain of splendid fojtifications reaching along our sea-coast from Maine to 
 Louisiana. 
 
 During the late difficulties growing out of the settlement of the boundary ques- 
 tion, and the trial of McLeod, the complete state of our defences on the sea-board 
 had the effect to make the English Government ponder before they determined on 
 hostilities. One of the best guaranties for peace consists in always being prepared 
 for war. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun has been accused of sectional influences and partialities. Look at 
 the splendid forts that line the harbors and coasts of the northern States, beginning 
 with the State of Maine; and viewing those great works of national defence, erected 
 at a cost of millions upon millions, in the harbors of Boston, Newport, New- York, 
 Philadelphia, and Baltimore, do they indicate sectional feelings ? In this great 
 expenditure for defence, his own State came in for a less share, in proportion to 
 population, than any other on the sea-board. Mr. Calhoun, while Secretary at War, 
 was never found to proscribe merit and honesty for opinion's sake : and in all his 
 appointments he looked to superior qualifications alone , regardless of sectional birth, 
 or of honest differences of political opinion. During his public life, as Secretary at 
 War, or as Vice President of the United States, no one has ever charged him, in a 
 single instance, of showing the least partiality for one section of the Union over 
 another. Whenever filling an office in the ailministration of the national Govern- 
 ment, he has always discharged his duties as an executive officer of the whole na- 
 tion, and never as the officer of a class, or of a section of the couirtry. No man 
 ever retired from the War office with greater popularity than Mr. Calhoun. He 
 stood among the very foremost in the Republican ranks; and nothing but hi.s youth 
 (being only about forty years of age) prevented his being then put in nomination 
 for President, and elected as the successor of Mr. Monroe. In Penn.sylvania, which 
 has always been a Democratic State, Mr. Calhoun was almost the unanimous choice 
 of the people for that high office. But Mr. Calhoun, not wishing to divide the 
 Republican party, caused his name to be withdrawn as a candidate, and after- 
 ward was nominated for the office of Vice President, on the ticket with General 
 Jack.son as President ; and, as large as the vote stood for General Jackson, 
 Mr. Calhoun obtained a still larger vote for the Vice Presidency, and was 
 elected almo.'^t by the common acclamation of the whole countiy. 
 
 The office he now held had been occupied by worthy and talented men; but it 
 was enjoyed rather as a sinecure, at a salary of $5,000 a year. — the incumbent being 
 ^content to remain at home, satisfied with the honor of the office, without feeling it 
 necessary to attend at Washington and preside in person over the deliberations of 
 the Senate. Previous to his election, that dignified body had generally elected one 
 of their own members to preside over their proceedings. The Hon. Mr. Gaillard, 
 a Senator from Soutli Carolina, for years filled the President's chair in the Senate. 
 No sooner had Mr. Calhoun been in.stalled into this high official station, than he 
 gave notice that he should preside in that body personally; alleging as a rea.son, 
 that he was opposed to receiving the emoluments and honors of an office without 
 taking upon him.self its responsibilities, and the personal and faithful discharge of 
 its duties, however onerous they might be. Diuijig the whole term of his office he 
 
20 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF 
 
 was always found at his post, and presided over the deliberations of a body of men, 
 possessing a dignity of character, a degree of wisdom and experience, not surpassed 
 if equalled by any other assembly of men in the world — and with the most extra- 
 ordinary success, efficiency, and impartiality ; and that, too, during a period of un- 
 paredleled excitement and difficulty. Throughout his active Vice Presidency he 
 won the praise and admiration of friends and foes, and no one ever accused him of 
 the least partiality, sectional or otherwise. What better proof do we want that he 
 would make as able, and efficient a PresztZenf. If he has been faithful, over a few 
 things, he will be no less so as " a ruler over many." After thirty-one years of ar- 
 duous public service, he has retired to his farm, where he is engaged in dispensing 
 hospitality to his friends, and in enjoying those socied relations of domestic life, which 
 have always been so fondly cherished and cultivated by him during relaxations from 
 the toils of public life. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun has never been poor or rich — he has always been independent in 
 his resources ; and while many public men have, by devotion to public afTairs, let 
 their private matters fall into embarrassment, Mr. Calhoun has always acted upon 
 those maxims in private life that he has advocated in his official stations ; that is, 
 freedom from debt, strict accountability, and reduction of expenses within the legiti- 
 mate sources of revenue. He was never one of those kind of men to preach one 
 doctrine and practice another. What he professes in public life, he practices in his 
 daily private walks. He always desires his acts, public and private, to speak for 
 themselves ; and shuns public exhibitions of himself, and public declamation for 
 electioneering purposes — stating he considers the office of President of the United 
 States of too high and dignified a character to be sought at the hands of the people 
 by way of stump speeches and electioneering tours ; andthat, as it is the highest office 
 in the gift of the people, they should be left free to make their own unbiassed choice 
 of a Chief Magistrate. 
 
 Although Mr. Calhoun is not poor or rich, he has always been liberal in dis- 
 pensing aid to others in distress and need. But his charities have been so privately 
 bestowed that they never came to light, unless divulged by those who have parti- 
 cipated in his bounty. He has always shown a deep interest in the education and 
 advancement of yoimg men. It is well known that the celebrated George McDuf- 
 fie was born of obscure and poor parents, inhabiting a log hut in the pine woods 
 of Georgia. When quite a lad, he strayed to Augusta, where he entered a retail 
 store as a clerk. Here he was seen by a brother of John C. Calhoun, who had 
 gone to Augusta with his wagon from Abbeville. On conversmg with the lad, he 
 formed so favorable an opinion of his understanding that he invited him to go 
 home with him, and promised to use his influence in getting him placed in a more 
 advantageous situation. On their return to Carolina, Patrick Calhoun, the brother, 
 . introduced young McDuffie to John C, who also formed so high an estimate of the 
 young man's abilities, that he at once proposed to place him at the Academy of his 
 ^'k ^ *"^^'6, ;;■ ^' brother-in-law, where he accordingly went at his expense. While here, he made 
 the most rapid progress, and soon qualified himself to enter the South Carolina 
 College at Columbia. Here he also prosecuted his studies with distinguished suc- 
 cess, at Mr. Calhoiui's expense. He afterward studied law, and became, as we 
 aU know, a distinguished man. On one occasion, Mr. McDuffie, with Judge 
 Huger, the present U. S. Senator from South Carolina, were both members of the 
 State Legislature. The subject of an appropriation to the State College at Columbia 
 
JOHN C. CALHOVN. 8| 
 
 came up for discussion. It was opposed by some members from the upper counties 
 of the State, on the ground that it had never done any good, and was only open to 
 the sons of the rich, &c. Judge Huger rose in reply, and stated, " Tf the College 
 had never educated but one man, and that man was George McDuffie, it deserved 
 all the money the State has ever bestowed upon it." 
 
 When the judge took his seat, Mr. McDuffie rose, and said he felt deeply sensi- 
 ble of the compliment which had been paid him ; and however much he was in- 
 debted to that institution for his education, and however much he might owe to it 
 for the little distinction he had gained in public life, he wished the honor of his 
 education placed where it belonged. Whatever degree of usefulness his exertions 
 had fulfilled, or whatever honor might await him in future life, it was all due to 
 Mr. Calhoun. It was he who had educated him at his own expense, and to him 
 he wished all the honor awarded. 
 
 But for this disclosure of McDuffie, no one would ever have heard of the tran- 
 saction from Mr. Calhoun himself. This public and grateful acknowledgement, 
 made to a noble benefactor, was as honorable to the recipient as it was creditable to 
 the bestower of the benefaction. 
 
 We have heard of other similar acts of kindness to other young men, which, at 
 present, we do not feel at liberty to bring before the public — as the author of them 
 has never, himself, let them pass out to the world, nor do we believe it is his wish 
 they ever should do so. 
 
 We thus see, although Mr. Calhoun's means were never large, yet he has so 
 managed his private affairs as always to maintain his family in independent circum- 
 stances, at the same time he has been most liberal in aiding the progress of others. 
 It was said by Washington, that he considered a man, who proved himself incapa- 
 ble of managing his own afiairs, was not a fit person to be intrusted with the busi- 
 ness of the public. On this maxim Mr. Calhoim has always acted. And he never 
 requires the performance of a duty, or lays down a landmark for the guidance of 
 others that he is not willing strictly to comply with in his own personal inter- 
 course, both in private and public conduct. 
 
 It is not supposed that our greatest and purest men can escape censure. The 
 worst enemies Mr. Calhoun ever had, have not been able to find a flaw in his pri- 
 vate life, or to successfully impugn his motives, or doubt his patriotism as a public 
 man. That he has, during a long course of public life, been led into some errors, 
 which more mattue experience in the working of our institutions has corrected, he 
 has had the frankness to admit. He is not superhuman ; and to err, is the lot of 
 man. But, as he justly remarks, his " Errors have bent to the side of his country's 
 cause." 
 
 It is an evidence of a great mind, and one possessed by Washington, in common 
 with other great men, to be open to conviction, to profit by experience, and care- 
 fully and wisely correct erroneous opinions, however maturely and conscientiously 
 formed. It is a mark of weakness, of ignorance, or of obstinacy, to persevere in a 
 course which more enlarged observations and trial" have shown to be wrong. 
 When we consider that many apparent judicious measures, recommended by wise 
 statesmen, are found in their practical operation inexpedient, or even injurious, and 
 that, in the movements of a new government like ours, where many important 
 principles have, for the first time, been called info action, and are constantly effecting 
 unexpected changes, In a coimtry, too, tiiat is every year marching rapidly on in 
 
2i LIFE AKD CHARACTER OP 
 
 its growth, rendering useless, or injurious, some measures, and requiring the adop- 
 tion of others to meet new exigencies. Constant attention, modification, care and 
 watchfulness, is necessary on the part of our statesmen, as time develops the 
 movements of a great and free nation. When we consider all the changes which 
 have transpired in our country during the thirty odd years of Mr. Calhoun's public 
 life, the wonder is, not that he has changed at all, but that he has changed so lit- 
 tle, when compared to many other great men. The advance of our republic has, in 
 many instances, fulfilled the eaily predictions of Mr. Calhoun, with a truthfulness 
 that almost imparts to them the spirit of prophecy. 
 
 A great noise has been made, by his enemies, about his nullification doctrines, 
 when it is well known, that whUe they are condemned by people who know no- 
 thing about them, they are yet practically acted upon by States which deny them in 
 theory. 
 
 When the English claimed that McLeod should be given up to them without a 
 trial by the laws of New- York, the General Government made a demand upon 
 New- York for the delivery of McLeod. This demand New- York considered the 
 General Government had no constitutional right to make, and therefore nullified the 
 DEMAND by going on to try McLeod ; and if she had found him guilty of murder 
 within her jurisdiction, she would have hung him. 
 
 When Georgia condemned an Indian, under her laws, for murder, an appeal was had 
 to the United States Supreme Court : a writ was sent out from that Court, to suspend 
 the sentence ; but, before it could be served, the Indian was hung. In the same way, 
 Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and Ohio asserted and maintained their State rights, in 
 opposition to the assumption of federal power, not granted in the Constitution. Sup- 
 pose a case : we do not say such ever will, or can happen ; but, for the sake of 
 illustration, suppose a large majority in Congress were to determine to interfere with 
 the business of New- York, and claim to exercise powers within her borders, not 
 granted by the Constitution, and which are " reserved to the States and the people 
 thereof, respectively." Suppose Congress to pass a law, ceding or selling one-half 
 of the State of New- York, without her consent, to the Government of Great Britain, 
 to be annexed to the Canadas : or pass a law to abolish the Judiciary system of the 
 State, and direct that aU crimes now amenable to the State laws, should be tried by 
 the United States Courts. Ask yourself what would be the remedy in this case ^ 
 Would the State appeal to the United States Court as a defendant, at which an un- 
 constitutional Congress, or the General Government, the servant and creature of the 
 States, having no existence except that granted by the States imder the Constitution, 
 should appear as plaintili ? This would be placing the creature above the creator. 
 What, then, would be done ? Is there no constitutional remedy .' Must the State 
 succumb, or disunite herself from the Union .' Is there no middle ground in such 
 an extreme case ? Mr. Calhoun, m simple theory, thought, with Mr. Jefferson, that 
 in such a case, the State would be justifiable in disobeying such extra constitutional 
 laws ; and this she might do, and still remain in the Union, under the obligations of 
 the Constitution. In the case supposed, no one doubts but New- York would do as 
 she did in McLeod's case, i. e., nuUify the imconstitutional interference of the Gen- 
 eral Government, in matters she had never delegated to that Government, under the 
 Constitution. And if she appealed to any tribimal, it would be to a constitutional con- 
 vention of her sister States, where, if they gave a constitutional decision against 
 her, she would be bound to acquiesce in such final aibitration. Yet, for professing 
 
JOHN C. CALHOUN. 23 
 
 this plain, simple, Jeflfersonian, Republican, States'-rights doctrine, Mr. Calhoun's 
 character has been blackened with abuse, and his whole life held up in a false light 
 before the public. Even admitting his former approbation of Mr. JefTerson's doc- 
 trine—for he, not Mr. Calhoun, was the author of nullification— would he thereby 
 make a worse President? Would he be less able, impartial, and patriotic in that 
 office, than he was as Secretary of War, and Vice President of tha United States .' 
 Mr. Calhoun has been charged with being ultra in his opinions, and particularly 
 on free trade. No man is less ultra, in anything, than he. He is no enemy to manu- 
 facturers or to theu- interests. He is a sincere friend to American industry, and to 
 American labor in all its various ramifications. He is in favor of all the protection 
 Avhich may be afforded by a liberal revenue tariff! He is a friend to working-men 
 and mechanics, and is anxious to have all labor rewarded. He always feels the 
 warmest admiration for, and deepest mterest in the great mechanical and scientific 
 improvements of the age ; and is delighted at the proud triumphs of the human 
 ijitellect over the laws of matter. He rejoices over the progress of mankind in arts, 
 in agricultm-e, in commerce and in manufactures. But he, with many other wise 
 men, conscientiously believe there is no grant in the Constitution which authorizes 
 Congress to grant bounties or protection dii-ectly to one class of our fellow-citizens, 
 at the expense of another; and even the advocates of the prmciple of protection do 
 not claim it mider any express grant of the Constitution ; but whenever they draft 
 a bill to secure protection, it is always headed as a bill /or raiiing revenue, and 
 they thus indirectly obtam what the Constitution nowhere, in express terms, 
 permits. 
 
 During the whole couise of Mr. Calhoun's public life, he has been known con- 
 scientiously to contend for a strict interpretation of the Constitution ; and has always 
 opposed every attempt to gain, by indirect means, objects which that sacred instru- 
 ment does not directly grant. This, we take it, is the true republican doctrine. If 
 a door is once widely opened to this kind of indirect legislation, in favor of measures 
 unauthorized by the plain letter of the Constitution, where is the evil to end ? 
 What is the use of the Constitution at all ? The future glory and prosperity of 
 this nation, depends upon mauitainiiig inviolate the provisions of that holy chart of 
 our hbeiiies. 
 
 However urgent and strong the expediency of a law may appeal-, the whole 
 nation may even groan for it ; yet it is far better to suffer, to groan for a time under 
 the heaviest burdens, than to mflict the most fearful and greatest of evils by delib- 
 erately stabbing or violating the Constitution of the country. Tf evils an'se that 
 must be redressed, or measures ai-e proposed which promise great and extensive 
 benefits to the people at large, and are calculated to " promote the greatest happi- 
 ness of the greatest number," and no grant is found in the Constitution by which 
 such evils can be redressed, or such measures adopted, let the people, if they choose, 
 amend the Constitution, or, if necessary, change the Constitution by the action of 
 State Legislatures, so as to meet the cases which it is proposed to act upon. 
 But, come what may, through evil and good report, whatever else is done or pro- 
 posed, let us maintain inviolate the Constitution, that sacred inheritance, transmitted 
 to us by our forefathers. 
 
 We have thus briefly brought under review the history of a man and his family, 
 who, by their brave actions in defence of our country and its liberties, have identi- 
 fied theii names with the first patriots oi' the land— a family whoee eider branches 
 
LIPE OP JOHN C. CALHOUN. 
 
 fought and bled in the first conflict for freedom — and of a younger member of that 
 family, whose best days have been employed in the service of the Republic, and 
 v^ho aided in bringing about, and in carrying the country triumphantly through the 
 second war of Independence. We feel our inability to do justice to this great man. 
 To write out a history of his life, would be to give a history of the country for 
 thirty or forty years of its progress. 
 
 In conclusion, fellow-citizens, we recommend John C. Calhoun to you, conscious 
 that, if he were personally as well known over the whole country as he is to his 
 immediate acquaintances, he would be as much beloved by the whole nation as he 
 is by them. We recommend him to you as a long-tried and faithful public servant 
 — as an honest man — as a true patriot and upright citizen — and as a man every way 
 qualified for the Presidency of the United States. Then let us give three cheers for 
 the memojy of old Patrick Calhoun — three cheers for the three Caldwells — and nine 
 cheers for John Caldwell Calhoun. 
 
 T H£ £ N D.