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SPEECH 
 
 MR. JAMES GRAHAM, 
 
 OF NORTH CAROLINA, 
 
 ON THE BILL MAKING AN APPROPRIATION TO 
 
 PREVENT AND SUPPRESS INDIAN HOSTILITIES. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 May 24, 1838. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 i'RINTfcp BY GALES AND 8EATON. 
 
 1838. 
 
 

 &n 
 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. Chairman : The bill now under discussion proposes to 
 appropriate money to prevent and suppress Indian hostilities. 
 This appropriation is asked, not to declare war against the Cher- 
 okee Indians, but to prevent and suppress a protracted and 
 bloody war by them upon the white settlements in North Caro- 
 lina, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia. This object meets my 
 decided approbation. The volunteers and militia now called 
 by the Government into public service for this pacific purpose 
 must be supported and paid. A small portion of the Cherokee 
 country laps on the southwestern part of North Carolina, and 
 lies within the limits of the congressional district which I have 
 the honor to represent on this floor. I have no hostile feelings 
 to the Cherokee Indians ; my constituents and my State have 
 no unkind feelings to them. Since the treaty of Hopewell, in 
 the year 1785, down to this day, the State of North Carolina 
 has uniformly acted with justice and generosity towards those 
 Indians ; and my constituents have respected their rights, and 
 dwelt in amicable relations on th-eir frontier borders. The 
 treaties of 1817 and 1819, granting reservations of land to cer- 
 tain resident Indians, were productive of much confusion and 
 some litigation in North Carolina ; still the Indians and their 
 council were always well satisfied with the decisions of our 
 courts ; for justice is ably and impartially administered in North 
 Carolina to all classes and to all colors. About one hundred 
 Cherokee Indians, seven or eight years since, voluntarily left 
 their tribe, and removed themselves to a white settlement in 
 my district ; and I am informed they are temperate, orderly, 
 and industrious, and dwell in peace among their white neigh- 
 
bors. I am farther informed, by late letters, that the Indians are 
 now coining from all parts of their nation, and taking refuge in 
 my district. I mention these facts to repudiate and repel all 
 the unfounded charges of oppression and cruelty that have been 
 hatched in sickly sympathy, and conjured up in this debate, so 
 far as they relate to me and mine, and to demonstrate that my 
 district and State have at all times acted with justice, liberality, 
 humanity, and mercy, towards the Cherokee Indians. Some of 
 the Cherokees are more civilized and cultivated than any other 
 Indians with whom I am acquainted ; still the great body of 
 their tribe are cruel, savage Indians ; and God forbid that I 
 should ever surrender my country, and forsake the white peo- 
 ple for the red race. 
 
 In the year 1835 the Cherokee chiefs sold by treaty all tin ii 
 lands east of the Mississippi river to the United States, for 
 the gross sum of five millions six hundred thousand dollars, 
 ($5,600,000,) and agreed, on or before the 23d day of May, 
 1838, to remove west of the Mississippi river, to an extensive 
 territory allotted to them by different compacts, and embracing, 
 by computation, thirteen millions eight hundred thousand acres 
 of land. It is now alleged here in debate that this treaty is 
 fraudulent and void, and that the appropriation now demanded 
 to execute it, and preserve the peace, ought to be withheld or 
 suspended until we pronounce that treaty fair or foul, good or 
 bad. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I hold, and now contend, that the constitution 
 of the United States has conferred upon the President and 
 Senate, alone ami exclusively, the treaty-making power. This 
 branch of Congress has nothing to do in making or unmaking 
 treaties. This House has the rightful and constitutional power 
 over the purse and mom \ of the people ; and, in pursuance of 
 that very power, so vested, tin- House, two years since, made 
 : 1 1 1 appropriation of five millions six bundled thousand dollars to 
 cute and lultil this treaty. Ves, -n. the journal of 1836, 
 which is now before mj eyes, proves thai one hundred and 
 twenty-five members voted foi the appropriation, while only 
 lot t \ thii. could be found to vote sgainsl it. This treaty, there- 
 fort, was made and ratified bj the propel parties to whom the 
 
constitution committed this high trust, and was solemnly ap- 
 proved, in appropriating the ways and means for its execution, 
 by a large majority of the representatives of the people. It has 
 now become the supreme law of the land, and both State and 
 individual rights are vested under it. The contract is no lon- 
 ger executory, but in part actually executed, and hundreds of 
 Indians have received thousands of dollars, and removed to the 
 far Western wilderness, under its bountiful provisions. I could 
 not if I would, and would not if I could, overthrow and demol- 
 ish it. 
 
 The very question involved in this treaty, and at present un- 
 der investigation, was solemnly decided by both branches of 
 Congress, about two years ago, in a protracted and perplexing 
 controversy with France. France then delayed and declined to 
 perform her treaty stipulations and obligations with the United 
 States. What then did this House say to " the law's delay and 
 the insolence of office ?" The answer was unanimous: we will 
 stand upon our constitutional rights ; we will not look back, be- 
 yond or behind the treaty. The French case is analogous and 
 parallel to the Indian case ; it decides it. We cannot noiv look 
 back, behind or beyond the Cherokee treaty, solemnly made 
 and ratified by the President and Senate. We cannot rightfully 
 get over it, under it, or around it, because the constitution has 
 erected an impassable barrier between us and the treaty-making 
 power. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, although this treaty is a constitutional shield 
 in defence of the ground I assume, yet I will proceed, and 
 show, I think to the satisfaction of all unprejudiced minds, that 
 the Cherokee treaty of 1S35 was fairly made, upon a full con- 
 sideration, and ought to be fairly and truly executed ; that a 
 more beneficial and liberal treaty was never made with any 
 tribe ; and that no real and sincere friend of the Indians should 
 wish to see it abrogated, nullified, or violated. Now, sir, to the 
 law and to the testimony. The most intelligent and influential 
 Cherokee chiefs are quite rich, (the owners of valuable lands 
 and slaves,) and they have become so by the frequent receipts 
 of annuities and appropriations from the General Government, 
 while the great mass of the tribe are poor, very poor, miserable 
 
6 
 
 creatures. The chiefs and head-men are generally white In- 
 dians — not red Indians. By white Indians I mean those who 
 have more of the white man's blood in their veins than they 
 have of the Indian stock. John Ross, the principal chief, is 
 seven parts white, and only one degree Indian. Mr. Chairman, 
 are you acquainted with the Indian character and customs? If 
 you are, you know they repose implicit confidence in their head- 
 men. The law of their nation is the will of their head-men. 
 All the treaties of the United States with the Indian tribes have 
 been made with their chiefs. The Cherokee Indians have, for 
 a number of years, had serious difficulties with the State oi 
 Georgia ; and, to add to their misfortunes, they also have had 
 bitter internal divisions among themselves. The chiefs and 
 tribe have split into two formidable parties. Amidst these diffi- 
 culties and dissensions, John Ross and his party, delegates, in 
 the year 1835, came to Washington, and offered to sell all the 
 Cherokee nation east of the Mississippi river, for the gross and 
 lumped sum of twenty millions of dollars. This proposition 
 was promptly rejected by the President, (General Jackson,) as 
 being too extravagant and enormous, and very far beyond the 
 real value of the land. Ross and his associates then addressed a 
 note in writing to the President, reminding him kt that he has 
 often remarked , / hat he would grant the Indians as liberal terms 
 as the Senate, or the friends of the Indians, would be willing to 
 alloxo f and he asked that his proposition might be submitted 
 by the Preside nl to die Senate, for their sense ami opinion there 
 on. In this fishing diplomatic note, Rosa wishes the sense of 
 the Senate to he ascertained and pronounced, hut does not pro* 
 
 mise to stand by their judgment. The President and his s, ,• 
 retary at Wai perceived tin bail on tin honk, and declined all 
 idle children's plaj with this adroit and skilful negotiator. Let 
 
 it be home in mind, that at that tittle the majority ol the Sen etc 
 
 were politically opposed to the President. Ross ami his party 
 th-n made another proposition ol -ah- to the President, and ref- 
 erence of value to the Senate which 1 will read from their 
 
 own wunls 
 
Fehruary 28, 1835. 
 
 Sir: Having submitted a proposition for a final adjustment of our 
 difficulties with the Government of the United States, and understand- 
 ing that the President deems it too extravagant, we must beg that the 
 subject be referred to the Senate, for its sense on the question, the Presi- 
 dent having often told us that he was disposed to treat us with liberal 
 justice, and that he would go as far as the Senate would allow him in 
 regard to money matters. 
 
 We therefore trust he will adopt this course. Being extremely de- 
 sirous that this unhappy controversy might be speedily adjusted, and 
 deeply sensible of our dependent condition, and confiding in the liberal 
 justice of the United States Government, we are prepared, so far as we 
 are concerned, to abide the award of the sense of the American Senate 
 upon our proposition, and to recommend the same for the final determi- 
 nation of our nation. 
 
 We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient, hum- 
 ble servants, 
 
 JOHN ROSS, 
 
 R. TAYLOR, 
 DAN'L McCOY, 
 SAM'L GUNTER S 
 WM. RODGERS. 
 To the Hon. Lewis Cass, 
 
 Secretary at War. 
 
 The Secretary at War (Gov. Cass) answered the letter 1 have 
 
 just read, as follows : 
 
 Department of War, March 6, 1835. 
 
 Gentlemen l In your letter of the 28th ultimo, you stated your 
 readiness to accept for yourselves, and to recommend to the Cherokee 
 people to accept, such sum for their claims east of the Mississippi m« 
 as the Senate of the United States might deem just. The Senate have, 
 by a resolution, stated, as their opinion, that « a sum not exceeding five 
 millions of dollars should be paid to the Cherokee Indians for all their 
 lands and possessions east of the Mississippi river." 
 
 The President wishes now, as he has always done heretofore, to treat 
 with you in a spirit of candor as well as liberality. He has therefore, 
 directed me to communicate to you, at once, the resol.it.on of the Sen- 
 ate, and to state his willingness to enter into a negotiation with you for 
 the cession of all your claims east of the Mississippi, upon cond.uoa 
 
8 
 
 fhat the whole amount of the consideration to be given shall not exceecF 
 the above-mentioned sum. This you were before informed should be 
 done, and the pledge will be redeemed with fidelity. 
 
 I am now ready to receive your propositions concerning the various 
 stipulations \o be imbodied in a treaty for the protection of private 
 rights, and for such arrangements as may be necessary for the removal 
 and re-establishment of your people. 
 
 Very, <fcc. LEWIS CASS. 
 
 Messrs. John Ross, 
 R. Taylor, 
 Dan'l McCoy, 
 Sam'l Gunter, 
 Wm. Rodgers. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, here is a proposition, on behalf of Ross- 
 and his party, so far as they were concerned, to abide the award 
 of the American Senate in relation to the value of the Cherokee 
 country; the President directly acceded to that proposition, and 
 communicated the matter in dispute to the Senate, and referred 
 the value of the la7id entirely to that enlightened body. They 
 took the subject under consideration, and decided and declared, 
 by resolution, as their opinion, that a sum not exceeding liv< 
 millions of dollars should be paid to the Cherokee Indians for 
 all their lands and possessions east of the Mississippi river. 
 Ross and his party further agreed and undertook to recommend 
 to their nation to make a treaty for such sum as the Senate'^ 
 award should fix and designate. Il'ic is a fair contract, (dicta- 
 ted by Ross himself,) founded on a high and heaping price 
 Now, how has this promise been pet formed - How has (hi.- 
 eontracf been executed \ The President, through bif Secretary, 
 immediately notified RoSfl and his party that he was ready to 
 negotiate the treaty lor the aggregate sum of five millions of 
 dollars, to be in full for thr .utile eessioi Dill the application 
 <>l the money would be rack as the ehiefa desire, a jtisf regard 
 brum had to individual rights. Jbbn l.'oss, learning that li\. 
 millions, and not twenty millions of dollars, had been fixed and 
 awarded, as the consideration ol bargain and sale, suggested 
 manj excuses, and pretended thai the expenses and costs ol 
 pi moval, subsistence, and so forth, were to be added, over and 
 
above the Jive millions ; and that he must return directly to the 
 Cherokee nation, to arrange and adjust all the details and speci- 
 fications, and take the sense of the Indians, before he proceeded 
 to consummate the treaty. He left this city, and went home ; 
 not to recommend, but to oppose, the treaty, on the basis and 
 value pronounced by the Senate ; and he has opposed it from 
 that time to this day, and used and exerted all his power and 
 influence to defeat it. He procured a great meeting in council 
 among the Indians, at Red Clay, and prevailed upon them (both 
 the Ridge party and the Ross party) to co-operate and unite in 
 rejecting the treaty he had solemnly promised to recommend for 
 their adoption. He then had eighteen commissioners nominated 
 and appointed, (nine from each party,) invested u with full 
 power from the Cherokee people, in general council assembled, 
 to make such treaty as may appear to them best calculated to 
 insure the present peace and future prosperity of that country.' 1 ' 
 Here was absolute power conferred and vested in both parties 
 to sell the Cherokee lands and execute a treaty. The President 
 sent commissioners into the Cherokee country to conclude and 
 consummate the treaty, according to the Senate's award. The 
 rival chiefs soon terminated their amicable relations and harmo- 
 nious action, and were again torn asunder, and stood in hostile 
 opposition to each other. You will hold in remembrance, when 
 Ross was in Washington, he pretended he could not negotiate 
 the terms and details of the treaty there, because he wanted all 
 specifications settled and arranged in the nation, for the satisfac- 
 tion of the Indians; and when the commissioners went into the 
 Indian nation, and announced the object of their mission, then 
 he endeavored to evade and give the go-by to the whole subject, 
 by informing the commissioners he could not negotiate and make 
 a treaty there, in the Indian nation ; but he would go back to 
 Washington and consummate the whole business. Thus, you 
 perceive, Indian diplomacy bears the likeness and similitude of 
 Reynard, who, when closely pursued, in his doublings and wind- 
 ings, strives hard to take the back track, and return to the pl.u • 
 where the chase began. The Ridge party, who were sincerely 
 desirous to sell and remove, saw and knew this double dealing 
 and talking with a forked tongue must ultimately sacrifice the 
 
10 
 
 great body of the Cherokee people, and they refused to accom- 
 pany Ross and his party to Washington ; and they resolved to 
 make a treaty on the best terms they could with the United 
 States commissioners, then in the nation for that purpose. In 
 this unhappy internal division and distraction of councils and 
 chiefs, John Ross and his delegation came off to Washington, 
 while Ridge and his party (who were rendered by the nation 
 coequal with the Ross party in all powers to sell) remained in 
 their country, and concluded the treaty of New Echota, (or, in 
 English, the City of Refuge,) on the 29th day of December, 
 1835, on the basis of five millions of dollars, as awarded by the 
 Senate, and six hundred thousand dollars more, to be given and 
 paid for removal and subsistence west of the Mississippi river. 
 The six hundred thousand dollar provision was conditional, and 
 dependent on the subsequent approbation of the Senate. This 
 treaty was signed generally by the Ridge party, and by William 
 Rodgers, one of the Ross delegates, who agreed to abide the 
 award of the Senate ; and he faithfully redeemed that pledge. 
 The treaty of New Echota was sent by the President to the 
 Senate, who knew the whole history of this matter, from begin- 
 ning to end, and they approved and ratified it. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, I have shown you that Ridge and his 
 party were equally authorized by the tribe with Ross to make a 
 treaty ; and they did actually execute one, for six hundred thou- 
 sand dollars more than the Senate (as referees) said the country 
 was worth ; and still Ross refused to sign it. Here you perceive 
 this treaty was indeed signed by one party, (the Ridge party ;) 
 and it was solemnly agreed, in writing, to bo signed by the 
 other party, (the Ross party.) When the Senate of the United 
 States advised and consented to the ratification ol this treaty, 
 they acted upon the well-known ami Long-established principles 
 <>l a court of equity, so far as John Ross ami htfl party were 
 concerned. " Those ulm ask equity must first do equity." 
 " The court will consider that done which ought to have been 
 done." That Ross and his delegates, having expiessh given 
 their assent by previous submission and award, were bound in 
 conscience to abide by and execute the tnaty A chancellor, 
 upon those fact9, adduced and attested in | court of equity, 
 
11 
 
 would have directed and decreed a specific performance of the 
 original agreement, and compelled Ross to execute the contract 
 according to the Senate's award. 
 
 The advocates and apologists of John Ross charge fraud in 
 the execution of this treaty. Speculation, declamation, and 
 denunciation, have each exhausted their vocabulary of hard 
 words and harsh names, to stamp and brand this whole transac- 
 tion with iniquity and infamy ; but hard words are not strong 
 arguments. Now, gentlemen, where is the bad faith ? Where 
 is the foul fraud ? There is none on the part of the United 
 States. Can John Ross, the complainant, who seems to excite 
 and enlist the tender sympathies of so many honorable members 
 of Congress, say as much, and say it truly ? No, sir ; no. His 
 word is not equal to his bond : his written promise is not equiv- 
 alent to a treaty ; and yet he imputes fraud to others : to the 
 President and Senate of the United States. For doing what ? 
 For acceding to his own proposition. He is estopped by his 
 own act to make this allegation. He is condemned out of his 
 own mouth, and that condemnation is written and recorded by 
 his own hand and pen. He is like an eagle, shot by an arrow 
 feathered from his own wing. This wily chieftain must not be 
 permitted to play the game of fast and loose at his pleasure. 
 Heads, he wins ; tails, we lose. Twenty millions, he's fast ; five 
 millions, and he aint there. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, this treaty is fair and valid, and was made ac- 
 cording to the long-established usage of treating with Indian 
 chiefs. The amount of money (five millions six hundred thou- 
 sand dollars) paid for the lands, possessions, and removal, is a 
 very high and heaping price ; and I do believe it is more than 
 the country is actually worth. It was liberally bestowed and 
 awarded by the Senate, supposing at the time it would make 
 abundant satisfaction for the land and all injuries committed. 
 This treaty not only rests upon a large and very liberal pecuniary 
 consideration, but is founded on a most humane and benevo- 
 lent policy and philanthropy. The history and experience of 
 every State in this Union abundantly prove that the white man 
 and the red man cannot dwell together in peace, tranquillity, and 
 equality. The Cherokee Indians are now surrounded by a dense 
 
1: 
 
 white population. Then hunting ground is abandoned. Their 
 game is gone. They cannot convert the tomahawk into the 
 ploughshare, nor the scalping-knife into the pruning-hook. 
 Their home is in the wilderness ; their delight is in the chase. 
 Civilization and refinement paralyzes and destroys all their 
 faculties and energies. Some wild animals never can be ren- 
 dered tame. You cannot change the order of nature. You 
 might as well expect the red man to change the color of his 
 skin as his habits and pursuits. The Indian on the white 
 frontier is a degraded, desponding, and forlorn creature. He 
 learns the vices, not the virtues, of civilized society. He is 
 cheated by speculators, swindlers, and Sbylocks. He is often 
 ielt only with his blanket, his bow, and his arrow. The buffalo, 
 the bear, the deer, and other noble game, which conatitute the 
 chief food of nature's noblemen in their aboriginal condition, 
 have all fled from the sound of the woodman's axe, toward the 
 Rocky Mountains. Why, then, not advise and assist the children 
 of the wilderness to remove to a new wild country, suited to 
 (heir wants and conditions of life ? And there let them remain, 
 in the full enjoyment and contentment of their own hunting 
 grounds and game, unmolested by the curiosity of Yankees, and 
 undisturbed by the cupidity of speculators. 1£es, sir, 1 would 
 build up on the Western frontier a Chinese wall, by Congres- 
 sional enactments, between the white and the red man, that (he 
 Indians might forever live there in security and peace. 
 
 The policy of the United States in ;< moi ing and locating .ill 
 the Indians west of the Mississippi river is a wi.se, and humane, 
 tnd life-preserving policy. It had its origin with the lofty 
 -mi n and enlightened philanthropists of by-gone days, and 
 w.i intended lo save and rescue the, Indian tribes from exter- 
 mination and annihilation. In the thick forests and flowerj 
 prairies ol the Western wilds th< ii hearts will leapfoi joy in the 
 < until > exercises of the hunter's life. There they will roan ovei 
 nature's gardens and pme streams, contented and bappy in the 
 pursuit of theii own chosen pleasures, unannoyed by the frauds 
 <il the frontier, and uncorrupted by tin vices oJ the pioneer. 
 It has been said in this debate, by way oi censuring the Govern- 
 ment for its policy. If the Indians are removed and congre- 
 
 F? i.?.n 
 
13 
 
 gated on the Western frontier, they will unite and wage war 
 upon the United States, and devastate and depopulate the States 
 of Arkansas and Missouri. Is this view of the case founded in 
 fancy or in fact? Is it not a fancy sketch, which exists only in a 
 diseased state of the imagination ? How can fifteen or sixteen 
 different tribes, scattered in the wilderness from Texas to Canada, 
 and speaking different languages, having different habits, cus- 
 toms, and interests, unite and co-operate in one common war 
 against the white people ? It is certainly not within the range 
 of probabilities ; and it requires some effort and stretch of imagi- 
 nation to bring it in the neighborhood of possibilities. We might 
 as well expect all the nations of Europe to unite and declare 
 war upon us. The Indians will have wars with each other; and 
 they may, and occasionally will, have wars with us ; but, in the 
 nature of nations and individuals, there can be no concerted and 
 united action of the various tribes to make hostile movements 
 upon the white people. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the message of the President of the United 
 States, and the accompanying communication of his Secretary 
 at War, just received by this House, and proposing in effect to 
 give the Cherokee Indians hoo years longer for removal, meets 
 my reprobation and decided condemnation. It is indiscreet, 
 unwise, and ill-timed ; it is a giving way in the very hour and 
 trial of danger. What, sir, after the President and his Secre- 
 tary have ordered and sent General Scott and six or seven thou- 
 sand troops into the Cherokee country, to preserve the peace 
 and remove the Indians ; after the militia are all gone, and most 
 enormous expenses incurred, and every thing ready for remo- 
 val ; then (on the very day before this treaty is to be executed) 
 comes this unfortunate and most unwelcome message, proposing 
 and pledging himself to use and exert his influence to give two 
 years longer for removal. If we have any Cherokee war, it 
 will be justly attributable to this ill-timed and timid message of 
 the President, and to the indiscreet speeches of members on 
 this floor, in their blind devotion to John Ross and his party, 
 while they are forgetful of the rights and true interests of the 
 great body of the Cherokee Indians. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the plain and patriotic people whom I have 
 
14 
 
 the honor to represent, entertain no fears from the Cherokees , 
 but they do dread and deprecate the necessity of killing the In- 
 dians. They hope most sincerely tint the wise counsels of hu 
 mane legislators, under the dispensation of a merciful Provi 
 dence, will avert this melancholy catastrophe and painful duty- 
 But, sir, if the Indians once shed the white man's blood, and 
 commence hostilities, then the die is cast, and the scene is 
 changed ; then the eagle-eyed and lion-hearted men of the moun- 
 tains in North Carolina will snatch their rifles from the rack 
 over the mansion door, and go forth in defence of their homes 
 and hearths, their wives and children, and exterminate the re- 
 vengeful savage Indian, and leave not one behind to tell the 
 tale of wo. Sir, this is a critical juncture among the Chero- 
 kees ; the flash of one rifle may set that whole frontier in a 
 blaze. This momentous crisis and unfortunate situation of the 
 great mass of the Cherokee people, who have been deluded and 
 deserted by some of their chiefs in this their day of affliction 
 and distress, entitles them to the kind feelings and practical 
 philanthropy of every one whose generous heart throbs for 
 peace on earth and good will toward all mankind. Those who 
 oppose this treaty, and induce the Indians to believe they can 
 remain where they are, know not the mischief and murder they 
 may cause to be committed. The opposition to this measure, 
 though dictated by good intentions, is predicated upon irrele- 
 vant evidence and mistaken views of fact ; upon a total absence 
 and want of a familiar and piactical acquaintance with Indian 
 customs and character. Those who feed upon the day-dream- 
 of fancy, and delight to spin cobweb theories into the most at- 
 tenuated abstractions, maj make a show of charity, sympathy, 
 ind humanity, but they never will administer to the real com- 
 i,,ii and true happiness »>i the human rat e 
 
 Sir i trulj and anxiously desire thai the officers and agents, 
 
 whom the Government have selected and intrusted to perform 
 
 this delicate and difficult task <>i removing tl>< ( b< rokee Indian.-, 
 
 do Mi. ii <lui\ in mildm h and mercy, and pn veni the land 
 
 , | , nth acquired bj treat) from being crimsoned with crime 
 
 md drenched with blood 
 

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