**"* ,< Xc ■ 1 ** ++ ? TERENCE'S ANDRIAN. TERENCE'S A N D R I A N, & ©omrirg, in fib* &cts, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH PROSE, WITH CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES, W. R. GOODLUCK, Jun. The Athenian and Roman plays were written with such a regard to morality, that Socrates used to frequent the one, and Cicero the other. Spectator; No. 440, LONDON: PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROW N, PATERNOSTER-KOW, 1820, ^ LONDON: Primed by W. Clowes, Northumberland-court. /a-31 5^ PREFACE. IF an apology for the following trans- lation cannot be found in the work itself' i would be to little purpose to insert it n the Preface. I have attempted to /esent to the public the most cele- brated dramatist of ancient Rome, in such a dress as may enable the English reader, learned and unlearned equally, to relish, in his own language, the beauties of this great poet. Though the original is composed in verse, I have employed prose in this translation, because the verse of Terence approaches so very nearly to prose, that in prose only is it possible to adhere faithfully to the words, and particularly to the style of our author ; as we have in our language a 11 PREFACE. no measure of verse at all corresponding with that used by Terence. To the learned reader, the number of the subjoined Notes may, perhaps, seem excessive ; and the minuteness of description which characterizes many of them, may appear unnecessary; but, though this work was not written pro- fessedly for the schools, yet the Notes were not composed entirely without a view to the instruction of the young student; and, as translations are sup- posed to be made chiefly for the use of the unlearned, who cannot be expected to be much acquainted with the man- ners and customs of the ancients; I thought it better, if I erred at all, to err on the safe side, and to repeat to some of my readers something that they knew before, rather than run the risk of permitting any one of them to remain unacquainted with it altogether. A French translator of Terence, the learned and indefatigable Madame Da- PREFACE. Ill cier, has judged a still greater number of Notes than I have subjoined in this work, necessary to elucidate various passages in her translation of the play of the Andrian, and of Suetonius's Life of our author. One remark may be added on this subject ; it must be con- sidered that many of the explanatory Notes affixed to the play of the Andrian, tend to the general elucidation of the various passages in the remaining five plays of Terence; and I think I may venture to hope, that the Notes in ge- neral, will, in many instances, be found useful in the exposition of many passages in the Latin and Greek classics. I am induced to publish this play singly, with a view of ascertaining whe- ther a translation of Terence's comedies on this plan may meet with sufficient approbation to encourage the appear- ance of the remaining five plays : as I propose to give a complete translation of the works of this celebrated author, a 2 IV PREFACE. if the present attempt should be ho- noured with a favourable reception. I may say, in the words of Terence him- self, " Favete, adeste sequo animo, et rem cognoscite, Ut pernoscatis, ecquid spei sit reliquum, Posthac que^s faciei de integro comoedias, Spectanda?, an exigendoe sint vobis prius." And now deign to favour the play with your at- tention, and give it an impartial hearing, that you may know what is in future to be expected from the poet, and whether the comedies that he may write hereafter, will be worthy to be accepted, or to be rejected by you. — Prologue to the Andrian. These lines contain very strong pre- sumptive proof that the Andrian was Terence's first production ; and, for that reason, it has been selected for this essay, and not on account of its being supposed to be superior to his other plays : for so great, so steady was the equality of this poet's genius, that no critic of eminence, ancient or modern. PREFACE. V could ever yet venture to assign to any one of his plays a claim of superiority to the rest. The celebrated Scaliger has asserted that there were not more than three faults in the six plays of Te- rence. The ancients seem to have been least partial to the Step-mother : Volcatius says, " Sumetur Hecyra sexta ex his fabula." The Step-mother is reckoned the last of the six. This was the only piece written by our author, in which the plot was single ; and the want of a double plot, which the Romans then preferred, was, doubtless, the reason of its being- postponed to Terence's other produc- tions. The force of custom has given autho- rity to an erroneous disposition of these comedies, which are usually printed in the following order : a 3 VI PREFACE. The Andrian, The Eunuch, The Self-tormentor, The Brothers, The Step-mother, The Phormio. They were written and represented at Rome as follows : Year of Rome. The Andrian .... 587 The Step-mother . . • . 588 The Self-tormentor . . 590 The Eunuch 592 The Phormio 592 The Brothers 593 The original cause of the order of these plays being changed by the an- cient transcribers is not known ; though it is conjectured that they classed them thus, that the four plays taken from Menander might be placed together. This leads me to mention Terence's close imitation of the Greek dramatists, PREFACE. VU amounting, in fact, to a partial transla- tion of them ; and it is necessary to bear this in mind during a perusal of his writings, lest, under the impression that his author wrote originally in Latin, the reader should forget that the scene is always laid in Greece ; that the persons of the drama are not Romans but Greeks; and that, consequently, the manners, customs, names, and things* there mentioned, are almost uniformly Grecian. Roman literature had emerged from obscurity just previous to the times of Terence : that sun, which was des- tined to shed its splendour over all future ages, was then scarcely risen from the darkness which shrouded it during the rude infancy of the Roman common- wealth ; and even for a long period after Rome assumed the highest rank in the scale of nations. Livius Androni- cus, the first poet of eminence, wrote dramatic 'pieces in the year of Rome a 4 Vlll PREFACE. 513. He was followed by Naevius, En- nius, Tegula, and Caecilius ; next comes Pacuvius, who excelled in tragedies ; then follow Plautus and his" cotempo- raries Plautius, Aquilius, andAcutius; and, lastly, Terence brought the Latin drama to its highest perfection about the year of Rome 590, eighty years after its first appearance. But, in Greece, dra- matic writing had attained the highest pitch of excellence under Menander, more than one hundred years before ; and the Latin poets copied most closely from the refined writings of the Greeks. At that time, and for many years after, Greek was almost as much in fashion at Rome, as French has of late years been in fashion in England : it formed a ne- cessary branch of a polite education ; and many of the Romans quitted their native city, and resided in Greece a considerable time, for the purpose of perfecting themselves in the Greek lan- guage, and enjoying the advantage of PREFACE. IX associating themselves with the philo- sophers and other learned men of that country. Our author, therefore, complied with the taste of the age, and no man suc- ceeded better in making the Greek poets speak Latin. He copied chiefly from Menander : the four entire plays, the Andrian, the Eunuch, the Self- tormentor, and the Brothers, were taken from the writings of that great poet, as were also some parts of the Step-mother and the Phormio. Terence's great rival in dramatic fame was Marcus Accius Plautus, who flou- rished a few years before him ; and has left twenty comedies replete with wit and spirit. To draw a comparison at length, between these great poets, would be an undertaking: bv no means suited to a Preface ; and far more ar- duous than I should at present feel pre- pared to enter into : the learned Ma- dame Dacier very happily observes, a 5 t PREFACE* *'. II est certain qu'il n'y a rien de plus difficile que cette espece de critique qui consiste ajuger des hommes, et a faire voir les avantages qu'ils ont les uns sur les autres. II y a tant d'egards k ob- server ; tant de rapports a unir, tant de differences a peser, que c'est une chose presque infinie ; et il semble que pour s'en bien acquitter, il faudroit avoir une esprit superieur a ceux dont on juge, comme il est n^cessaire que la main qui se sert d'une balance soit plus forte que les choses quelle veut peser/ 5 — -It is certain, that no species of criticism is more difficult than that which con- sists of judging generally of an author; and in pointing out those excellencies, in which he is superior to other writers. There are so many points to be consi- dered, so many similarities to be com- pared with each other, so many dif- ferences to be weighed against each other, that the task is almost endless ; and appears to require talents superior PREFACE. XI t© those of the person whose produc- tions are to be criticised ; as the hand which holds the balance ought to pos- sess a power more than equal to the weight of whatever is to be placed in it. Most of those critics who have under- taken to compare Terence and Plautus with each other, have, on a general estimate of their merits, decided in favour of Terence ; though in one or two particular excellencies they allow Plautus to have surpassed him. They judged Plautus to be chiefly recom- mended by his humour, by the amusing variety of his incidents, by the liveli- ness and spirit of his action, and by his rich, agreeable, and witty styie. . Te- rence they praise for his delicacy of expression, his unequalled skill in the delineation of characters and of man- ners, and in the construction and ma- nagement of his plots, for the well- *imed introduction of his incidents, and a 6 Xll PREFACE. for the evenness, purity, and chaste- ness of his style. Terentio non similem dices qaempiam. — Afranius. Terence stands unrivalled. One natural defect the critics have charged Terence with, and only one, viz., the want of what the ancients called the vis comica, which is usually interpreted humour : and, in this requi- site, they judged him to have fallen short of Plautus. One fault also is ob- jected against him, being no less than a direct breach of the rules of dramatic writing; which is, that he makes the actors directly address the audience in their assumed characters ; as in the fourth scene of the first act of the An- drian, and also in the last scene of the last act. Against the latter charge, no defence can be made, except we urge the authority of custom; but the im- putation against our author of a want PREFACE. Xlll of humour may, in a great measure, be repelled. The vis comica of the ancients, though we translate it by the word humour, which approaches nearer to its true signification than any other expression in our lan- guage, could not have been exactly the same kind of humour with that of our own times ; which has been usually considered as peculiar to the English drama, and has not even a name in any other modern language. If we allow the vis comica, or ' comic force, to be divided into two species, namely, the vis comica of the action, and the vis comica of the dialogue, (and is there not a humour of action, as there is of words?) we must also allow, that Terence's writings, far from being devoid of the humour of action, are re- plete with it throughout. The Eunuch, particularly, abounds with this kind of humour, especially in the eighth scene of the fourth act, where Thraso forms his line of battle; and, in the fifth, XIV PREFACE. sixth, and seventh scenes of the last act, between Laches, Pythias, and Parmeno, which are specimens of the vis comica of action, not inferior to many of the witty Plautus's attempts to exhibit this spe- cies of dramatic manners. I shall conclude by giving the reader some account of the rise and conduct of dramatic entertainments at Rome : which cannot be so conveniently intro- duced in the Notes. A knowledge of these things is very necessary to a right understanding of Terence's plays ; as his mode of writing could not be recon- ciled to the modern method of dramatic representation, which differs very mate- rially from the ancient manner. About an hundred and twenty years before regular plays were first exhi- bited at Rome, a sort of entertainment called ludi scenici was introduced there by the Etrurians : it consisted merely of dancing to the sound of a pipe. This simple amusement was soon improved PREFACE. XV upon, and the dancers began also to speak. They spouted a species of rude satirical verses, in which they threw out rough jests, raillery, and repartee against each other: these were called Saturnian verses, or Satires, from their god Saturn : hence this name was after- wards applied to poetry composed for the purpose of lashing vice or folly. The Saturnian verses, set to music, and accompanied by dancing, continued a favourite diversion, till they were su- perseded by regular plays about the year of Rome 515. The places where they were represented, (called theatra, theatres, from a Greek word signifying to see,) were originally tents, erected in the country, under the shade of some lofty trees : afterwards they performed in temporary buildings formed of wood : one of these is recorded to have been large enough to contain eighty thousand spectators. Pompey the Great erected the first permanent theatre : it was XVI PREFACE. built of stone, and of a size sufficient to accommodate forty thousand persons. Some critics have objected against Terence, that he is guilty of an impro- priety in making one actor speak very frequently without being heard by ano- ther ; and introducing two or more per- sons on the stage, who, though they are both of them seen by the spectators, yet do not perceive each other for a considerable space of time. These ob- jections are easily answered when we reflect on the magnificent size of the Roman theatres. An ingenious writer of the last century has given a very clear explanation of this subject : I shall give it in his own words. " Some make this objection, that in the beginning of many scenes, two act- ors enter upon the stage, and talk to themselves a considerable time before they see or know one another; which they say is neither probable nor natural. Those that object to this don't consider PREFACE. XVII the great difference between our little scanty stage and the large magnificent Roman theatres. Their stage was sixty yards wide in the front, their scenes so many streets meeting together, with all by-lanes, rows, and alleys ; so that two actors coming down two different streets or lanes, couldn't be seen by each other, though the spectators might see both ; and sometimes, if they did see each other, they couldn't well distin- guish faces at sixty yards' distance. Besides, upon several accounts, it might well be supposed when an actor enters upon the stage out of some house, he might take a turn or two under the porticoes, cloisters, or the like, (that were usual at that time,) about his door, and take no notice of an act- or's being on the other side of the stage." Of course, the extensive size of the Roman theatres made it impossible that the natural voice of the actors should XV111 PREFACE. be distinctly heard at the distance they stood from the audience : to remedy this inconvenience, they had recourse to a sort of mask, which covered both the head and the face : it was called 'persona, from two Latin words, signify- ing to sound through : the mouth of this mask was made very large, and with thin plates of brass they contrived to swell the sound of the voice, and, at the same time, to vary its tones, so as to accord with the passions they wished to express. Instructions in the use of these masks formed an essential and important branch of the education of a Roman actor. The plays represented at Rome were divided into two classes : 1. the palliatae, 2. the togatae. In the first, the cha- racters of the piece were entirely Gre- cian : in the latter, they were entirely Roman. The second class, viz., the togatee, were subdivided into the pree- textatae, when the play was tragedy: PREFACE. XIX the tabernarise, when the scenes lay in low life : the atellanae, or farces : and the trabeatae, when the scene lay in the camp : they had likewise mimes and pantomimes. The chorus consisted sometimes of one person, though generally of several, who stood on the stage during the re- presentation, at first, without any share in the action of the piece : some sup- pose that they were there partly in^the character of spectators : if this conjec- ture be correct, Terence may be ex- cused for making the actors address them. Their business seems originally to have been singing between the pauses in the action, and delivering moral re- flections on what was represented on the stage : afterwards they were incor- porated with the action, as a species of attendants. These theatrical appendages were at last laid aside, because it was thought to appear improbable, that in* XX PREFACE. trigues, which usually are to be kept se- cret, should be carried on in their pre- sence. Flutes were played during the whole time of the performance, and the chief musician beating time, directed the actors when they were to raise, and when they were to depress their voices. Sometimes one person recited the words, and another performed the action of the same part. The tibiae, or flutes, were of various kinds: the best account of the manner in which they were used is given us by Madame Dacier, as follows : f* The performers played on two flutes during the whole of the repre- sentation. They stopped the vents of one of them with the right hand : that flute was, therefore, called right hand- ed : the other was stopped with the left, and called a left-handed flute. In the first, there were but a few holes ; which occasioned it to give a deep, PREFACE. XXI bass sound : in the other, the holes were very numerous: this flute sounded a sharp shrill note. u When a comedy was accompanied by two flutes of a different sound, it was said to be played Tibiis imparibus dextris et sinistris, unequal flutes, right and left handed. When the flutes were of the same sound, it was said to be played Tibiis paribus dextris, with equal light-handed flutes, if they were of a deep sound: and Tibiis paribus sinistris, with equal left-handed flutes, when they were of a sharp shrill sound. The right-handed flutes were called Lydian ; the left-handed Tyrian ; the unequal Phrygian; as were also the crooked flutes." The tragic and comic actors were distinguished from each other by the covering of their feet. The tragedians wore a sort of boot, called cothurnus, with a very high heel ; which was in- tended to give them a commanding, XX11 PREFACE. majestic appearance. The comedians wore a light shoe, or slipper, called soccus. The Romans appear to have been very partial to dramatic entertain- ments. Magistrates were appointed to exhibit them : and the people even devoted to the theatre part of that time which is usually allotted to more weighty concerns : as their plays were usually performed in the day-time. Magnificent theatres were erected at the public expense ; and sometimes even by private individuals. A description of one of these buildings is recorded by Pliny. The scenes were divided into three partitions, one above another. The first consisted of one hundred and twenty marble pillars; the second of the same number of pil- lars, most curiously covered and orna- mented with glass : the third of the same number of pillars, covered with gilded tablets. Three thousand brazen PREFACE. XX1H statues filled up the spaces between the pillars. This theatre would con- tain eighty thousand persons. Inde- pendently of the ordinary representa- tions, plays were performed on all solemn occasions: at the public feasts and games, and at the funerals of emi- nent citizens. No opportunity seems to have been neglected to introduce this species of amusement at Rome: no nation, ancient or modern, appears to have cultivated the drama with greater diligence than the Romans; and few have had more success. It is our misfortune, that so few speci- mens of the excellence of their drama- tists have descended to our times. Let us, however, admire and profit by what we have. The writings of Te- rence and of Plautus present us with an inexhaustible source of pleasure and instruction. As long as virtuous and humane sentiments do not lose their appeal to the heart ; as long as purity, XXIV PREFACE. delicacy of expression, wit, and spirit, and well-wrought fable continue to satisfy the judgment ; so long the names of Terence and of Plautus must remain immortal. THE LIFE OF TERENCE, ^ranslatrtr from t|)e Uattn OF CAIUS SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS*. Publius Terentius 2 , born at Carthage, in Africa, was slave to Terentius Lucanus, a Ro- man senator: who, justly appreciating his great abilities, gave him not only a polite education, but also his liberty in the earlier part of his life. He is supposed by some to have been made a prisoner of war: but Fenestella 3 re- futes this opinion; as 4 Terence was born after the conclusion of the second Punic |war, and died before the commencement of the third : neither, if he had been made a captive by the 5 Numidians, 01 Getulians, could he have fallen XXVI LIFE OF TERENCE. into the hands of the Romans, as there was no commerce between the Italians and Africans, before the destruction of Carthage. Terence lived in the closest intimacy with many of the Roman nobility, but particularly with Scipio Africanus 6 and Caius Laelius 7 , who were about his own age 8 , though Fenestella makes Terence rather older than either of them. Portius 9 commemorates their friendship in the following verses : Dum lasciviam nobilium; et fucosas laudes petit : Duin Africani vocera divinam inhiat avidis auribus : Dum ad Furium se coenitare et Laelium pulchrum putat : Dum se aniari ab hisce credit, crebro in Albanum rapi Ob florem aetatis suae, ipsus sublatis rebus ad summam Inopiam redactus est. Itaque e conspcctu omnium abiit in Graeciam in terrain ulti- mani. Mortuus est in Stymphalo Arcadiae oppido: nihil Publius Scipio profuit, nihil ei Laelius, nihil Furius; Tres per idem tempus qui agitabant nobiles facillime, Eorum ille opera ne domum quidem habuit conductitiam, Saltern ut esset, quo referret obitum domini servulus. " While Terence joins in the pleasures of the nobles, and seeks their empty praise ; while he LIFE OF TERENCE. XXVU listens with delight to the divine voice of Afri- canus ; and thinks himself most happy to sup with Laelius and with Furius 10 ; while he be- lieves them to be his true friends ; while he is frequently carried to the " Albanian villa ; his property is spent, and he himself reduced to the greatest poverty : on which account he goes, avoiding all mankind, to the most distant parts of Greece, and dies at Stymphalus ia , a town in Arcadia : his three great friends Scipio, Lselius, and Furius, give him no assistance ; nor even enable him to hire a house ; that there might, at least, be a place where his slave might announce to Rome his master's death," He wrote six comedies: when the first of them, the Andrian, was presented to the iEdiles 13 ; he was desired to read it to Caerius 14 ; he ac- cordingly repaired to his house, and found him at supper ; and, being meanly dressed, was seated on a stool near the couch of Caerius 15 , where he commenced the reading of his play ; b 2 XXV111 LIFE OF TERENCE. but Caerius had no sooner heard the first few lines than he invited the poet to sup with him ; after which, the play was read, to the great ad- miration of Caerius, who betowed on the author the most unbounded applause. The other five comedies met with equal commendation from the Romans, though Volcatius 16 , in his enume- ration of them, says, Sume tur Hecyra sexta ex his fabula. The Step-mother is reckoned the last of the six. The Eunuch was acted twice in one day 17 ; and the author received for it a higher price than was ever paid for any comedy before that time, viz., eight thousand sesterces l8 : on ac- count of the magnitude of the sum, it is men- tioned in the title of that play. Varro 19 even prefers the opening scenes of the Brothers of Terence to the same part in Menander. The report that Terence was indebted to Scipio and Laelius, with whom he was so intimate, for LIFE OF TERENCE. Xxix parts of his comedies, is well known ; and he himself scarcely seems to have discouraged the assertion, as he never seriously denies it ; wit- ness the Prologue to the Brothers : Nam quod isti dicunt malevoli, homines nobiles Eum adjutare, assidueque unascriberc : Quod illi maledictum vehemens existimant, Eamlaudem hie ducitmaximam, cum illis placet Qui vobis unive*sis, et populo placent : Quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio Suo quisque tempore usus est sine superbia. u And as for what those malicious railers say 2 *, who assert that certain noble persons assist the poet, and very frequently write with him, what they think a reproach, he considers as the high- est praise ; that he should be thought to please those who please you, and all Rome ; those who have assisted every one in war, and peace, and even in their private affairs, with the great- est services ; and yet have been always free from arrogance." It is likely, that he might wish, in some measure, to encourage this idea, because he knew that it would not be displeasing to b3 XXX LIFE OF TERENCE. Scipio and Leelius : however, the opinion has gained ground, and is strongly entertained even to the present day. Quintus Memmius ' 31 , in an oration in his own defence, says, Publius Africanus, qui a Terentio personam mutuatus, quae domi luserat ipse, nomine illius in scenam detulit " Publius Africanus, who borrowed the name of Terence for those plays which he composed at home for his diversion. -" Cornelius Nepos 22 asserts, that he has it from the very first authority, that Caius Laalius being at his country-house at 23 Puteoli, on the first of March**, and being called to supper by his wife at an earlier hour than usual, requested that he might not be interrupted; and after- wards coming to table very late, he declared that he had scarcely ever succeeded better in composition than at that time; and, being asked to repeat the verses, he read the following from the Self-tormentor, Act IV, Scene III. LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXI Satis pol proterve me Syri promissa hue induxeruut Decern minas quas nrihi dare pollicitus est, quod si is nunc me Deceperit, saepe obsecransme, ut veniam, frustra veniet: Aut, cum venturam dixero, et constituent cum is certe Renunciarit ; Clitiphon cum in spe pendebit animi Decipiam, ac non veniam; Syrus mihi tergo paenas pendet. * Truly this Syrus has coaxed me hither, im- pertinently enough, with his fine promises that I should receive ten minae ; but, if he deceives me this time, 'twill be to no purpose to ask me to come again ; or, if I promise, and appoint to come, I'll take good care to disappoint him. Clitipho, who will be full of eager hope to see me, will I deceive, and will not come ; and Syrus' back shall pay the penalty." Santra 25 thinks, that if Terence had required any assistance in his comedies; he would not have requested it from Scipio and Laelius, who were then extremely young 26 ; but from 2 " Caius Sulpicius Gall us, a man of great learning, who also was the first person who procured 28 the representation of comedies at the consular games or from 2) Quintus Fabius Labeo ; or XXX11 LIFE OF TERENCE. from 3° Marcus Popilius Laenas, two eminent poets, and persons 3l of consular dignity : and Terence himself, speaking of those who were reported to have assisted him, does not mention them as young men, but as persons of weight and experience, who had served the Romans in peace, in war, and in private business. After the publication of his six comedies, he quitted Rome, in the thirty-fifth year of his age, and returned no more. Some suppose that he undertook this journey with a view to silence the reports of his receiving assistance from others in the composition of his plays : others, that he went with a design to inform himself more perfectly of the manners and customs of Greece. Volcatius speaks of his death as follows: Sed ut Afer sex populo edidit comcedias Iter hinc in Asiam fecit : navim cum semel Conscendit, visus nunquam est. hie vita vacat, u Terence, after having written six comedies, embarked for Asia, and was seen no more. He perished at sea. ,> LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXlli Quintus Consentius 32 writes, that he died at sea, as he was returning from Greece, with one hundred and eight plays, translated from Me- nander 33 . Other writers affirm, that he died at Stymphalus, a tow 7 n in Arcadia, or in Leuca- dia 34 , in the consulate of 35 Cneus Cornelius Dolabella and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, and that his end was hastened by extreme grief for the loss of the comedies which he had translated, and some others which he had composed him- self, and sent before him in a vessel which was afterwards wrecked. He is said to have been of a middle stature, well-shaped, and of a dark complexion. He left one daughter, who was afterwards married to 36 a Roman knight, and bequeathed to her a garden of ' h XX jugera, near the Appian Way, and close to the 38 Villa Martis : it is therefore surprising that Portius should write thus : nihil Publius Scipio profuit, nihil ei Laelius, nihil Furius : Tres per idem tempus qui agitabant nobiles facillime, Eornm ille opera ne domum quidem habuit conductitiam ; Saltern ut esset, quo referret obitum domini servulus. XXXIV LIFE OF TERENCE. " His three great friends, Scipio, Laelius, and Furius, give him no assistance, nor even enable him to hire a house, that there might at least be a place where his slave might announce to Rome his master's death." Afranius * prefers Terence to all the comic poets, saying, in his Compitalia 40 . Terentio uon similem dices quempiam. u Terence is without an equal." But Volcatius places him not only after 41 Naevius, 4 * Plautus, and 43 Caecilius, but even after 44 Licinius. * 5 Cicero, in his AEiMftN, writes of Terence thus, Tu quoque qui solus lecto sermone, Terenti, Conversum, expressumque Latina voce Menandrum In medio populi sedatis vocibus effers, Quicquid come loquens, ac omnia dulcia dicens. u And thou, also, O Terence, whose pure style alone could make Menander speak the Latin tongue, thou, with the sweetest harmony and grace, hast given him to Rome." Also Caius Julius Caesar 46 , LIFE OF TERENCE. XXXV Tuquoquetu inSnmmis, O dimidiate Menander, Poneris et merito, puri sermonis amator, Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adjuncta foret vis Comica ut aequato virtus polleret honore, Cum Graecis ueque in hac despectus parte jaceres, Unum hoc maceror, et doleo tibi deesse Terenti. u And thou, also, O thou half Menander, art justly placed among the most divine poets, for the purity of thy style. O would that humour had kept pace with ease in all thy writings ; then thou wouldest not have been compelled to yield even to the Greeks; nor could a single defect have been objected to thee. But, as it is, thou hast this great defect, and this, O Te- rence, I lament." THE ANDRIAN, ACTED AT THE MEGALESIAN GAMES 47 ; IN THE 48 CURULE ^DILATE OF 49 MARCUS FULVIUS AND ARCUS GLABRIO ; BY THE COMPANY 51 OF LU- CIUS AMBIVILS TURPIO, AND LUCIUS AT- TILIUS 52 , Ot PR.tNESTE.^ Flacc us, the Freedman of Claudius, composed the Music for 5 3 equal Flutes, right and left handed. ■?* It is taken from the Greek, and was published during* the Consulate of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Ciieus Sulpicius Galba 55 . Year of Rome 587 Before Our Saviour 162 Author's Age 27 / THE ARGUMENT. There were in Athens two brothers, Chremes and Phania. The former making a voyage to Asia, left his infant daughter, named Pasibula, under the protection of Phania; who, to avoid the dan- gers of a war which shortly after convulsed the Grecian States, quitted Athens, and embarked also for Asia with the infant Pasibula, designing to rejoin his brother Chremes. His vessel being wrecked off Andros, he was received and hospi- tably entertained by an inhabitant of the island, where he died, bequeathing his niece to his host, who generously educated her with his own daughter Chrysis ; changing her name from Pasibula to Glycera. After some years he also died, and his daughter Chrysis, finding herself reduced to poverty, and avoided by her relations, removed to Athens, accompanied by her adopted sister Gly- cera, or Pasibula. Here, supported by her in- dustry, she lived for some months in a virtuous seclu- sion ; but after that period became acquainted with several young Athenians of good family, whose visits she admitted, hoping perhaps to accomplish an ad- vantageous marriage either for Glycera or for her- b £ IV THE ARGUMENT. self. She was seduced by pleasure, and her con- duct from that time became very far from irre- proachable. Meanwhile a young man, named Pam- philus, is accidently introduced at her house, sees Glycera, is enamoured of her; she returns his affections, and they are privately betrothed ; a short time previous to the death ofCHRYsis, which hap- pens about three years after her removal to Athens. Chremes, whom we left in Asia, returned to Athens, and became the father of another daughter, who was called Philumeea ; he had long before formed a friendship with Simo, the father of Pam- philus. Pamphilus being a youth of great worth and high reputation, Chremes wishes to be- stow on him the hand of his daughter Philumexa. Here the play opens. A report of the connexion between Pamphilus and Glycera reaching the ears of Chremes, he breaks off the marriage. Simo conceals this, and to try the truth of the rumour, proposes Philumena again to his son, and desires him to wed her instantly. Apprized by his servant Davus of his father's artful stratagem, PamphiXus professes his willingness to marry, thinking by this measure to disappoint it ; but he defeats himself, for from his ready consent, Chremes concludes the rumour false, and renews the treaty to the great embarrassment of Pamphilus, which, with the artifices Davus employs to extricate him, form the most diverting scenes of the play. However, THE ARGUMENT. V when the affairs of Pamphilus and Davus are re- duced to extremity, and a breach between father and son appears inevitable on account of the marri- age with Glycera, and the refusal to accept Phi- lumen a, a stranger called Crito, most oppor- tunely arrives from Andros, and discovers Gly- cera to be Pasibula, the daughter of Chremes, who willingly confirms her the wife of Pamphilus, and bestows Philumena, his other daughter, on ChaPvINus, a friend of Pamphilus, to the great satisfaction of all parties. b3 DRAMATIS PERSONS. Simo, an old man, the father of'Pamphilus. Sosi^, the freedman of Simo. Pamphilus, the son of Simo. Davus, servant to Pamphilus. Charinus, a young man, the friend of Pamphilus. Byrrhia, servant to Charinus. Chremes, an old man, the friend of Simo. Crito, a stranger, from the island of Andros. DromOj a servant. Glycera, the Andrian. Mysis, her maid. Lesbia, a midwife. MUTES. Archillis, Glycera's nurse. Servants belonging to Simo. The Scene lies in Athens, in a street between the houses of Simo and Glycera. The Time is about nine hours. B 4 PROLOGUE 6 . Our poet, when first he bent his mind to write, thought that he undertook no more than to compose Comedies which should please the people. But he rinds himself not a little deceived ; and is compelled to waste his time in making Prologues ; not to nar- rate the plot of his play, but to answer the snarling malice of an older poet 57 . And now, I pray you, Sirs, observe what they object against our Author : Menander wrote the 58 Andrian and Perinthian : he who knows one of them knows both, their plots are so very similar; but they are different in dialogue, and in style. He confesses that whatever seemed suitable to the Andrian, he borrowed from the Perinthian, and used as his own : and this, forsooth, these railers carp at, and argue against him that Comedies thus mixed are good for nothing. But, in attempting to shew their wit, they prove their folly : since, in censuring him, they censure Nsevius, Plautus 59 , Ennius, who have given our author a precedent for what he has done : and whose careless ease he would much rather imitate than their obscure correctness. But henceforth let them be silent, and b 5 X PROLOGUE. cease to rail ; or I give them warning, they shall hear their own faults published. And now deign to favour the play with your attention ; and giv< it an impartial hearing, that you may know what is in future to be expected from the poet, and whether the Comedies that he may write hereafter, will be worthy to be accepted, or to be rejected by you. THE ANDRIAN. ACT I. Scene I. Si mo, Sosia, and Slates, carrying Provisions. Simo. 60 Carry in those things, directly. (Ex- eunt Slaves.) Do you come hither Sosia ; I have something to say to you. Sosia. You mean, I suppose, that I should take care that these provisions are properly drest. Simo. No ; it's quite another matter. Sosia. In what else can my skill be of any ser- vice ? Simo. There is no need of your skill in the management of the affair I am now engaged in ; all that I require of you is faithfulness and se- crecy ; qualities I know you to possess. Sosia. I long to hear your commands. Simo, You well know, Sosia, that from the b 6 12 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. time when I first bought you as my slave ; 6l even from your childhood until the present moment ; I have been a just and gentle master : you served me with a free spirit ; and I gave you freedom ; fr2 as the greatest reward in my power to bestow. Sosia. Believe me, Sir, I have not forgotten it* Simo. Nor have you given rne any cause to repent that I did so. 63 Sosia. I am very glad, Simo, that my past, and present conduct has been pleasing to you ; and I am grateful for your goodness in receiving my poor services so favourably : but it pains me to be thus reminded of the benefits you have con- ferred upon me, as it seems to upbraid me with having forgotten them. 64 Pray, Sir, let me re- quest to know your will at once. Simo. You shall ; but first I must inform you that my son's marriage, which you expect to take place, is only a feigned marriage. Sosia. But why do you make use of this de- ceit ? Simo. 65 You shall near every thing from the beginning ; by which means you will learn my son's course of life, my intentions, and the part I wish you to take in this affair. When my son, Pamphilus, arrived at man's estate, 66 of course he was able to live more according to his own in- Scene I.] the andrian. 13 cliiiation: for, until a man has attained that age, his disposition does not discover itself, being kept in check either by his tutor, or by bashful- ness, or by his tender years. Sosia. That is very true. Simo. Most young men attach themselves chiefly to one particular pursuit ; such, for in- stance, as breeding horses, keeping hounds, or frequenting the schools of the philosophers. 67 He did not devote himself entirely to any one of these : but employed a moderate portion of his time in each ; and I was much pleased to see it. Sosia. As well you might, for J think that every man, in the conduct of his life, should ad- here to this precept, " Avoid excess." Simo. This was his way of life; he bore pa- tiently with every one, accommodated himself to the tempers of his associates ; and fell in with them in their pursuits ; avoided quarrels ; and never arrogantly preferred himself before his com- panions. Conduct like this will ensure a man praise without envy, and gain many friends. Sosia. This was indeed a wise course of life ; for in these times 68 , flattery makes friends ; truth, foes. Simo. Meantime, about three years ago, a certain woman, exceedingly beautiful, and in the 14 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT L flower of her age, removed into this neighbour- hood ; she came from the Island of Andros ^ ; being compelled to quit it by her poverty and the neglect of her relations 70 . Sosia. I augur no good from this woman of Andros. Simo. At first she lived chastely, and penuri- ously, and laboured hard, managing with diffi- culty to gain a livelihood 71 with the distaff and the loom : but soon afterwards several lovers made their addresses to her 72 ; promising to repay her favours with rich presents ; and as we all are na- turally prone to pleasure, and averse to labour, she was induced to accept their offers ; and at last admitted all her lovers without scruple. It happened that some of them with much persua- sion prevailed on my son to accompany them to her house. Aha! thought I, he is caught 73 : he is certainly in love with her. In the morning I watched their pages going to her house and re- turning ; I called one of them ; Hark ye, boy, prithee tell me who was the favourite of Chrysis, yesterday ? For this was the Andrian's name. Sosia. I understand you, Sir. Simo. I was answered that it was Phaedrus, or Clinia, or Niceratus ; for aU these were her lo- Scene I.] the andrian. 15 vers at that time: well, said 1, and what did Pamphilus there ! oh ! he paid 74 his share and supped with the rest. Another day I inquired and received the same answer; and I was ex- tremely rejoiced that I could learn nothing to at- tach any blame to my son. Then 1 thought that I had proved him sufficiently ; and that he was a miracle of chastity : — for he who has to contend against the example of men of such vicious inclinations, and can preserve his mind from its pernicious influence, may very safely be trusted with the regulation of his own conduct. To in- crease my satisfaction, every body joined as if with one voice in the praise of Pamphilus, every one extolled his virtues, and my happiness, in possessing a son endued with so excellent a dis- position. In short, this his high reputation in- duced my friend Chremes to come to me of his own accord, and offer to give his daughter to Pamphilus with a large dowry 75 . I contracted 76 my son, as I was much pleased with the match, which was to have taken place on this very day. Sosia. And what has happened to prevent it ? Simo. You shall hear : within a few days of this time our neighbour Chrysis died. Sosia. O happy news ! I was still fearful of some mischief from this Andrian lG THE ANDR1AN. [ACT T Simo. Upon this occasion my son was conti- nually at the house with the lovers of Chrysis, and joined with them in the care of her funeral ; meantime he was sad, and sometimes would even weep. Still I was pleased with all this ; if, thought I, he is so much concerned at the death of so slight an acquaintance, how would he be afflicted at the loss of one whom he himself loved, or at my death. 1 attributed every thing to his humane and affection ate disposition ; in short, I myself, for his sake, attended the funeral, even yet suspecting nothing. Sosia. Ah! what has happened then ? Simo. I will tell you. The corpse is carried out ; we follow : in the mean time, among the women who were there 77 , I saw one young girl, with a form so — Sosia. Lovely, without doubt. Simo. And with a face, Sosia, so modest, and so charming, that nothing can surpass it ; and as she appeared more afflicted than the others who were there, and so pre-eminently beautiful 78 , and of so noble a carriage, I approach the women who were following the body 79 , and inquire who she is : they answer, The sister of the deceased. Instantly the whole truth burst upon me at once: hence then, thought I, proceed those tears; this Scene I.] the ajndrian. 17 sister it is, who is the cause of all his afflic- tion. Sosia. How I dread to hear the end of all this ! Simo. In the mean time the procession ad- vances ; we follow, and arrive at the tomb 80 : the corpse is placed on the pile 8l , and quickly en- veloped in flames ; they weep ; while the sister I was speaking of, rushed forward in an agony of grief toward the fire ; and her imprudence ex- posed her to great danger. Then, then it was, that Pamphilus, half dead with terror, publicly betrayed the love he had hitherto so well con- cealed : he flew r to the spot, and throwing his arms around her with all the tenderness imagin- able ; my dearest Glycera, cried he, what are you about to do ? Why do you rush upon de- struction? Upon which she threw herself weeping upon his bosom in so affectionate a manner, that it was easy enough to perceive their mutual love. Sosia. How ! is this possible ! Simo. I returned home, scarcely able to con- tain my anger ; but yet I had not sufficient cause to chide Pamphilus openly; as he might have replied to me, What have I done amiss, my fa- ther ? or how have I offended you ? of what am I guilty f I have preserved the life of one who was going to throw herself into the flames : I 18 THE ANDR1AN. [ACT L prevented her : this would have been a plausible excuse. Sosia. You consider this rightly, Sir ; for if he who has helped to save a life is to be blamed for it ; what must be done to him who is guilty of violence and injustice ? Simo. The next day Chremes came to me, and complained of being shamefully used, as he had discovered for a certainty that Pamphilus had actually married this strange woman 82 , I positively denied that this was the case, and he as obstinately insisted on the truth of it : at last I left him, as he was absolutely resolved to break off the match. Sosia. Did you not then rebuke Pamphilus ? Simo. No : there was nothing yet so flagrant as to justify my rebuke. Sosia. How so, Sir, pray explain ? Simo. He might have answered me thus: you yourself, my father, have fixed the time when this liberty must cease ; and the period is at hand when I must conform myself to the plea- sure of another : permit me then, 1 beseech you, for the short space that remains to me, to live as my own will prompts me. Sosia. True. What cause of complaint can you then find against him ? Scene L] the andrian. 19 Simo. If he is induced by his love for this stranger, to refuse to marrv Pbilumena in obe- dience to my commands, that offence will lay him open to my anger; and I am now endea- vouring by means of this feigned marriage, to find a just cause of complaint against him : and, at the same time, if that rogue Davus has any subtle scheme on foot, this will induce him to bring it forward now, when it can do no harm ; as I believe that rascal will leave no stone un- turned in the affair ; though more for the sake of tormenting me, than with a view to serve or gra- tify my son. Sosia. Why do you suspect that? Simo. Why ? because of a wicked mind one can expect nothing but wicked intentions 63 . But if I catch him at his tricks — However, 'tis in vain to say more : if it appear, as I trust it will, that my son makes no objection to the marriage, I have only to gain Chremes, whom I must pre- vail upon by entreaty ; and I have great hopes that I shall accomplish it. What I wish you to do is, to assist me in giving out this marriage for truth, to terrify Davus, and to watch the con- duct of my son, what he does ; and what course he and his hopeful servant resolve upon. 20 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. Sosia. It is enough, Sir; I will take care to obey you. Now, I suppose, we may go in. Simo. Go, I will follow presently 84 . [Exit Sosia. Scene II. Simo, Davus. Simo. My son, I have no doubt, will refuse to marry ; for I observed that Davus seemed terribly perplexed just now, when he heard that the match was to take place : but here he comes 65 . Davus. (not seeing Simo.) I wondered that this affair seemed likely to pass off so easily ! and always mistrusted the drift of my old mas- ter's extraordinary patience and gentleness ; who, though he was refused the wife he wished for, for his son, never mentioned a word of it to us, or seemed to take any thing amiss. Simo. (aside.) But now 7 he will, as you shall feel, rascal. Davus. His design was to entrap us while we were indulging in an ill-founded joy, and fancied ourselves quite secure. He wished to take ad- Scene II.] the andrian. £1 vantage of our heedlessness, and make up the match before we could prevent him : what a crafty old fellow ! Simo. How this rascal prates g6 ! Davus. Here is my master ! he has overheard me ! I never saw him ! Simo. Davus. Davus. Who calls Davus ? Simo. Come hither, sirrah. Davus. (aside. J What can he want with me ? Simo. What were you saying ? Davus. About what, Sir ? Simo. About what, Sir ? The world says that my son has an intrigue. Davus. Oh ! Sir, the world cares a great deal about that, no doubt. Simo. Are you attending to this, Sir ? Davus. Yes, Sir, certainly. Simo. It does not become me to inquire too strictly into the truth of these reports. I shall not concern myself in what he has done hitherto; for as long as circumstances allowed of it, I left him to himself: but it is now high time that he should alter and lead a new life. Therefore, Davus, I command, and even entreat, that you will prevail on him to amend his conduct. 22 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT L Davus. What is the meaning of all this dis- course ? Simo. Those who have love intrigues on their hands are generally very averse to marriage. Davus. So I have heard. Simo. And if any of them manage such an affair after the counsel of a knave, 'tis a hundred to one but the rogue will take advantage of their weakness, and lead them a step further, from being love-sick to some still greater scrape or imprudence. Davus. Truly, Sir, I don't understand what you said last. Simo. No! not understand it ! Davus. No. I am not GEdipus S7 but Davus. Simo. Then you wish that what I have to say should be explained openly and without reserve. Davus. Certainly I do. Simo. Then, sii rah, if I discover that you en- deavour to prevent my son's marriage by any of your crafty tricks ; or interfere in this business to show your cunning ; you may rely on receiving a few scores of lashes, and a situation in the grinding-house 88 for life: upon this token, more- over, that when I liberate you from thence, I will grind in your stead. Is this plain enough for you, or don't you understand yet? Scene III.] the andrian. 23 Davus. Oh, perfectly ! you come to the point at once : you don't use much circumlocution, i'faith. Si mo. Remember ! In this affair above all others, if you begin plotting, I will never for- give it. Davus, Softly, worthy Sir, softly, good words I beg of you. Sirno. So ! you are merry upon it, are you, but I am not to be imposed upon. I advise you, finally, to take care what you do : you cannot say you have not had fair warning. [ Exit. Scene III 89 . Davus. In truth, friend Davus, from what I have just heard from the old man about the marriage, I think thou hast no time to lose. This affair must be 90 handled dexterously, or either my young master or I must be quite undone. Nor have I yet resolved which side to take ; whether I shall assist Pamphilus, or obey his father. If 1 abandon the son, I fear his happiness will be destro)ed : if 1 help him, I dread the threats of the old man, who is as crafty as a fox. First, he has discovered his son's intrigue, and keeps a jealous eye upon me, lest I should set some 24 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT I. scheme a-foot to retard the marriage. If he rinds out the least thing, I am undone 91 , for right or wrong, if he once takes the whim into his head, he will soon find a pretence for send- ing me to grind in the mill for my life ; and, to crown our disasters, this Andrian, Pamphilus's wife or mistress, 1 know not which, is with child by him : 'tis strange enough to hear their presumption. I think their 92 intentions savour more of madness than of any thing else : boy or girl, say they, the child shall be brought up 93 . They have made up among them too, some story or other, to prove that she is a citi- zen of Athens 94 . Thus runs the tale. Once upon a time there was a certain old merchant 95 , who was shipwrecked upon the island of Andros, where he afterwards died, and the father of Chrysis took in his helpless little orphan, who was this very Glycera. Fables ! for my part I don't believe a word of it : however, they them- selves are vastly pleased with the story. But here comes her maid Mysis. Well, I'll betake myself to the Forum 96 , and look for Pamphilus : lest his father should surprise him with this mar- riage before 1 can tell him any thing of the mat- ter. [Exit. Scene IV. V.] the andrian. go in, and wait for me. Scene IIL Simo. Simo. I am not exactly inclined to believe this fellow ; and I know not whether all that he has been telling me is true, neither do I much care. Pamphilus has given me his promise; that I conceive to be of the greatest conse- quence. Now, I will go to Chremes, and Scene III.] the andrian. 53 entreat him to give his daughter to my son. If I prevail, what can I do better than celebrate the marriage this very day ? As for Pamphilus, if he refuse, I have no doubt I can compel him to keep his promise 150 . And, most opportunely for my purpose, I see Chremes himself coming this way. Scene IV. Simo, Chremes I31 . Simo* Chremes, I am very glad to see you ! Chremes. O ! Simo, I was looking for you. Simo. And I for you. Chremes. I meet you most opportunely. Se- veral persons came to me, and asserted, that you had told them, that my daughter was to be given in marriage to your son to-day. For this reason, I came to see whether they have lost their senses, or you your's. Simo. Hear me, Chremes; and you shall know, both what you come to ask, and what I desire of you. Chremes. I am all attention : pray proceed. Simo. I conjure you, by the gods, and by our friendship, Chremes, which has grown up with D 3 54 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. us from our earliest years, and strengthened with our age : for the sake of your daughter, your only child : and, for the sake of my son, whose welfare depends entirely upon you; I entreat you to assist me in this affair : and renew your consent to the marriage of our children. Chremes. Ah, Simo, what need of prayers ? as if it were necessary to use so much entreaty with me, your friend. Do you think that I am less your friend than when I offered my daughter to your son? If the marriage will conduce to their mutual happiness, in Heaven's name, send for my daughter, and let them marry at once z but, if it be found, that it would tend to the detri- ment, rather than to the advantage, of both ; I beseech you to consult their mutual benefit, without partiality, as if you were the father of Philumena, and I of Pamphilus. Simo. Truly, Chremes, it is with that view that I wish their union, and entreat you to con- sent to it. Neither should I press it so ear- nestly upon you, if the present aspect of the affair did not justify my urgency. Chremes. How so, pray ? Simo. Glycera and my son have quarrelled ! Chremes. Indeed ! I hear you. S^eneIV.] the andrian. o5 Simo. And the breach between them is so great, that I trust that we shall be able entirely to detach Pamphilus from her society, Chremes. Fables ! Simo, Upon my honour what I tell you is a fact. Chremes. A fact, by Hercules, that I'll ex- plain to you. The quarrels of lovers, is the re- newal 152 of their love. Simo. You are right, and that is the reason of my request : I am anxious that we should seize this opportunity to prevent them, while his love is weakened by her insolence and upbraidings. Let us then hasten his marriage, before the arti- fices and hypocritical tears of these creatures recal his love-sick mind to pity. And, 1 trusty Chremes, that a well-assorted marriage, and the endearing society of his wife, will enable my son to extricate himself easily from their toils. Chremes. You may view the affair in that light: but I cannot think, either that Pamphilus could be faithful to my daughter, or that I could bear to see him otherwise. Simo. But how do you know that, without you put him to the trial. Chremes. But to stake the happiness of my daughter on that trial, is hard indeed. D 4 56 THE ANDR1AN. [ACT III- Simo. Yet the most serious mischief, after all, can amount but to a separation l53 , which may the gods avert. But, on the other hand, if he ful- fils our wishes, consider the advantages that will result from the marriage : in the first place, you will restore to your friend a son : you will ensure to yourself, a dutiful son : and, to your daughter, a faithful husband. Chrernes. What occasion for so many words : if you think this step so very essential to reclaim your son, I should be sorry to throw any impe- diment in your way. Simo. O Chrernes ! you well deserve the love I've always borne you. Chrernes. But tell me Simo. What ? Chrernes. How did you learn their quarrel ? Simo. I was informed of it by Davus himself, who is the confidant of all their counsels ; and he persuaded me to do all in my power to for- ward the marriage : would he have done so, do you think, had he not known it to be consonant to my son's wishes ? But you yourself shall hear what he says. Within, there : send Davus hi- ther ; but here he is, I see him coming forth. Scene V.] the andrian. 57 Scene V. Simo, Chremes, Davus. Davus. I was coming to you, Sir, Simo. What is it? Davus. Why is not the bride brought? it grows late 154A . Simo. (to Chremes.) Do you hear him ? I confess to you, Davus, that, till lately, I have been fearful, that you would prove perfidious ,54B , like the common herd of slaves, and deceive me in this intrigue of Pamphilus. Davus. I do such a thing, Sir ! Simo. 1 did suspect it, and, on that very ac- count, I concealed from you what I will now disclose. Davus. What is that, Sir? Simo. You shall hear : for, at last, I begiu to think that I may trust you. Davus. Ah, Sir, you now appreciate my character as you ought ; you now see what kind of man I am. Simo. This marriage was all counterfeited. Davus. Counterfeited ! Simo. Yes, for the purpose of proving you d 5 58 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. and my son, and to try how you would re- ceive the proposal, Davus. How ! is it possible ? Simo. Fact, I assure you. Davus. I never could have fathomed this de- sign ; what a profound contrivance ! deep, Sir, very deep, (bantering.) Simo. But hear me out. After I sent you in, I most opportunely met my friend Chremes. Davus. (aside.) How ! what does he say ? All is lost, I fear. Simo. I related to him what you had just be- fore related to me. Davus. (aside.) What do I hear ! Simo. I entreated him to give his daughter to Pamphilus, and, with great difficulty, prevailed upon him to consent. Davus. (aside.) How unfortunate ! Simo. Ha! what's that you say l55 ? Davus. How very fortunate, I say. Simo. Chremes now consents to an immediate union. Chremes. Well, I will now return home, and order every thing to be prepared : when all is ready, I shall let you know. [Exit. Scene VI.] the andrian. 59 Scene VI. Simo, Davus. Simo. Now, I entreat you, Davus, since you have brought about the marriage entirely by yourself Davits, (aside.) Yes, I have the credit of it entirely to myself. O ! curse my unlucky stars. Simo. to use all your influence with Pamphilus to induce him to give up his present connexion with Glycera. Davus. I'll do all in my power, Sir. Simo. You will find less difficulty now, while he is angry with his mistress. Davus. Be at ease, Sir, and rely on me. Simo. About it then at once : but where is my son now? Davus. I should not wonder if he were at home. Simo. I will go and tell him what I have just told you. Scene VII. Davus (alone). I am utterly undone : why do I not at once d 6 60 THE ANDRIAN. [ActIII. go straight to the grinding-house. 'Twill be to no purpose to implore mercy : I've overturned everything. I have deceived the old man, and embarrassed the son with a marriage he detests ; which I have brought about this very day, though the father considered the attempt as hopeless ; and Pamphilus as the greatest evil that could befal him. O! wise Davus, if you had but been quiet, this mischief would never have happened. But, see, here come Pamphi- lus himself! I'm a dead man. O ! for some precipice that I might dash myself down head- long! [Retires* Scene VIII. Davis, Pamphilus. Para. Where is that villain who has ruined me ? Davits. ( aside.) I'm a lost man ! Pam. But I confess that I am justly punished for my imprudence : for my waut of common sense. Ought I to have confided my happiness to the keeping of such a shallow slave ? 1 only pay the penalty of my folly : however, the rascal shall not escape the punishment he so richly de- serves. Scene VIII. the andrian. 61 Davits, (aside.) If I escape this time, I think I never need know fear again. Pam. And what can I say to my father ? Can I, who so lately promised to marry, now refuse r with what face can I venture on such a step as that ? I know not what to do ! Davus. (aside.) Nor I, though I am racking my brains to hit upon something. I will tell him that I have thought of an expedient to put off the marriage. Pam. (seeing Davus.) Oh ! Davus. 1 am seen ! Pam. Pray, good Sir, what have you to say for yourself? do you see what a fine situation your rare advice has reduced me to? Davas. But I will soon find an expedient to extricate you from it. Pam. You will find an expedient! Davus. Certainly, Sir. Pam. Like your last, I suppose. Davus. Better, I hope, Sir. Pam. What trust can I put in such a ras- cal 156 ? Can you remedy a misfortune, which ap- pears entirely ruinous ? Ah ! how foolishly I relied on you, who, out of a perfect calm ,57 , have raised this storm, and wrecked me on the 62 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT III. rock of this accursed marriage! Did I not fore- warn you, that it would end thus ? Davus. You did, Sir, I confess. Pam. What do you deserve 1<58 ? Davus. Death* But allow me a short time to recover myself, and I will soon consider what is to be done ? Pam. Alas ! I have not time to punish you as you deserve : the present moment demands my attention to my own wretched affairs ; and will not suffer me to revenge myself on you. END OF THE THIRD ACT. ACT IV. Scene I. Charinus. (alone.) 159 Is this credible, or to be mentioned as a truth, that any man can be so innately worthless, as to rejoice at the miseries and misfortunes of others, and even turn them to his own advan- tage ? Ah ! is it possible that such baseness can exist ? Those men have characters of the very worst description, who make a scruple to deny a favour ; and are ashamed 16 °, or unwilling to give a downright refusal at first ; but who, when the time arrives for the performance of their promises, necessarily expose themselves in their true colours; and, though they may hesitate, yet, circumstances compel them to give an ab- solute denial: and they will afterwards insult you with the most impertinent speeches, as, Who are you ? What are you to me ? Why should 64 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. I resign my mistress to you ? Every man for him- self, Sir, is my maxim ! And, if you upbraid them with their want of honour, they are not at all ashamed. Thus, when they ought to blush for their perfidy, they are shameless ! And, in the former case, when there was no cause for it, they are shamefaced and timorous! But what shall I do ? Shall I go and expostulate with him on his treachery ? I will ! and overwhelm him with reproaches; if any one tell me that no ad- vantage will result from it : I answer this, that I shall poison 161 his joy : and even that will yield me some satisfaction. Scene II. Charinus, Pamphilus, Davus. Pam. Oh ! Charinus, unless the gods assist us, my imprudence has undone both you and myself! Char. What! imprudence! So you found an excuse at last. You have broken your promise, Sir. Pam. How! at last ? Char. Do you think that any thing you can say will impose upon me a second time ? Pam. What do you mean, Sir ? Scene II.] the ajndrian. 65 Char. As soon as I had told you of my love for Philumena, she pleased you forsooth ! Alas ! fool that I was ! I judged of your heart by my own. 1 believed you to be sincere, and you de- ceived me. Pam. You deceive yourself. Char. Did you think that your happiness would not be complete, unless you could de- lude an unfortunate lover by nourishing his vain hopes? Well, take her 16 * 2 . Pam. I take her ! Alas, you know not half the miseries that oppress me ; nor how my ras- cal Davus has embarrassed me with his perni- cious advice. Char. No wonder ! I suppose he follows the fine example you set him. Pam. You would not talk thus if you knew me, or my love. Char, (ironically.) Oh ! I know every thing : you have been in high dispute with your father ; and he is now most prodigiously angry with you : and has been striving, in vain, all this day, to prevail upon you to wed Philumena. Pam. To prove how little you know of my misfortunes, learn, that no marriage was ex- pected to take place : neither did my father think of constraining my inclinations. 66 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. Char. O no ! 'tis your inclinations that con- strain you. Pam. Hear me: you do not yet under- stand Char. I understand but too well that you are about to wed Philumena. Pam. Why do you vex me thus ,63 ? hear me, I say : he never ceased urging me to tell my father that I was ready to marry: he prayed, he entreated, until, at length, I was induced to comply. Char. Who did this ? Pam. Davus. Char. Davus ? Pam. Davus has marred all. Char. Why? Pam. I know not, unless the gods, in their anger, decreed that I should follow his perni- cious counsel. Char, Is this so, Davus ? Davus. It is indeed but too true. Char. What can you say for yourself, you rascal ? May the gods punish you as you de- serve ! Answer me, Slave, I say, if his greatest enemies had been desirous of entangling him in this marriage, what worse advice could they possibly have given him ? Scene II.] the andiiian. 67 Davus. I have been deceived, but am not dis- heartened. Char. Indeed ! Davus. Our last plan was unsuccessful, but we'll try another : unless you think that because the first prospered so indifferently, the evil can- not be remedied ? Pam. Oh, far otherwise! for I have no doubt, that if that wise head of yours goes to work, instead of the one wife you have pro- vided me with already, you'll find me two. Davus. Pamphilus, I am your slave; and, as such, it is my duty to exert myself to the ut- most to serve you, to labour for you night and day, and even to expose my life to peril, to do you service; but, 'tis your part, if any thing should happen cross, to pardon me: my en- deavours have been unsuccessful 'tis true ; but, indeed, I did my best; if you can do better, dismiss me. Pam. Certainly ; but first place me in the situation in which you found me. Davus. 1 will. Pam. But it must be done directly. Davus. Hist ! Glycera's door opens I64 . Pam. What can that signify to you ? Davus. I'm studying for an expedient. 08 THE AHDR1AX. [AcT IV. Pam. How, at last! Davits. And have no doubt but I shall soon lind one. Scene III. Pamphilus, Charinus, Davus, Mysis. My sis. (speaking to Glycera zcithin.) I will directly, Madam; wherever he may be, I'll take care to find your dear 165 Pamphilus, and bring him to you : only, my love, let me beg of you not to make yourself so wretched. Pam. Mysis ! Mysis. Who is that? Ah ! Pamphilus ! you come most opportunely. Pam. What's the matter ? Mi/sis. My mistress conjures you by the love you bear her, to come to her instantly : she says, she shall be miserable till she sees you. Pam. Heavens ! I'm quite distracted : (to Davus.) Villain! behold the misery to which we are reduced : this is your work ! she has heard of the intended marriage, and therefore sends for me. Char. All would have been quiet, if that fel- low had but been quiet. Davus. (to Charinus.) W T ell done ! if he does Scene III.] the andrian. 69 not rave enough of himself, do try to make him worse. Mi/sis. It is the rumour of your approaching marriage with Philumena that makes her so mi- serable. Pam. Mysis, I solemnly swear to you by all the gods, that I never will forsake her; no, though my love for her should make all mankind my foes, I never, never will forsake her. I wooed, and made her mine; our souls accord ; and I will hold no communion with those who wish to separate us : death alone shall part us. Mysis. Your words revive me, Pamphilus. Pam. 166 The oracles of Apollo are not more true. I wish, that, if it be possible, my father should not think that I throw any impediments in the way of the marriage : if not, I will do what will be easily done, tell him frankly that I cannot marry Chremes's daughter. Channus, what do you think of me? Char. That you are as wretched as I am. Davus. I am studying for an expedient. Char, (to Pamphilus.) But you are constant and courageous 167 . Pam. (to Davus.) I know what you would attempt 168 . 70 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV Davus. I will both attempt, and accomplish it, rest assured, Sir. Pam. But it must be done immediately. Davus. It shall be done immediately. Char. What is your plan ? Davus. (to Charinus.) Do not deceive your- self, Sir ; 'tis not for you, but for my master that I am scheming. Char. Enough. Pam. What are you going to do? tell me l< *. Davus. I am afraid that this day will scarcely afford me sufficient time for action : I am sure 1 have none to waste in talking : let me beg you both to withdraw from this place : you hinder me from putting my designs into execution. Pam. I will go to my Glycera. [Exit, Scene IV. Davus, Charinus, Mysis. Davus. (to Charinus.) And you, Sir, where are you going ? Char. Shall I tell you the truth ? Davus. Oh ! by all means. Now for a Ion* story, (aside.) Char. What will become of me ? .. Scene IV.] the andrian. 71 Davus. Heyday! modest enough this, i'faith ! is it not sufficient that I give you a respite by putting off the marriage ? Char. Yet, Davus Davus. What now ? Char. Could I but wed her ! Davus. Absurd. Char. If you can assist me, let me see you soon. Davus. Why should I come, I can do no- thing ? Char. Yet, if you should be able— Davus. Well, then I will come. Char. If you want me, I shall be at home. [Exit. Scene V. Davus, Mysis. Davus. Mysis, do you wait here for me a moment, till I come out again ? Mysis. Why? Davus. It must be so. Mysis. Make haste then. Davus. I'll return directly, I tell you. [Goes into the house. 72 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. Scene VI. Mysis {alone.) Is there no reliance to be placed in any thing in this world ? Heaven preserve me, I thought Pamphilus my mistress's chief blessing : a friend, a lover, a husband, always ready to cherish and protect her : but, alas ! what misery does she now endure on his account : hitherto he has been to her a source of more evil than good 17 °. But here comes Davus ! bless me, man, what are you about? where are you going to carry the child ? Scene VII. Mysts, Davus, {with Gh/cera's child. Davus. Now, Mysis, I want you to assist me in this affair with all your ready wit, artifice, and dexterity. Mysis. What are you going to do ? Davus. Take the child from me directly, and lay him down at our door 171 . Mysis. Mercy on me ! what, upon the bare sround ? Scene VII.] the andrian. 73 Davus. You may take some of the herbs from that altar, and strew them under him 172 . My sis. But why don't you lay him there yourself? Davus. That if my master should require me to swear that I did not do it; I may take the oath with a safe conscience 173 . Mysis. I understand you. But tell me, Da- vus, how long has your conscience been so scrupulously nice ? Davus. Make haste, that 1 may tell you fur- ther what I mean to do. Oh, Jupiter ! Mysis. What? Davus. (to himself.) The father of the bride is coming this way : I abandon my first design. Mysis. I don't understand this 174 . Davus. I will pretend to come from the right: do you take care to second what I say, as you see occasion. [he retires Mysis. I can't make out a syllable of all this : but, if I can be of any use, (which you know better than I,) I will stay; lest, otherwise, I should be any hinderance to your plans. 74 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV, Scene VIII. Chremes, Mysis, Davus. Chremes. (to himself.) Well, having prepared every thing for the marriage of my daughter, I am returned to inform them that they may now send for her. But what do I see ? by Hercules, 'tis a child ! Woman, did you lay it there ? Mysis. Where can Davus be ? Chremes. Why don't you answ r er me ? Mysis. (aside.) Ah ! he is not here. Mercy on me, the fellow has left me here, and gone away. Davus. (speaking loud, and pretending not to see Chremes.) Heavens ! what a crowd there is in the Forum ! what a wrangling ! provisions too are very dear. ( Aside.) What else to say I know not. Mysis. (aside to Davus.) In Heaven's name, how could you think of leaving me here alone? Davus. (aloud.) Ha ! what plot is this ? My- sis, whose child is this ? who brought it here ? Mysis. (aside to Davus.) Are you mad to ask me such a question ? i Scene VIIL] the andrian. To Davus. Whom should I ask? I can see no one else here 175 . Chremes. (aside.) I wonder whose child it is ! Davus. Will you answer me or not ? My sis. Ah! Davus. (aside to Mysis.) Move to the right. My sis. Are you mad ? was it not yourself? Davus. (aside to Mysis.) Take care not to say a single syllable, except exact answers to the questions I put to you. Mysis. Do you threaten me ? Davus. Whose child is it ? ( Aside to Mysis.) Speak. Mysis. From our house. Davus. Ha ! ha ! this woman's impudence is wonderful ! Chremes. (aside.) This girl belongs to the Andrian, I am pretty sure. Davus. Do we seem so fit to be imposed upon ? Chremes. (aside.) I came just in time. Davus. (quite loud.) Make haste, and take the brat from our door. (Aside to Mysis.) Don't stir a step. Mysis. The deuce l76 take you, fellow, for ter- rifying me in this manner. Davus. Do you hear me or not ? e 2 76 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. Mysis. What do you want ? Davus. What! must I tell you again! whose child have you brought here ? Answer me. Mi/sis. You know well enough whose child it is. Davus. Never mind what I know : tell me what I ask. My sis. It belongs to your family. Davits. To our family ! but to which of us ? My sis. To Pamphilus. Davus. Hey ! what ? to Pamphilus ? (very loud.) My>is. Yes, can you deny it ? Chr ernes, (aside.) I acted wisely in avoiding the match 177 . Davus. What a disgraceful trick ! it ought to be publicly exposed. Mysis. What are you making so much noise about ? Davus. What did I see brought to your house yesterday ? Mysis. O ! impudent fellow ! Davus. 'Tis true : I saw old Canthara, with something under her cloak 176 . Mysis. Thank Heaven, that there were some free women present when my mistress was deli- vered 1T9A . Scene VIII.] the andrian. 77 Davus. She knows little of the man she wants to practise these tricks upon : do you think that if Chremes saw this child before our door, he would refuse us his daughter on that account ? I say he would give her more willingly. Chremes. (aside.) Not he, indeed. Davus. And, to be short with you, that you may understand me at once, if you don't take away the child instantly, I'll roll him into the middle of the street, and you, Madam, into the kennel. Mysis. 179B By Pollux, fellow, you are drunk. Davus. One falsehood brings on anothei : 180 1 hear it whispered about, that she is a citi- zen of Athens. Chremes. (aside.) How ! Davus. And that he will be compelled to marry her 181 . Mysis. What then, pray, is she not a citizen i Chremes. (aside.) By Jupiter, I have nar- rowly escaped making myself a common laugh- ing-stock to all the town. Davus. (turning round suddenly.) Who speaks there ? Oh Chremes ! you are come just in time : listen Chremes. I have heard every thing. Davus. What, Sir, heard all, did you say ? e 3 78 THE AND1UAN. [Act IV. Chremes. I tell you, I heard all from the be- ginning. Davus. (half aloud.) He has heard all: what an 182 accident! — this impudent wench ought to be taken hence and punished 183 : (lo Mysis.) This is Chremes himself : think not that you can impose upon Davus. Mysis. Alas ! dear Sir, indeed I have said nothing but the truth. Chremes. I know every thing. Is Simo at home ? Davus. Yes, Sir. [Exit Chremes. Scene IX. Mysis, Davus, (overjoyed, offers to take her hand.) Mysis. Don't touch me, you villain : if I don't tell my mistress all this, may I be — Davus. Hey-day ! you silly wench : You don't know 7 what we have just done. Mysis. How should I ? Davus. m That was the bride's father : I wished him to know all this ; and there was no other way to acquaint him with it. Mysis. You should have given me notice then. Scene IX.] the andrian. 79 Davus. m Do you think a thing of this sort can be done as well by premeditating and study- ing, as by acting according to the natural im- pulse of the moment. Scene X. Crito 186 , Mysis, Davus. Crito. (to himself.) I am told, that this is the street in which Chrysis dwelt ; who chose to amass wealth here, in a manner not the most un- exceptionable, rather than live in honest poverty in her own 187 country. That wealth, however, now devolves to me 188 . But I see some per- sons of whom I can inquire. God save you. Mj/sis. lby Bless me ! whom do I see? is not this Crito the kinsman of Chrysis ? It is. Crito. Oh, Mysis ! God save you. Mysis. God save you, Crito. Crito. Alas ! 190 poor Chrysis is then gone. Mysis. She is indeed : and the loss of her has almost ruined us. Crito. What! you? how so? has any other misfortune happened to you ? how do you live now, Mysis ? Mysis. Oh ! we live as we can, as the saying goes : since we cannot live as we would. E 4 80 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT IV. Crito. Has Glycera discovered her parents here ? Mysis. Would to Heaven she had. Crito. Not yet! In an evil hour then came I here : for, in truth, if 1 had known that, I would not have set a foot in this city. Glycera was always treated as, and called the sister of, Chrysis ; and has in possession what property she left : and the example of others w>ill teach me what ease, redress, and profit, I have to expect from m a suit at law : besides, I suppose, by this time, she has some lover to espouse her cause ; for, she was no longer in her childhood, when she left the isle of Andros. I should be railed at as a beggar, and a pitiful legacy- hunter. Besides, I never could be cruel enough to reduce her to poverty. Mysis. O excellent Crito ! I see you are still the same worthy soul you used to be. Crito. Well, since I am come, let me see the poor girl. Mysis. By all means. Davus. I will go with them : as I don't wish to meet with our old gentleman just at this time. END OF THE FOURTH ACT. ACT V. Scene I. Chremes, Simo. Chremes. Cease your entreaties, Simo ; enough, 192 and more than enough have I already shewn my friendship towards you : enough have I risked for you. In my endeavours to oblige you, I have nearly trifled away my daughter's happiness. Simo. Nay, Chremes, it is now more than ever that I beg, and even implore that the kind- ness you granted me by promise, may now be fulfilled in deed. Chremes. Your eagerness to obtain what you desire makes you unjust, and forgetful of your usual friendship and consideration ; for, if you reflected for a moment on what you ask of me, you would cease to urge me to do myself such an injustice. E 5 82 THE ANDRIAN* [ACT V. Si?no. What injustice. Chremes, Cau you ask r you prevailed on me to choose as my daughter's husband, a young man distracted with love for another, and de- testing every thought of marriage : if this union had been consummated, it would have in thralled her with a husband who would not have loved her, and exposed her to all the miseries of an unhappy union : that, at the expense of her happiness, I might attempt the cure of yom; son. You obtained your request: the treaty w r ent forward, while circumstances allowed of it ; but now the affair wears a different aspect, be satisfied, and bear your disappointment with temper. It is said that Glycera is a citizen of Athens ; 193 and that she has a son by Pam- philus : this sets us free. Simo. I conjure you, Chremes, by the gods, not to suffer yourself to be led away by those who wish to make their advantage of my son's follies : all those reports are invented and spread abroad, with a view to prevent the marriage : when their cause ceases, they will cease also. Chremes. You are mistaken : I myself saw the Andrian's maid quarrelling with Davus. Sirno. Oh, no doubt ! that I can easily be- lieve. Scene I.] the andrian. 83 Chremes. But, in earnest ; when neither knew that I was present. Simo. I believe it: for Davus told me not long ago that it would be so : and I can't think how 1 could forget to tell you of it, as I in- tended. Scene IL Chremes, Simo, Davus. Davus. (to himself.) I banish care. Chremes. Here comes Davus. Simo. Where does he come from ? Davus. (to himself.) By virtue of the stran- ger's assistance, and my sovereign skill and in- genuity. Simo. What's the matter now ? Davus. (to himself.) I never saw 7 any man ar- rive more opportunely. Simo. Whom is this rascal praisng Davus. (to himself.) All now is safe. Simo. W 7 hat hinders me from speaking to him? Davus. (aside.) 'Tis my master, what shall I do? Simo. (sneering.) God save you, worthy Sir. e 6 84 THE ANDR1AN. [AdV. Davus. Oh ! Simo, and our Chremes, all things are now prepared within. Simo. You've taken good care, no doubt ! Davus. Send for the bride as soon as you please. Simo. Very well, but Pamphilus is absent now : however, do you answer me : what busi- ness had you in that house ? Davus. (confused.) Who ? I ? Simo. You. Davus. I, do you say ? Simo. Yes, you, I say. Davus. I went in just now. Si?no. As if I asked him how long it was ago, Davus. With Pamphilus. Simo. How ! is Pamphilus there ? wretch that lam! I'm half distracted ! ha! rascal, did you not tell me that they were at variance. Davus. So they are. Simo. Why then is he there ? Chremes. (sneering.) Oh! he's gone to quar- rel with her, no doubt. Davus. Oh yes, and Chremes, I will' tell you of a most curious affair. An old man, whose name I know not, arrived here just now ; he seems both shrewd and coufident ; his man- ners and appearance command respect; there Scene III.] the andrian. 85 m is a grave severity in his countenance; and he speaks with boldness. Simo. What's all this about, sirrah ? Davus. Nothing, truly, but what I heard him say Simo. And what does he say ? Davus. That he can prove Glycera to be a xitizen of Athens. Simo. (in a passion.) Ho ! Dromo ! Dromo ! Davus. What's the matter ? Simo. Dromo ! Davus. Only hear me. Simo. If you dare to say another word.— Dromo, 1 say ! Davus. Hear me, Sir, 1 beseech you. Scene III. Simo, Chremes, Davus, Dromo. Dromo. What's your pleasure, Sir. Simo. Seize this rascal directly, and take him away I95 . Dromo. Whom ? Simo. Davus. Davus. W 7 hy? Simo. Because it is my pleasure. Away with him, I say. Davus. What have I done ? ^ 86 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. Simo. Away with him. Davus. If you find that I have spoken falsely, kill me. Simo. I'll not hear a single word. I'll ruffle you now, rascal, I will. Davus. For all that, what I say is true. Simo. For all that, Dromo, take care to keep him bound, 196 and, do you hear ? chain him up hands and feet together. Go, sirrah, if I live, I'll shew you what it is to impose upon your master, and Pamphilus also shall learn that an indulgent father is not to be deceived with impunity. [Exeunt Dromo and Davus. Ckremes. Ah! Simo, check your excessive rage. Simo. Chremes, is this the duty that a father ought to expect from his son ? Do you not pity me, that I am made so anxious by a son? Oh Pamphilus ! Pamphilus ! come forth : have you no shame ? Scene IV. Simo, Chremes, Pamphilus. Pam. Who calls me? 'Tis my father! lam undone. Simo, What can you say for yourself? of all the- Scene l\ r .] the andrian. 87 Chremes. (interrupting,) Ah! come to the point at once, and spare your reproaches. Simo. Reproaches ! Can any be too severe for him ? Tell me, (to Pampkilus.) do you assert that Glycera is a citizen of Athens ? Pam. I have heard that she is. Simo. You have heard it ! Oh impudence! Now does he seem to care for what he says? does he seem to repent of his folly ? does he be- tray any symptoms of shame ? can he be so weak ? 197 so totally regardless of the customs and laws of his country, and his father's com- mands, as to wish to degrade himself by an in- famous union with this woman ? Pam. Unhappy wretch that I am ! Simo. Ah ! Pamphilus, is it only now that you have discovered that? long, long ago, I say, when you debased your inclinations, and were willing to sacrifice every thing to your de- sires ; then it was that you might truly have called yourself unhappy. But what am I doing ? why do I torment myself? why should I suf- fer? why imbitter my old age with his mad folly? Am I to pay the penalty of his offences r No : let him have her : I bid him farewell : let her supply the place of his father. 88 THE ANDRIAN. [ActV. Pam. Oh, my father ! Simo. What need have you of a father ? you, who have chosen a wife, children, and home, which are all of them disagreeable, and even obnoxious to that father ? Persons are suborned hither too, 19S who say, that she is a citizen of Athens. You have conquered. Pam. Dear Sir, hear me but for a moment. Simo. What can you say ? Chremes. Yet hear him, Simo, I entreat you. Simo. Hear him! Oh Chremes, what shall I hear ? Chremes. Nevertheless, permit him to speak. Simo. Well, let him speak then, I permit it. Pam. Oh ! my father : 1 confess that I love ; and, if to love be a crime, I confess that I am guilty. But to you I submit : your commands I promise implicitly to obey : if you insist on my marriage with Philumena ; and compel me to subdue my love 199 for Glycera, I will en- deavour to comply with your commands : I im- plore only, that you will cease to accuse me of suborning hither this old man. Suffer me to bring him before you ; that I may clear my. self from this degrading suspicion 200 . Simo. What! bring him here ? Scene V.] the andrian. 89 Pam. Suffer it, my father. Cfoemes. Simo, it is a just request : allow this stranger to come before you. Pam. Dear Sir, grant me this favour ? Simo. Well, be it so. (Pamphilus goes in.) Oh ! Chremes, what would I not give, to be coirvinced that my son has not deceived me. Chremes. However great may be the faults of a son, a slight punishment satisfies a father. Scene V. Chremes, Simo, Crito, Pamphilus. Crito. Say no more, Pamphilus, I would do what you wish either for your sake, or for Gly- c era's, or even my regard for truth would be a sufficient inducement. Chremes. Do I see Crito the Andrian ? Yes, it is he ! Crito. Well met, Chremes. Chremes. What brought you to Athens, who are such a stranger here ? Crito. I came hither on business : but is this Simo ? Chremes. Yes. Simo. Does he ask for me ? Well, Sir, I am 90 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. Simo : do you dare to say that Glycera is a citizen of Athens ? Crito. Do you deny it ? Simo. Are you come hither so well prepared : Crito . Prepared ! for what ? Simo. Do you ask ? Can you think that you shall do these things with impunity ? Can you think that you will be suffered to insnare inexpe- rienced and respectable young men ? and flatter them with fair words and fine promises ? Crito. Are you in your senses ? Simo. And, at last, conclude this shameful fraud, by marrying them to their mistresses ? Pam. (aside.) I am undone ? Crito, I fear, will not be able to maintain his ground. Chr ernes. 201 Simo, if you knew this stranger as well as I do, you would think better of him : he is a worthy man, Simo. He a worthy man ? but yes, it was very good of him to be sure to come here so op- portunely on the day of my son's marriage ! he ! who was never at Athens before! Chremes, ought such a man to be believed ? Pam. (aside.) I could easily explain that cir- cumstance ; but I fear my interference would offend my father. Simo. A sycophant 202 . Scene V.] the andhian. 91 Crito. What! Chremes. Bear with him, Crito, 'tis his hu- mour. Crito. Then let him look to it : if he persists in saying all he pleases, I will make him hear something that will not please him. Do I inter- fere in this affair? what have I to do with it? Can you not bear your disappointment pa- tiently. As for what I assert, it is easy enough to ascertain whether it is true or false. Some years ago, a certain Athenian was shipwrecked, and cast upon the isle of Andros: he was ac- companied by this very Glycera, who was then an infant : and, in great distress, applied for as- sistance to the father of Chrysis. Simo. Now he begins a tale. Chremes. Suffer him to speak. Crito. What ! will he interrupt me ? Chremes. (to Crito.) Pray proceed. Crito. Chrysis' father, who received 203 him, was my relation: and, at his house, I've heard that shipwrecked stranger say, that he was an Athenian : he died in Andros. Chremes. (eagerly.) His name was Crito. His name so quickly. Phania. Chremes. Ah ! Crito. At least I think it was Phania : one 92 THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. thing I am sure of, he said he was from 204 Rhamnus. Chremes* Oh Jupiter! Crito. Many other persons who were then in Andros heard of these things. Chremes, Heaven grant my hopes may be ful- filled : tell me, Crito, did he call the child his own ? Crito. No. Chremes. Whose then ? Crito. He said she was the daughter of his brother. Chremes. Then she is surely mine ! Crito. What say you ? Simo. How can she be yours ? What is it you say ? Pam. Listen, Pamphilus. Simo. What are your reasons for believing this ? Chremes. That Phania was my brother. Simo. I know it : I was well acquainted with him. Chremes. That he might avoid the war, he quitted Greece : and, following me, set sail for Asia : fearing to leave the child, he took her with him : and this is the first account I have ever received of their fate. Scene V.] the andrian. 93 Pam. I am scarcely myself: my mind is so agitated by fear, hope, joy, and astonishment, at this so great and unexpected happiness. Simo. Believe me, Chremes, I rejoice most sincerely that Glycera proves to be your daugh- ter. Pam. That, I believe, my father. Chremes. But stay : I have yet one doubt, which gives me some uneasiness. Pam. Away with all your doubts and scru- ples : you seek a difficulty where none exists. Crito. What is it ? Chremes. The name does not agree. Crito. I know she bore some other name when an infant. Chremes. What was it ? Crito, have you for- gotten ? Crito. I am trying to remember it. Pam. Shall I suffer his want of memory to retard my happiness, when I myself can find a remedy r I will not. Chremes, the name you want is Pasibula. Crito. The very name 205 . Chremes. You are right. Pam. I have heard it from herself a thousand times. 9i THE ANDRIAN. [ACT V. Simo. Chremes, I hope you are convinced how sincerely we all rejoice at this discovery 206 . Chr ernes. I have no doubt of it. Pam. And now, dear Sir. Simo. The happy turn of the affair has re- conciled me, my son : be all unpleasant recol- lections banished. Pam. A thousand thanks, my father. I trust that Chremes also consents that Glycera should be mine. Chremes. Undoubtedly : with your father's approbation. Pam. Oh ! that is certain. 207 Simo. I consent most joyfully. Chremes. Pamphilus, my daughter's portion is ten talents 20s . Pam. Dear sir, 1 am quite satisfied. Chremes. I will hasten to my daughter : come with me, Crito, for I suppose that she will not remember me. [Chremes and Crito go in. Scene VI. Simo, Pamphilus. Simo. Why do you not immediately give or- ders for her removal to our house 209 ? Scene VI.] the andrian. 95 Pam. That is well thought of, Sir, FU in- trust that affair to Davus. Si/no. He can't attend to it. Pam. Why not ? Simo. Because - 10 he is now carrying on things of great weight, and which touch him more nearly. Pam. What are they ? Simo. He is chained. Pam. Ah ! dear Sir, that was not well done. Simo. I am sure 211 1 ordered it to be well done. Pam. Order him to be set at liberty, my fa- ther, I entreat you. Simo. Well, well, I will. Pam. But, pray, let it be done directly. Simo. I will go in, and order him to be re- leased. [Exit Simo. Pam. Oh what a joyous happy day is this to Scene VII. Pamphilus, Charinus. Char, (to himself.) I came to see what Pam- philus is doing: and here he is. Pam. (to himself.) Any one would think, perhaps, that I do not believe this to be true, 96 THE ANDRIAN. [Act V. but I know it is, because I wish it so. I am of opinion, that the lives of the gods are eternal, because their pleasures are secure, and without end : for I feel that I am 212 become immortal, if no sadness intrude on this joy : but whom do 1 wish to see at this time ? would that I had a friend here whom I might make happy by re- lating to him my good fortune. Char, (to himself.) What can be the cause of these transports ? Pam. (to himself.) I see Davus, whom of all men I had rather meet : since I know he will rejoice more sincerely than any one at my happi- ness. Scene VIII. Pamphilus, Charinus, Davus. Davus. Where is Pamphilus ? Pam. Davus. Davus. Who is that ? Pam. "Tis I. Davus. Oh, Pamphilus ! Pam. You do not know what has happened to me. Davus. No : but I know perfectly well what has happened to me. Scene VIII.] the andrian. Pam. And so do I. Davus. This happens according to custom, that you should learn my evil fortune before I hear of your good fortune. Pam. My dear Glycera has discovered her parents. Davus. Oh t glorious news ! Char, (aside.) What says he ? Pam. Her father is our intimate friend ! Davus. His name ? Pam. Chremes. Davus. I'm transported with joy. Pam. There is now no impediment to our marriage 213 . Char, (aside.) This man is 214 dreaming of what he wishes when awake. Pam. Then, Davus, as for the child— Davus. Ah, Sir! say no more — you are one of the chief favourites of the gods ! Char, (aside.) I am restored to life if these things be true. I will speak to them. Pam. Who is that ? Ah ! Charinus, you come in a most auspicious hour. Char. I wish you joy. Pam. How ! have you heard then that Char. I have heard all : and let me conjure you, my friend, to think of me amidst your hap- F 98 THE ANDRIAN. [Act V. piness. Chremes is now your own : and will, I am very sure, consent to any thing you re- quest of him. Pam. I will not be unmindful of your happi- ness, I assure you : and, as it would be tedious for us to wait their coming out, accompany me now to my Glycera. Do you, Davus, go home, and order some of our people hither, to 815 re- move her to our house. Why do you loiter ? Go : don't lose a moment. Davus. I am going. (To the spectators.) 916 You must not expect their coming out : she will be betrothed within : where all will be con- cluded. Farewell : and clap your hands 317 . 911 END OF THE TIFTH ACT. NOTES. F 2 NOTES. NOTE 1. Caius Suetonius Tranquiltus. The history of the life of Terence is enveloped in more obscurity than might have been expected, con- sidering his many eminent qualities, and the times in which he lived. Suetonius's account is not very comprehensive; it is, however, the best which has reached us, and indeed the only one at all to be de- pended on. Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, a correct and impartial biographer, was secretary to the Em- peror Adrian : and enjoyed the friendship of Pliny the younger: he flourished about A.D. 115. NOTE 2. Terentius. This appellation was conferred on the poet by his psftron Terentius Lucanus: his true name is un- known, even conjecture is silent on this subject. Slaves, who received their freedom, usually bore the f 3 102 XOTE9. name of the person who manumitted them : some- times also, during their slavery, they were called by the name of their master. Terentius Lucanus does not appear to have been a person of any particular note; as he is never mentioned but as the friend and patron of Terence, to whom he is indebted for res- cuing his name from oblivion. NOTE 3, Fene Stella. u Rome could never boast of a more accurate historian than Lucius Fenestella; he was likewise a very learned antiquarian. He lived at about the end of the reign of Augustus, or the beginning of that of Tiberius : and wrote many things; particu- larly Annals : none of his works are now extant." Madame Dacier. NOTE 4. Terence was born after the conclusion of the second Punic war, and died before the commencement of the third. The secoud Punic war ended 201 B. C. in the year of Rome 553: and the third commenced 150 B.C. in the year of Rome 604, about threp vears before NOTES, 103 the destruction of Carthage. Terence was born 189 B.C., which was 12 years after the termination of the second Punic war, and he died at the age of 36, three years before the beginning of the third Punic war. If we suppose Terence to have been a free- born Carthaginian, it is very difficult to account for his being a slave at Rome; because the Romans could not have taken him prisoner in war, as they were at peace with the Carthaginians during the whole of his life. Neither is it probable that he was made a prisoner, and sold to the Romans either by the Numidians, or by the Gsetulians, as his perfect knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages, at twenty-five years of age, is a most forcible reason for believing that he was removed to Rome in ex- treme youth: long before he could have been able to undergo the fatigue attendant on a military life. I can solve this difficulty in no other way than by supposing, either that the parents of Terence were themselves slaves at Carthage, and consequently h6 also was the property of their master; (as the chil- dren of slaves shared the fate of their parents;) or that he was sold to the Carthaginians by the Numi- dians, or by the Gsetulians. In either of these cases, it is by no means improbable that during the peace which followed the second Punic war, Terence, might in his infancy have been sold by his Cartha- ginian master to one of those Romans who visited Carthage during the peace. t 4 104 j*OTi.s NOTE 5. The Numidians or Gcetulians. Numidia and Ggetulia, or Getulia, at the time of Terence's birth, formed a part of the dominions of the celebrated African prince Masinissa, who so eminently distinguished himself as the firm and faithful ally of the Roman Republic: and as the formidable enemy of the Carthaginians. Numidia was situated S.W. of the territories of Carthage ; and is now that part of Southern Barbary, known by the name of Biledulgerid. Gostulia (the boundaries of which were afterwards regulated by Marius) was a most extensive country, and lay S.W. of Numidia: it is now very little known, and reaches from the south of Barbary, or the country of Dates, across the Great Desert or Sahara, almost as far south as the river Niger. It may be conjectured that the nor- thern region only of this vast country was subject to the control of King Masinissa. NOTE 6. Scipio Africanus. Publius Cornelius Scipio iEmilianus Africanus Numantinus was the son of Paulus iEmilius, whose conquest of Macedonia procured him the title of s NOTES, 105 Macedonicus, The young iEmilius was adopted (during the life of his father) by the son of the con- queror of Hannibal, Publius Cornelius Scipio Afri- canus, whose name he afterwards bore (in confor- mity with the established custom): and it is not a little remarkable, that the appellation of Africanus which the son of iEmilius then acquired by adop- tion, he afterwards claimed in his own right, as the destroyer of Carthage. The title of Numantinus was conferred on this hero, as a tribute to his valour and conduct in the war against the inhabitants of Numantia, who were totally destroyed with their city, after a long and desperate resistance. Scipio was born in the year of Rome 569, and died in the year 624. Some persons have been misled by a sin- gular coincidence of circumstances relative to the two Scipios, into a belief that it was the elder of the two who honoured Terence with his friendship. The error is evident, as the death of the first Scipio Afri- canus took place before Terence was ten years of age. The elder Scipio honoured with his particular regard Caius Lselius, who obtained the consulship in the year of Rome 563: the connexion between them was cemented by the strict ties of a virtuous friend- ship. It is a circumstance worthy of remark, that the chosen intimate of the younger Africanus was also called Caius Laelius. f 5 106 ItOTSS, NOTE 7. Caius Lcelius. Caius Lcelius, whose virtues procured him the ap- pellation of Sapiens, or the Wise, is supposed to have been the son of the Lselius who enjoyed the friendship of the elder Scipio. Caius Lselius Sapiens was the senior Consul or Consul Prior in the year of Rome 613. Cicero's treatise " De Amicitia," in which he represents Leelius discoursing on the na- ture and delights of a pure and delicate friendship, is a monument of the attachment of Scipio and Lselius, worthy of them and of himself. NOTE 8. Who were about his own age. Those who have read Suetonius in the original, will perceive f at I have passed by an imputation recorded by that writer, against Scipio, Loelius, and our author : the refined delicacy by which the sen- timents of those eminent persons were distinguished, ought to protect them from so disgusting and de- grading a suspicion, KOTES* 107 NOTE 9. Portius. Licinius Portius, a Latin poet, who flourished about the year of Rome 610: he excelled as an epi- grammatist. Fragments only of his writings now remain. NOTE 10. Furius. Publius Furius, an eminent statesman, was the intimate friend of Scipio and Lselius : he received the surname of Philus or the Lover. Furius was elected the Consul Prior in the year of Rome 617. NOTE 11. While he is frequently carried to the Albanian villa. There were in Latium two towns called Alba, each of which were situated on the borders of a lake. Alba Longa, now called Albano, was built by Ascanius, and distant 16 miles from Rome. Alba Fucentis, situated about three times that distance from the capital, on lake Fucinus, is now known by the name of Celano. The Albanian mountain, r 6 108 NOTES. where Seipio, Lffilius, or Furius probably possessed a villa, was in the immediate vicinity of Alba Longa. Portius might have alluded to Terence accompany- ing his friends to the Latinae Ferise, or Latin games, w r hich were celebrated by the Consuls on the Alban mountain on the 27th of April. NOTE 12. And dies at Stymphalus, a town of Arcadia. Stymphalus, a town of Arcadia, was situated about 25 miles S.W. of Corinth, on the borders of a lake of the same name, which is said to have been infested by a species of Harpies, who were called Stymphalides. A festival called ITYM?, great, Cybele being known by the name of the Great God- dess, and EvuXvo-ia, another name of Cybele, as pre- siding over husbandry. The festival 0E2MoOPIA, celebrated in Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, in honour of the same goddess resembled in many circum- stances the Roman Megalesia ; the Latins appear to have adopted partially, on various occasions, the religious ceremonies of the Greeks, particularly in their imitation of certain of the solemnities which were observed at the Eleusinian mysteries. NOTE 48. Curule jE dilate. The Curule jEdiles, created in the year of Rome 388, were at first elected from among the patricians. r Ihese magistrates were appointed to inspect all NOTES. 139 public edifices, (whence their name) to fix the rate of provisions, to take cognizance of disorders com- mitted within the city, and to examine weights and measures : but their chief employment was to pro- cure the celebration of the various Roman games, and to exhibit comedies and shews of gladiators ; on which account, though inferior in rank to the Consuls, they precede them in the title of this play. The JEdilate was an honourable office, and a primary step to higher dignities in the republic. Curule magistrates were those who were entitled to use the sella curulis, viz., the consuls, praetors, curule aediles, and censors : this chair was called curulis, because those privileged to use it, always carried it in their chariots, to and from the tribunals at which they presided. Tacitus informs us in his annals (Book XIII. Chap. XXX.) that in the year 809, the power of the iEdiles, both curule, and plebeian, was very much circumscribed; that their salary was regu- lated anew ; and limits fixed, as to the sum they were allowed to impose as a fine. NOTE 49. Marcus Fulvius, Son of the Consul for the year 564, and great grandson of the illustrious Servius Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, the companion of Regulus; Paetinus was 140 NOTES. consul in the year 498. Marcus Fulvius obtained the consulate eight years after his /Edilate : the name of his colleague was Cneus Cornelius Dola- bella. It is probable that this branch of the Fulvian family assumed the agnomen of Nobilior, to distin- guish themselves as nobiles from the rest of the Fulvii, who might not have had any claim to that title. None but those, and the posterity of those, who had borne some curule office, (vide note 48) were nobiles, or nobles. The nobiles possessed the exclusive right of making statues of themselves; which were carefully preserved by their posterity, and usually carried in procession on solemn occa- sions : they painted the faces of these images ■" Quid prodest, Pontice, longo Sanguine censeri, pictosque ostendere vultus Majorum." What avails it to be thought, Of ancient blood? and to expose to view. The painted features of dead ancestors ? Juvenal. NOTE 50. Marcus Glabrio. This person was doubtless distinguished by ano- ther appellation which is not set down in the title to this play: under the name of Glabrio, there is XOTES. 141 no account of him extant. As Glabrio does not appear to have been the name of any Gens, or fa- mily in Rome, it was probably the Agnomen of Mar- cus only, and not common to his kindred. NOTE 51. By the company of Lucius Ambivius Turpio, and Lucius Attilius. These were the principal actors of their company, but otherwise persons of little note; for contrary to the customs of Greece, where men of the highest rank thought it no degradation to appear on the stage; the actors at the Roman theatres were not treated with that consideration to which persons of talent, who furnish the public with a polite and ra- tional amusement, united with instruction, have a just and undeniable claim. However unjust the Romans might have been in this particular, they made an exception in favour of transcendent merit ; as in the case of the admirable Roscius, though the mention made of this favourite performer by his friend Cicero, shews the truth of the foregoing re- mark. " Cum artifex ejusmodi sit, ut solus dignu's videatur esse qui in scena spectetur ; turn vir ejus- modi fuit, ut solus dig nus videatur qui non accedat" so excellent an actor, that he only seemed worthy to tread the stage, andyet so noble a man, that he seemed 14*2 NOTES. to be the very last person that ought to appear there. Though the Roman actors were not allowed their due privileges as citizens, yet some of the most emi- nent were often very great favourites with the people, and created so much interest among them, that (as Suetonius tells us) the parties of rival performers disputing for precedence, have proceeded so far as to terminate the quarrel in bloodshed. Turpio and Attilius were actors of the first class, and were said (via 1 . Terence Phorm :) agere primas partes, because thev always personated the principal characters in the piece. NOTE 52. Prceneste. Prseneste was a town of Latium, about twenty- four miles from Rome, and founded by Cseculus, as we are told by Virgil, B. 7. u Nee Prcsnesi ince fundator defuit urbis, Vulcano ge?iitum(\ue ornnis quern credidit aetas Cceeuhis" Nor was the. founder of Pra?neste absent, Casculus, the reputed son of Vulcan. Prseneste was deemed a place of military im- portance, from its situation, and Cicero (in Catal.j tells us that Catiline, when foiled in his attempt to NOTES. 143 seize the capital, endeavoured to make himself master of Prseneste. This town was particularly celebrated for very cold springs, which were held in high esteem, as Strabo assures us, and Horace mentions the circumstance in one of his odes. " seu mihi frigidum Prceneste, seu Tibur supinum, Seu liquidae placuere Baiae." NOTE 53. Equal flutes right and left handed. Flutes were called in Latin tibice, because they were made of the shank or shin-bone of some ani- mal, until the discovery of the art of boring flutes, when they began to use wood, " Longave multifori delectat tibia buxi." — Ovid. The manner in which these instruments were played on the stage, and the distinction of right and left-handed flutes, has never been ascertained with any degree of certainty : few subjects have more obstinately baffled the researches of the learned. The most perspicuous detail of all that the moderns are acquainted with respecting the ancient flutes, is written by the learned Madame Dacier, part of which is quoted in the Preface to this Translation. 144 NOTES. NOTE 54. It is taken from the Greek. All Terence's comedies were of this class, which was called Palliatce, viz., plays in which the scene was laid in Greece. The class, called Togatce, were pieces entirely Roman. The palliatse were generally new comedies, of which Menander was the inventor ; but Pacuvius wrote the middle, and Livius Andronicus the old comedy. ( Vide Note 33. ) In the age in which Terence wrote his comedies, the Romans were some degrees less advanced in the refinements of civilization, than the Greeks. But little more than a century before, Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, thought them worthy of no better epithet than that of " barbarians' in comparison with his own subjects, who were not themselves the most polished nation in the world. The Romans, there- fore, omitted no opportunity of improving the manners and perfecting the education of their youth, by sending them to mix with the Greeks, and to unite themselves to the disciples of those Grecian sages, who, as far as the light of reason, unas- sisted by divine revelation, could penetrate, dis- pelled the clouds of ignorance, and taught their followers that happiness and wisdom can be at- tained only by the virtuous. It was, doubtless, on this account, that Terence chose Greece as the NOTES. 145 scene of his comedies, which he intended should portray to the Romans the manners, customs, and characters of those whom they often held up as a pattern of polished refinement, worthy the imitation of the rising generation. It is to this, doubtless, that we must attribute Terence's choice of Athens in preference to Rome as the scene of his plays ; as, particularly, in the comedy which the critics call the comedy of intrigue, the best judges agree that the scene is preferably laid in that country in which it is meant to be per- formed. But the comedies of Terence were more of that description which Dr. Blair denominates the comedy of character, and preferable to what he calls the comedy of intrigue, because " it exhibits the prevailing manners which mark the character of the age in which the scene is laid. Incidents should afford a proper field for the exhibition of character : the action in comedy, though it demands the poet's care in order to render it animated and natural, is a less significant and important part of the perform- ance than the action in tragedy ; as, in comedy, it is what men say, and how they behave, that draws our attention, rather than what they perform or what they suffer." H 146 NOTES. NOTE 55, The consulate of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Cneus Sulpicius Galba. The consuls, the chief magistrates of the Ro- man republic were first created at the expulsion of the kings in the year 244 : they were two in number, and chosen annually. The consuls were the head of the Senate, which they assembled and dismissed at pleasure, though it was not their exclusive privilege, as a dictator, his master of the horse, the prsetors, military tribunes, and even the tribunes of the people, might also, on certain occa- sions, assemble the Senate. The consuls, how- ever, were the supreme judges of all differences ', they commanded the armies of the republic, and, during their consulate, enjoyed almost unbounded power, which could only be checked by the creation of a dictator, to whom the consuls were subordinate. It was requisite that every candidate for the consul- ship should be forty-three years of age, and that he should previously have discharged the functions of Preetor, iEdile, and Qusestor. The consuls were always patricians till the year 388, when, by the influence of their tribunes, the people obtained a law, that henceforth one of them should be a plebeian. The ensigns of consular dignity were twelve guards, called lictors f (who bore the fasces,) NOTES. 147 and a robe, fringed with purple, worn by these ma- gistrates, during their consulate. The names of the consuls are mentioned in the title of this play, merely to fix its date, as the Roman method of rec- koning their years was by the names of the consuls. This custom continued for 1,300 years. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was the grandson of the great Marcellus, slain in the year 545 ; for Caius Sul- picius Galba, vide Note 27. NOTE 56. Prologue. Madame Dacier grounds on the first line of this Prologue an opinion, that the Andrian was not Terence's first play: but, if that learned and justly-celebrated lady had attentively considered the relation the sixteen following lines of the Prologue bear to the first, she could not have made this de- viation from her usual extreme accuracy. Whether the Andrian was, or was not, our Author's first pro- duction, is a question of more curiosity than real importance : it has, however, undergone some dis- cussion among the learned ; and, in my opinion, it may be clearly ascertained by an attentive perusal of the Prologue to the Andrian, and learned and unlearned are equally competent to decide upon it Let us now examine the proof. The first seven h 2 148 NOTES. lines inform us, that " when the poet began to write, he thought he had only to please the people, hut that he finds it far otherwise ; as he is obliged to write a Prologue to answer the objections of an older bard." If we stop here, it is natural enough to conclude, that in the Prologue to the Andrian, he is alluding to censures passed on some former play. But, if we look at the next nine lines we see that in the prologue to the Andrian, he repels a censure not passed on any former production, but on the An- drian itself. Listen, says he, to their objections,, which are, in short, that in the composition of this very Andrian, he has made a confused mixture of two of Menander's plays. What allusion is made to any former writings ? None : the snarling criti- cisms of the older bard were directed only against the Andrian. I imagine that the case was thus : Terence wrote the Andrian, and procured its re- presentation, probably without any Prologue, (which was sometimes dispensed with, as we see in Plau- tus,), the play, and its author, were, probably, cried down and abused by this older bard and his admirers, who might envy the visible superiority of Terence, who afterwards composed the Prologue in question, to answer their objections. The reader is referred for further proof, to Suetonius's Life of Terence, a translation of which is prefixed to this play. NOTES. 149 NOTE 57. To answer the snarling malice of an older poet. According to Donatus, the name of this older bard was Lucius Lavinius : but there can be little doubt but that name is a corruption of Luscius Lanuvinus, the arch-enemy of Terence, whom he handles so roughly in his Prologue to the Eunuch. Luscius was a poet of considerable talent. Vol- catius gives him the ninth place, " Nono loco esse facile facio Luscium." Luscius undoubtedly I make the ninth. NOTE 58. Menander wrote the Andrian and Perinthian. The Perinthian (a fine comedy now lost) was so called from Perinthus, a town of Thrace, the name of which was afterwards changed to Heraclea, and that name is now corrupted to Herecli, or Erekli, its present appellation. Erekli is a town in the Turkish province of Romania, on the north of the sea of Marmora, and about sixty miles from Con- stantinople. It is a place of some consequence from its vicinity to the Turkish capital. For the Andrian, vide Note 69. H 3 150 NOTES. NOTE 59. They censure Ncevius, Plautus, Ennius. An account of Noevius has been given in Note 41 , and of Plautus in Note 42. Ennius was the tenth comic poet of Rome, according to Volcatius, who says, " Antiquitatis causa decimum addo Ennium." If it be true that Ennius was but the tenth in po- etical merit, the greatest glory of the nine who were above him, must have been the distinguished honour of excelling this highly extolled poet. Ennius was born in the year of Rome 515, and died in 585 ; though he obtained the privileges of a Roman citizen, he was, by birth, a Calabrian, as Ovid expressly tells us, and informs us, that his statue was placed on the tomb of the Scipios, be- cause he had so nobly celebrated their renowned actions : " Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortus, Contiguus poni, Scipio, magne tibi." Ennius, among Calabrian mountains born. Deserves, O Scijno, to be placed by thee. The reader cannot become acquainted with the enthusiastic admiration of the Romans for the bril- liant performances of Ennius, better than by a peru- sal of some of the many and great encomiums passed on him by those who, though they lived STOTES. 151 after him, may be called his competitors for lite- rary fame. Cicero calls him, " Ingeniosus, poeta et auctor valde bonus." — A man of great abilities and wit, and an admirable writer both of poetry and of prose, Horace also " Ennius et sapiens, et fortis, et alter Horaerus." Ennius the wise, and strong, another Homer, Quintilian speaks of him thus, " Ennium sicut sacros vetustate lucos adoremus, in quibus grandia et antiqua robora jam non tantam speciem habent quam religionem." — We revere Ennius, as ice revere the groves, sacred for their antiquity, in ivhich the great and ancient oaks are not reckoned precious for their beauty, but because tkey are consecrated to religious purposes* Lucretius thus, u Ennius primus amoeno Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam." Ennius first wore the never-fading crown, Gain'd at the Muses' seat, the pleasant Helicon. And, lastly, Ovid, " Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis." Ennius, the first in wit, though wanting art, Ennius wrote tragedies, comedies, annals, $c, of which some fragments remain : he died of the gout, brought on by drinking. Horace tells us, that Ennius was in the habit of raising his ima- h 4 152 NOTES. gination by large draughts of wine, when he intended to write a description of any warlike action. NOTE 60. Simo. Carry in these things directly. What " those things' 1 were, though a subject of no great importance, has been discussed with extreme diligence by various learned commentators, who have not a little differed in opinion. The idea of a French commentator, who supposed Simo to allude to furniture bought by him for his son's wedding, is ridiculed by the learned Madame Dacier, who has herself suffered the same treatment under the hands of some of our English critics, for interpreting them in the sense I have adopted. That Simo should provide furniture for a marriage which he had but slight hopes of negotiating at that time, is not very probable. But Athenian slaves performed all domestic offices in their masters' houses : and Sosia, even after he became a freedman might have practised cookery, in which, perhaps, he ex- celled. He uses the words " mea ars" my art, and Simo answers him with " isthac arte" that art, by which it is clear that he means some particular art. The word art has in English both a general NOTES. 153 and particular sense; but, in Latin, " ars" is gene- rally used only in the latter. st Rara tjuidem facie, sed rarior arte canendi." — Ovid. Her beauty charms us ; and oh ! how much more Her matchless skill in arts of melody. Again, rt Hac arte Pollux, et vagus Hercules Innixus, arces attigit igneas." — Horace. Supported by this art, Pollux and Hercules were raised to heaven. Sosia speaks in this character also at the end of the scene, " Sat est curabo" euro, meaning to cook ; he uses also more than once the word recte. which is peculiarly a term of cookery, thus " rectius cce?iare" Plautus; and, at Rome, when patrons invited their clients or followers to supper, where a very plentiful banquet was always served up : the supper was particularly designated Ccena recta. The art of cookery, in Greece, was, in the earlier ages, far from being accounted degrading, and was, indeed, frequently practised by men very far above a servile station. I mention this, lest those who are unacquainted with these customs, might object against our author, that Si?no was guilty of an inconsistent condescension, in making a confidant of one who held an office of this nature. h 5 154 NOTES. NOTE 61. When I first bought you as my slave. Slaves, among the Greeks, formed a very con- siderable portion of the population of a city, and, in some places, were more numerous than the citi- zens themselves. In Athens, all domestic offices were performed by slaves, who were employed also in the capacities of tutors, scribes, stewards, over- seers, and husbandmen, according to their respec- tive talents : when a slave manifested great abilities, he was taught the art or science for which he seemed most fitted. Some were instructed in literature, and often so distinguished themselves by their writings, that they obtained their freedom. The slaves of the Athenians were either taken in war, or purchased, or reduced to slavery for some crime : they were divided into two classes : 1. those who were natives of some part of Greece, who had the privilege of redeeming themselves ; who, if cruelly treated, might appeal to the archons, and change their master ; and whose lives were not in their master's power : 2. those slaves who were transported from barbarous nations, who were wholly at the disposal of their owners in every respect. The price of a slave varied according to his qualifications; some were worth about 10/. sterling, some were valued at 201., and others much NOTES. 155 higher. The Athenians were celebrated for the gentleness with which they treated their slaves. Xenophon informs us, that they frequently spoiled them by excessive indulgence. Slaves were made free, if they rendered any essential service to the government ; and frequently received their liberty as a reward for their fidelity and attachment to their master, and his family. For further information respecting the Athenian slaves, and remarks on their habits and manners, Vide Notes 62, 63, 64, 68, 86, 88, 110, 131, 154b, 195, 196. NOTE 62. / gave you freedom. The ceremony of Amtefthp*, or giving a slave his liberty, was performed in Athens as follows, the slave kneeled down at the feet of his master, who struck him a slight blow, saying, " Be free ;" or he took the slave before a magistrate, and there formally declared him at liberty. These cere- monies were extremely similar to those used by the Romans on the same occasion. The Greeks sometimes set their slaves at liberty in a public assembly, which iEschines describes as follows, ' AhXoi al rivt$ v7TOKVifv^os,^ivoi 9 rovq avrav <*Ik£tcc$ "EM^va? wQiovpsvoi." — Others, when they had o&- h 6 156 NOTES. tained silence by yneans of the heralds, gave their household slaves their liberty ; and made the assem- bled Greeks witnesses of their manumission. The same author mentions a very singular law, which stigmatized with infamy any person who should proclaim the freedom of a slave in the the- atre. " Kal hxppyiw dtrocyofivzi /xjjte oWir^v dnsXevQs- povv Iv ru OeaTpw h cct^ov bivou rov Kqpt/xa. — And this law clearly forbids that any 'person shall manumit a slave in the theatre and de- crees infamy to the herald ivho shall proclaim his freedom there. Slaves were called imw, and vreXccTca, but, after they became free, received the appellation of aVe^Osfo*, and enjoyed all the privileges granted to the roOot, or illegitimate citizens, who were not ad- mitted to all the rights of those whose parents were both freeborn Athenian citizens. It was usual for a freedman to continue with his master, who was called his tt^oc-tccty};, or patron ; he was also allowed to choose a sort of guardian, who was called ETZVrpOTTOr. NOTE 63. Nor have you given me any cause to repent that I did so. An emancipated slave was bound to perform NOTES. 157 certain services for his former master : he was to assist him in any emergency to the utmost of his power : and, if he proved remiss in these duties, was liable to a severe punishment. No freedman could appear in a court of justice against his patron, either to give evidence in his own suit, or in that of another. NOTE 64. It pains me to be thus reminded of the benefits you have conferred upon me, as it seems to upbraid me with having forgotten them. By the Athenian laws, any freedman convicted of ingratitude to his former master, was reduced a second time to a state of slavery : but, if a freedman was brought to a trial on a charge of this nature, and acquitted of it, he was declared rsxiaq lAEt/flspo*, perfectly free, and was then wholly released from all obligations of service to his former patron. NOTE 65. You shall hear every thing from the beginning. This is the initium narrationis, the first part of the narration, and, by far the longest : it is, in the original, inimitably beautiful. Scarcely any branch 158 NOTES. of dramatic writing is more difficult than narration, which, unless composed in that happy vein, attain- able by so few, generally proves embarrassing to the actor, and tiresome to the auditors. The writings of Terence abound with narrations, a ne- cessary consequence of his strict adherence to the unities. A judicious French writer, whose opinions (as a critic,) have ever been treated with deference, speaking of our author's excellence in this branch of the drama, makes his eulogium in just and forcible terms. " Terence is without a rival, especially in his narrations, which flow along with a smooth and even course, like a clear and transparent river. We see no parade of sentiment, no glare of obtrusive wit: no smart epigrammatical sentences, which Ni- cole and Rochefoucault only can make acceptable. When he applies a maxim, it is in so plain and fa- miliar a manner, that it has all the simplicity of a proverb. He introduces nothing but what apper- tains to the subject. I have perused, and re-perused the writings of this poet with the greatest attention, and have laid them aside with the impression that there is not a scene too much in any play, nor a line too much in any scene." Diderot on dramatic poetry. For further remarks on the narrations of the An- drian, vide Notes. Nos. 89. 95. 101. I shall postpone a continuance of observations on the very NOTES. 159 obvious inconvenience attendant on narrations ; and pursue a remark made in the commencement of this note, respecting the source from which has flowed so many of these narrations, which require all the art and wit of a Terence to prevent them from seem- ing too prolix. This source may be found in those irksome uni- ties of time and 'place, those leaden fetters of dra~- matic genius, which, by chaining down the imagin- ation and talents of many of the ancient, and even some of the modern, dramatic writers, have deprived the world of more, than the embellishments they may have given to composition can ever repay. Terence, in all his works, in compliance with the reigning taste of his age, observed the unities of action, time, and place, with the most scrupulous ex- actness : and this observance is the chief reason that his comedies can never succeed on any modern stage. His plays are crowded with narratives, which, however beautifully written, will never yield that attraction to an audience, which they find in busy and lively action. He cannot bring on the stage what is supposed to happen in the next street, or ad- joining house, it must therefore be related. All the story of the piece must be supposed to pass in a very few hours : all those events which cannot be ima- gined to take place in one day, and which, when re- presented to the spectators in the modern drama, are often of the greatest interest, must, by the law 160 NOTES. of the unity of time be related. Of what a scene ; to instance one of?nany, has the unity of place robbed us in Terence's Eunuch! where Laches (Act 5) rushes into the house of Thais. How many modern plays, in which the unities were preserved, ever kept the stage a month? None: if we except Ben Jon- son's " Silent Woman" " The Adventures of Five Hours" and a very few others ; and it may well be doubted whether even our immortal Shakspeare himself, if he had shackled his genius with these rules, would not have been generally confined to the closet. The practice of that great poet, and of most of the modern dramatists of all countries; who have observed only (the rule of all stages, ancient and modern,) unity of action, is a tacit condemnation of the other two: and the fiat of Dr. Johnson speaks a yet plainer language. He has decided on the value of the unities in his preface to Shakspeare: and though what he has written respecting them is too long to be inserted here, the following extracts will not be unacceptable, as they shew the grounds on which it is assumed that dramatic writers ought, in general, to dispense with the unities of time and 'place. " The critics hold it impossible, that an action ot months or years can be possibly believed to pass in three hours. The spectator, who knows that he saw the first act at Alexandria, cannot suppose that he sees the next at Rome; he knows that he has not NOTES, 161 changed his place, and that the place cannot change itself; that what was a house can never become a plain; that what was Thebes, can never be Persepo- lis. Such is the triumphant language with which a critic exults over the miseries of an irregular poet; it is time, therefore, to tell him, that he assumes as an unquestionable principle, a position, which, while his breath is forming it into words, his under- standing pronounces to be false. It is false, that any representation is mistaken for reality; that any dramatic fable, in its materiality was ever credible, or, for a single moment, was ever credited. The objection arising from the impossibility of passing the first hour at Alexandria, and the next at Rome, supposes that when the play opens, the spectator really imagines himself at Alexandria; and believes that his walk to the theatre has been a voyage to Egypt, and that he lives in the days of Antony and Cleopatra. Surely he that can imagine this may imagine more. He that can take the stage at one time for the Palace of the Ptolemies, may take it in half an hour for the promontory of Actium : delu- sion, if delusion be admitted, has no certain limita- tion. The truth is, that (judicious) spectators are always in their senses, and know from the first act to the last, that the stage is only a stagehand that the players are only players : and by supposition as place is introduced, time may be extended." Dr. Johnson concludes this subject as follows; " He 162 KOTES. that, without diminution of any other excellence, shall preserve all the unities unbroken, deserves the like applause with the architect, who shall display all the orders of architecture in a citadel, without any deduction from its strength; but the principal beauty of a citadel is to exclude the enemy; and the great- est graces of a play are to copy nature, and instruct life." It is needless to add any thing to these argu- ments, as they must be deemed conclusive. The plays of our author are better calculated, perhaps, to please in the closet by his mode of writing, as it adds to perspicuity : Terence is, probably, the great- est practical champion for the three unities tha t ever did, or ever will, exist. His easy flowing narratives, judiciously divided, and introduced with so much art, as in some places to seem no narra- tives until they are concluded, remedy as much as possible the inconveniences attendant on this mode of writing:. NOTE 66. When my son Pamphilus arrived at man's estate. In the Latin, postquam excessit ex Ephebis, after he was removed from the class of young men called All the Athenian citizens were publicly registered three several times. 1 . In their infancy, on the se- NOTES. 163 cond day of the festival aTrecrov^ot, called dvo^pva"^. 2. When they were 18 years of age, they were regis- tered on the third day of the d.Tra.Tov^a., called xovpeuTig, when they received the title of ilpi&ot. 3. At 20 years of age, they were registered for the last time at the feast called QtMna, on the 19th of the month, Thargelion, when they were said to be admitted " among the men" These ceremonies were used to prevent the intrusion of persons, who had no claim to the title of Athenian citizen, which was an honour, that even foreign kings thought wor- thy of their pursuit. Having quitted the class of the «!pn£o», Pamphilus, at the time mentioned by Simo, must have been 20 years of age. NOTE 67. The schools of the Philosophers. Several schools of Philosophy were established at Athens, in which philosophers of different sects pre- sided, and gave instructions to those of Athens, and of other countries, whose fortunes allowed them lei- sure to pursue studies of this nature. The build- ings in which the philosophers delivered their lec- tures were provided at the public expense : they were called Gymnasia, and built in divisions, some for study called crroa,), and others for various exer- cises, as wrestling, pugilism, dancing, &c; these 164 NOTES. were denominated vaXairrpx. The principal Gym- nasia in Athens were the Lyceum, where Aristotle taught ; the academy, in which Plato presided ;and, lastly, the Cynosarges, which gave the name of Cynics to that sect of philosophers, founded in this place by Antisthenes. (vid. Plutarch's Life of The- mistocles). NOTE 68. In these times flattery makes friends; truth, foes. Madame Dacier has elucidated this passage in an elegant and ingenious criticism, which clears Pam- philus from the charge of flattery which Sosia ap- pears to insinuate against him. The sentence in the original runs thus : " namque hoc tempore obse- quium amicos Veritas odium parit" " When Simo spoke of the obliging temper of his son, he intended to describe him as behaving with that complaisant politeness which is as remote as possible from flat- tery; the practice of which never requires of a man any thing inconsistent with the laws of truth and candour; otherwise he would have blamed his son, instead of praising him. But Sosia, following the example of people of his own rank, who always look on the dark side of every tiling, takes this opportu- nity of censuring the manners of the age, by declar- ing that people were unwilling to hear the truth. NOTES. 165 Thus he mistakes obsequium, which really means an amiable mildness of manners, for assentatio, servile flattery, a vice which shows weakness of mind, and baseness of heart: and which renders those of our friends who practise it, more dangerous than even our enemies themselves. There is more ingenuity in this passage than appears at first sight." Madame Dacier. For some further very valuable critical observa- tions, the reader is referred to the preface to a trans- lation of Phsedrus's fables, published at Paris, about the middle of the 17th century. Besides very able remarks on the Andrian, and the rest of Terence's plays, the translator gives an ingenious comparison between fable and comedy ; he also translated into French, three of Terence's comedies, viz., The An- drian, The Brothers, and Phormio. NOTE 69. The Island of Andros. This island is situated in the iEgean sea, or, as it is now called, the Archipelago ; it is distant from the Pirseus, or port of Athens, about 500 of the stadia Olympica, or rather more than 50 English miles. It retains its original appellation. Bacchus seems to have been the reputed patron of this island; 166 NOTES. which was also called Antandros, and has been mistaken by some for the Antandros of Phrygia Minor, where yEneas built his fleet. Vide Ovid's Meta. Book 13, 1.623 to 670. NOTE 70. The neglect of her relations. The relations of unmarried women in Greece were bound by law to provide for them, either by seeing them married to some suitable person, or to furnish them with the means of support according to their rank in life ; or if a woman had no near kin- dred, this duty devolved upon a guardian called y.vpK*;. It is probable that this obligation extended equally to the paternal and maternal relations, though the latter , generally acted only in case of the former becoming extinct. Terence warrants the supposition of relations on both sides, being compelled to act, as he uses the word cognatus, which signifies strictly a relation by the mother's side, agnatus, on the contrary, is never employed but to designate a kinsman by the father's side, though cognatus is often used as a common term for both; and such is its meaning in this passage : for if the law had been confined to the father's relations, Terence would certainly have used agnatus, and NOTES. 167 thereby jclearly designated the particular persons who were bound to observe it. NOTE 71. The distaff and the loom. The Greek and Roman women led generally very domesticated lives, and passed a considerable por- tion of their time in spinning and weaving. The simple manners of the earlier ages obliged each fa- mily to depend, in a great measure, on itself, for the supply of its various wants, and the kings and he- roes of antiquity, might doubly prize a mantle or a vest, wrought by the hands of those who were dear- est to them. Wool was usually worn; but linen, though highly valued, seems to have been but rarely used. When the Greeks became mote refined, this simplicity of manners among women of rank gave place to less laborious habits, and slaves were in- structed in the art of spinning and weaving. NOTE 72. Several lovers made their addresses to her, fyc. This passage has been elegantly and chastely softened by an ingenious French writer, who flou- rished about the year 1650. I shall subjoin in this, 168 NOTES, and other subsequent notes, the various alterations made by this judicious editor, together with the original passages : the lines he has introduced are beautifully written, and a close imitation of the style of Terence : I cannot doubt but they will be consi- dered worthy of a perusal : they are a proof of a laudable delicacy, which was but too rarely to be met with in many of the poets of both England and France, in the \lth century. The original passage runs thus : — " Primum haec pudice vitam, parce, ac duriter Agebat, lana ac tela victum quaeritans : Sed postquam amans accessit, pretiumpollicensj Unus, et item alter, ita ut ingenium est omnium Hominum ab labore proclive ai libidinem : Accepit cojiditionem, dei?i quaestum occipit." Which is altered by the French translator to the following : — " Primum haec pudice vitam, parce, ac duriter Agebat, lana ac tela victum quaeritans : Sed postquam ad Mam accessit adolescent ulus, Unus, et item alter ; ita ut ingenium est omnium Hominum ab labore proclive ad desidiam ; Spei'ans se cuipiam illorum uxoremfore, Fama? haud pepercit, illosque in domum suam Lubens admis'it nimium familiar iter. " At first she lived chastely, and penuriously, and laboured hard, managing with difficulty to gain a NOTES. 169 livelihood with the distaff and the loom : but soon after several lovers made their addresses to her, and as we are all naturally prone to idleness, and averse to labour, and as they made her promises of marriage, she was too negligent of her reputation, and admitted their visits oftener than was prudent" NOTE 73. Aha ! thought I, he is caught. In the Latin, Certe captus est. Habet. Terence borrowed this expression (habet) from the amphi- theatre at Rome, where men called gladiators, who were (for the chief part) captives and slaves, fought before the people : who looked with great delight on these combats, which often terminated in death to half the persons engaged. When a gladiator was wounded, the people exclaimed Habet, he has it, and thus the word was often used at Rome, in the sense adopted by Terence. NOTE 74. He paid his share, and supped with the rest. In the Latin symbolum dedit, he gave his ring as a token, or pledge. This phrase is an allusion to a custom which prevailed chiefly at Rome. When a 170 NOTES. party agreed to dine together at their own expense, or, in other words, to club together for an enter- tainment : each of the party gave his ring to him who had the care of providing the feast, as a sym- bol or token that he, the owner of the ring, was to join the company, and defray his share of the ex- pense. Hence, he who paid nothing, was called asymbolus. Rings were also given in contracts instead of a bond : and used for tokens of various kinds. The Greeks also seem to have called rings by the same*name, o-ipGoh*. NOTE 75. To give his daughter to Pamphilus with a large dowry. The word dowry, which is called, in Greek, ir?ol£, or /xefonz, or iiv» y originally meant the sum which a man gave to the family of the woman he married, and with which he might be said to pur- chase his wjfe : but, as the Greeks grew more re- fined, and also more wealthy, this custom was wholly abolished ; and the dowry was given by the wife's relations to the husband, to assist him in the maintenance of her and of her children. The dow- ries of women were, in Athens, considered a sub- ject of great importance ; and many laws were framed by the Athenian legislators, (particularly by NOTES. 171 Solon,) to provide for the well ordering of women's fortunes. An heiress could be disposed of in mar- riage, only by her father, grandfather, or brother : if she had neither of these relations, the archons determined who was to be her husband ; and it was held so important to keep her estate in the family, that at one time a law prevailed, that if an heiress had no children by her first husband, she was taken from him by the authority of the archons, and given to her nearest relation. A wife, who brought a fortune to her husband, was called yvvvi ; she who brought none TraXAaxi. Solon, ap- prehensive of mercenary unions, at one time, passed a law, that a woman should carry to her husband only some furniture, and four or five changes of dress. But this seems to have been little observed. The large dowry which Simo says Chremes of- fered with Philumena, we may fairly suppose to have been twenty talents, as Chremes imagined he had but one daughter to portion off; when he had discovered Glycera, he gave her a dowry of ten talents ; and we must suppose that he reserved as mu^h more for Philumena. This will give us an idea of what the portions of the Athenian women usually were, and of the fortune of a citizen. Twenty Greek talents were nearly equal to 5,000/. sterling, according to some authors, though writers differ widely as to the amount of the Attic talent ; i 2 172 NOTES, Dr. Arbuthnot makes it equal to 193Z. 15s., Mr. Raper to 232Z. 35. It is agreed on all sides that the Attic talent consisted of 6,000 drachmae ; but the value of the drachma was never correctly as- certained. Vide the table of monies in Note 208. NOTE 76. / contracted my son. The Athenian youth were not allowed to dispose of themselves in marriage without consulting their parents, who had almost unlimited authority over them : if they had no parents, guardians, called E7nTf>o7rot, were appointed to control them. But it does not appear that any particular cere- monies were used in Athens, in contracting a bride and bridegroom, previous to the day of marriage ; and I rather imagine, Terence, in order to make the subject clear to his Roman auditors, alluded, by the word despondiy to the Roman custom of betroth- ing, called sponsalia y which they performed as fol- lows : — Some days before the wedding, the intended bride and bridegroom, with their friends, met toge- ther at the lady's residence, and the parent or guardian of each (as I imagine) asked each other, Spondes ? Do you betroth her or him ? Then the other party answered, Spondeo, I do betroth, Src. Then NOTES. 173 the deeds were signed, the dowry agreed on, and the day appointed for the marriage. NOTE 77. Among the women who were there I saw one young girl. Women were frequently hired on these occa- sions, to appear in the funeral procession as mourners, of whom Horace says, " Ut quae conduct® plorant in funere, dicunt Et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animoque." Like those, who, hired to weep at funerals, Exceed, in noisy grief, a faithful friend. NOTE 78. She appeared more afflicted than the others ivho were there, and so pre-eminently beautiful, and of so noble a carriage, I approach. To understand the full force of Simo's remark, when he says how much he was struck with the contrast between Glycera and the rest of the mourners, it is necessary that the reader should be informed, that, in Athens, no woman under sixty years of age was allowed to appear at a funeral ; i 3 174 NOTES. except the relations of the deceased. Solon im- posed this law upon the Athenians. NOTE 79. / approach the women who were following the body. Literally, the women who were walking after the body. Though those women who were hired to follow a corpse, walked in procession, it was very usual in Greece, to attend funerals in carriages., and on horseback : but Chrysis, not being repre- sented as a citizen, the ceremonies, in respect to the procession, must be supposed to be different, The interment of the dead was considered of such extreme importance throughout the whole of Greece, that to want the rites of sepulture, was deemed by the natives of that country, a much greater misfortune than even death itself. The Greeks (and many other nations) believed that the spirit of a person whose corpse was unburied, could never obtain admittance to the Elysian fields : their imaginary place of reward for virtuous men after death. Two different methods of disposing of the dead prevailed in Greece. The most ancient of the two (as is generally allowed,) was much the same as the modern practice, the corpse was in- terred in a coffin, and deposited in the earth. The other mode was to burn the body, and to preserve NOTES. 176 the ashes. The Athenians seem to have used both methods indiscriminately: their funerals were usually conducted by torch-light. On the third or fourth day after death, (though the time was varied according to circumstances,) the corpse was placed on a bier, with the feet towards the door ; and an obolus put into its mouth, to defray the passage across the Styx : a certain form of words was then pronounced over the body, which was afterwards carried out, and followed by the mourners : those of the same sex as the deceased were to be nearest the corpse : when it was placed on the pile, and a second form of words recited over it, some one of the mourners, (usually the nearest relation,) ap- plied a torch to the wood ; and, if the deceased was of high rank, animals of various kinds, and sometimes even human victims, were slaughtered, and thrown into the flames. The ashes of the dead were collected from the extinguished pile into an urn, and with some further ceremonies de- posited in a sepulchre. The Romans burned their dead in a similar manner. For a further mention of Greek funerals, vide Notes 77, 78, 80, 81. NOTE 80. We follow, and arrive at the tomb. Tombs, called by the Greeks r«0poy, filled at the bottom with sharp spikes. They some- times had recourse to other extraordinary modes of punishment : but the before-mentioned were the most common. NOTE 89. In truth, friend Davus, from what I have just heard. This scene contains the second part of the nar- ration, which possesses all the requisites enume- rated by Cicero, -perspicuity , probability, brevity, and sweetness. It is introduced with Terence's usual art, and enough is said respecting Glycera's birth, to prepare the mind for the denouement in the last act. This scene, and that before it, are omitted in the Conscious Lovers ; and a dialogue between Humphrey and Tom, and another between Tom and Phyllis, the English Davus and Mysis, are substituted instead of them : but Phyllis is the servant of Lucinda, the lady Sir J. Bevil wishes his son to marry : and not of Indiana, the modern Glycera. The two scenes above mentioned con- tain only one incident : the conveyance of a letter from young Bevil to Lucinda, apprizing her of his disinclination to the match. 188 NOTES, NOTE 90. This affair must be handled dexterously, or either my young master or I must be quite undone. The original of this passage is as follows : Qua si non a,stu pi'ovidentur, me, aut herum pessundabunt. A deviation from the customary mode of expression sometimes occurs in our author's writings. I shall set down the most remarkable words of this nature that are to be found in this play. Abutor 9 with an accusa- tive. Alter co, foraltercor. Astu, forAstutia. Complacita est 9 for pla- cuit. Catus. Claudier, for claudi. Confiictatur, cum inge- niis ejusmodis. Buint, for dent. Diecula. Enter g ere se,for emergere. Face, for fac. Introspicere. Ipsus. Immutarier, for immutari. Morigera. Maximum facere homi- nem, for maximi. Ornati, for ornatus. Preci, for precibus. Postilld, for postea. Symbola, for symbolum. Spero, for timeo. Subsarcinatam. Tetulit Tumulti, for tumultus. N0TE5. 189 NOTE 91. If he finds out the least thing I am undone. Terence has the art of making us feel interested in the favour of almost all his characters: they insensibly gain ground in our good opinion : even this Davus, who certainly has a spice of the rogue about him, creates a warm interest in his favour by his fidelity to Pamphilus ; and his generosity in risking his own safety to serve him : he braves the threats of Simo, when, by assisting him, and be- traying Pamphilus, he must have secured the old man s favour, and consequently great advantages to himself. But very few of the worst characters in Terence's plays seem to us to be wholly unamiable. NOTE 92. / think their intentions savour more of madness than of any thing else. Terence plays upon the words in the original of this passage, which is as follows, *' Nam inceptio est amentium, haud amantium." literally, For they act like mad people, not like lowrs. This pun cannot be preserved in an English translation, till two words can be found alike in 190 NOTES. sound, one meaning t€ mad people" and the other (i lovers" The only attempt in English is the fol- lowing : but the author has rather altered the sense. u For they fare as they were lunatuke, and not lovesicke." Bernard. Terence plays upon words in this manner several times in this play, Maledicere, malefacta ne noscant sua. Solicitandoy et pollicitando eorum airimos lactas. Quia habet aliud magis ex sese, et majus. Quo jure, quaque injuria. Ipsu'sibi esse injurius videatur, neque id injuria. P. Quid vis patiar? D. Pater est Pamphile. The ancients manifested very great partiality for this species of wit, which the Greeks called rrxpavoiActo-icc, and the Romans agnominatio, The writings of Plautus abound with puns above ail others, and he is thought to have applied them with great ingenuity : the following may serve as a specimen. Boius est, Boiam terit. Advenisse/ami/iarfs dicito. Nescio quara tu familiaris es : nisi actutum hinc abis, Familiarisy accipiere faxo haud familiariter Optumo optume optumam operam das. Though the Greeks and Romans considered pun* NOTES. 191 an ornament to writings and discourses of all kinds, modern critics have decided that they ought to be admitted only in writings of a light nature ; and that they decrease the force and beauty of grave and serious compositions, which ought to wear an air of dignified sublimity, unmixed with any thing of a trivial nature. The lines immediately preceding the before- mentioned passages are thus altered by a French editor. Vide Note 72. Ad hagc mala hoc etiam mihi accedit; haec Andria, Quam clampatre uxor em duxit Pamphilus, gravida ab eo est. The original lines are, Ad haec mala hoc etiam mihi accedit ; haec Andria, Sine ista uxor, tine arnica est gravida a Pamphilo est. NOTE 93. Boy or girl, say they, the child shall be brought up. In the Latin, Quidquid peperisset decreverunt tollere. Boy or girl, they have resolved that it shall be taken up. The words taken up allude to the cus- tom which prevailed in Greece, of destroying chil- dren. This barbarous cruelty was practised on various pretences ; if an infant was, at its birth, 192 NOTES. deformed in any of its members, or if it appeared extremely feeble or sickly, the laws allowed, and even enjoined, that it should be exposed : some- times illegitimacy was considered a sufficient cause for the exposure of a child. Though the parents were generally allowed to choose whether their offspring should be destroyed or preserved ; in some parts of Greece all the inhabitants were com- pelled to send their new-born infants to officers appointed to examine them: who, if they found them not robust and healthy, cast them immediately into deep caverns, called ccwqQstcu, which were de- dicated to this purpose. It was customary, in Athens, to place a new-born infant on the ground at the feet of its father, if he then took it up in his arms, it was considered that he bound himself to educate and provide for the child : hence, the ex- pression toller e, to take up : but, if on the contrary, he refused to acknowledge it, a person appointed for that purpose conveyed it to some desert place at a distance from the city : and there left it to perish. The Thebans are said to have been the only people in Greece, among whom this barbarous custom did not prevail: but the story of (Edipus, a prince who was exposed, though afterwards preserved, is a proof that they did not altogether abstain from this practice. NOTES. 19S NOTE 94. To prove that she is a citizen of Athens. Women were allowed to enjoy the privileges of Athenian citizens, and, at the building of Athens, byCecrops, they carried a point of no less import- ance than the choice of a name for the new city, in opposition to the votes of the men. Varro tells us that Neptune wished the new-built city to be called after his name, and that Athena, or Mi- nerva, rivalled his pretensions. The question being put by Cecrops to his people, the men all voted for Neptune, but the women voted for Minerva, and gained, by one vote, the privilege of naming the city. The women were wholly excluded from any share in the government of Athens, in later ages ; though they still retained various privileges as Athenian citizens. For a further explanation of the rights of the Athenian citizens ; and for some account of the city of Athens, vide Notes 150, 179, 180, 181, 193, 197. NOTE 95. Once upon a time, a certain old merchant. The title of merchant we are to suppose to be 194 K0TES. t added by Davus to embellish the tale. Neither Chremes nor Phania are described as merchants. This addition is well managed by the author, as Davus, who thought the whole a fabrication, ima- gined he was more likely to gain credit by telling the tale that way ; as a considerable traffick was carried on between Athens and the island of An- dros, which was a very fertile spot. M. Baron has translated this scene with great ridelity and beauty. Davus developes in it a plan to break off the dreaded match with Philumena, by introducing Glycera to Chremes : which incident is substituted instead of the birth of the child. There is a break in the French lines which renders them inimitably beautiful. " De ce vieillard fougueux pour calmer la furie, Quoi ! Ne pourrions nous pas resoudre Glyceric A venir a ses pieds lui demander — ? Helas ! Glycerie est malade, et je n'ysonge pas." Baron. NOTE 96. Well, I'll betake myself to the Forum. A forum, both in Athens and Rome, was a large open space within the city, dedicated to various purposes. The forum was a place where the peo- ple met for public worship, for the administration of NOTES* 195 justice, and to debate on the public affairs. In the Forum, also, were the temples, hospitals, sanc- tuaries, and the markets of all kinds : in short, it was a place of general rendezvous for men of all ranks and professions, and was, in many respects, very similar to those places of meeting we call by the name Exchange. In Rome there were six great forums, 1. the Roman, 2. the Julian, 3. the Augustan, 4. the Palladian, 5. the Trojan, 6. the Forum of Sallust. In Athens, the principal Forum was called a^aU *yo%* ; it was extremely spacious, and decorated with some very fine buildings, and statues of eminent persons. There were also many others, but the most considerable was called the Forum, by way of distinction. NOTE 97. Act I. Scene IV. Of all writers ancient or modern, except Seneca, Terence was the most indefatigable in endeavouring to embellish his writings with all the ornaments that alliteration could give them. It is not my intention to enter in this place into a discussion pf the advantages, or disadvantages that verses may derive from alliteration ; a subject on which critics differ as widely as they can on any other point. k 2 196 NOTES. The practice of many first-rate writers, however, both ancient and modern, who have thought that alliteration adorned their compositions, entitles it to attention. Although eminent critics have argued against this literary ornament, that its success is but a trivial excellence, I cannot but remark that it is allowed on all sides that great labour, care, and patience, are requisite, to succeed in allitera- tion; which must certainly contribute to render it of some value, and afford an absolute proof of the ex- cessive labour and deliberation with which Terence wrote his plays, every line of which was, as I may say, weighed, before he wrote it down : for no author, ancient or modern, (with the before-men- tioned exception,) ever employed alliteration so frequently, nor, in my opinion, with better effect than Terence. The following lines will afford the reader a speci- men of the almost astonishing extent to which alli- teration was used by some of the'ancient authors, Greek and Latin, I. From Terence, Aua\x\, A\ chillis, jamdudum : Lesbiam adduci jube:- Sane pol ilia femuleiifa est mulier, et femeraria Nee sati digna cuicommittas prime* partis mulierem. Tain en earn adducam. Importunitafem spectafe aniculae y Quia compotrix ejus est. Diana da. facultatem, obsecro, Huicpaiiundi. atque illi in alius potiuspeccandi locum. NOTES. 197 Sed, quidnam Pamphilum exanimatum tideo ? tereor quid siet. Opperiar, ut sciam, nnmquidnam haec £urba £risfi*iae ad- ferat. Ut aninmm «d aliquod stadium adjungant, ant equos — ^iere, aut canes ad venandmn, cmt ad philosophos. In ignem imposita est. Fletur. Jnterea haec soror. -4/ala wens, ?«alus animus. Quera guidem ego si sensero. Ipsum animum ie, Elle me dit, (Misis j'en verse encore des pleurs.) Elle estjeune, elle est belle, elle est sage, etjemeurs. Je vous conjure done par sa main que je tiens ; Par la foi, par l'honneur, par me3 pleurs, par les siens • Par ce dernier moment qui va finir, ma vie, De ne vous s6parer jamais de Glic£rie. Elle prit nos deux mains, et les mit dans la sienne : Que dans cette union l'amour vous entretienne ; C'est tout. — Elle expira dans le m£me moment. Je Pai promis, Misis, je tiendrai mon serment." dndrienne, A. I, S. VII. NOTE 102. And why has Chremes changed his mind. " Id mutavit, quoniam me immutatum videt. The verb immutare in other Latin authors, and even in other parts of Terence himself, signifies to change ; as in the Phormio, Antipho says, Non pos- sum immutarier. I cannot be changed. But here, k 6 204 NOTES. the sense absolutely requires that immutatum should be rendered not changed. Madame Dacier endeavours to reconcile this, according to a con- jecture of her father's, by shewing that immutatum stands for immutabilis, as immotus for immobilis, invictus for invincibilis, &c. But these examples do not remove the difficulty ; since those participles always bear a negative sense, which immutatus does not : and thence arises all the difficulty. Terence certainly uses the verb immutare both negatively and positively, as is plain from this passage, and the above passage in the Phormio: and I dare say. with strict propriety. In our own language, we have instances of the same word bearing two senses, directly opposite to each other. The word let, for instance, is used in the contradictory meanings of permission and -prohibition. The modern acceptation of the word is indeed almost entirely confined to the first sense; though we say, even at this day, without let or molestation. Shakspeare, in Hamlet, says, * I'll make a ghost of him that lets me,' That is, stops, prevents, hinders me, which is directly opposite to the modern use of the word." — Colman. " Immutare always signifies to change, immu- tatus therefore cannot mean unchanged: we see, moreover, that Pamphilus has been all along in NOTES* 205 love^with Glycera, and that he never for a moment entertained the slightest idea of forsaking her. This passage was very difficult ; but my father has made it easy, by shewing that immutatus is put for immutabilis, and that composed adjectives, which are derived from passive participles, do not always express what is done, but sometimes what may be done ; that is to say, they become potentials. For example,, immotus for immobilis, infectus for what cannot be done, invictus for invincibilis, invisus for invisibilis, indomitus for indomabilis, thus immutatus is for immutabilis ." — Madame Dacier. The reader will judge whether the arguments used by these two learned and ingenious critics, will justify them in translating immutatus in a sense directly opposite to its usual meaning, in the wri- tings of Cicero, and the most learned of the Roman authors. With all the respect which is unquestion- ably due to the pre-eminent talents of Madame Dacier and Mr. Colman, I am inclined to believe that the sense of this passage is made more clear by the reading I have adopted. If we allow their arguments to be of force, we must translate the sentence thus, is Chremes changed because he sees that I am unchanged. But if we allow immutatus to retain its usual signification, the sentence must be read thus, is he changed because he sees that I am changed: i. e., because I, whojiad so high a cha- racter for prudence, am changed, and by my con- 206 NOTES. yiexion with Glycera have proved that I am impru- dent. It is, in short, as if he said, Chremes has changed his mind once on account of my connexion with Glycera, and now, I suppose, he changes it again for the same wise reason. This would not, (in my opinion,) be an unnatural expression for an impatient man : and the sequel of the same speech seems to favour this interpretation. NOTE 103. / shrewdly suspect that this daughter of Chremes is either hideously ugly, or that something is atniss in her. In the Latin aliquid monstri alunt, they breed up some monster. This expression took its rise from the custom of exposing and destroying monstrous and deformed children, (see Note 93. ) which was required by law: therefore, those parents who resolved, not- withstanding, to educate a child of that kind, were compelled to do so with the utmost secrecy : hence, the phrase " alere monstrum" to breed up a mon- ster, was used in Rome, to express any thing done in great secrecy. Terence has, by no means, vio- lated probability, in representing Pamphilus as unacquainted with the person of Philumena : though she had been contracted to him ; as Grecian NOTES, 207 women very seldom appeared abroad, and never, unveiled : and it not unfrequently occurred, that the bridegroom was introduced to the bride for the jirst time on the day of marriage. NOTE 104. She is in labour. In the Latin* Laborat e dolore. Cooke thinks that these words mean merely she is weighed down by grief: and argues, that if Pamphilus had un- derstood her words in any other sense, he would have urged her to more haste ; as he does, when she tells him that she is going for a midwife. But laboro sometimes means to strive or struggle, as in Ovid, u Et siraul arma tuli, quze nunc quoque ferre laboro." Metam., B. XIII. L. 285. 'Twas then I bare Achilles' arms, which now I strife to wear. Also, in Horace, -" labored Lympha fugax trepidare. Od., B. II. O. 3. L. n. The rushing water strives To force a swifter passage. And that, doubtless, is its meaning, when joined 208 NOTES. to dolore. What Mysis says, moreover, to Lesbia the midwife, in the first scene of the third act, is sufficient to justify this interpretation. NOTE 105. Can I suffer, that she, who has been brought up in the paths of modesty and virtue, ,shoxdd be exposed to want, and, perhaps, even to dishonour ? By the expression sinam coacticm egestate inge- nium immutarier? shall I suffer her innocence to be endangered by want ? I am inclined to believe that Terence meant, the want of friends and protection, and not poverty, because we are told afterwards, (Act IV.j that Glycera was possessed of the pro- perty of Chrysis, which we are to imagine, from what Crito says concerning it, to have been some- thing considerable. I believe egestate is often put for want of any kind. It may appear somewhat enigmatical, that Terence should speak of the libe- ral and virtuous education of Glycera, by such a person as Chrysis was said to have been ; but it is a circumstance in no wise repugnant to the manners of the Greeks; as we see in the Eunuch in the instance of Thais and Pamphila. NOTES-. 209 NOTE 106. / call upon you, then, by the fledge of this hand you now extend to me, and by the natural goodness of your disposition* Quod ego te per hanc dextram oro, et ingenium tuum. Some read genium, by your genius, or by your good angel, and quote the following passage from Horace in support of this reading : " Quod te pei % genium dextramque, deosque penates Obsecro et obtestor." Epistles, B. I. E. 7. L. 94, The difference, however, between the genius and the ingenium, is not very material ; as the inge- nium or disposition, was supposed by the ancients to be prompted by the genius, or tutelar spirit, who presided over and directed all the actions of mankind. Each person was thought to have a good and also an evil spirit, who never quitted its charge till death : the spirits attendant on the men were called by the Romans genii, and those belong- ing to the women were named junones. The Greeks considered these aerial beings as of a nature be- tween that of gods and men : and that they com- municated to the latter the will of the former by oracles, dreams, fyc. Apuleius takes the genius to be the same as the lar and larva : but it is most probable, that the larvae, lemures, and dsemoues, 210 NOTES. were all used as names for what were termed the evil geniL NOTE 107. Be to her a friend, a guardian, a parent. Amicum, tutorem patrem. The word tutorem in this line, alludes to the Roman custom of appoint- ing guardians, which was usually performed with great ceremony: frequently on a dead-bed. The person who intended to constitute a tutor or guardian, made use of a set form of words, which were spoken before witnesses, when the ward was delivered to the guardian, with these words, " Hunc (vel hanc) tibi commendo, Tutor esto" I commend him (or her) to your protection, be to him a guardian. Thus Ovid, " Haec progeniesque mea est Hanc tibi commendo." Trist., B.T1I. El. 14. L. 14. To your protection I commit my offspring. Some words were also addressed to the ward, as " Hunc tibi tutorem do," I appoint this person your guardian. Donatus observes, that the line « Te isti virum do, amicum, tutorem, patrem," ought to be read with a long pause between each word, as Terence intended to describe the NOTES. 211 broken, interrupted voice of a person at the point of death. NOTE 108. Charinus> Byrrhia. " These two characters were not in the works of Menander, but were added to the fable by Terence, lest Philumena's being left without a husband, on the marriage of Pamphilus to Glycerium should appear too tragical a circumstance." — Donatus. Madame Dacier, after transcribing this remark adds, that it appears to her to be an observation of great importance to the theatre, and well worthy our attention. Important as this dramatic arcanum may be, it were to be wished, that Terence had never found it out, or, at least, that he had not availed him- self of it in the construction of the Andrian. It is plain that the duplicity of the intrigue did not pro- ceed from the imitation of Menander, since these characters, on which the double plot is founded, were not drawn from the Greek poet, Charinus and Byrrhia are indeed but poor counterparts, or faint shadows of Pamphilus and Davus ; and, in- stead of adding life and vigour to the fable, rather damp its spirit, and stop the activity of its progress. As to the tragical circumstance of Philumena's 212 NOTES. having no husband, it seems something like the distress of Prince Prettyman*, who thinks it a matter of indifference, whether he shall appear to he the son of a king or a fisherman, and is only uneasy lest he should be the son of nobody at all. I am much more inclined to the opinion of an inge- nious French critic, whom I have already cited more than once, than to that of Donatus or Ma- dame Dacier, His comment in this underplot is as follows: — " It is almost impossible to conduct two intrigues * The following extract will explain Mi-. Colman's al- lusion. Thimble. Brave Prettyman, it is at length revealed, That he is not thy Sire who thee conceaFd, Prettyman. What oracle this darkness can evince ! Sometimes a fisher's son, sometimes a prince. It is a secret, great as is the world } In which I, like the soul, am toss'd andhuiTd. The blackest ink of fate sure was my lot, And when she writ my name, she made a blot. [Exit. Bayes. There's a blustering verse for you now. Smith, Yes, Sir; but why is he so mightily troubled to find he is not a fisherman's son ? Bayes. Phoo ! that is not because lie has a mind to be his son, but for fear he should be thought to be nobody's son at all, Smth. Nay, that would trouble a man, indeed. Rehearsal, A. III. S. IV NOTES. 213 at a time without weakening the interest of both. With what address has Terence interwoven the amours of Pamphilus and Charinus in the Andrian ! But has he done it without inconvenience? At tlte beginning of the second act, do we not seem to be entering upon a new piece ? and does the fifth con- clude in a very interesting manner?" — Diderot. It is but justice to Sir Richard Steele to confess, that he has conducted the under-plot in the Con- scious Lovers in a much more artful arid interesting manner than Terence in the play before us. The part which Myrtle sustains (though not wholly un- exceptionable, especially the last act,) is more essential to the fable than Charinus in the Andrian. His character also is more separated and distin- guished from Bevil, than Charinus from Pamphilus, and serves to produce one of the best scenes* in the play.*' Colma*-. NOTE 100. Byrrhia. — I beseech you, Charinus. Quaso cedepol, Charine. Mdepol means literally by the temple of Pollux, being an abbreviation of the words per templum Pollucis, as pol was used for per Pollucem : and hercle for per Herculem. These ancient expletives are of a similar nature to those in * A. IV. S. I. 214 NOTES. modern use, which are almost all of religious de- rivation. To affirm a thing by the temple of Pollux, was a very common expression among the ancients ; and is frequently used in the plays of Terence, where it seems to have been particularly the oath of slaves. It was natural enough that Athenian slaves should asseverate by this temple, as it was the place where they were bought and sold by the inhabitants of Attica. This splendid building, which was so unworthily employed, was situated in the w£t« 7ro%c, or the lower city, towards the sea; and was called 'Ay&Keto*, because Castor and Pollux were called uiXKB;. In the Greek mythology, Castor and Pollux were the twin sons of Leda : their father, Jupiter, rewarded their virtues, by giving them a place in the heavens, where they are called Gemini. They were supposed to preside over martial exer- cises, (for their skill in which they were particu- larly eminent,) and they had the power of allaying storms. These fables have caused the names of Castor and Pollux to be given to that well-known meteor which sometimes appears at sea in the shape of several fire-balls, which seem to adhere to the vessel, and which are judged to indicate an approaching calm. This phenomenon is called by the French, Spaniards, and Italians, San Elmo, or Hermo. KOTES. 215 NOTE 110, Byrrhia. — / beseech you, Charinus, to wish for something possible, since what you now wish for is impossible ! Terence always admirably preserves the charac- ters of domestics, in the style of the advice they give their masters, which is very often conveyed in some trite adage, or formal apothegm. This is another instance of our author's art. Want of at- tention to the dialogue of the inferior characters, is a frequent fault among dramatic writers ; and often proves hostile to the success of a piece, particularly of a comedy, where it is absolutely essential. NOTE 111. To nourish a hopeless passion. Madame Dacier 'observes, with her usual judg- ment, that Terence simplifies a philosophical maxim in so elegant and familiar a manner, that it assumes a grace, even from the lips of a domestic. Dide- rot makes a similar remark in the Preface to his Pere de Famille ; which he probably remembered from the learned lady before mentioned. Mon- taigne has elegantly expressed the sense of Byrrhia ? 216 NOTES. speech. C'est foiblesse de ceder aux maux, mais c est folie de les nourrii\ NOTE 112. XJharinus. — What think you, Byrrhia, shall I speak to him? Byrrhia. — Why not ? that even if you can obtain nothing, you may make him think, at least, that Philumena will find a pressing gallant in you, if he marries her. The original of these lines is the most exception- able passage in this play. 11 C. Byrrhia, Quid tibi videtur? Adeen' ad 'com? B. Quidni r si nihil im- petres, Ut te arbitretur sibi paratum mccchum, si Warn duxerit." The ingenious French editor, mentioned in Note 7*2, has given the following elegant and delicate turn to this objectionable passage. " C. Byrrhia, Uuid tibi videtur ? Adeon' ad euni ? B. Quidni ? ut, si nihil inipefres, Ttsibi cavtndum credat, si itlam duxerit" % NOTES. 217 NOTE 113. You see me to-day for the last time. Though Char inus means, that the misery of losing Philumena would cost him his life, as he expressly tells Davus in the next scene, yet he only insinu- ates this by saying, You will never see me again : and avoids the mention of death: which was consi- dered among the Greeks as a word that should scarcely ever be named : and it was reckoned the height of ill breeding to discourse in company respecting human mortality; which was a subject to be spoken of only by distant hints : (vide Note 190.J This whole scene is admirably written; and as well as the last scene in the first act, is a speci- men of Terence's powers in the pathetic. Some very ingenious remarks on this scene are to be found in Donatus, and in the Miscellanies of Nonnius. NOTE 114. AV<- if either you, or Byrrhia here, can do any _, in Heavens name, do it; contrive, invent, *>nd manage, if you can, that she may be given to you. It does not appear that Charinus and Byrrhia set 218 NOTES. any stratagem on foot, in compliance with the wishes of Pamphilus, to break off the treaty be- tween Simo and Chremes ; indeed, they are rather inactive throughout the play, and the under-plot proceeds separately from the principal plot : this, I attribute to Terence's close imitation of Menan- der, in what respects Pamphilus's intrigue, as the characters of Charinus and Byrrhia were added by Terence : Menander's play being written with a sin- gle plot ; which was doubled by our author, in com- pliance with the taste of his age. It is supposed that Terence's reputation for art was gained chiefly by his success in combining two intrigues in one play : a mode of dramatic writing which the Ro- mans in those times considered a great novelty. The Stepmother is the only play written by Terence, in which the plot is single, and though critics in general argue with Volcatius, " Sumetur Hecyrasexta ex his fabula," that it is not equal to the rest of his productions, many persons, very eminent for their judgment, have attributed the superiority of the other five plays, to the advantages they possess over the Stepmother, both in portraiture of character, and in the conduct of the catastrophe, and of the fable in general, rather than to any additional attraction which they can derive from a double plot. The NOTES. 219 Carin and Byrrhie of M. Baron, are, in every re- spect, the counterparts of the Charinus and Byrrhia of Terence ; but Sir R. Steele has very much en- livened the character of Charinus ; his Myrtle is one of the most entertaining personages in the piece. Vide Notes 108, 159, 162, 163. NOTE 115. / know your affair also. From Byrrhia, whom he had just parted from, as he afterwards relates : this, though a trivial cir- cumstance, shews Terence's great art. Donatus reads this sentence, (i Et tu quid ti?neas scio." but the measure of the verse does not seem to ad- mit of timeas. NOTE 116. Not a soul do I see before the door. The marriage ceremonies of the Greeks were, in many respects, very similar to those of the Ro- mans. In Athens, as at Rome, sacrifices were deemed necessary preliminaries to the celebration of a marriage : and the bride, accompanied by l 2 220 NOTES. bride-women, whom the Latins called pronubce, the Greeks wpQwrfiou, was conducted to her husband's house with great ceremony; if the parties were of rank, the bride's train was increased by the attend- ance of many of her friends and relatives, who previously assembled at her father's house. It is to the absence of the bride's train, and of the mu- sicians who usually assembled before her door, and attended her to her new habitation, that Davus alludes, when he says, that he could perceive no company in the house, or before the door. For further information respecting the marriages of the Greeks and Romans, vide Notes 70, 75, 76, 117, 118, 148, 149, 181. NOTE 117. Every thing is quite still and quiet. Cecrops, the first king of Athens, seems to have been the reputed founder of marriage-ceremonies among the Greeks : the Athenians accounted it so dishonourable to grow old in a single state, that their laws peremptorily required, that all the at^Tdxparopec, crrpaT»?yM, TroXs^ap^at, and r^|iap^ot, who were the principal military officers, also the oip^ovrtq and UpofvKetxts, or chief priests, as well as the archons and other chief magistrates, should be chosen from the married men only. NOTES. 221 Numerous ceremonies were always performed at. Grecian marriages, many of which were performed at the house of the bride, and in procession from it : it is exceedingly well managed by Terence, that Davus should discover Simo's stratagem, by rinding Chremes' house " quite still and quiet," because the house of a bride was generally full of noisy com- pany. The following extracts from a learned writer on antiquities will afford some valuable information respecting the Greek marriages. " The Athenian virgins were presented to Diana before it was lawful for them to marry. This cere- mony, which was performed at Brauron, an Athe- nian borough, was called apxTeW. There was also another custom for virgins, when they became mar- riageable, to present certain baskets, full of little curiosities, to Diana, to obtain permission to leave her train, and to change their state of life. Indeed we find Diana concerned in the preparatory solemni- ties before all marriages ; for a married state being her aversion, it was thought necessary for all who entered upon it, to ask her pardon for dissenting from her. The ancient Athenians paid the same honour to Heaven and Earth, which were believed to have a particular concern in marriages, of which they were thought a proper emblem. (Prod, in Timce. Platon. Comment. 5.) The fates and graces being supposed to join, and afterwards to preserve the tie of love, were partakers of the same respect. l 3 222 notes. (Pol. lib. III. cap. 3.) Before the marriage could be solemnized, the other gods were consulted, and their assistance also implored by prayers and sacri- fices. When the victim was opened, the gall was taken out and thrown behind the altar, as being the seat of anger and revenge, and therefore the aversion of all the deities who superintended the affairs of love. The married persons, with their attendants, were richly adorned, according to their rank* The house, in which the nuptials were cele- brated, was also decorated with garlands. (HierocL in Frag. *epi yccpov ; Stob. Serm. 186, Senec. Thebaid. v. 507 ;) a pestle was tied upon the door, (Poll, lib. HI. cap. 3. seg. 37 ;) and a maid carried a sieve, (Id. ibid.) the bride herself bearing (p^yero*, (ppiytTpov, or fyiyvirpov, which was an earthen vessel, in which barley was parched, (Poll. lib. I. cap. 12. seg. 246 ; Hesych.) and which was intended to sig- nify her obligation to attend to the business of a family. The bride was usually conducted in a chariot from her father's to her husband's house in the evening. She was placed in the middle, her husband sitting on one side, and, on the other, one of his most intimate friends, who was called irapoxos. They were sometimes accompanied by bands of musicians and dancers, (Horn. IL a. v. 491.) The song with which they were entertained on the road was called ap^arsiov pita?, from Sp/xa, the coach in which they rode, and the axle-tree of which they NOTES. 223 burned as soon as they arrived at the end of their journey ; thereby signifying that the bride was ne- ver to return to her father's house. The day of the bride's leaving her father was celebrated in the manner of a festival, which was distinct from the nuptial solemnity, which was kept at the bride- groom's house, and began at evening, the usual time of the bride's arrival." — Robinson's Archceolo- gia Grceca. NOTE 118. But can see no bridemaid. Matronam nullam: Some commentators think that matrona and pronuba have a similar meaning; but though it is clear that both those words were used to describe females who attended the bride at a Roman marriage, I am inclined to believe that they have each a distinct signification. The Latin poets used matrona as a name for all married wo- men without distinction : thus, Horace evidently speaks of wives in general, when he says, " Matronae prater faciem nil cernere possis, Cetera, ■ demissa veste tegentis.'' The matron muffled in her modest stole, Will scarce allow her features to be seen. L 4 224 NOTES. because married women only were allowed to wear the stola, a large robe which covered the person from head to foot. Matrons were distinguished as follows, matronas appellabant, quibus stolas ha- bendi jus erat: those only were called matrons, whose rank entitled them to wear the stola, (Alex, ab. Alex. lib. 5. cap. 18.,) as women of inferior rank wore the instita. The pronubse were always chosen from those women who had been married only once ; and it appears that a bride had several pronubse to attend her, but only one matrona. Terence says nullam matronam, whereas the pronubes were spoken of as being four or five in number. I think it not unlikely that the first in rank of the pronutoe was chosen to preside over the rest of the bride- maids, and to attend immediately on the person of the bride, whence she was called matrona pronu- barum, the chief of the bridemaids. Servius thinks that matrona was used to designate a woman who had one child : and thus distinguished from the mater-familias who had several. But Aulus Gellius is of opinion that all married women were called matronse, whether they had any children or not. Thus Ovid, speaking of Hersilia, the wife of Ro- mulus, who had no offspring, calls her matrona. " O et de Latia, O et de gente Sabin& Prapcipuum matrona decus •• dignissima tanti"— *n t otes. 225 And thou, O matron, ornament of La tium, The chiefest glory of the Sabine race, Most worthy consort of so great a hero Nonnius supports Gellius in this opinion, NOTE 119. All was silent. Nil tumulti. Terence here compares guests, called together in a hurry, to soldiers raised on any sudden emergency of great importance. As no marriage had been thought of till that day, if Chremes had invited any guests, they could have had scarcely an hour's notice ; Davus, therefore, aptly calls such a hasty assemblage tumultus, which word was used to signify a very quick muster of soldiers on any pressing occasion, when all that took arms were called tumultuarii. (Vide Liv. I. 37, 35.) Numerous allusions of this kind, which abound in the writings of Terence, cannot be hap- pily preserved in a translation. L 5 226 sotes. NOTE 120. Besides all this, as I was returning, I met Chremes* servant, who was carrying home some herbs, and as many little fishes for the old mans supper, as might have cost an obolus. What a supper for a man of fortune ! as we must suppose Chremes to have been, since he could give Glycera and Philumena each a dowry of ten talents. The Athenians were remarkable, even to a proverb, for their extreme frugality. To tell a person that he lived £rrouip% or like an Athenian, was to tell him in other words that he lived penu- riously. The food of the common people was very coarse ; being such as they could procure at a slight expense. M^», a very common food among them, was a mixture of meal, salt, water, and oil : and another, called pvrrurop, was a composition of garlick, eggs, and milk. Many of those who drank water, drank it warm ; as the water of the hot fountains, (of which there are many in Greece,) was reckoned highly restorative. This simple diet, however, soon gave place to greater delicacies, and, in Greece, as in all other countries, refinement and luxury kept pace with each other. For the value of an obolus, see the table of money in Note 208. An obolus worth of food was, probably, as much as would furnish a coarse meal for one person. Plu- NOTES. 227 tarch tells us, that the Athenian women were for- bidden, by law, to travel with more food than could be purchased with an obolus : this harsh law must have been formed with a view to prevent them from making any long stay abroad. Vide Notes 71, 103. NOTE 121. If you do not use all your endeavours to gain the support of the old man's friends, you will be no nearer your wishes than ever. Nisi vides, nisi senis amicos oras, ambis. The meaning of ambis in this line is very equivocal ; ambire means to solicit, and also to run round. Some commentators give ambis the same sense with oras : but that makes Davus's speech incom- plete. I have seen an attempt to support this reading by making Pamphilus speak the word am- bis, with which he breaks in upon Davus. The learned reader will judge what degree of attention ought to be paid to this reading ; I have adopted that which seemed to me to be most agreeable to the sense. If frustra had been added, the line would have been more intelligible. Ambit has much the same meaning in the following passage, " Locum, quo me Dea texerat inscius ambit." — Ovid. L 6 228 NOTES. NOTE 122. Glycera, moreover, is destitute and friendle. ., Terence here alludes to the Athenian law, which compelled all sojourners in Athens to choose a patron and protector : we must suppose that Gly- cera had neglected that ceremony after Chrysis' death. Davus insinuates that it would afford Simo a sufficient pretext to drive her from the city. If a suit at law, called £c&o?rk&'m ^*>j, was instituted against a sojourner in the before-mentioned circum- stances : all the offender's property was confiscated to public use. NOTE 123. To banish her from the city. Banishment, among the Athenians, was of three kinds, 1. ) it is gene- rally agreed, was equal to three scruples, six oboli, (oSoXoq,) and eighteen siliqua, (ttipctnov). Pliny, Valerius Maximus, and Strabo, believed the Attic drachma and the Roman denarius to be equi- valent. But, if we admit of the correctness of this estimation, it affords us no certain information, as authors can agree as little on the value of the dena- rius, as on that of the drachma. Kennett computes the Roman denarius at 7 d. 2qrs.; Greaves, Ar- buthnot, and Adams, at Id. 3q.; Tillemont at lid., and, in the Philosophical Transactions, (Vol. LXL, Part II., Art. 48.) they estimate the dena- rius at 8c/. liq. Mr. Raper makes the Attic drachm worth m 2 244 NOTES, 9d. -f(f V Greaves reckons it equal to 67 grains, which, supposing silver to be sold at 5s. per ounce, fixes the drachm at 8d. l{qr. Dr. Arbuthnot computes it 6d. 3gr.|fuf • Others fix the Attic talent at 187Z. 105., and the drachm at Id. 2qrs., or the eighth part of an ounce of silver. If we take the mean of these computations, we may suppose the Attic drachm to have been equal to Sd; the Eginean to 13 d. 3qrs.; the insular to 16 c?.; and the drachm of Antioch, to 48 d. The learned Ma- dame Dacier speaks of the Attic drachm thus : " la drachme Attique valait a peu pres cinq sols" No person, I think I may venture to assert, was ever more habitually correct than Madame D. NOTE 137. Indeed, Sir, I think you are too frugal ; it is not well timed. Tu quoque perparce nimium. Non laudo. Donatus thinks, that the force of quoque in this line is as follows : He (Pamphilus) is much to blame for his childish petulance in taking offence at so tri- fling a circumstance: and you (Simo) also are to blame for having made so sparing a provision for your sons vjedding supper. Terence has managed the whole circumstance very artfully : Simo intend- KOTES. 245 ing to deceive Pamphilus and Davus, had provided to the amount of ten drachms, which was sixty times more than the expense of Chremes' supper, which cost but an obolus, (vide Note 120 J and ac- counts for what he said to Sosia, Act I. Scene L (vide Note 60.) But we are meant to suppose, that his frugality would not allow him to support the deceit by purchasing a plentiful wedding supper, which, among the Athenian citizens of rank, was a most expensive entertainment. (Vide Herodot, B. 1. C. 133. Arrian, B. 7. C. 26.) NOTE 138. Davus. (aside.) I 've ruffled him now. Simo is supposed to overhear this speech of Davus. Vide Note 210. The whole of the second act (as well as the first) has been preserved in Baron's Andrienne, without alteration. In the Conscious Lovers, the second act varies considerably. Instead of the scene between Davus and his master, Indiana and Isabella are intro- duced, and afterwards Indiana and Bevil : but both these scenes are entirely barren of incident. Bevil protects Indiana, as Pamphilus protects Gly- cera ; but the former is on the footing of a protec- m 3 246 NOTES. tor onhj, and remains an undeclared lover until the fifth act. Terence has wrought up the second act of this play with the utmost art and caution : a particular beauty in the pieces written by this great poet ap- pears in the judicious disposition of his incidents, and in his so industriously concealing his catas- trophe until the proper time for its appearance. This is a circumstance of great importance in dra- matic writing, to which some authors pay too little attention. An ingenious critic of the last age has pointed out a very extraordinary instance of a total deficiency of art in this respect, where both the plot and the catastrophe are completely revealed in the very title. This piece is Venice Preserved, or the Plot Discovered, which is, in other respects, a very fine production. How much such a title as this must deaden the interest that an audience would otherwise feel from their suspense ! This is a point which admits of no argument. l< Vestibulum ante ipsum, primoque in limine finis Scribitur." NOTE 139. Lesbia. The circumstance of a female officiating as a me- dical attendant is of some importance. Caius NOTES. 247 Hyginus, a learned Spaniard, and the freedman of Augustus Csesar, mentions in his " Mythological Fables" an ancient Athenian law, prohibiting wo- men from the practice of physic : this prohibition was productive of great inconvenience in many cases, and afterwards' repealed ; when free women were suffered to practise midwifery. To ascertain the date of this repeal, would afford us some guide to fix on the times, when the scenes described in this play were supposed to happen, and the manners of which both Menander and Terence meant to por- tray. NOTE 140. Glycera. I have taken the liberty of following the example of Bernard, Echard, and most of the French trans- lators, in softening the word Glycerium, which, to an English ear, sounds masculine enough for the name of Csesar or of Alexander. But, for a fe- male's name, " Why, it is harder, Sirs, than Gordon, Colkitto, or Macdonnel, or Galasp ? Those rugged names to our like mouths grow sleek, That would have made Qidntiliun stare and gasp." Milton. m 4 248 NOTES. NOTE 141. My sis. — For, girl or boy, he has given orders, that the child shall be brought up. Nam quod peperisset jussit tolli. Vide Notes 93, 126. When circumstances would not allow the father of an infant to take it up from the ground himself, if he intended to preserve it, he commissioned some friend to perform the cere- mony for him. This is the meaning of jussit tolli in this passage. Vide Pitis Diet., Art. Expositio, and Athenae. B. 10. NOTE 142. Simo. — Jupiter ! what do I hear ? it is all over if what she says be truth I — is he so mad ? a fo- reigner too ! I imagine that in this passage, Terence meant Simo to call Glycera a foreigner merely, and not a woman of light character, which peregrina some- times means, (vide Note 82.) Madame Dacier translates the words ex peregrina by " 9 uoi d'une ttrangtre ? e'est d dire oVune courtisane, car comme je Vai remarque ailleurs, on donnoit le nom oV Gran- ger es a toutesles femmes debauchees: et je crois qu'ils avoient pris cela des Orientaux ; car on trouve kotes. 249 «trangere en ce sens la dans les livres du Vieux Testament." But peregrina will hardly bear this interpretation in this particular passage, because we must suppose that Simo had not that opinion of Glycera's character ; for he himself (Act I. Scene I.) says, that her appearance was " so modest and so charming, that nothing could surpass it." Simo, however, had sufficient reason for exclamation; supposing that he considered Glycera merely as a person who was not a native of Athens. The Athe- nian laws were rigorously strict in prohibiting a citizen from contracting a marriage with any wo- man who was not a citizen : if such a marriage was contracted, and the parties impeached and con- victed, the husband was fined very heavily, in pro- portion to his property ; the wife sold for a slave ; and any person who was proved to have used any species of deceit to induce the Athenian to form this forbidden connexion, was punished with the worst kind of infamy, which included the loss of his liberty and of his estate. The first of these punishments was called £V)/xta, the second ^ouAeia, and the third krtf/w. If Simo, therefore, supposed that Glycera was not a citizen, and believed Pam- philus to be her husband, his apprehensions appear very natural. m 5 250 NOTES. NOTE 143. Glycera. — Juno, Lucina, help ! save me, I be- seech thee. Though Juno was sometimes called Lucina, Di- ana is the goddess here called Juno Lucina. Diana received the appellation of Juno, (as I apprehend,) because she was considered by the ancients as presiding over women in child-birth: and might, therefore, very properly be termed Juno, the guardian genius of women ; as Junones was the usual name for those spirits who were supposed to be the protectors of women, as the genii were thought to be the guardians of men: (vide Note 106.) Catullus addressing Diana, calls her expressly by the names Juno Lucina : " Tu Lucina dolentibus Juno dicta puerperis." And thou, Juno Lucina called By women who implore thy aid. Cicero also confirms the assertion of Catullus, " Ut apud Grsecos Dianam eamque Luciferam, sic apud nostros Junonem Lucinam invocant." As the Greeks call upon Diana Lucifera, so we call upon the same goddess by the names of Juno Lucina. Diana was almost universally worshipped in Greece, where many magnificent temples were erected in NOTES. 251 her honour : amongst which, was that of Ephesus, reckoned one of the wonders of the world. Of this magnificent structure, the ruins may now be seen near Ajasalouc in Natolia. The temple was pur- posely burned by Eratorastus, who adopted this mode of perpetuating his name. The Greek festi- vals celebrated in honour of their imaginary deities were almost innumerable : and those dedicated to Diana, shew the high estimation in which she was held. A surprising number of festivals were cele- brated in honour of this goddess, in various parts of Greece. The following are the names of the chief of those held in Athens, Tio-a-ccpcty.oo-Tov, Movvvy^ct, Oa,py/)Xi&, Ai(jt,mr$ix f 'ApTB^Wix, Bpctvpwv^, EAapijCoMa. Vide Athen., Aarcvoa-o. B. 14. NOTE 144. Why, Davys, your incidents are not well timed at all, man. u Non sat commode Divisa sunt teniporibus tibi, Dave, haec." Another allusion to the drama : Simo compares Davus's supposed plot to a comedy, and Davus the contriver of it he calls magister, which was the title of the person who instructed the actors in their m 6 252 NOTES. parts, or perhaps the title of the author. Simo ac- cuses Davus of bringing forward his catastrophe too soon, and asks him whether the actors in his piece (discipuli) had forgotten their parts. Ancient dramatic writers were very strict in ad- hering to their rules of composition. According to Vossius, the ancients divided a comedy into three parts: 1. protasis, 2. epitasis, 3. catastrophe. The protasis occupied Act I., and was devoted to the explanation of the argument, The epitasis took up Act II. III. IV., contained the incidents, and wrought up the mind to a de- gree of interest, taking care to leave it in doubt ; which brought on the catastrophe, which unravelled and cleared up the whole; and is defined by Sca- liger thus, " conversio negotii exagitati in tranquil- litatem non expectatam :" a sudden changing of the hurry and bustle of action into unexpected tranquil- lity. The same learned critic adds a fourth part to the before-mentioned three, which he calls catas- tasis, and places immediately before the catas- trophe : he defines the catastasis as follows, " vigor ac status fab ulce, in qua res miscetur in ea fortunes tcmpestate, in quam subducta est :" that liveliness and issue of the plot, in which the various incidents are mixed up in such a commotion of fortune as to he in a proper state to be brought down to the catas- trophe. NOTES. 253 NOTE 145. What a laughing -stock would this rascal have made of me. Quos mihi ludos redderet. This is an allusion to the games which were ex- hibited among the ancients with a view to entertain the people ; and also to create in them a spirit of emulation in glorious actions. Games, both in Greece and Rome, constituted a part of religious worship ; they were divided into three classes, 1 . what the Romans called ludi equestres, or horse, and chariot-races; 2. ludi agonales, or combats of gladiators and others, and also of beasts ; 3. ludi scenici et musici, or dramatic exhibitions of all kinds, music, dancing, Sfc. The chief games among the Greeks were, 1. the Olympic, dedicated to Jupiter ; 2. the Pythian, to Apollo ; 3. the Nemaan, to Her- cules; 4. the Isthmian, to Neptune ; 5. the games celebrated at the observation of the Eleusinian mys- teries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine : 6. the great Panathencea, dedicated to Minerva. Those who obtained the victory in these games, were uni- versally distinguished ; and their success reflected glory on their family, and even on the cities from whence they came ; part of the wall of which was thrown down to admit them in triumph on their re- '254 xotes. turn. Those Athenians who were conquerors in the Olympic games, were afterwards (at their own option,) maintained at the public charge, and en- joyed various extraordinary privileges. Among the Romans, the principal games were, 1. the Lucli Romani, dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva ; 2. the Sceculares, to the deities and the fates ; 3. the Comitates, to Neptunus Equestris ; 4. the Ca~ pitolini, to Jupiter Capitolinus. The Romans cele- brated their games chiefly in the Circus Maximus ; which, as a place of entertainment, was magnifi- cently extensive. Pliny asserts that it would con- tain one quarter of a million of spectators ; and more modern authors have augmented that number to 380,000. NOTE 146. Noiv, first, let her be bathed. Nunc primum/ac ui lavet Though I have followed the common reading in this passage, as it is not a point of any importance, I think it doubtful whether Terence meant Lesbia to speak of the mother or the child, when she said the words fac ut lavet, as the Greeks practised a remarkable ceremony on new-born infants, in order to strengthen them. A mixture of water, oil, and wine, was made in a vessel kept for the purpose, notes. 255 which they called Xovr^lv and xvrhos, and, with this liquid, they washed the children ; as some think, they wished to try the strength of the infant's con- stitution, which, if weak, yielded to the powerful fumes of the wine, and the children fell into fits. I imagine that this was done, when it was the ques- tion if an infant should be exposed, as puny, sickly children sometimes were. (Vide Note 93.) NOTE 147. Davits. — Truly, at this rate, I shall hardly dare open my mouth. Sed, si quid narrare occsepi continuo dari Tibi verba censes. S. Falso. D. Itaque hercle nil jam mutire audeo. Dr. Bentley reads falso in Davus's speech ; and Cooke thinks it should be altogether omitted. I have followed the old English edition in supposing the word in question to be spoken ironically, which is certainly consistent with the usual style of conversation between Simo and Davus. 256 NOTES. NOTE 148. Now, jinding that the marriage preparations are going forwards in our house, she sends her maid to fetch a midwife. This is a very subtle contrivance. Davus intends that the birth of Pamphilus's child shall be re- ported to Chremes to alarm him, (as we see Act V. Scene I. page 82,) and, therefore, that Simo may not suspect him, he persuades him that Glycera is contriving to spread reports of Pamphilus's engage- ments to her. M. Baron has entirely omitted the incident of the birth of the child. He introduces Sosia again to fill up the chasm. In a scene be- tween Simo, Davus, and Chremes, the latter is induced to renew his consent to the marriage, by overhearing a conversation between Simo and Da- vus ; in which, as in the original, the slave invents a tale that Pamphilus and Glycera are at va- riance. Sir R. Steele varies the third act altogether ; he makes it turn wholly on the underplot, of which the chief personages are Luanda, and her two lovers Myrtle and Cimberton : the latter is a pedantic cox- comb, and added to the original characters by the English poet. NOTES. 257 NOTE 149. And to provide a child at the same time, thinking that unless you should see a child, the marriage would not be impeded, — — " Et puerum ut adferret simul ; Hoc nisi fit puerum ut tu videas, nil moventur nuptioe." Moventur, in this passage, does not mean to move forward: but signifies to move back with dis- turbance, to hinder, or to disorder, and is used in- stead of perturbantur. Moveo is very unfrequently though sometimes employed in this sense. I shall cite one passage from Horace, where it has the same meaning as in the before-mentioned line from Te- rence. -" Censorque moveret Appius, ingenuo si non esscm patre natus." He to whom I owe my birth was free, A freeborn citizen : had he not been so, The censor Claudius Appius would have stopt, And driven me back. NOTE 150. A. III. S. III. Simo. (alone) I am not exactly, &c. Terence uses an expression in the beginning of 258 NOTES. this scene that has been a source of discussion among the critics. It is in the following line, u Atquehaud scio an quae dixit sint vera omnia," I have selected from a very long note on this passage, by an eminent writer, the following ex- tracts, which will afford, I trust, a satisfactory elucidation of the line in question. " Atque haud scio an quae, dixit suit vera omnia : this seems, at first sight, to signify, I do not know if all that he has told me be truth; but, in the ele- gance of the Latin expression, however, haud scio an, means the same &sfoi*tasse (perhaps) as if he had said haud scio an non. Thus, in the Brothers, A. IV, S. V. v. 33. Qui infelix haud scio an illam misere non amat : which does not mean, / do not know ivhether he loves her, but, on the contrary, / do not know that he does not love her. Also, in Cicero's Epistles, B. IX. L. 13., I stud quidem magnum, atque haud scio an maximum ; this is a great thing, and perhaps the greatest of all, or, I do not know but it is the greatest of all. And, also, in his Ora- tion for Marcellus, when he said that future ages would form a juster estimate of Caesar's character than could be made by men of his own times ; he says, Servis Us etiam indicibus qui multis post sceculis de^ te judicabunt, et quidem haud scio, an incor- ruptius quam nos. There are numberless examples of this kind in the writings of Cicero ; and I know NOTES. 259 that there are some which make for the opposite side of the question, as in his book on " Old Age" speaking of a country life, he says, Atque hand scio an ulla possit esse beatior vita. But, it is my opinion, that these passages have been altered by some person who did not understand that mode of expression, and that it ought to be, Atque haud scio an nulla possit esse beatior vita." The Au- thor of the old Translation of Terence. Printed 1671. Paris. Terence frequently has this construction: the two following sentences are of similar difficulty ; they both occur in this play : Id paves, ne ducas tu illara ; tu autem, ut ducas. Cave te esse tristem sentiat. NOTE 151. A. III. S. IV. Simo, Chremes. Simo. — Chremes, I am very glad to see you. " Jubeo Chremetem {saluere): the last word is not spoken, because the speaker is interrupted by Simo. It is necessary to observe that jubeo does not always signify to command, but sometimes means to wish, to desire, especially when the speaker's wish is afterwards verbally expressed ; according to what Donatus observes on this pas- 260 XOTES. sage, " Columus animo, jubemus verbis." — Old Paris Edition. Terence has portrayed Chremes as a very amiable character ; he is mild and patient, and the most benevolent sentiments issue from his lips, It was necessary, as Donatus observes, to represent Chremes with this temper, for, had he been violent and headstrong, he could not have been supposed to seek Simo, and afterwards renew his consent, which is a very important incident, upon which the remainder of the epitasis entirely hinges. The Chremes of Sir R. Steele (Sealand) has all the worth of Terence's original, but is deficient in that polish of manners which renders the Latin character so graceful. NOTE 152. The quarrels of loxers is the renexcal of their love. Amantium irse amoris integratio est. In this sentence I have followed the Latin gram- matical construction ; and I believe it is also allow- able in English, in such a case as this, to choose at pleasure either the antecedent or the subse- quent for the nominative case. Very few sentences from profane writers have (I imagine) been more frequently repeated than Amantium irai amoris in- NOTES. 261 tegratio est, an observation which is undeniably just. This sentence has been repeatedly imitated. As by Seneca, Plinth. " Redire pietas, unde summota est, solet. Reparatque vires Justus amissas amor." Thyestes, A. III. S. I. Affection, though repell'd, will still return : And faithful love, though for a moment curh'd, Or driven away, will, with augmented strength. Regain its empire. And also by Ovid, Quae modo pugnarunt junguntsua rostra columba?, Quarum blauditias verbaque murmur habet. Ovid, Art. Am., B.2. v. 465. NOTE 153. Simo. — Yet the most serious mischief, after all, can amount but to a separation, which may the gods avert. The Athenian laws permitted citizens to divorce their wives on very trivial pretences ; but com- pelled them, at the same time, to give in a memo- rial to the archons, stating the grounds on which the divorce was desired. A citizen might put away his wife, without any particular disgrace being at- tached to either the husband or the wife; and 262 NOTES. when the divorce was by mutual consent, the par- ties were at liberty to contract elsewhere. He who divorced his wife, was compelled to restore her dowry, though he was allowed to pay it by instal- ments : sometimes it was paid as alimony, nine oboli each month. For a very flagrant offence, a wife, by the Athe- nian laws, might divorce her husband : if the men divorced, they were said aTroTripTruv, or a,irotevn» 9 to send away their wives : but if the women di- vorced, they were said avohiivrsi*, to quit their husbands. (Vide Potter's Arch. Grcec, Vol. II. B. IV. C. 12.) Terence artfully makes Simo use the word dis- cessio instead of divortium. or discidiu?n, or repu- dium : which means the worst kind of divorce. Discessio, among the Romans, was nearly the same as a separation among us: by separation, I mean what our lawyers call divorce a mensa et t'horo ; which does not dissolve the marriage, and which they place in opposition to divorce a vinculo ma- trimonii ; which is a total divorce. In the earliei ages of the Roman Republic, the wife had no option of divorcing her husband : but it was afterwards allowed, as we see in Martial. " Mense novo Jamreterem, Proculeia, maritum Deserts, atque jubes res sibi habere suas. Quid, rogo, quid factum est ? subiti qua? causa doloris?" B. 10. Epigi. 39. NOTES/ 263 NOTE 154\ Why is not the bride brought ? it groxvs late. An Athenian bride was conveyed to her bride- groom's house in the evening by torchlight, at- tended by her friends : vide Notes 116, 117, 118, 119. Various singular customs prevailed among the Athenians at their marriages : when the bride entered her new habitation, quantities of sweet- meats were poured over her person : she and her husband also ate quinces, and the priests who officiated at marriages (vide St. Basil, Horn. 7 ', Hexame.) first made a repast on grasshoppers, (t£t)»76s, cicadse,) which were in high esteem among the Athenians, who wore golden images of this insect in their hair, and, on that account, were called rirltye$. Grasshoppers were thought to have originally sprung from the earth ; and, for that reason, were chosen as the symbol of the Athenians, who pretended to the same origin. NOTE 154 B . / have been fearful that you would prove perfidious, like the common herd of slaves, and deceive me in this intrigue of Pamphilus. Ego dudum non nil veritus sum. 264 NOTES. Donatus makes a remark on the style of this sentence, which deserves attention, " gravis oratio ab hoc pronomine (ego) plerumque inchoatur," a speech which begins with the pronoun ego is gene- rally grave and serious : to which some commenta- tor has added the following remark respecting the before-mentioned passage from Terence, " Est autem hoc principium orationis Simonis a bene- volentia per antithesin." The remarks of Donatus and Nonnius on the style of our author, are gene- rally very acute and ingenious. Scaliger, Muretus, and Trapp, may be added to the critics before mentioned. The learned writer last named has composed a treatise in Latin " De Dramate" which contains many very valuable hints relative to dra- NOTE 155. Simo* — Ha ! what's that you say? There is a play upon words here, which I have endeavoured to preserve in the English. The La tin is as follows. Davus. Occidi. Simo. Hem! quid dixisti ? Davus. Optume inquam factum. If the requisite similarity of sound was preserved in this pun, it may be conjectured that the Latin i was not pronounced very differently from the i of the modern Italians. Vide Note 92. NOTES. 265 NOTE 156. Pam. — What trust can I put in such a rascal? Oh ! tibi ego ut credam furcifer ? The epithet furcifer (rascal) is of singular deri- vation ; and, though it was an appellation of great reproach in the times of Terence, yet, in later ages of the Roman Republic, it bore a very different signification. The name of furcifer, which was originally given to slaves, took its rise from the Roman custom of punishing a slave who had com- mitted any flagrant offence, by fastening round his neck a heavy piece of wood, in the shape of a fork, and thence called furca ; this occasioned the de- linquent to be afterwards called furcifer, (furcam ferre.) Three modes of punishment by the furca were practised at Rome: 1. ignominious, 2. penal> 3. capital. In the first, the criminal merely car- ried the furca on his shoulders for a short period ; in the second, he wore the furca, and was whipped round the Forum ; in the third, after having been tied to a large furca, somewhat like a modern gal- tows, he was beaten to death. Slaves were treated more severely by the Romans than by the Athenians, who were celebrated for their mild and gentle be- haviour to that class of persons. The furca was afterwards employed in a very different manner; 266 NOTES. and, from a badge of disgrace, was changed to a serviceable implement. Caius Marius, nearly a hundred years after Terence composed this play, introduced the use of the furca among his soldiers. It was employed to carry baggage and other requi- sites ; and, in use, somewhat resembled a modern porter's knot, hence, the word furculum or fere u- luniy became an expression to signify a burden, or any thing carried in the hand : and sometimes, also, the various courses brought to table, as in Horace, ic Multaque de magDa suiperessentfercula ccena, Quae procul extructis inerant hestema canistris ?" B.II. Sat. 6. NOTE 157. Ah ! how foolishly have I relied on you, who, out of a perfect calm, have raised this storm. Hem quo fretu siem Qui me hodie ex tranquillissima re conjecisti in nuptias. " My father reads this passage thus, en quofretus stun, that is, the rascal on whom I relied," &c. Madame Dacier. If an error has been insinuated into the text in this passage, it can scarcely be of sufficient im- NOTES. 267 portance to render an alteration essential : the cor- rection suggested by Madame Dacier, is not so de- cidedly superior to the usual mode of reading the lines, as to compensate for the inconvenience which mast be occasioned by a general variation of the text. NOTE 158. Pam. — What do you deserve? This alludes to the Athenian custom of question- ing supposed criminals, either before sentence was passed, or while they were under the torture, to the following effect: What have you deserved? and, according to the tenor of the reply, they augmented or diminished the punishment: vide Nonni. MisceL, B. 2. It was also customary, at Athens, when the punishment was not fixed by the laws, but was left to the discretion of the judges, that the condemned person was required to state what injury he thought his adversary had suffered from him ; and the an- swer, when delivered upon oath, was called $4tyc#rw*; by which the final sentence was in some measure regulated. n 2 268 NOTES. NOTE 159. Char, (alone.) Is this credible, or to be mentioned as a truth ? C( Hoccine credibile est, aut memorabile, Tanta vecordia innata cuiquam ut siet, Ut malis gaudeat alienis, atque ex incomrnodis Alterius, sua ut comparet commoda ? ah ! Idne est verum ? Imo id genus est hominum pessimuni In denegando modo queis pndor est paululum : Post ubi jam tempus est promissa perfici, Turn coacti uecessario se aperiunt et timent, Et tamen res cogit eos denegare. Ibi Turn impudentissima eoruni oratio est : Quis tu es ? quis milri es? cur meam tibi ? heus; Proximus sum egomet mihi." Terence, in the composition of these lines, has admirably succeeded in expressing the sense by the sounds and measure of his verse, and the very lines seem as angry (if I may be allowed to use such an expression) as Charinus, who is to speak them, is supposed to be. The whole speech is written with a great deal of fire and spirit ; and represents, in a very lively manner, the impatient bursts of indig- nation, and the broken periods which issue from the mouth of an enraged and disappointed person, during the first transports of his anger. The an- cients particularly studied this poetical beauty ; and many of them have reached a degree of excel- NOTES. 269 lence scarcely inferior to that .of the modems. Terence has as eminently distinguished himself by his success in this ornament to composition as he has by his other excellencies: as familiar verse, his compositions are extremely harmonious. Mr. Pope has described the poetical embellish- ment before mentioned in a most inimitable poem, which at once explains and exemplifies his meaning. " 'Tis not enough no harshness gives offence, The sound must seem an echo to the sense : Soft is the strain when zephyr gently blows, And the smooth stream in smoother numbers flows ; But when loud surges lash the sounding shore, The hoarse, rough verse should like the torrent roar : When Ajax strives some rock's vast weight to throw, The line too labours, and the words move slow ; Not so, when swift Camilla scours the plain, Flies o'er th' unbending corn, and skims along the main.'' Virgil was particularly successful in his endea- vours to impart this ornament to his composition. The following lines are reckoned by the critics to be a beautiful specimen of his ability in this species of verse. 11 Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam Scilicet, atque Ossae frondosum involvere Olympum." Georg., B. I. V. 281. Sternitur exanimisque tremens procumbit humi bos. yEneis, B. 5. N 3 270 NOTES. NOTE 160. Those men have characters of the very worst de- scription, who make a scruple to deny a favour ; and are ashamed, or unwilling to give a downright refusal at first ; but who, when the time am This is one of those beautiful passages which prove Terence to have been so able a delineator of character. How faithful a picture does he here draw of this particular species of weakness ! A man is asked a favour which he knows it is out of his power to compass, and yet feels a repugnance to candidly avow it : he cannot bear to witness the uneasiness of the disappointed person, and, from a kind of false shame, he misleads him with a pro- mise which he cannot perform. To detect those lurking impulses which almost escape observation, though they influence the actions : to describe with force and elegance, and convince the mind of a feeling of which it was before scarcely conscious, is an effort of genius worthy of a Terence. NOTES. 271 NOTE J61. If any one tell me, that no advantage will result from it : I answer this, that I shall poison his joy : and even that will yield me some satisfac- tion, Ingeram mala multa : atque aliquis dicat ; Nihil promoveris. Multum ; molestus certe ei fuero, atque animo mo- rem gessero. This sentiment has been imitated by the first of dramatists in his Othello : he has expanded it into a greater number of lines, which are extremely beau- tiful. lago. Call up her father, Rouse him, make after him, poison his delight. Proclaim him iu the streets, incense her kinsmen. And tho' he in a fertile climate dwell, Plague him with flies: tho' that his joy be joy, Yet throw such changes of vexation on't, As it may lose some colour. — Shakspeare's Othello, A. l. S. 1. The soliloquy of Charinus, (of which the lines I have cited in the commencement of this Note form a part,) is one of the best written in the plays of our author : it is exactly of the kind recommended by the Duke of Buckingham. V 4 272 N0TE3. " Soliloquies had need be very few, Extremely short, and spoke in passion too. Our lovers, talking to themselves, for want Of others, make the pit their confidant : Nor is the matter mended yet, if thus They trust a friend only to tell it us." A soliloquy is introduced with most success, when the speaker of it is supposed to be deliberating with himself on doubtful subjects : but, when nar- ration is to be introduced, it is brought forward with more advantage in the shape of a dialogue between the speaker and his confidant. But a skilful dramatist can often employ a preferable me- thod to either of those I have just named, for the disposition of narration. Papias lays it down as an absolute rule for the composition of soliloquies, that they must be deliberations only. NOTE 162. Well, take her. Sir R. Steele, in his play, called the Co?iscious Lovers, does not represent Myrtle as comporting himself in his disappointment with the moderation observed by Charinus. He challenges Bevil : though the duel is afterwards prevented by the patience and forbearance of the latter, who com- municates to his angry friend a letter which he had NOTES. 273 received from Lucinda, expressive of her favour- able thoughts of Myrtle. The ingenious author of the Conscious Lovers imagined, no doubt, that to an English audience, Charinus's easy resignation of his mistress to Pamphilus would appear tame and unnatural. In nothing do the manners of the ancients and the moderns differ more widely than in their respective behaviour in cases of private injury, real or imagined. Among the ancient Greeks and Romans, duelling was totally unknown. Alexander and Pyrrhus, Themistocles, Leonidas, and Epaminondas, the Scipios and Hannibal, Caesar and Pompey, all men whose fame will never be surpassed, and a countless number of the heroes of antiquity, would have scorned to draw their swords in a private quarrel. It was reserved for Christians, to introduce and countenance this bar- barous practice ; which ought to be the shame of civilized humanity. Barbarous, however, it can scarcely with justice be called : for those nations whose unpolished manners caused them to be termed barbarians, were never known to have adopted it ; nor has a single instance occurred, where men, in a state of uncultivated nature, have been known to sacrifice a brother's life in the mor- tal arbitration of a private quarrel. Duelling was originally practised among northern nations. Those who wish to entertain just ideas on this subject cannot do better than to consult A Discourse on w 5 274 notes. Duelling, by the Rev. Thomas Jones, A.M., Trraity College, Cambridge. NOTE 163. Pam. — Why do you vex me thus ? Cur me enicas. Eneco and enico are thought by some critics to have been exactly similar in signification ; but eneco generally means to kill, as in Plautus ungues enecavit : whereas enico signifies only to teaze, or to torment; as in the passage in Terence before mentioned. Vide Horace Ep., B.I. Ep. 7. L. 87. NOTE 164. Davus. — Hist ! Glycerols door opens. Hem! ! st, mane, crepuit a Glycerio ostium. Literally, a noise is made on the inside of Gly- cera's door. As all the street-doors in Athens opened towards the street, it was customary to knock loudly on the inside, before the door was thrown open, lest, by a sudden and violent swing, the heavy barrier should injure any of the passen- gers. The Greeks called this ceremony ipoQzh Qvp&f. All the doors of the Romans opened in- wards, unless (which rarely happened) a law was NOTES. 275 passed to allow any particular person to open his door towards the street. This was considered a very great honour, and never conferred but as a reward for very eminent services. In Sparta, a law prevailed that no instrument but a kind of saw T should be employed in making the doors of the houses; this regulation was intended to prevent luxury, and wasteful expense. Both in Athens and Rome, the first room within the door was made extremely large, and highly ornamented. This room was called aula by the Romans, and, by the Greeks &ift% Here were placed the trophies gained by the master of the house, and by his fa- mily. In later and more luxurious ages, the doors were made of more costly materials, sometimes they formed them of metal, either iron or brass : sometimes also ivory was used for this purpose, or scarce and curious kinds of wood. NOTE 165. My sis, (speaking to Glycer a within.) I will directly , Madam ; wherever he may be, I '11 take care to find your dear Pamphilus, and bring him to you : only, my love, let me beg you not to make yourself so wretched* Sir R. Steele and Monsieur Baron have brought n 6 276 NOTES. both Glycera and Philumena on the stage ; but, in the Latin drama, the principal female characters (if they appear at all) are generally mutes. It is a circumstance worthy of our attention, that (except in one instance) Terence never brings on the stage any female character of rank and consideration : the women who take a part in the dialogue are gene- rally either attendants, or professional people, as nurses, midwives, SfC. But this exclusion, (though our author has been compelled to sacrifice to it ail those embellishments which the portraiture of the Athenian ladies must have added to his scenes,) is in strict conformity with the manners of the Greeks. Grecian women of rank seldom appeared in company, and closely confined themselves within doors, occupying the most remote parts ot the house. Unmarried women were scarcely al- lowed to quit the rooms they inhabited, without giving previous notice to their protectors. Terence was instructed clearly in this point, by his great ori- ginal Menander ; who expressly says, that the door of the avX»j, or hall, was a place where even a mar- ried woman ought never to be seen. Women, among the Greeks, seldom inhabited the same apartment with the men : their rooms were always kept as retired as possible, usually in the loftiest part of the house. Vide Horn. II., y v. 423; their apartments were called Gynaeceum, (ywxMuoi). NOTES. 277 Vide Terence's Phormio, Act 5. S. 6, where he says. M Ubi in Gynceceum ire occipio, puer ad me accurrit Mida." These rooms were sometimes called «<*, which s ignifies also eggs; it is supposed that the fable of Castor, Pollux, Helen, and Clytemnestra, being hatched from eggs, took its rise from the double signification of the word ux. NOTE 166. Pom. — The oracles of Apollo are not more true: I wish that, if possible, my father may not think that I threw any impediments in the iv ay of the marriage: if not, I icill do what will be easily done, tell him frankly that I cannot marry Chremes daughter. Among the Greeks, no oracles were either so numerous or so highly esteemed as those of Apollo. The first place among them is assigned to the oracle at Delphi, near mount Parnassus, which excelled the others in magnificence, and claimed the precedence in point of antiquity. Next to this, ranks the oracle in the island of Delos, the birth- place of Apollo and Diana. It is situated in the north part of Mare iEgeum, or Archipelago, not far from the Isle of Andros, and between Myconus 278 NOTES. and Rhene. The Athenians reverenced this oracle above all others, and its answers were held to be infallible. Theseus, the most celebrated of the Athenian heroes, instituted a solemn procession to Delos, in honour of Apollo. A certain number of Athenian citizens were chosen, who were called &60po*j who made the voyage in a sacred ship ; the same in which Theseus and his companions were said to have sailed to Crete. This ship was deno- minated caityovTci, on account of its great age : it was preserved till the time of Demetrius Phalereus. No criminal was ever put to death during the ab- sence of the sacred ship. NOTE 167. Char, (to Pamphilus.) But you are constant and courageous. P. Quis videor? C. Miser oeque atque ego, D. Con- silium qusero. C. Fortis. Critics have differed considerably respecting this passage. Some think the word fortis should be un- derstood as addressed to Davus. I have adopted the interpretation which M. le Fevrej Madame Dacier's father, has given of this passage. Pamphilus, after expressing his resolu- tion to remain faithful to Glycera, turns to Chari- notes. k 279 nus, expecting a compliment on his behaviour. After a jest on his friend's having reduced himself to such a forlorn situation, by following the advice of Davus, Charinus, by the word fortis, pays him the compliment his handsome conduct deserved. NOTE 168. Pam. (to Davus.) I know what you would attempt. Pamphilus, in this speech, alludes to his jest upon Davus in the previous scene, where he says, " I have no doubt, that if that wise head of yours goes to work," §-c, vide p. 67, 1. 8, Pamphilus means, I imagine, when he says, " I know what you would attempt," I suppose you are going to provide the two wives I was speaking of. He could not mean that he really knew Davus's plan : because he asks him afterwards, page 70, line 10, what he intended to do. NOTE 169. Pam. — What are you going to do ? tell me. The Davus of M. Baron, instead of laying the child at Simo's door, makes a false report to Mysis, that Pamphilus intends to desert Glycera, and to 280 NOTES* espouse Philumena: Mysis communicates this to her mistress, who, in her distress, throws herself at Chremes' feet, and shews him the contract of her marriage with Pamphilus. This induces Chremes to favour Glycera, and to break off -the intended marriage. NOTE 170. Hitherto, he has been to her a source of more evil than good. " As I never was able to make any sense of facile hie plus est quam illic boni, I choose to give the passage a turn, though contrary to all the readings which I have seen, which makes that proper, with the omission of one word, which was not before intelligible. The usual construction of the words, as they stand in all editions, is this, — there is more ill in his sorrow, or trouble, (some read dolorem, some laborem,) than there is good in his love : see, particularly, Camus's edition for the use of the Dauphin, which is not only a poor meaning, and unworthy Terence, but inconsistent with what Mysis had said before in the preceding scenes : I therefore choose to be singular and intelligible, rather than to go with all the editors and transla- tors of our poet, and be obscure." — Cooke. NOTES. 281 NOTE 171. Davus.— Take the child from me directly, and lay him down at our door, Accipe a me hunc ocius, Atque ante nostram januam appone. Some commentators read vestram januam, ap- pone, lay him down before your door. But Davus tells Simo, A. III. S. II., (page 51, line 13,) that Glycera intends to have a child laid at his door. It could have answered no purpose, moreover, to have placed Glycera' s child at her own door. We must rather suppose that Davus wished Simo to think that Glycera had sent the infant to Pam- philus as its father. Vide Note 174. NOTE 172. Davus. — You may take some of the herbs from that altar, and strew them under him. " Altar, Altare, Ara, a place or pile whereon to offer sacrifice to some deity. Among the Romans, the altar was a kind of pedestal, either square, round, or triangular ; adorned with sculpture, with basso-relievos, and inscriptions, whereon were burnt the victims sacrificed to idols. According to Servius, those altars set apart for the honour of the 282 xotes. celestial gods, and gods of the higher class, were placed on some pretty tall pile of building ; and, for that reason, were called altaria, from the word alta and ara, a high elevated altar. Those ap- pointed for the terrestrial gods, were laid on the surface of the earth, and called arce. And, on the contrary, they dug into the earth, and opened a pit for those of the infernal gods which were called goO^i ^axKGi, scrobicirfi. But. this distinction is not every-where observed: the best authors frequently use ara as a general word, under which are in- cluded the altars of the celestial and infernal, as well as those of the terrestrial gods. Witness Virgil, Eel. 5. En quatuor aras, where arce plainly includes altaria; for what- ever we make of Daphnis, Phoebus was certainly a celestial god. So Cicero, pro Quint. Aras delu- braque Hecates in Grcecia vidimus. The Greeks, also, distinguish two sorts of altars; that whereon they sacrificed to the gods was called Ba^oq, and was a real altar, different from the other, whereon they sacrificed to the heroes, which was smaller, and called Ec-p^a. Pollux makes this distinction of altars in his Onomasticon : he adds, however, that some poets used the word io-x^ol, for the altar whereon sacrifice was offered to the gods. The Septuagint version does sometimes also use the word B#p#xp«, for a sort of little low altar. NOTES. 283 which may be expressed in Latin by craticida, being a hearth, rather than an altar? — Chambers' Cyclopaedia. Scaliger thinks that the altar mentioned by Te- rence was the altar usually placed on the stage of a theatre during representation, and consecrated to Bacchus in tragedy, and to Apollo in comedy. It is most probable, that one of the layjx,^ is alluded to by our author in this passage. The \ax^u^ were low altars which stood before the doors in Athens : they were dedicated to the ancient heroes. NOTE 173. Davus. — That if my master should require me to swear that I did not do it, I may take the oath with a safe conscience. The Greeks paid very great regard to oaths. They divided them into two classes. The first kind was the peyaq opxos, or great oath, when the swearer called the gods to witness his truth ; the second was the ^i^lq opnoq, when the swearer called on other creatures. They usually, when falsely ac- cused of any crime, took an oath to clear them- selves. This oath was sometimes administered in a very singular manner : the oath of exculpation was written on a tablet, and hung round the neck, and rested on the breast of the accused, who was then 284 STOTES. compelled to wade into the sea about knee-deep : if the oath was true, the water remained stationary ; but, if false, it instantly rose up, and covered the tablet, that so dreadful a sight as a false oath might be concealed from the view of mankind. The Athenians were proverbial for their sincere regard for truth. Vide Velleius Paterculus, B. 1. C. 4.. also, in B. 2. C. 23 : we are told " Adeo enim certa Atheniensum in Roinanos fides, fuit, ut semper et in omni re, quicquid sin- cera fide generetur, id Romani Attica fieri, prge- dicarent." — Marcus Velleius Paterculus, B* 2. C. 23, L. 18. The Athenians behaved with so much good faith and inviolable honour in all their treaties with the Romans, that it became a custom at Rome, when a person was affirmed to be just and honourable, to say, he is as faithful as an Athenian. NOTE 174. Davus. (to himself.) The father of the bride is coming this way ; I abandon my first design. My sis. — / dont understand this. Davus's first design was (we are to suppose) to go to Simo as soon as Mysis had placed the child at the door, and acquaint him that Glycera had sent him Pamphilus's child. This would have com- NOTES. 285 petted Simo to suspend the marriage until he had ascertained the real nature of Glycera's claims on his son. Though Davus's speech is not usually read aside, we cannot suppose that Mysis heard hirn say, that Chremes, the bride's father, ap- proached, because, in the ninth scene of the same act, (vide p. 78, 1. preantepen,) he tells her, " that was the bride's father," and she replies, " you should have given me notice then." NOTE 175. Mysis, (aside to Davas.) — Are you mad to ask me such a question ? Davus. — Whom should I ask? I can see no one else here. This certainly seems a little over-acted on the part of Davus, considering that he knew Chremes to be so very near him. If we conclude that Davus acted his part with the proper gestures, and ac- companied the above words with the very natural action of looking round him, to see if any other person was visible near Simo's door ; it appears extremely improbable that he should not have seen Chremes, who was near enough to hear all that passed between Davus and Mysis. Davus intended tfiat what passed between Mysis and himself should 286 NOTES. be overheard by Chremes, whom he knew to be but a very few yards distant. It seems extraordinary, therefore, that Davus should make use of an ex- pression which compelled him to run the risk of being obliged to recognise Chremes if he looked round, and, if he did not, of raising a suspicion in his mind, that Davus knew him to be there : either circumstance must effectually have spoiled the stratagem, to deter Chremes from the match. To solve this apparent inconsistency, we must suppose that Chremes, wishing, for obvious reasons, to overhear what passed between Mysis and Davus, had, at the entrance of the latter, withdrawn him- self behind a row of pillars, or into a portico, or cloister, (which were common in the streets of Athens, and were also built upon the Roman stage,) lest his presence, which Mysis knew of, as he had questioned her, should be a check upon their con- versation ; from which he, of course, expected to learn the truth respecting the child at Simo's door, as he knew that Mysis was the servant of Glycera, and Davus the servant of Pamphilus. NOTE 176. Mysis. — The deuce take you, fellow, for terrifying me in this manner. Dii te eradicent, ita me miseram territas. NOTES. 287 Literally, May the gods root you up. An inge- nious French critic informs us, that the Romans borrowed this expression from the Greeks, who say, " to destroy a man to the very root :" and, that the Greeks borrowed it from the eastern nations. We have a similar expression in English, to destroy root and branch. NOTE 177. Chremes. (aside.) I acted wisely in avoiding the match. Recte ego fugio has nuptias. The general way of reading this line is as fol- lows : Recte ego semper fugi has nuptias. I acted wisely in always avoiding the match. This reading must be erroneous, because, so far from having always avoided the match, Chremes himself originally proposed it to Simo, (vide p. 15, 1. 18 t> ) and afterwards renewed his consent to it, (Vide$.5S. 1. 24.) 288 NOTES. NOTE 178. Daws. — 'Tis true, I saw old Canthara, with some- thing under her cloak. There is great ingenuity displayed in the con- duct of this scene. Davus affirms this, as Donatus observes, " Hoc dicit ut leviter redarguat Mysis, nonut vincatur," that Mysis may easily confute him ; and prove that it is the child of Pamphilus which must terrify Chremes. He contradicts her, that she may (in Chremes' hearing) enter into the proof of what she says. Instead of Cantharam, Nonnius thinks that Terence meant cantharum, a large jug ; and that he intended Davus to say, that the child was brought to Glycera's house in a large cantharus. Vide Nonnius's Miscell., B. 1, and his remarks on the whole of this scene. NOTE 179. Mysis. — Thank Heaven, that there icere so?ne free- w omen present when my mistress was delivered. No person could appear as a witness in the Athe- nian courts of justice, who was not free-born, and also possessed of a fair character. Those who were ari/xct, infamous, were not permitted to give testimony. In particular cases, strangers and notes. 289 freedmen were admitted as witnesses. Every per- son who was appealed to as a witness, was com- pelled either to state what he knew of the affair, or to swear that he was ignorant of all the circum- stances of it : if he refused to give any answer whatever, he incurred a heavy fine. NOTE 179 B . My sis. — By Pollux, fellow, you are drunk. To accuse a person of intoxication was consi- dered in Athens and Sparta as one of the greatest affronts that could possibly be committed. Very severe laws were framed in Greece for the punish- ment of those who were seen in a state of intoxica- tion. The Athenian archons suffered death, if detected in this vice. The Greeks accused the Scythians of having taught them habits of drunken- ness. The Spartans affirm, that Cleomenes be- came first drunk, and afterwards mad, by his asso- ciating and drinking with them. Herodotus* 290 NOTES. NOTE 180. ■Davus. — One falsehood brings on another : / hear it whispered about that she is a citizen of Athens. The citizens of Athens were called yyyvvmsj Ol- sons of the earth, and ueroU They were called also rsTTtye^, or remyoCpopovg, wearers of grasshoppers; this appellation, authors have derived differently. Tretzes thinks it was to designate them as fluent orators. Lucian considers it merely as a distinc- tion to divide them from the slaves : and others say, it was because they thought that grasshoppers sprung from the earth; and therefore chose them for the symbol of a people who pretended to the same origin : vide Note 154. The Athenians were called also noxirou. The citizens were divided by Cecrops into four tribes, (vide Poll., B. 3. 64,) each tribe was divided into three classes, and each class into thirty families. The names of the tribes were, 1, KexpowK, 2. 'Avroyfim, 3. 'AnTciiX, 4. napa^ci. These names were afterwards changed by Cranaus, (vide Plut. in Solon,) and also by Ericthonius and Erectheus. When the number of the inhabitants increased, new tribes were added. To obtain the Athenian citizenship was deemed so glorious, that foreigners of the very first rank ea- gerly sought this distinction ; which it was ex- tremely difficult to gain ; as the Athenians would NOTES. 291 never "admit any persons but those who had sig- nalized themselves by their virtue and bravery. NOTE 181. Davus. — And that he will be compelled to marry her. The Athenian laws did not allow of polygamy : if Glycera, therefore, had been proved to be a citi- zen, her marriage with Pamphilus would have been valid ; and Philumena, if married to him, must have been divorced. We are to suppose, that the appre- hension of this circumstance induces Chremes to break off the marriage. NOTE 182. Davus. (half aloud.) — He has heard all: what an accident. Audistin' obsecro ? These words are usually read as addressed di- rectly to Chremes ; but it appears more probable that Terence intended Davus to speak them as if he meant no one to hear what he said, and yet contrive to raise his voice loud enough for Chremes to overhear him pretend to be alarmed, lest what Mysis had been saying should do any mischief, o 2 292 NOTES. This feigned consternation was calculated to strengthen Chremes , belief of the genuineness of the previous scene. NOTE 183. This impudent wench ought to be taken hence and punished. Hanc jam oportet in cruciatum abripi. The usual reading is cruciatum hinc abripi ; but hinc cannot be necessary to the sense, and spoils moreover the harmony of the line. Neither of the two ancient manuscripts of Terence, in the royal library at Paris, have hinc. There are a great many disputed readings in the plays of Terence, which, by a reference to the various ancient MSS. of our author now extant, might probably be deter- mined. An edition of the plays, regulated by the authority of these MSS., would doubtless be highly serviceable. The most learned woman of her age, Madame Dacier, whose translation of Te- rence is alone sufficient to perpetuate his name and her own, in her preface to that inestimable work, speaks at length, and in very high terms, of the MSS. of Terence, in the library of his most Chris- tian Majesty. She expresses herself as follows : u I found in them (the MSS.) several things which NOTES. 293 gave me the greatest pleasure, and which satisfac- torily prove the correctness of the most important alterations which I have made in the text, as to the division of the acts, which is of great consequence." Madame D. reckons the MSS. to be eight or nine hundred years old. Vide Madame Daciers Trans- lation of Terence, Edition of Rotterdam, 1717, Preface, page 38. Among the books which his holiness Pope Sixtus V. caused to be removed to the Bibliotheca Vaticana, which he placed in the old Vatican palace, or the Palazzo Vecchio, there was a very curious MS. of the comedies of Terence, which was particularly valued for the representation which it contained of the personce, or masks, worn by the ancient actors. It wa.» aroc, death, at full length ; and not un- NOTES. 301 frequently expressed it by the first letter 9 ; thus, if they wished to write down the circumstance of any person's decease, they wrote the name of the deceased, and affixed to it the letter 9, vide Note 113, also Isidor. Hispal. Orig. B. 1. C. 23. In breviculis, quibus militum nomina continebantur, propria nota erat apud veteres, quae respiceretur, quanti ex militibus superessent, quanti in bello ex- cidissent, t in capite versiculi posita superstitem designabat, 9 vero ad unius cujusque defuncti nomen adponebatur. NOTE 191. And the example of others will teach me what ease, redress, and profit, I have to expect from a suit at law : besides, I suppose by this time, she has some lover to espouse her cause. Madame Dacier, in a brilliant and acute critique, has explained this passage in a most perspicuous and comprehensive manner. Nunc me hospitem Lites sequi, quam hie mihi sit facile atque utile, Aliorum exempla commonent. " Presentement qu'un etranger comrae moi aille entreprendre des proces, les exemples des autres 302 NOTES. me font voir combien cela serait difficile dans une ville comme celle-ci." I have found, in a copy of Terence's plays, a marginal note, in my father's hand-writing, to the following effect: Hunc locum non satis potest intel- ligere qui librum Xenophontis Trep* *A$wa,\vv ifq)uti\ol$ non legerit. He who has not read the short treatise of Xenophon on the civil government of the Athe- nians, can never perfectly comprehend the full force of this passage. I profited by this informa- tion : I have read this short treatise, and have been extremely pleased with it : the trouble the perusal cost me has been amply repaid, as I have ascertained by reading this treatise, that the inha- bitants of those cities and islands which were sub- ject to the Athenian government were obliged, when they had a suit at law pending, to plead it in Athens, before the people : it could be decided no where else. Crito, therefore, could not have ex- pected impartial judgment from that tribunal, which would certainly have favoured Glycera, the reputed sister of Chrysis, who had settled in Athens, in preference to a stranger like Crito. So much for the success of the affair : next the delays are to be considered, which, to a stranger, are so doubly annoying. For law-suits at Athens were pro- tracted to an almost endless length : the Athenians were such a very litigious people, and had so many law-suits of their own, and celebrated so many fes- NOTES. 303 tivals, that they had very few days to spare, and the suits of strangers were so lengthened out, and deferred from time to time, that they were almost endless. In addition, moreover, to the uncer- tainty, and the delay, there was a third inconveni- ence, still more disagreeable than either of the others, which was, that in a case of that kind, it became necessary to pay court to the people at a great expense. Crito, therefore, had sufficient reason to feel repugnant to engage in a process which might be so protracted and so expensive, the event of which (to say no worse) was extremely precarious. I hope I have rendered this passage perfectly clear." — Madame Dacier. NOTE 192. Chremes. — Cease your entreaties, Simo ; enough, and more than enough, have I already shewn my friendship towards you : enough have I risked for you. Monsieur Baron, in his Andrienne, has given a literal translation of this scene between Simo and Chremes, which, from its serious cast, appears, perhaps, with more dignity in a poetical dress, than it would have received from prose. A learned translator of Terence, who was also an ingenious 304 NOTES. critic and a successful dramatist, speaks of Baron's play in the following terms : " Its extreme ele- gance, and great superiority to the prose translation of Dacier, is a strong proof of the superior excel- lence and propriety of a poetical translation of this author :" (Terence.) Colman's Notes on Terence's Plays, The celebrated writer, who made this remark, has himself employed verse throughout the whole of his translation of our author's plays: and, in the pre- face to that work, has delivered his opinion very strongly in favour of the composition of comedy in verse, even in the most comic scenes : and argues, that as Terence wrote in verse, a translation of his plays ought to be in verse also. I must observe that though the comedies of Terence certainly are not prose, yet they are a species of verse so nearly approaching to prose, that many eminent critics have denied that they were written with any regard to measure : they are, therefore, as well calculated, perhaps, as prose, for comic expression. But we have in English no measure at all similar to that used by Terence, nor have we, in my opinion, any measure of verse whatever, in which the most humorous passages in comedy can be so forcibly expressed as they may be in prose. The practice of modern drama- tists entirely favours this opinion. Our great Shakspeare, even in tragedy, changes from verse to NOTES. 305 prose, when he introduces a comic scene, as we see in Hamlet, A. 5. S. 1, 4., Coriolanus, A. 2. S. L, Antony and Cleopatra, A. 2. S. 6, 7, Othello, A. 2. S. 11, A. 3. S. 1. Could the wit of Con- greve, Farquhar, Cibber, Sheridan, and many other eminent English dramatists (among whom I may number Mr. Colman himself,) have been measured out into verse without a diminution of the poignancy of its expression ? If the answer to this question be, as I think it must, in the negative, it must surely be decisive against the general introduction of verse into comedies ; a species of writing, in which the ridiculous, according to Aristotle, ought to claim a principal share. NOTE 193- A citizen of Athens. Athens, the most celebrated city of Greece, was the capital of that part of Achaia, which, lying to- wards the sea-shore, (axT^?,) was called Attica. It was called Athens after Minerva, (vide Note 94,) Cecropia after Cecrops, and Ionia after Ion. The circumference of this city, at the time of its greatest prosperity, is computed at twenty-three English miles. A much greater space was enclosed within the walls than was required by the usual inhabit- ants of the city, because, in time of war, the coun- 306 NOTES. try people were compelled to take refuge within the walls. Aristophanes tells us, (in his Knights,) that these country people, in time of war, dwelt in huts, resembling bee-hives in shape, which were erected in the squares, and other open places. This accounts for the magnitude of the city, so disproportionate to the usual number of inhabitants in time of peace, when they did not amount to a hundred thousand persons. Athens was governed by kings for the space of 460 years : by magistrates, chosen for life, during about 300 years more : after that time, their rulers were allowed to hold their offices for ten years only ; and, at last, for no longer than one. The citadel, or upper city, which was called the 'AxpowoX*?* was ornamented with the most magnificent temples, monuments, and statues. It contained the temples of Minerva, Neptune, Aglauros, Venus, and Jupiter. Dicearchus tells us, that the enormous disproportion in the size of the temples which were magnificent, and of the houses which were low and small, considerably di- minished the beauty of the city. Athens was some- times called the academy of the Roman empire, and the fountain of learning : learned men, and philo- sophers of different countries, resorted to this cele- brated city in great numbers. The Romans scarcely considered a liberal education as completed, with- out the student received his final polish at Athens. (Vide Horace Sat., B. 2. S. 7. L. 13., Pliny, 7. NOTES. 307 E. 56.) After a career of glory, which must render the name of Athens immortal, that city sunk be- neath the all-conquering power of the Romans, B. C. 85 ; and the Athenians never regained their importance in the scale of nations. Athens is now called Setines ; Dr. Chandler gives it the name of Athini. It contains 15,000 in- habitants, and is the see of a Greek archbishop. NOTE 194. There is a grave severity in his countenance ; and he speaks with boldness. Tristis severitas inest in voltu. Gravity, among the ancient philosophers, was re- commended as one of the greatest ornaments of old age. " Laetitia juvenem, frons decet tristis senem" Seneca. Hip., A. II. S. II. Graceful is gaiety in youth : in age Gravity most becomes us. Old men, among the Greeks, sometimes af- fected the manners and exercises of youth : a spe- cies of weakness which the literary men of their age reprobated with very poignant ridicule. Theo- phrastus admirably exposes people of this sort in 308 NOTES, his portraiture of those who begin to learn in old age. ( Vide Thcoph. Moral Characters.) NOTE 195. Simo. — Seize this rascal directly, and take him away. Sublimem hunc intr6 rape quantum potes. There is a sort of pun here upon the word sub- limem. Terence alludes to the prisons where slaves were confined, which, in Athens, were usually in the loftiest part of the house : so that Simo says, take him up, and also take him up to the top of the house : this is the force of the word sublimem in this passage. Slaves, in Greece, were treated with great in- dulgence, and never chained but for some heinous fault, or when they were brought into the slave- market, (vide Plautus s Captives, A. 1. S. 2,) and then they were only worn for a short time. As Simo here commands that Davus should be put into chains, we are to suppose him to be exaspe- rated to the utmost, which naturally leads ad finem epitaseos, to the end of the epitasis. The anger of Simo, the distress of Pamphilus and Glycera, the imprisonment of Davus, and the anxious suspense of Charinus, are what Scaliger (Poet, B. 1. C. 9.) calls the negotia exagitata, or the confused and dis- NOTES. 309 turbed state of affairs, which the catastrophe is to reduce in tranquillitatem non expectatam, into a sudden and unexpected tranquillity. NOTE 196. Simo. — / 7Z not hear a single word, I '11 ruffle you now, rascal, I will. Davus. — For all that, what I say is true. Simo. — For all that, Dromo, take care to keep him bound. S. Nihil audio. Ego jam te commotum reddam. D. Tamen etsi hoc verum est. S. Tamen. Cura adservandum vinctum." The word commotum seems to have been imper- fectly understood by Donatus and some other com- mentators, who have interpreted it as signifying motion ; and would translate the line thus, " I '11 make you caper ! I '11 make you dance to some tune, sirrah !" which is extremely foreign to its true meaning. Simo uses the phrase commotum reddam instead of commovebo, for the sake of a pun which Terence makes with the word reddam : which can- not be perfectly preserved in English. In the seventh scene of the second act, Davus jests upon the empty larder, and says, 310 NOTES. Indeed, Sir, I think you are too frugal : it is not well timed. Simo is quite nettled at this severe joke, which leads him to think his stratagem discovered, and he cries out T)xce : hold your tongue; upon which, Davus, delighted with his success in tormenting his master, says to himself Commovi, I've ruffled him now. Simo accidentally overhears this, and most severely retorts on him his own expression, Ego jam te commotum reddam: / will ruffle you now, rascal; I will pay you back your ruffling. The wit of the sentence depends on the word red- dam ; which allows of a double construction, as reddo taken separately, signifies to pay back, to re- quite, and to retaliate. Simo may^ therefore, be understood to say, that he pays him back the ruf- fling he received. But, for this conceit, Simo would have said, Commovebo, which is Davus's own word : the sense would then have been clearer, though Terence has the same expression in another scene in this play, Quos me ludos redderet, where reddo has the same meaning with facio : which is frequently used by Plautus, as " ludos facere." NOTES. 311 NOTE 197, Can he be so weak ? so totally regardless of the cus- toms and laws of his country? The Athenian laws prohibited a citizen from mar- rying with a woman who was not a citizen, vide Note 181. A law was passed by Pericles, that the children of a marriage in which both parties were not citizens, should be considered as voSoi, illegiti- mate. Pericles himself violated this law, when he had lost all his legitimate children. As this is one of the most lively and interesting, so it is also one of the most instructive scenes of this comedy. How noble are the sentiments ! How engaging the mutual affection of the father and son, which, in spite of their disagreement, is visible in all they say to each other. How amiable are the efforts of Chremes to soften the anger of the justly- offended Simo ! He forgets his own disappointment, and the slight his daughter Philumenahad received from Pamphilus, and endeavours to reconcile him to his father. It is impossible to read this beautiful scene, without being both affected and improved by the perusal of it. )12 NOTES, NOTE 198. Persons are suborned hither too, who say that she is a citizen of Athens. You have conquered. The subornation of false witness was punished in Athens with the greatest severity. Both the su- borner and the perjured were subject to the same punishment. Upon a third conviction, the offender was branded with infamy, and forfeited his estate. The Athenians, in general, were so celebrated for their love of truth, that the words an Attic witness were used proverbially to designate a witness, whose truth and honour were proof against cor- ruption. NOTE 199. If you insist on your marriage with Philumena, and compel me to subdue my love for Glycera, I will endeavour to comply. This speech is exceedingly artificial. Pamphilus, in the hearing of Chr ernes, the father of his intended wife, confesses his love for another ; and owns, that it must cost him a severe struggle to conquer his affection for her, and resolve to wed Philumena. The knowledge of this was sufficient to deter Chremes from giving his daughter to Pamphilus. NOTES, 313 NOTE 200. / implore only, that you will cease to accuse me of suborning hither this old man. Suffer me to bring him before you, that I may clear myself from this degrading suspicion. " Pamphilus had all the reason in the world to endeavour to bring Simo and Crito together, that so he might clear himself of such a scandal as his fa- ther very reasonably imputed to him. And this was all the young gentleman's design, but the poet had a far greater, which the audience could not so much as suspect : namely, the discovery of Gly- ceric, which comes in very naturally." — Echard. NOTE 201. Chremes. — Simo, if you kneiv this stranger as well as I do, you would think better of him ; he is a ivorthy man. M. Baron in this and the following scenes gives almost a literal translation from Terence : and the Andrienne concludes exactly in the same manner with the Latin play ; excepting the affranchisement of Davus, with which M. Baron makes Pamphilus reward his faithful services. 314 NOTES. Iii the Conscious Lovers, Sir R. Steele changes Crito into Isabella, the aunt of Indiana, whose real birth is discovered by Sealand's making her a visit, to inquire into the nature of her connexion with young Bevil : the discovery is made by Sealand himself, who recognizes one of the ornaments worn by his daughter. He gives Indiana willingly to her preserver Bevil, jun., and Lucinda, who was in- tended to be the wife of Bevil, was, upon his mar- riage with her sister Indiana, given to Myrtle, the lover whom she herself had always favoured. NOTE 202. Simo. — A sycophant. The word sycophant was an epithet of peculiar opprobrium at Athens, and of very singular deriva- tion. In a season of great scarcity, a law was passed at Athens, prohibiting the exportation of figs ; and afterwards, through neglect, remained unrepealed. Hence, those malicious men who informed against those who transgressed it, were called o-vy.otpclvToa, and this appellation was after- wards always applied to false witnesses, and busy and malicious informers. NOTES. 315 NOTE 203. Crito. — Chrysis father, who received him, was my relation, and, at his house, I've heard that ship- wrecked stranger say, that he was an Athenian : he died in Andros. -Turn is mihi cognatus fuit, Qui eum recepit : ibi ego audivi ex illo sese esse Attic urn; Is ibi mortuus est. The word recepit, in this sentence, alludes to the Roman customs respecting foreigners. Crito had just before used the term appli&at, he applied for assistance. When an exile or foreigner arrived at Rome, he was said applicare, to apply to some person to become his patron ; as every stranger at Rome was compelled to obtain the protection of one of the citizens, who succeeded to his effects at his death : jure applicationis. When a Roman citizen agreed to accept of a foreigner as his client, he was said recipere, to receive him. p 2 316 X0TE5. NOTE 204. Crito. — At least I think it was Phania: one thing I am sure of he said he ic as from Rhamnas. Rhamnus was a small town in the north of Attica, and only a few miles to the north-west of Mara- thon. It seems to have been famous for little but a magnificent temple of Nemesis, and an exquisite statue of that goddess, sculptured by Phidias ; hence she was sometimes called Rhamnusia, thus by Ovid, Assensit precibus Rhamnusia justis. Metam., B. 3. L. 406. Rhamnusia heard the lover's just request. We must not understand Crito to mean, that Phania was a Rhamnusian, because we know that he and Chremes both resided in the city of Athens. Phania probably was prevented, by the confusion of the war, from obtaining a vessel at the Piraeus, or either of the Athenian ports ; and therefore returned to Rhamnus, and embarked for the opposite coast of Attica. Phania might, therefore, call himself Rhamnusius from Rhamnus, as being bound from Rhamnus to Smyrna, or any other Asian port. Some, instead of Rhamnus and Pvhamnusius, read Rhamus and Rhamusius. NOTES. NOTE 205. 317 Crito. — The very name. Ckremes. — You are right. Crito. — Ipsa est. Chr ernes. — Ea est. Terence has shewn his usual art in the arrangement of these two speeches. Upon hearing the true name, one would have expected that the father would have been the first to recognize it, but he prudently de- lays until Crito confirms the truth of his testimony by agreeing to the name of the long-lost Pasibula. This is finely imagined by the author, as Chremes might very well be supposed to suspect that this discovery was a trick of Davus', (who might have heard of the loss of this infant daughter,) and taken Crito for an accomplice in the conceived im- posture. Chremes, therefore, waited to know whe- ther Crito recognised the name of Pasibula, which, if tire story had been false, must have been un- known to him : for the high character of Pamphilus placed him beyond the reach of suspicion. p 3 318 NOTES. NOTE 206. Simo. — Chremes, I hope you are convinced how sin- cerely we all rejoice at this discovery. S. Omnes nos gaudere hoc, Chreme ? Te credo credere. In many of the old editions of our author, this passage is written omneis nos gaudere ; this va- riation has a reference to the measure of the verse. I have seen one edition in which the line is written omnis nos gaudere. NOTE 207. Pa?n. — Oh ! that is certain. Simo. — / consent most joyfully. P. Nempe. S. Scilicet. Some commentators interpret these words from Pamphilus and Simo, (Nempe and Scilicet,) as a hint to Chremes, respecting the dowry which they expected to receive with Glycera ; and think that the actor who personates Simo ought to produce a bag of money, that he may " suit the action to the word." An ingenious critic, speaking of this vague and fanciful conjecture, observes, as follows : " This, surely, is a precious refinement, worthy NOTES. 319 the genius of a true commentator. Madame Da- cier, who entertains a just veneration for Donatus, doubts the authenticity of the observation, which is ascribed to him." Certainly, if either of the words could be wrested to such a meaning, it must be Nempe, but Terence has represented Pamphilus as a character, so noble, generous, and high-spirited, that we cannot consistently suppose that he would suffer any mercenary considerations to delay for a single moment his acceptance of his beloved Gly- cera, when offered to him by her father. NOTE 208. Chremes. — Pamphilus, my daughter's portion is ten talents. A Table of the Money current in Greece. equal to worth (St erling) £. s. d qrs. - Lepton . . O t ll Chalcus . 7 Lepta Oji Dichalcus . 2 Chalci . o U Hemiobolus . 2 Dichalci 2} Obolus . 2 Hemioboli 1 H Diobolus . 2 Oboli 2 3 Triobolus . 3 Oboli 4 i Hemidrachm . 3 Oboli . 4 Of Tetrobolus \ . 4 Oboli . 5 2 Pentobolus . . 5 Oboli . 6 3 i Drachm . 6 Oboli . P 4 8 320 XOTES. < equal to worth (sterlh tg-) £. s. J. qrs. Didrachm . 2 Drachms 1 4 2 Tetradrackm . 4 Drachms 2 9 Stater of silver . 4 Drachms 2 9 Pentadrachm 5 Drachms 3 5 1 Stater of gold 25 Drachms 17 2 1 Stater of Philip . 28 Drachms 19 3 Stater of Alexander 28 Drachms 19 3 Stater of Cyzicus . 28 Drachms 19 3 Stater of Darius 48 Drachms 1 13 Stater of Croesus 4S Drachms 1 13 Homerical talent . 75 Drachms 2 11 6 3 Mina 100 Drachms 3 8 9 The smaller Ptolemaic talent. 20 Minae 68 15 The smallerAntiochan talent 60 Minae 206 5 The Attic talent 60 Minae 206 5 The [ smaller Euboic talent 60 Minae 206 5 The great Attic talent 80 Minae 275 The great Ptolemaic „ talent of Cleopatra 86| Minae 297 18 4 The Eginean talent 100 Minae 343 15 The Rhodian talent 100 Minae 343 15 The insular talent 120 Minae ■ . 412 10 The great Antiochan talent 360 Minae 1237 10 Those who wish for complete information re- specting the ancient and modern real money, and money of account, may be fully satisfied by consult- ing the following writers on the subject. X0TES. 321 Augustinus, Arbuthnot, Budseus, Boisard, Bir- clierod, Bonneville, Bouteroue, Camden, Du Bost, De Asse, Folkes, Fleetwood, Goltzius, Guthrie, Gerhart, Greaves, Hardouin, Joubert, Krause, Kelly, Lowndes, Le Blanc, Locke, Lord Liverpool, Marien, Morel, Mezzabarba, Norris, Occo, Oiselius, Patin, Pinkerton, Ricard, Richebourg, Raper, Si- mon, Snelling, Souciet, Seguin, Sirmond, Span- heim, Smith, Tristran, Ursinus, Vicus, Vaillant. NOTE 209. Simo, — Why do you not immediately give orders for her removal to our house ? Grecian women, in the situation in which Glycera is represented to have been, were usually well enough to go abroad in a litter in one day's time. This topic is introduced by the poet, in order that Davus may be spoken of, and delivered from con- finement; because his remaining in prison would have been contrary to the rules of comedy. p o 322 NOTES. NOTE 210. Simo. — Because he is now carrying on things of great weight, and which touch him more nearly, Quia habet aliud magis ex sese et majus. There is a pun in the original, which I have at- tempted to preserve in the translation by a circum- locution which I trust on such an occasion will be deemed allowable. The critics remark, that Te- rence, by Simo's pleasantry, (vide Note 211,) in- tended to shew that he was thoroughly reconciled to his son. (Vide Note 92.J NOTE 211. Simo. — He is chained. Pam. — Ah ! dear Sir, that was not well done. Simo, — / am sure I ordered it to be well done. S. Vinctus est. P. Pater non recti vinctus est. S. Hand it a jussi. The jest in this sentence turns on the word recte., which refers to an Athenian custom of binding cri- minals' hands and feet together. Simo (A. 5. S. 3. p. 86.) orders Dromo to bind Davus in the manner before mentioned : (atque audiri ? quadrupedem constringito.) Pamphilus says, non rectt vinctus NOTES. 32 est : recte has a double meaning, it signifies rightly, and also straight. Simo pretends to take it in the latter sense, which makes his sons speech run thus, He is not bound straight or upright : to which Simo replies, / ordered he should not be bound straight, but crooked, or neck and heels. I trust I have made the force of this pun clear to the un- learned reader : the turn given it in the English translation is borrowed from Echard. NOTE 212. Pam. (to himself,) — Any one would think, perhaps, that I do not believe this to be true, but I know it is because I wish it so. I am of opinion, that the lives of the gods are eternal, because their pleasures are secure and without end. " Epicurus observed, that the gods could not but be immortal, since they are exempt from all kinds of evils, cares, and dangers. But Terence gives ano- ther more refined reason, which more forcibly ex- presses the joy of Pamphilus ; for he affirms that their immortality springs only from the durability of their pleasures. This passage is very beautiful. Pamphilus prefaces what he is going to say by the expression, " Any one would think 9 perhaps;" this was in a manner necessary to excuse the freedom which, arising from his joy, makes him assign 324 NOTES. another reason for the immortality of the gods than those discovered by the philosophers, particularly by Epicurus, whose name was still fresh in the re- collection of every person, and whose doctrines were very generally received and adopted." Ma- dame Dacier. NOTE 213. Pam. — There is now no impediment to our marriage. Nee mora ulla est, quin jam uxorem ducam. Pamphilus does not mean by this expression, that he was not married before, but that now that he has his father's consent to his union, he can du- cere uxorem, lead his wife publicly to his own house with the usual ceremonies. The latter phrase du~ cere uxorem, to marry, took its rise from the cus- tom of leading the bride from her father's to her husband's house, in a ceremonial procession. For an account of the marriages of the Greeks, vide Notes 116, 117, 118. Marriages, among the Ro- mans, were of three kinds. The first, and most binding, by which women of rank and considera- tion were married, was called confarreatio : when the parties were joined by the high priest, in the presence of a great number of witnesses ; and ate a cake made of meal and salt. The second kind of marriage was usus, when the parties lived together notes. ; 325 for one year. The third kind was called coemptio, or mutual purchase, in which the bride and bride- groom gave each other a piece of money, and re- peated over a set form of words. NOTE 214. Char, (aside.) — This man is dreaming of what he wishes when awake. Num ille somniat Ea, quag vigilans voluit. The optative influence, (if I may so call it,) on the visions of the night, here alluded to by Terence, has been described at length by a celebrated poet, in verses which charm the ear with their melody, and which command the approbation of the judgment as a faithful portraiture of nature. Their author wrote verses, which, in harmony of measure, ex- celled those of all the Roman poets, excepting Ovid* Omnia quaesensu volvuntur vota diurno, Pectore sopito, reddit arnica quies : Venator defessa toro cum membra reponit. Mens tamen ad sylvas, et sua lustra redit. Judicibus lites, aurige somnia currus, Vanaque nocturnis meta cavetur equis. Furto gaudet amans ; pennutat navita merces ; Et vigil elapsas quaerit avarus opes. Vatem Musarum studium sub nocte silenti Artibus assuetis solicitare solet.— Claudian, 326 NOTES. NOTE 215. Do you, Davus, go home, and order some of our people hither, to remove her to our house. Why do you loiter ? go, don't lose a moment. Davus. — / am going. You mu§t not expect their coming out : she will be betrothed within, &c. The concluding lines of the play from " You must not expect," &c 9 were not originally spoken by the actor who personated Davus, but formed a sort of epilogue, spoken by a performer, called Cantor; who also pronounced the word Plaudite, with which the comedies and tragedies of the Ro- mans usually terminated. Vide Note 217, also Quintilian, B. 6. C. I., and Cicero and Cato. Horace expressly tells us, that the Cantor said the words, vos plaudite, c< Tu quid ego, et populus mecum desideret audi. Si plausoris eges aulaea manentis, et usque Sessuri, donec Cantor vos plaudite dicat ; /Etatis cujusque notandi sunt tibi mores, Mobilibusque decor naturis dandus et annis." Art of Poet., L. 153. Attend, whilst I instruct thee how to please Him whose experience guides thee ; and the taste That rules the present age. If thou wouldst charm Our listening ears, until the scene be done ; And in our seats detain us till the Cantor NOTES. 327 Requests applause ; give to each stage of life, Its attributes : and justly paint the changes, Wrought by the hand of Time. NOTE 216. You must not expect their coming out. Some editors give nearly twenty lines of dialogue between Chremes and Charinus respecting the marriage of the latter with Philumena, but those additional lines are spurious. The critics have de- cided that the play should terminate with the wind- ing up of Pamphilus's intrigue, and that that of Charinus should be left to the imagination : as the action must languish, if continued after the interest felt for the principal characters has subsided. Davus here addresses the spectators, as does My- sis, in A. 1. S. 4» Commentators deem this a ble- mish in the composition of the piece. These ad- dresses, in ancient comedies, were not, I imagine, made to the spectators in general, but to those per- sons who stood on the stage during the perform- ance, as the chorus, or as musicians. 328 NOTES. NOTE 217. Farewell, and clap your hands. " All the ancient copies have the Greek omega, £1, placed before the words, ' clap your hands, 9 and before t Farewell, and clap your hands, 9 in other plays : ' [which/ says Eugraphius, * are the words of the prompter, who, at the end of the play, lifted up the curtain, and said to the audi- ence, c Farewell, and clap your hands :' thus far Faernus. Leng, at the end of every play, sub- scribes these words, Calliopius recensui, and says Calliopius was the prompter ; and he quotes the same words of Eugraphius, which I have here quoted from Faernus. If £2 stands for any thing more than i Finis, 9 (as some imagine to be placed there by transcribers to signify the end,) it may be designed for the first letter n$o<;, which is the Greek for Cantor : and Horace, in his art of poetry, says, Donee eantor vos plaudite dicat. " Bentley supposes this Cantor to have been Flac- cus the musician, (mentioned in the title,) who, when the play was over, entreated the favour of the audience : but I should rather think Calliopius to have been the Cantor, if there was any foundation in antiquity for his name being at the end of the plays ; but the name seems fictitious to me by the NOTES. 329 etymology thereof, and it being used in this place. It is indeed at the end of every play, in all the three manuscripts in Dr. Mead's collection except Phormio, which is the last play in the prosaic copy ; and the only reason for Calliopius recensui not being there, is, doubtless, because the play is imperfect, some few verses being out at the con- clusion ; a precedes the farewell in one of the doctor's copies, o in another, and the largest copy has neither. What is independent of the action of the play, as the last two lines are, maybe looked upon as an epilogue, and was probably spoken by the same person, whether player, prompter, or cantor." — Cooke. NOTE 218. End of the fifth Act. At the end of a play, the Romans closed their scenes, which, instead of falling from the roof of the theatre downwards, as among the moderns, were constructed something similarly to the blinds of a carriage ; so that when the stage was to be exposed to the view of the spectators, the scene or curtain was let down, and when the piece was con- cluded, it was drawn up again. The ancients ori- ginally performed their plays in the open air, with no scenery but that furnished by nature. As they 330 NOTES. became more refined, they erected theatres, and introduced scenes, which they divided into three kinds: 1. tragic, 2. comic, 3. pastoral. Some very valuable information on this subject may be gathered from M. Perrault's Notes on Vitruvius, who has described the various sorts of ancient scenes. Ovid/in the following verses, describes the original simplicity of the Roman dramatic en- tertainments : " Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro, Nee fuerant liquido pulpita rubra croco. Illic quas tulerant nemorosa palatia frondes Simpliciter positae Scena sine arte fuit." FINIS. LONDON;: Printed by W. Clowes, Northumberland-court. ^^ • *>\» ^ ^ "TV LIBRARY OF CONGRESS Mill ill Iliff ///// 1 003 059 363 7