3* '"^ffi^-. •^ot.* :&l^k'. -^An* 
 
 
 ^0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 >, *•"«>' *^ 
 
 ^' 
 
 " " V>* ^i* ^"^ . . T^ 
 
 
 v-^^ 
 
 5 *>?.. 
 
 * 4 
 
 
 
 ^oV' 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 w O . ^ 
 
 
 .^X^^^ o' 
 
X '- 
 
 1 % / 
 
 lf.1 
 
CiFT 
 ESI ATE Of 
 WIUiAM C. RIVEB' 
 X 4PA1L, 1940 
 
 ?v 
 
 70S 9^0 
 
/^c^rrf 
 
 MR. LLOYD'S SPEECHES 
 
 IK THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES^ 
 
 ON 
 
 MR. HILLHOUSE'S RESOLUTION 
 TO REPEAL THE EMBARGO LAWS; 
 
 NOVEMBER 21, 1808. 
 
 I CONSIDER, Mr. President, the question now under discussion 
 as one of the most important that has occurred since the adoption of 
 the federal constitution. It is a subject, sir, deeply implicating, and 
 perhaps determining, the fate of the commerce and navigation of 
 cur country ; a commerce v/hich has afforded en»ployment for 
 nearly a million and a half of tons of navigation ; which has found 
 occupation for hundreds of thousands of our citizens ; which has 
 spread wealth and prosperity in every region of our country, and 
 which has upheld the government by furnishing the revenue for its 
 support. 
 
 A commerce which has yielded an annual amount of exports 
 exceeding one hundred millions of dollars ; an amount of exports 
 three times as great as was possessed by the first maritime and 
 commercial nation of the world at the commencement of the last 
 century, when her population was double that of the United States 
 at this time ; sin amount of exports equal to what Great Britain, 
 with her navy of a thousand ships, and with all her boasted manu- 
 factures, possessed even at so recent a period as within' about fif- 
 teen years from this date : surely this is a commerce not to be 
 trifled wiv^ ; a commerce not lightly to be offered upas the victim 
 of fruitless experiment. 
 
 Our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embar- 
 rassment, vexation, and plunder, from the belligerents of Europe. 
 There is no doubt but both France and Great Britain have violated 
 
entertain the belief, and to make known to his government the 
 expectation he entertained, that an adjustment would take place of 
 the diftei cnces between this country and Great Britain. 
 
 But, sir, the apprehensions of the Britii-h nation and ministry 
 gradually became weaker ; the embargo had been submitted to tlie 
 never errjng- test of experience, and information of its real effects 
 flowed in from every cjuarter. 
 
 It was fcvmd that instead of reducing the West Indies by famine, 
 the piiniers in the West Indies, by varying their process of agri- 
 culture, and iippropriating a small part of their plantations for the 
 raising of ground provisions, were tnabied, without materially di- 
 minishing their usual cops of produce, in a great measure to de- 
 pend upon themselves for their own means of subsistence. 
 
 rhe Hiitish mn)istry also became acquainted about this time 
 (June w^lth the unexpected and unexamplec- prosperity of their co- 
 lonies of Canada and Nova Scotia. It was perceived that one year 
 of an American embargo was worth to them twenty years of peace 
 or war under any other circumstances ; that the usual order of 
 things was reversed; that in lieu of American merchants making 
 estates from the use of British merchandise and British capital, 
 the Canadian merchtints were making fortunes, of from ten to thirty 
 or forty thousand pounds in a year, fi-om the use of American mer- 
 chandise and American capital : for it is notQrious^ that great sup- 
 plies of lumber, and pot and pearl ashes, have been transported 
 from the American to the British side of the lakes ; this merchan- 
 dise, for want of competition, the Canadian merchant bought at a 
 very reasonable rate, sent it to his correspondents in England, and 
 drew exchange against the shipments ; the bills for which exchange 
 he sold to the merchants of the United States, for specie, trans- 
 ported by waggon loads at noon day, from the banks in the United 
 States, over the borders into Canada. And thus was the Canadian 
 merchant enabled, Avith the assistance only of a good credit, to car- 
 ry on an immensely extended and beneficial commerce, without; 
 the ne'-essary employment, on his part, of a single cent of his own 
 capital. 
 
 About this time also the revolution in Spain developed itself. 
 The British ministry foresaw the advantage this would be of to 
 them, and immediately formed a coalition with the patriots : by 
 doing this, they secured to themselves, in despite of their enemies, 
 an accessible channel of communication with the continent. They 
 must also have been convinced, that if the Spaniards did not suc- 
 ceed in Europe, the colonies would declare themselves independ- 
 ent of the mother country, and rely on the maritime force of 
 Great Britain lor their protection, and thus would they have opened 
 xO them an incalculably advantageous mart for their commerce and 
 manufactures ; f jr, having joined the Spaniards without stipula- 
 tion, they undoubtedly expected to reap their reward in the exclu- 
 sive commercial privileges that Avould be accorded to them ; nor 
 
;;^ \v^Yt they desirous to seek competitors for the favour of the Spa= 
 ^ niards : if they could keep the navigation, the enterprise and the 
 ■X. capital of the United States from an interference with them, it was 
 "^ their interest to do it, and they would from this circumstance pro- 
 -C; bably consider a one-, two or three years' continuance of the em- 
 i^ bargo as a boon to them. 
 
 'It is therefore, sir, undoubted in my mind, that the embargo, 
 y" as it respects England as welJ as France, is inefficacious. 
 O But, sir, are there yet other channels through which we can 
 '^ operate upon Great Britain, by means of this measure ? It may 
 possibly be said that disturbances among the manufacturers in 
 England yet exist, and that they are only quieted for the moment. 
 Sir, as long as I remember to have heard of the British nation, I 
 have heard of tumults among her manufacturers, although I have 
 never known any sei ious result from them ; but every petty squabble 
 between a manufacturer and his workmen is, by the magick of some 
 gentlemen's imagination, converted into an alarming insurrection 
 menacing the prostration of her goyernment. Suppose, sir, by 
 abstaining from the receipt of British manufactures, you make 
 bankrupts of one hundred of her wealthiest manufacturers ; what 
 is produced by this ? Within twelve months you have witnessed 
 nearly as many bankruptcies in one of your own cities, and yet 
 that city retains its usual credit and reputation for wealth. But, 
 to extend tins argument further, sujipose, from the causes before- 
 mentianed, ,ou make bankrupts of five hundred of the wealthiest 
 of her manufacturers, and that in consequence you deprive of em- 
 ployment fifty thousand of their workmen ; what is the effect pro- 
 duced by this ? What has become of the manufacturers of France ? 
 These men will not starve ; they will not become non-entities ; in 
 time of war they have a certain asylum ; they will be absorbed in 
 her army or navy ; and thus you take fifty thousand of the most 
 turbulent of her citizens, who are in constant opposition to the 
 government, from under the (fbntroul of a lax civil authority, and 
 by placing them under the coercion of an efficient military dis- 
 cipline, you add in reality to the strength of the nation, and give 
 to her the means of extending and retaining her maritime domi- 
 nion : this surely is not desirable. 
 
 Some gentlemen may say, that the fear of famine is to effect 
 what an insurrection among her manufacturers will not accomplish. 
 Of all idle expectations, this is the most idle. It is well known, 
 that the harvest in England is got in during the month of August, 
 and the early part of September : I have before me, sir, a price cur- 
 rent of the 20th of September, from which it appears that Ameri- 
 can flour, subject to the payment of freight, insurance, commission, 
 and other charges, was selling in Liverpool at forty-seven shillings 
 sterling the barrel. 
 
 Another fact will pei'haps give gentlemen some information on 
 this subject. Owing to the interdiction of the trade to ^he continent 
 
v^" Europe, sugars, during the last winter, from the West Indiesj^ 
 had so greatly accumulated in England, as to render them un^ 
 saleable in any considerable quantity : this greatly incommoded 
 the West India interest ; they petitioned parliament for a prohibi- 
 tion of the use of grain in the distilleries, and the substitution of 
 MUgar and molasses in lieu of it : the reasons assigned in support oF 
 the petition were, that it would give a double aflvantage to the 
 nation, by aflTording relief to the West India planters, and also 
 greatly reduce the price of food to the poor. The bill was however 
 opposed by the landed interest, and at that time rejected on the 
 single ground, that by bringing into the market so large a surplus 
 quantity of grain, as six millions of bushels, being the amount an- 
 nually consumed in the distilleries, the price would be so greatly 
 reduced as not to pay the farmer for the labour and expense of 
 raising it. 
 
 Thus it is evident, that we have no chance of operating on the 
 fears of Great Britain on account of her harvest ; for it is shewn, 
 that she has it at any time in licr power, and even with an encourage- 
 ment to her colonics, to throw mto her corn market a quantity of 
 grain nearly equal to the whole quantity of wheat exported from 
 this country in the year ending in September 1807 ; for by the 
 returns of the secretary of the treasury it appeared, that all the 
 tlour and wheat exported during that year, amounted only to what 
 would be equal to about seven millions three hundred thousand 
 bushels of wheat. 
 
 But, sir, if we cannot trade with France and England, why 
 should we be deprived of all intercourse with Spain and Portugal ? 
 These are nations struggling for their liberties. Will it be told 
 you, sir, that the trade to these countries is an inconsiderable one ; 
 that it will yield little or no profit ; and that it will be unequally 
 and unjustly divided between different parts of the United States l" 
 
 Spain, Portugal and their dependencies, have taken of our ex- 
 ports about twenty millions of dollar^ in a year. Can this be called 
 an inconsiderable trade ? 
 
 The exports of Spain and Portugal consists principally in wines, 
 brandies and fruits. They are not grain countries, but depend 
 principally for their supplies of grain upon other countries. They 
 have formeily received them from the Mediterranean, from the 
 coast of Barbary, and from the Baltic. Under the present circum- 
 stances of the European world, these supplies could probably be 
 best obtained from the United States, and would require large 
 quantities of wheat and iiour from the southern states. The Spa- 
 niards and Portuguese professing the Roman catholic religion, and 
 being obliged by its ordinances to abstain for part of the year from 
 the use of meat, and being accustomed to live during that time 
 principally on fis!i, have rendered Spain and Portugal the best 
 market in Europe for that staple of the northern states. The 
 iumber for tlieir packages, their cask*, and boxes, they obtain 
 
chiefly from New York and Norfolk ; the lumber of the eastern 
 states not being so Avell adapted foi their purpose. Thus then it 
 appears, that this trade, instead of being an unequal one, is more 
 equally divided among the different portions of the union, than any 
 other trade which is prosecuted from the United States to any part 
 of Europe. 
 
 It remains now, sir, to consider the effects of the embargo on our- 
 selves. Every gentleman must be the best judge of its effects within 
 the immediate circle of his own observation. From the observation 
 I have been enabled to make, it appears to me to be fraught with 
 destruction. It appears to me to be wasting our resources instead 
 of preserving them ; breaking down the spirit of the people, and 
 dividing instead of uniting them. It is inviting foreign insult 
 and aggression by the imbecility which it opposes to them ; and it 
 appears to me to bear extremely hard upon the commercial and 
 navigating states. 
 
 The human mind is composed of nearly the same materials in 
 all countries. Extend over an enlightened community, possessing 
 the means of easy communication, a great and severe degree of 
 privation and suffering, without accompanying that suffering with 
 an absolute conviction on the public mind of some great, some ur- 
 gent public necessity requiring it, and some eventual good to 
 emanate from it ; and there is reason to fear, you may create great 
 discontent and uneasiness. Wherever this exists in a great degreey 
 it will be manifested in memorials to the constituted authorites of 
 the country. Legislative resolutions will next follow; remon- 
 strances succeed ; and if these are unattended to, resistance em- 
 bodies itself, and the spark of discontent, which might easily have 
 been smothered in its origin, is fanned into a llame of rebellion, 
 spreading ruin and desolation around it, and in its progress perhaps 
 overturning the liberties and government of the country. 
 
 Happily we have not reached this stage : I trust in Cod we never 
 shall. It should be the duty of every man, both in and out of office,, 
 to adopt every measure, and make every exertion to prevent it. 
 The removal of the embargo will, as I believe, be one means to 
 check an incipient state of discontent. I am therefore for this, as 
 well as for many other reasons, most earnestly and zealously ir. 
 favor of its repeal, and the passing the resolution for that purpos*;. 
 
MR. GILES' SPEECH, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IX SENATE OF THE UNIlEfi STATES, 
 
 ON 
 
 'Tluirsday, 24 Ncwember, 1808, on the Resolution ofl^lr. 
 Hillhonsej to repeal the Embargo Laws* 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT— Having during the recess of Con^ 
 gress retired from the poUtical world, and having little agency in 
 the passing polilical scenes, li\ing in a part of the country too» 
 where there is little or ao difference in political opinions, and where 
 the embargo laws are almost universally approved ; I felt the real 
 want of information upon the subject, now under discussion. I 
 thought I knew something of the general objects of the embargo 
 laws, and I had not been inattentive to their general opera- 
 tions upon society, as far as I had opportunities of observing there^ 
 upon. 
 
 When I arrived here, and found that this subject had excited so 
 much sensibility in the minds of many gentlemen I met Avith, as to. 
 engross their whole thoughts, and almost to banish every other 
 topic of conversation ; I felt also a curiosity to know, what were 
 the horrible effects of these laws in other parts of the country, and 
 which had escaped my observation in the part of the country in 
 which I reside. Of course, Sir, I have given to the gentlemen, who 
 have favored us with their observations on both sides of the question 
 under consideration, the most careful and respectful attention, 
 and particularly to the gentlemen i-eprese nting the eastern section 
 of the union, where most of this sensibility had been excited. I 
 always listen to gentlemen from that part of the United States, with 
 pleasure, and generally receive instruction from them ; but on 
 this occasion, I am reluctantly compelled to acknowledge, that I 
 have received from them less satisfaction, and less information than 
 usual ; and still less conviction. 
 
 It was hardly to have been expected, Mr. President, that after 
 so many angry and turbulent passions had been called into action, 
 by tlie recent agitations throughout the whole United States, re- 
 sulting from the elections by the people, to almost all the impor- 
 tant offices within] their gift; and particularly from the elections 
 of electors for choosing the President and Vice President of the 
 United States, that gentlemen would have met here perfectly ex- 
 empt freni llie feelings, ^Yhi''h this sti\_tc of things wa^ naturally 
 
calculated to inspii^c ; — Much less was it to have bectte«pCGled, Sir, 
 that gentlemen vvho had once possessed the power of the nation, 
 and who, from some cause or other, had lost it ; (a loss, which 
 they now tell us they but too well remember^ and I fear, might 
 have added, too deefily deplore^) gentlemen too, Sir, who at one 
 time during the electioneering scene, had indulged the fond anA 
 delusive hope, that through the privations necessarily imposed up- 
 on our fellow citizens, by the unexampled aggressions of the bel- 
 ligerent powers, they might once more find their wiy to office aod 
 power, and who now find themselves disappointed in this darling 
 expectation. It was not at all to be expected. Sir, that these 
 gentlemen should now appear here, perfectly exempt from the 
 unpleasant feelings, which, so dreadful a disappointment must 
 necessarily have produced. It was a demand upon human nature, 
 for too gfeat a sacrifice ; and however desirable such an exemption 
 might have been at the present moment, and however honorable k 
 ■would have been to those gentlemen, it was not expected. 
 
 But, Sir, I had indulged a hope that the extraordinary dangers, 
 and difficulties pressed upon us, by the aggressing belligerents ; 
 attended too, with so many circumstances of indignit)' and insult, 
 ■would have avrakened a sensibility in the bosom of every gentle- 
 man of this body, which would have wholly suppressed, or at least 
 suspended, these unpleasant feelings, until some measures, con- 
 sulting the general interests and welfare of the people, could 
 have been devised, to meet, resist, and if possible, to subdue the 
 extraordinary crisis. But, Sir, even in this hope too, I have been 
 totally disappointed. — I was the more encouraged in this hope, wheij 
 upon opening this debate the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. 
 Hillhouse) seemed sensible of this sacred obligation, imposed by 
 the crisis, when he exhorted us in conducting our deliberations, ut- 
 terly to discard the influence of party spirit. It would have given 
 me great pleasure, Sir, if the gentleman had afforded us a magna- 
 nimous example of a precept so admirably suited to the present 
 state of things. But in this too, Sir, 1 have been unfortunately 
 disappointed. That gentleman's observations consisted almost ex- 
 clusively of retrospective animadversions upon the original objects 
 and horrible effects of the embargo laws, without seeming to think 
 it was worth his attention, to favor us with any reflections upon the 
 prospective course of measures, which the people's iiiterests, the 
 public safety, and general welfare so imperiously demand. Tliat 
 gentleman represented the embargo laws, as mere acts of volition, 
 impelled by no cause nor necessity ; whilst th^ British 6rdei"s, and 
 French edicts, were scarcely glanced at, and certainly formed the 
 least prominent feature of his oliscrvatlons. He represented these 
 laws as a Wanton and wicked attack upon commerce, with a view 
 to its destruction, whilst he seemed scarely to have recollected the 
 extraordinary dangers and ditlicuUies, which overspread the ocean 
 indeed, Sir, he j^escribed the ocean as perfectly free from dai^-gers 
 
B<i(} cMfftcukies, unruffled by any storms, and that we had nothiiifj to 
 do, but lo unfurl our canvass to the wind, that it would be tilled 
 with prosperous gales, and wafted to the ports of its destination, 
 "where it would be received with open arms of friendship and hospL-* 
 tality. I wish, Sir, with all my heart, the gentleman could but 
 realize these dreaming visions ; their reality would act like a ma- 
 gic spell upon the embargo laws, and dissipate them in a moment! 
 But, alas, Sir, when we come to look at realities, when we turn 
 our eyes upon the Teal dangers and difficulties which do oversfiread 
 the ocean^ we shall find them so formidable, that the wisdom of 
 our undivided counsels, arid the energy of our undivided action, 
 will scarcely be sufficient to resist and conquer them. To my 
 great regret. Sir, we now see, that the United States cannot even 
 hope to be blessed with this union of mind and action, although 
 certainly their dearest Interests demand it. 
 
 Mr. President, perhaps the greatest inconvenience attending 
 'popular governments consists in this ; — That whenever the unioix 
 and energy of the people are most required to resist foreign aggres- 
 sions, the pressure of these aggressions presents most temptations 
 to distrusts and divisions. — Was there ever a stronger illustration, 
 ©f the truth and correctness of this observation than the recent ef- 
 forts made under the pressure of the embargo laws ?— The mo- 
 ment the privations, reluctantly but necessarily imposed by 
 those laws, became to be felt, was the moment of signal to every 
 political demagogue, who wished to find his way to office and to 
 power, to excite the distrusts of the people, W)d then to separate 
 tljcm from the government of their choice, by every exaggeration, 
 which ingenuity could devise, and every misrepresentation, which 
 felschood could invent; nothing was omitted, which it was con- 
 ceived would have a tendency to effect this object. But Mr. Pre- 
 sident, the people of the United States must learn the lesson now, 
 and Jit all future times, of disrespecting the bold and disingenuous 
 charges and insinuations of such aspiring demagogues.— -They 
 must learn to respect and rally round their own government, or 
 they never can present a formidable front to a foreign aggressor, 
 —Sir, the people of the United States have already learnt this les- 
 son.— They have recently given an honorable and glorious exam- 
 l»le of their knowledge in this respect. They have in their recent 
 Glections, demonstrated to the nation, and to the world, that they 
 possess too much good sense, to become the dupes of these delv- 
 sive artifices, and too much patriotism to desert their govern- 
 ment, when it stands most in need of their support and en- 
 ergy. 
 
 The gentlemen from Connecticut (Mr. HiHaousc) has made th.e 
 most strict, and I had almost said, uncharitable scrutiny into the 
 objects and eftects of the embargo laws, in the delusive hope, I 
 presume, of obtaining a triumph over his political adversiuisis. i 
 ^ropos^ to foP-OW the gentlcmiin, in a ftrir r.n^l candid coniparisrsn 
 
4 
 
 ftf information and opinions upon this subject ; and I shall do so iii 
 the most perfect confidence, that, whenever a thoroujjh examina- 
 tion of the objects and effects of the embargo laws shall be made 
 known, and the merits of the measure fully understood, that there 
 is not a man in the U. S. who will not applaud and support the ad- 
 ministration for its adoption, who has the uncontaminated heart of 
 an American, throbbing within his bosom. 
 
 Mr. President, I have always understood that there ^vere two 
 objects contemplated by the embargo laws. — The first, precautiona- 
 ry, operating upon ourselves — The second, coercive, operating 
 tipon the aggressing belligerents. Precautionary, in saving our sea-* 
 men, our ships and our merchandize from the plunder of our enemies, 
 and avoiding the calamities of war. Coercive, by addressing strong 
 appeals to the interests of both the belligerents. The first object 
 has been answered beyond my most sanguine expectations. To 
 make a fair and just estimate of this measure, reference should 
 be had to our situation at the time of its adoption. At that time, 
 the aggressions of both the belligerents were such, as to leave the 
 U. S, but a painful alternative in the choice of one of three mea- 
 sures, to wit, the embargo, war, or submission. — I know that this 
 position has not been admitted, though but faintly denied in the 
 discussion. I shall however proceed upon this hypothesis for the 
 present, and in the coui'se of my observations will prove its cor- 
 rectness by the statements of the gentlemen in favor of the resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 Before the recommendatiort of this measure, the laudable and 
 provident circumspection of the administration, had obtained to- 
 lerably correct estimates of the amount and value of the ships and 
 merchandise belonging to the citizens of the U. S. then afloat ; 
 and theiamount and value of what was shortly expected to be afloat ; 
 togeiher with a conjectural statement of the number of seamen 
 employed in the navigation thereof. 
 
 It was found that merchandise to the value of one hundred mil- 
 lions of dollars was actually afloat, in vessels amounting in value 
 to twenty millions more — That an amount of merchandise and 
 vesisels equal to fifty millions of dollars more, was expected to be 
 shortly put afloat, and that it would require fifty thousand seamen 
 to be employed in the navigation of this enormous amount of pro- 
 perty. The administration was informed of the hostile edicts of 
 France previously issued, and then in a state of execution, and of 
 an intention on the part of Great Britain to issue her orders, 
 the character and object of which were also known. The object 
 was, to sweep this valuable commerce from the ocean.— The situa- 
 tion of this commerce was as well known to Great Britain, as to 
 ourselves, and her inordinate cupidity could not withstand the tempta- 
 tion of the rich booty, she vainly thought within hef power. This was 
 the state of information at the time this measure was recommended. 
 • Tlie President of the United States ever watchful and anxious for 
 
■the preservation of the persons and property of all our fellow-cj.ti- 
 aens, but particularly of the merchants, whose property is most 
 exposed to danger, and of the seamen whose persons are also most 
 exposed, recommended the enjjbargo for the protection of both ; 
 and it has «aved and protected Both. Let us now suppose, for a 
 moment, that the President, possessed of this information, had not 
 apprised the merchants and seamen of their danger, and had re- 
 commended no measure for their safety and protection ; would he 
 not, in that case, have merited and received the reproaches which 
 the ignorance or ingratitude of merchants and others have so un- 
 justly heaped upon him, for his judicious and anxious attentions to 
 their interests ? It is admitted by all, that the embargo laws have 
 saved this enoriiious anaount of property, and this number of sfea- 
 mcn, which, withont them, would have forcibly gone into the hands 
 'of our enemies, to pamper their arrogance, stimulate their injus- 
 tice, and increase their means of annoyance. 
 
 t should suppose, Mr. President, this saving worth some notice. 
 3ut, Sir, we are told that instead of protecting our seamen, it has 
 •driven them out of the country, and into foreign service. I^believe^ 
 Sir, that this fact is greatly exaggerated. But, Sir, suppose for a 
 moment that it is so, the government has done all, in this respect, 
 it was bound to do. It placed these seamen in the bosoms of their 
 friends and families, in a state of perfect security ; and if they have 
 since thought proper to abandon these blessings, and emigrate;- 
 fron\ their country, it was an act of choice, not of necessity. But 
 what v;ould have been the unhappy d,estiny of these brave tars, if 
 <;hey had been permitted to have been carried into captivity, and 
 sent adrift on unfriendly and inhospitable shores ? Why, Sir, iu 
 that case, they would have had no choice ; necessity would have, 
 driven them into a hard and ignominious service, to fight the bat- 
 tles of tlic authors of their dreadful calamities, against a nation, 
 with whicli their country was at peace. And is the bold and ge- 
 nerous American tar to be told, that he is to disresi)ect the admir 
 nistration for its anxious and effectual attentions to his interests ? 
 For relieving him from a dreadful captivity ? Even under the hard- 
 ships he does suffer, and which I sincerely regret, every gencroub 
 feeling of his noble heart, would repel the base attempt witli in- 
 dignation. But, Sir, the American seamen have not deserted their 
 country ; foreign seamen may and proLalMy have gone into foreign 
 service ; and, for one, I am glad of it. I hope they will never re- 
 turn ; and I am willing to pass a law in favor of the true hearted 
 American seamen, that these foreign seamen never should return. 
 I would tven prohibit them from being employed in merchant ves- 
 sels. The American seamen have found employment in the coun- 
 try ; and whenever the proper season shall arrive for employiu?^ 
 them on their proper element, you v.ill fmd them, lik^ tru;^ hi\'<.h 
 of passage, hovering in crowds upon your shores, *• 
 
 ■ Whilst considering this rait of ll:e sul)iect, I cannr»t. hcln e:-> 
 
jjrfc&sVng my regieU that at the time of passing our embargo la^^.'-^ 
 A proportion pf our seamen was not taken into the public service ; 
 because, in my judgment, the nation required their services, and it, 
 would have been some alleviation to their hardships, which the 
 measure peculiarly imposed upoffthem, as a class of citizens, by 
 affecting their imrnediatc occupation ; and the other classes, ad well 
 as the public treasury, were able to contribute to their alleviation ; 
 and I am willing to do the same thing at this time* Indeed, ife 
 omission is the only regret 1 have ever felt, at the measures pf the 
 last Congress. I like the character — I like the open frankness^ 
 and the generous feelings of the honest American tar ; and, when- 
 ever in my power, I am ready to give, and will with pleasure give 
 him my protection and support. One of the most importarit and 
 agreeable effects o.f the embargo laws, is giving these honest fellows 
 a safe assylum. I^ut, Sir, these are not the only good effects of the 
 embargo. It has fireserved our fieace — it has saved our /lonor-^— it 
 has saved our national inde/ie?idence. Are these savings not worth 
 notice ? Are these blessings not worth preserving ? The gentle- 
 man from Delawarei, (Mr. White) has, indeed, told us, that under 
 the embargo laws, the United States are bleeding' at every iiore.'-" 
 This, surely. Sir, is one of the most pxti-avagant effects, that could 
 have been ascribed to these laws by the frantic dreams of the most 
 infatuated passions. Blood-letting is the last effect, that I ever ex- 
 pected to hear ascribed to this ftieasUi'e. I thought it was of the 
 opposite character : but it serves to show that nothing Is too ex- 
 travagant for the misguided zeal of gentlemen in the opposition. — 
 I have cast my eyes aboUt in vain to discover those copious stream* 
 of blood ; but I neither see nor hear any thing of them, from any 
 other quarter. So far from the United States bleeding at every 
 fiorcy under the embargo, it has saved them from bleeding at any 
 fiorc ; and one of the highest compliments to the measure is, that 
 it has saved us from the very calamity which the gentleman attri- 
 . buted to it ; but which, thiinks to our better stars and wiser coun- 
 sels, does not exist. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) not content 
 with describing the general horrors of the embargo lavrs, has ad- 
 dressed himself, in plaintive tones, to several particular classes of 
 citizens, and has kindly informed eacli of his particular hardships 
 and sufferings. The gentleman asks, what haa become of the mer- 
 chant? What has become of the farmer ? I know something of the 
 situation of tlie farmer ; and, as to the merchant, I had felt seriouB 
 apprehensions for his situation, until they were materially relieved 
 by the information given by the gentleman. The gentleman tells 
 lis, that the great capitalists do not suffer ; they are in favor of thi" 
 embargo ; but the young, dashing, enterprising merchant, without 
 capital, is destroyed. This statement is highly honorable to the 
 embargo laws, and proves a great deal. The capitalist, "svho ha's 
 property, finds its security nnder the embargo ; ho is therefore' in 
 
favor. of the measupc ; but the merchant, who has nothing, is de» 
 jifived of an opportunity of making something out of that nothing. 
 But his rights are not affected by the embargo ; he is left in the 
 enjoyment of the nothing he possessed ; and has no reason to com- 
 phiin that the embargo does not give him something without hibor- 
 ing for it. I regret, however, that these merchants, without capi 
 tai, have lost the chance of making their l\}rtuhes by the embargo ; 
 but even the most of these, the gentleman tells us, would probably 
 have become bankrupt, by their wild speculations, even if the em- 
 bargo were not in being j and, of course, their situation cannot be 
 much worsted by it. 
 
 But, Mr. President, I am willing to admit, that there are many 
 worthy merchants of sriiall capital, who do suffer by the suspension 
 of their employmients ; and I am very sorry for them : but thit; 
 suffering is incidental to every coerced state of things ; and is at- 
 tributable, not properly to the embargo, but to the causes that ren- 
 dered itis adoption indispensable. 
 
 The gentlemen, however, tell us, with the most sympathetic feel- 
 ings, that the ships of the great capitalists are rotting at our wharves* 
 and yiet these capitalists are in favor of the embargo. Why, Sir^ 
 this is a very plain ca^, when stript of its exaggerations. Tht^ 
 ships are precisely twelve months older than they were twelve 
 months ago ; and the owners would rather have them there, with 
 this difference of age and proportionate decay, than to see tht*m 
 torn away by lawless plunderers, and wholly lost forever. But, 
 Sir, what would have becomb of many of these capitalists if it hafl 
 not been for the embargo ? Their property would have been plun- 
 dered, and they become bankrupts. Is it any wonder then, Sir, 
 that these men should be in favor of the embargo ? Review, then, 
 this statement made by the gentlemen, respecting the merchants, 
 and what Is the actual result ? Why this, S^ir — thut, although ihcv 
 do suffer by the necessary interruption of their particular occupa- 
 tion, (a suffering I deplore as much as any gentleman iii the Unit- 
 ed States) yet the' real owners of the property do not complain ; 
 and almost the only grumblers are those who have nothing to 
 grumble about. 
 
 But says the gentleman, what has become of the farmer? The 
 gentleman knows, that I am a farmer, and that I have long borne 
 the appellation with sincere pleasure ; I may therefore be presum- 
 ed to know something of the situation of the fiu-mer ; and not only 
 in my own name, but in the name of the whole happy, useful, and 
 honorable fraternity of American farmers, I will tell the gcntlc- 
 n)an what that situation is at this moment. — Tlie American Far- 
 mer is now enjoying the fruits of his honest industry, in peace and 
 security, blessed at the same time, with every political, social, and 
 domestic enjoyment, perfectly exeu'pt from all vexations, and I 
 had almost said taxations, and \vlth pleasure beholds a surplus ol 
 fourteen millions of dollars in the pv.hlic trciis-ury after pj.vi.ng eve; ; 
 
8 
 
 ly debt, which co»iId be demanded of the h»iaor »f the govemmeut. 
 All these blessings too, are sweetened by the nobk- consciousness 
 that they are enjoyed by him as a freeman, and by a constant recollec- 
 tion, and perfect confidence, that he is protected in this enjoyment, by 
 a government, which will never basely surrender his rights, nor 
 the national sovereignty, to any foreip;n aggressor upon earth — 
 lilcssed with all tliese unintervvipted enjoyments, I agree perfectly 
 in sentiment with the i>enl.leman from New-York (Mr. Mitchill) 
 that with a heart overflo,ving with the most grateful affections, he 
 should I'cnder thanks to the author of all good, that in the bounti- 
 ful dispensations of his providence, he has l)een pleased to pour so 
 :many blessings into the lap of the American Farmer I I Grumbling; 
 and repining when thus favored, would In my judgment, be impi- 
 ety to Heaven, and ingratitude to his own government. — 
 
 The gentleman does not tell you. Sir, that the Farmer wants 
 any thing, but that he has plenty over much. The puzzle is, te 
 know what to do with the surplus plenty. — And how does the gen- 
 tleman advise the Farmer to dispose of it ? — Why he tells him, 
 raise the embargo and it will increase the price of your surplus 
 produce ; and for this sujiposed ditlercnce in price, he advises the 
 Farmer to sell his own freedom and his country's indei>endence ; 
 and in this contemptible and ir.iserable barter, to purchase his 
 own, and his country's vassalage — to cease to be a freeman, and 
 to become a slave ! To give up th.; noble feelings inspired by liber- 
 ty and freedom, and to descend to the abject and ignominious ex- 
 istence of a slave without any mental feeling whatever. — Sir, let 
 Tue tell that gentleman in my own name, and in the name of everjc 
 farn^er in the U. S. that we would repel with indignity and indig- 
 nation, the disgraceful golden allurement, even if it could be rea- 
 lized. But, Sir, dishonorable as the allurement is, it is ficticious, 
 it is visionary. It could not be realized. — I believe, and every sen- 
 <>ible Farmer will believe, that he has for the last ten months obtained 
 Tinore for his surplus plenty under the embargo, than he could 
 have done in any other state of things, which was in the choice of 
 the government — Let us suppose that the imrae&se mercantile 
 capital which is admitted to have been saved by the embargo had 
 been seized and carried into foreign ports and there condemned ; 
 what would have been its effects upon the mercantile capital of this 
 country ? It would have so crippled our merchants, that they would 
 jiot have been able for a long time to purchase the surplus pro- 
 duce of the nation. 
 
 ' Buttliat is not all, these mercliants would have claimed indemni- 
 fication from the government for los^ses which, in that cnse they 
 -rt'otdd have urged, were sustained by its culpable neglect ;. and they 
 Vvou'.d have plunged us into war, to repair so great an injury inflict- 
 t-d upon t!-.e nation : the foreign pTundercrs too, w'/uld have told 
 vr., that they cared but little about a war, as they had taken from us 
 h,uQicit'nt means hf defraying its cj^pt- rssc Tliir;, in that state of 
 
|])iflg3, a warwoi^d have been inevitable; and would you Tell tbj; 
 ■farmer, that he would get more for his surplus produce in time oF 
 war, than he has received since the embargo ? Sir, the farmer 
 knows too well the calajnities of war, to be thus deluded by these 
 visionary golden dreams. In the event of war, he would not have 
 receive^ as much for his surplus produce, as untler the embargo 
 laws : hence, it obviously appears from a fair estimate of pounds, 
 shillings, and pence ; (since we are compelled to resort to that 
 standard, as the only orthodox test of our national honor, national 
 sensibility, and even national independence) yes. Sir, even accord- 
 ing to that sordid standard, the farmer would have been the losej". 
 besides, Sir to say nothing of Uic increased taxes, and other bur- 
 jtbens indispensable to the 'support of war, who can count its 
 chances, or limit its duration? Who can calculate its demoralising; 
 consequences ? But calamitous as war is, tfie American farmers 
 would with eagerness encounter all its terrors, rather than surren- 
 der their own liberties, "and the nation's hon,or, mdependence, and 
 sovereignty— let us then for a time, Sir, bear our preserit priyatjoiji 
 — let war be the last experiment. 
 
 But, Sir, I will mention another circumstance, which may be 
 some alleviation to the farmer, for the difference in the price of 
 his surplus plenty now, and in ordinary times. When the price 
 of produce is low, the temptation to raise large crops will be les- 
 sened, and the farmer will turn a certain portion of his labor to the 
 improvement of his farm. The high prices of produce heretofore 
 have induced the farnie;' to impose too much upon his land ; too 
 great demands'have been made on it, and it has been in some de- 
 gree exhausted. The embargo has apprised the farmer of this 
 important circumstance, and taught him his true interest in this 
 respect. 1 have observed a great change in the application of labor 
 in this respect, and I have no doubt a general sentiment exists in 
 favor of a still greater change ; a greater portion of labor is ajso 
 converted into household manufactures, which wil} lessen our de- 
 mand and jdepenxlence upon foreign najtions. In botli these respects, 
 1 believe the operation of the embargo is favorable to the farmer, 
 at the present moment, and 'will certainly be favorable to posteri- 
 ty by transmitting to it a more fertilized soil for cultiyatiou. It 
 will be favorable, at the present moment, in this respect ; that be- 
 fore the adoption of the embargo, the farmer was tempted to ap- 
 ply too great a proportion of his labor to the annuaj increase of 
 crops, and too small a portion of it to the permanjpnt iipprovement 
 and fertilization of his farm. I mention this as an alleviation, not 
 as a complete exemption from the effects of the embargo, and its 
 so far producing a beneficial influence upon cultivation and intersal 
 improvement. 
 
 1 hope by this time, Mr. President, that the gentleman will con- 
 '■ur with me in opinion, that the situation of the American farmer, 
 fs rather ehviuble than miserable — That lie h*as good sqnse enough fo 
 
1© 
 
 make a just estimate of his own interests, 'and possesses too muci; 
 honorable sensibility not to repel with indignation every attempt 
 to seduce him into a disgraceful surrender of his own liberties or 
 his country's independence. 
 
 Let us now take a view of its effects upon some other classes of 
 our fellow citizens, which seem almost to have escaped the gen- 
 tleman's notice; or at least not to have excited so much of 
 his plaintive sympathies; I allude to the manufacturer, the me- 
 chanic, and the laborer. The manufacturer seems to be in such a 
 state of prosperity, as rather to have excited the gentleman's jea- 
 lousy, than liis tender commiseration ; he fears that the real ob- 
 ject of the embargo was to erect the manufacturing system upoa 
 the ruins of commence. I do not mean, here, Sirt to reply to the 
 suggestion of this unfounded jealousy. I mean, in the course of 
 these observations, to make that a subject of distinct and separate 
 examination. I shall here, however, ta^e the liberty of remarliing, 
 without the tear of still further exciting the gentleman's jealousy, 
 that I am extremely happy to see not only that we have abundant 
 fabrics for manufactures, but that we have artizans sufficient to 
 mould them into all the articles necessary for borne consumption, 
 and ihuslessen our dependence upon foreign nations for our supply. 
 I icjoice indeed, to see our infant manufactures growing into im- 
 portance ; and that the most successful experiment has attended 
 every attempt at improvement. What is the situation of the me- 
 chanic, and the laborer? They have full employment, good wages, 
 and cheap living. I am told, Sir, that within the last year, one 
 thousand houses have been erected in Philadelphia ; 1 see at this 
 time, more houses building at Georgetown, even for mercantile 
 purposes, and more improvements in this City, than ever 1 have seen 
 belore ; and I believe this generally to be the case throughout the 
 country. That this is a correct statement of facts, I have no doubl ; 
 how then is this agreeable and unexpected scene accounted for, 
 amidst this mercantile clamor about the stagnation of business ? 
 It is because a greater proportion of the overgrown mercantile ca- 
 pital, is now diverted from external commerce, to internal improv- 
 Tnents ; and I am strongly inclined to think that this transposition 
 of a certain portion of the mercantile capital, will produce a benefi- 
 cial operation in a national point of view, and probably even more 
 productive to the capitalist, than risking it in the employment of 
 foreign trade. This I believe to be a fair, just, and candid state- 
 ment of the operation of the embargo laws, upon the several great 
 classes of citizens ; and when correctly viewed, how different is its 
 aspect, from the miserable picture of horrors presented to us by 
 the gentleman from Connecticut. When you tell a mechanic or a 
 laborer of his distresses and sufferings, when he has full employ- 
 ment, good wages, and cheap living, he would laugh at you ; he 
 \v'ould either think you silly, or that you meant to treat him with 
 tindignity and insult. These are all the blessings he could wish» 
 
and they are enmigh for any mafi id possess, when he reflects upon 
 the narrow' span of human enjoyments, this world afiovds — Sir ihe 
 miserable laborer on the other side the Atlantic, would consider 
 the enjoyments of the laborers here. Elysium itself; and, I can but 
 lament for the sake of suffering humanity, that it cannot find the 
 way to these enjoyments, I presume that during the late election- 
 eering scen^, that every laborer and mechanic in Pennsylvania, 
 was told a thousand times that he was ruined by the embargo ; but 
 thirty thousand votes (^majority) have told these frantic, officious 
 disturbers of the public quiet, in loud and awful tones, how silly 
 and ridiculous they consider the suggestion. The recent elections 
 in most of the other st itcs, speak the same emphatic language. 
 
 I have been thus minute, Mr. President, in the examination of 
 this part of the subject, as well to relieve ourselves from the mis- 
 eries and apprehensions of our own deluded imaginations, as to 
 relieve foreign nations, as far as was within my power, from their 
 delusions, which I shall show in the course of my observations, are the 
 principal if not the only cause of the very hardships and sufferings 
 so loudly and causelessly complained of by some gentlemen. Now, 
 Sir, take an impartial review of the effects of the embargo laws, as 
 operating upon oui'selves, and what is the actual result? Why, Sir, 
 as far as they were precautionary, their suceess has been com- 
 plete ; and whilst in their general operations, they have been at- 
 tended with sortie privations and sufferings, they have not been 
 without their beneficial effects on society. 
 
 The gentleman next triumphantly tells us, that the embargo 
 kxws have not had their expected effects upon the aggressing bel- 
 ligerents. That they have not had their complete effects ; that 
 they have not caused a revocation of the British orders and French 
 decrees, will readily be admitted ; but they certainly have not been 
 without some beneficial effects upon those nations. Let me, how- 
 ever ask. Sir, is this failure a cause of triumph to the gentleman ? 
 Does he feel more pleasure in the delusive expectation of a tr:uraph 
 over a political adversary, than in the triumph of the nation over 
 our common adversaries ? Are his political feelings so strong, that 
 they are to be indulged, even at the expense oi his own, and his 
 country's interests ? Does he vainly suppose, that, disregarding op 
 postponing all consideration of the people's interests, when their 
 M is at stake, to the indulgence of these petty animosities, will 
 give him a just claim to the peojile's applause ? If he does, Sir, he 
 is mistaken. It is by the reverse of this conduct that he can lay 
 any just claim to their applause. It is by banishing his prejudices 
 — it is by conquering his own passions, and by devoting the whole 
 energy of his mind to their service, at this critical moment, that 
 he can be justly entitled to their applause. This would be for him 
 a glorious triumph — a triumph over his own passions ; and it would 
 secure him the public approbation, because the conduct would be 
 light. Let us then, Sir, hope for this conciliation, which would be 
 
12 
 
 So honorable to ourselves, and would promise so much advanta^ 
 <o the nation. 
 
 In this spirit of conciliation and patriotism, then, Mr. President* 
 let us enquire, first, what have been the actual effects of the em- 
 bargo laws upon the aggressmg belligerents ? And, secondly, what 
 are the actual cavises of their failure of complete success ? The 
 first enquiry involves much mercantile information. I have only 
 some views of general mercantile principles — I know little or no- 
 thing of their operative details — I had, therefore^ hoped for much 
 information upon this part of the subject from gentlemen who pos- 
 sessed it ; but have received very little satisfaction from them in that 
 respect. 
 
 The first effect of the embargo, upon the aggressing bellige- 
 rents, was to lessen their inducements to war, by keeping out of 
 their way, the rich spoils of our commerce, which had invited their 
 cupidity, and which was saved by those laws. If they had once 
 possessed themselves of this enormous booty, it would have been 
 a sure pledge for open and direct war. It would have defrayed the 
 expenses of the war for several years. If they had not gone to war, 
 they would have been compelled either to restore the captured 
 property, or to make indemnification for it. Its amount alone, 
 ivould have been a sufficient security against either of these acts of 
 justice. And is it not better, that this enormous amount of pro- 
 perty should be on this side of the Atlantic, than on the other ? In 
 the hands of its lawful owners, than in the hands of unprincipled 
 freebooters ? Is it not better that it should be drawn to our aid in 
 tlie event of war, than applied to aid our unjust adversary ? Upon 
 this point, I presume, there can be but one opinion. 
 
 The second effect, which the embargo laws have had on the ag- 
 gressing belligerents, is to enhance the prices of all American pro- 
 duce, especially articles of the first necessity to them, to a consi- 
 derable degree, and, if it be a little longer persisted in, will either 
 banish our produce, (which I believe indispensable to them,) from 
 their markets altogether, or increase the prices to an enormous a- 
 mount ; and, of course, we may hope will furnish irresistible in- 
 ducements for a relaxation of their hostile orders and edicts. — ■ 
 However, I may generally respect the mercantile information of 
 the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) and the gentleman 
 from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) they appear to me on this oc- 
 casion, not to have been very correct. I have before me, two 
 Prices Current from Liverpool, the one of the 8th, the other of the 
 20th September last. They, I presume, were written under no 
 politiral bias, favorable to the United States. Let Us draw our facts 
 from them. I will begin with the article of the first necessity in 
 Great Britain, and one which, at all times, excites her highest sen- 
 sibility. She manifests, at all times, more anxiety about her corn, 
 laws, than any other subject of her political economy. This is a 
 necessary result from the peculiar slate of her population. 
 
IS 
 
 Let us then inquire what is the present state of bread Stuffs in- 
 GreatBritain. In the Liverpool Price Current of the 8th Septem- 
 ber, I find this iriforaiation upon this subject. — " Our grain mar- 
 ket for the most part of the last month was very dull ; however, 
 within this day or two there have been some extensive sales made 
 of New York wheat at 1 3s 3d per 70lbs. and the holders now demand 
 13s 6d a I4s Od for prime parcels, which may possibly be obtained, 
 as t^he appearances for the harvest in most parts of this kingdom are 
 not quite so favorable as was at first thought, the late heavy rains 
 having proved injurious in many places, and the grain is much 
 lighter in the ear than former seasons ; but as the dealers and coun- 
 try millers buy only to su])ply their immediate wants, we do not 
 calculate upon a material improvement on the annexed prices, un- 
 less some export vent to Spain o\r our West India colonies takes- 
 place. — Good sweet American flour is not to be had in this mar-^ 
 ket.'* 
 
 lu the Price Current of the ^Oth, I find these observations : — ' 
 " Large speculations have lately been made in Tobacco, in conse- 
 ijuence of our stock becoming limited ; but should the embargo be 
 raised, this and every other description of your produce must very 
 materially decline in price, wheat and flour excepted. 
 
 Our stocks of grain are but moderate, although we hare been 
 much favored in our harvest." 
 
 What reflection does this information naturally present to the 
 mind ? That the crop is limited — that bread stuffs are high, and 
 likely to be higher — that there is such a deficiency of bread stufls, 
 that our whole supply will not depress the market, even in the event 
 of raising the embargo ; and certainly continuing it, (which docs 
 not seem at all calculated upon in England) would lessen the quan- 
 tity and raise proportionably the demand and price. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhonse) tells us, we 
 tannot starve Great Br tain, she being mistress of the trade of the 
 world, will supply herself with bread stuffs from other quarters, 
 and particularly from Spanish America. I never heard it suggest- 
 ed, except by the gentlemen in the opposition, that we could, 
 starve Great Britaiti ; but, that through our produce, particularly 
 our bread stuffs, wc could make a strong appeal to her interests. 
 This fact is demonstrated to my mind. The Liverpool merchant^ 
 differ with the gentleman in his mercantile information. Thev- 
 tell us that our whole supply of bread stuff's will not depress tixeir 
 market. If a ready supply could be obtained elsewhere, upon bet- 
 ter terms, there woud be no need of a supply from us. But whcu 
 has it happened, that Spanish America could afford this supply ? 
 So far from affording a supply to Great Britain, it gels a portion 
 of its own supply from us. — The gentleman tells us, tlmt Spani^lx 
 Americans export great quantities of hydcs and tallow.— That i^ 
 true. — These however, are not bread stuffs. It i* not pretended 
 that Great Britain is in^want of meal, but bread ; bread is an es» 
 
14 
 
 scntial ol" lil'e — meat is no substituffc for bread — k could not pre- 
 vent even a famine. These documents also go to show the reason 
 of the low price of New York flour, quoted by the gentleman 
 from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd.) It is because the flour was 
 not sweet. It had been so long kept, as to become sour — I have 
 no doubt that the British cabinet is now looking at this subject 
 with great anxiety; and particularly at our movements in relation 
 to it. Again, Sir, suppose Great Britain should be able to provi- 
 sion her islands, it would be at such an expensive rate, as to ren« 
 der them very unprofitable. 
 
 The next important article is Cotton. Let us see the prices cur- 
 rent respecting that article. — 
 
 " The operations in our Cotton market during the whole of last 
 month have been immense, while our total imports are inade- 
 quate to one half the usual monthly consumption ; as the stocks of 
 this article have become more depressed, the speculators continue 
 purchasing with increased spirit, and many of them have already 
 realised considerable profits ; we therefore quote an advance on all 
 descriptions of Cotton of from 4d to 6d per lb. above our last 
 month's rates, which has principally occurred within the last ten 
 days ; but we must beg leave to remark, that such unexampled 
 advances are scarcely ever so well maintained as when they are gra- 
 dually established, and some occurrence may perhaps shortly take 
 place to put a stop to further speculations ; we are, however, of 
 opinion, that prices may yet be driven considerably higher, al- 
 though they have to encounter an extremely bad trade in Manches- 
 ter." 
 
 "West India Cottons have advanced nearly in the same propor- 
 tion as American, and ihe recent arrivals have fully brought the 
 annexed prices, with every appearance of much higher being 
 realized." 
 
 >■'■ in Cottons we have a great stir; and should we not soon have 
 arrivals from the Brazils, prices must be enormous." 
 
 Here the Liverpool merchants tell us, not only that the prices 
 are extremely high, and may be driven much higher, unless 
 some occurrence (t© wit, raising the embargo) may perhaps short- 
 Iv take place, to put a stop to further speculation ; but that the to- 
 tal hii/iorts are inudrr/uate to one lialf the iifsual monthly conHumption, 
 . Now, Sir, whence is one half of the usual consumption of Cot- 
 ton to be supplved to the British market. — The Liverpool mer- 
 chants seem totally at a loss for a supply from any place ; but the 
 gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has pointed out seve- 
 ral places of supply — The East and West Indies ; and even 
 Africa has been resorted to. — They have supplies from all these 
 places now, and yet the Liverpool merchants tell you, that the 
 whole imports are not equal to one half the monthly consump- 
 tion. 1 therefore have no confidence in the statement made by the 
 gentleman. With resj^cct to the illuslvation of liis position, by 
 
15^ 
 
 statine the supposed analagoUs case of his butter merchants, I 
 shall make no reply. Its fallacy was ably demonstrated by the 
 gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford.) I will only incidentally 
 remark however, that it is the first lime I ever recollect to have 
 seen that gentleman in debate, when it appeared to me, that he 
 did not know on which side fus oiv7i bread was buttered. 
 
 But the gentleman tells us, that the provident British govern- 
 ment, has sent Cotton seed to Africa to answer a supply of Cotton ; 
 that Cotton is an annual plant, and of course a competent supply 
 jna.y be produced from that quarter. I am inclined to think, that 
 this p ovident government does not rely much upon this resource. 
 Because I imagine the whole quantity of seed sent thither, would 
 not be equal to tiie offal from one good South Caralina plantation ; 
 and although Cotton is certainly an annual plant, yet the conver- 
 sion of the labor of society from one occupation to another, is not 
 the effect of an annual eiTort. It is one of the most difficult opera- 
 tions to be performed on society. I therefore feel no apprehension 
 of a supply from this source, at least, fol' many years. — If Great 
 Britain should be cut ofT fr' m one half of her supply of Cotton, it 
 ^vould certainly place the many thousand manufacturers employed 
 in the various branches of the Cotton business, in a state of greit 
 distress; and must command the attention of the British govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The next article I shall mention, is, the article of timber or 
 lumber, I mention these articles particularly in relation to the sup- 
 ply of the W. Inches ; and the ratlier, as the traders to these islands 
 have i een foremost in urging the British hostile orders. I recollect 
 sometime since to have seen a report made, I believe to the House 
 of Commons, shewing the proportion of fhese articles imported to 
 the West Indies, from the United States, in relation to the same 
 articles, imported thither from all the rest of the world ; and the 
 proportion of these articles was, 99 in the 100, imported from the 
 United States. It is known that these articles are indispensable to 
 the exports from those islands ; particularly ruin, sugar, and mo- 
 lasses. — And I am at a loss to know frotil whence these articles 
 can be supplied, except from the United States. It should also be 
 recollected, that timber and lumber are not of annual gi'owth, they 
 are part of the veteran sturdy oak itself; and therefore that their 
 deficiency cannot be so easily supplied as is' suggested in relation 
 to Cotton. 
 
 The next article I shall mention is Tobacco.— What says the 
 Liverpool merchants respecting this article ? — 
 
 " During the last month Tobacco has experienced some fluctua- 
 tion, and sales have been made at prices under tliose quoted ; bu- 
 some considerable orders having appeared for export, the market 
 has again settled at these rates, and if any opening to the conti- 
 nent of Europe, through the medium of Holland, should be found, 
 an advance mav be cxpec ted ; on the rontrarv, if we have onlv ou: 
 
l(i 
 
 home consumption to depend upon, little altei'^atioii can lake plat-t 
 'vintil the sentiments of the American government be kno vri at the 
 meeting of congress in November next." 
 
 It is admitted that Tobacco is not an article of the first neces- 
 sity, it IS however materia! to the manufacturer, and highly ira- 
 portani to the revenue. 
 
 Naval stores are, also, certainly entitled to some consideration-, 
 although some supply of thjosc articles, is now furnished from 
 Sweden. 
 
 I have selected these articles as specimens of the intimacy ani^ 
 importance of the commercial connection between the United 
 Slates and Great Britain ; and to demonstrate, that it cannot be 
 •withdrawn on our part without essentially affecting her interestSc 
 y^gain, Sir, what effect will this recession of intercourse have upon 
 the revepue of that country ? — I shall make no minute estirnatej 
 but it will certainly have an effect -which cannot be disregarded i 
 and the rather when it is recollected, that G. Britain has impo- 
 sed an export duty of 4 per cent, upon her goods sent to the Uni- 
 led States, which produces to hei", an annual revenue of about 
 ^600,000, probably much niore ; and that this is a discriminating 
 duty against the United States, Avhich ought to have been repelled 
 the moment it was laid ; and especially, as it was avowed, that it 
 was imposed upon the United States with the view of placing 
 tlum on the same fooling with the British colonies. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd") tells us, even 
 suppose that your embargo laws drive fifty thousand, or more, 
 miiuufacturers from their employment in Great Britain, it will.onVjr 
 add to her naval and military strength. It would only give her 
 iifty thousand seamen or soldiers more than she now has. This, 
 Sir, is an unfortunate specimen of the prosperity, which Great Bri- 
 tain is supposed to derive from the embargo laws. If I am right- 
 ly informed, generally, and particularly yesterday, by the learned 
 gentleman from New York, (Mr. Mitchill) of the materials of 
 which the manufacturers consist, I am disposed to think they 
 would niake poor seamen, and sorry soldiers. I do not think the 
 world would have much to fear from their prowess. They are fit 
 lor manufacturers, and nothing else ; and if driven from their habi- 
 tual employments, they must starve, or become a charge upon the 
 nation. But, Sir, the conversion of fifty "thousand productive, into 
 liflv thousand unproductive, and even expensive, laborers, could not 
 contribute much to the wealth or power of any nation ; and such 
 un operation in Great Britain, where the poor rates are sufficiently 
 high already, would command the serious attention of the govern- 
 anent. 
 
 There is something assential to the physical power of a nation^ 
 resides the numbers of seamen and soldiei-s. It is money— it is 
 rtvcnue. This operation upon lalior, could not be productive of 
 rcycnue.j but would be an cfiorrppus charge upon it. I am there- 
 
17 
 
 Ibre inclined to think that the British cabinet vioiikl not feel Jtny 
 great obligation to the gentleman for his ingenious discovery. — 
 All these considerations must present strong inducements to Great 
 Britain to revoke her hostile orders ; but she has hitherto refused 
 to do so. 
 
 Let a candid inquiry be now made into the actual causes of this 
 refusal. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) informs 
 us, that the British cabinet shewed some solicitude about the em- 
 bargo laws, till some time between the 22d of June and the 29th 
 of July last, wiihin which time, information flowed in upon them, 
 which relieved them from this solicitude, and reconciled them to 
 the embargo. [.VIr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said he referred 
 to the n^ionths of June and July, without mentioning any particular 
 days of those months.] I admit that the gentleman did not men- 
 tion the particular days ; 1 took the particular days for greater pre- 
 cision, from the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. 
 Madison, from which I presume the gentleman had drawn his in- 
 formation. 
 
 What was the information that flowed in upon the British cabi- 
 net, from the 22d June to the 29th of July ? That period announced 
 two events. First, the wonderful revolution in Spain ; although this e- 
 vent must have been pretty well understood in London before even the 
 22d June, perhaps not to its full extent. The other event was, the 
 paltry attempt at the resistance of the embargo laws in Vermont, 
 magnified into a fordmidable insurrection against the government ; 
 and the unhappy discontents manifested in Boston and its neigh- 
 borhood, together with the results of the elections in Massachu- 
 setts. All these circumstances were certainly greatly exaggerated, 
 or, perhaps, utterly misrepresented. Heve, then. Sir, we clearly 
 discern the real causes of the refusal of the British cabinet to 
 meet the just and honorable proposition of the United States, and 
 to revoke their orders in council. The Spanish revolution, no 
 doubt, contributed to their determination ; but the principal cause, 
 was our own divisions and discontents, either wholly misrepresent- 
 ed or highly exaggerated. 
 
 Before the 22d June, Mr. Pinkney and IVIr. Canning were engag- 
 ed in the most informal and friendly communications : Mr. Can- 
 ning had gone so fiir as to intimate to Mr. Pinkney, that he might 
 in a few days expect to be able to communicate to his government, 
 some agreeable intelligence< evidently meaning, either the revoca- 
 tion or relaxation of the hostile orders. — But, unfortunately, short- 
 ly after the 22d June, the packet arrived with this flood of disgrace- 
 ful information from the United States. Immediately after the re- 
 ceipt of this information, or rather niisinformation, '« r. Canning 
 changes his conduct. All informal conferences with Mr. Pinkney 
 are denied, and a formal, note demanded, in reply to which, the 
 note of refusal was retyrned, marked, as v/e have seen, with indig- 
 oity and insult to the Cnilcd States. 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 Now, Sir, let me ask, whether these facts do not demonstrate, 
 that the continuation of the hostile orders is principally, if not 
 solely, owing to the dishonorable divisions and discontents in thie 
 country, and the exaggerated accounts given of them to the British 
 government ? That events in Spain alone, h .wever intoxicating tc 
 the British cabinet, were not, of themselves, sufBcient to produce 
 this effect ; because they were known before the change in Mr. 
 Canning's conduct took place, and had not produced that effect : 
 But, the moment the extravagant accounts of the discontents and 
 divisions in this country were received, was the moment of change 
 in Mr. Canning's conduct, and, therefore, must be considered as 
 the real cause that produced it. Besides, Sir, was not this change 
 of conduct the natural effect of this disgraceful information ? When 
 Mr. Canning was informed that the people of the United States 
 had become false to themselves ; had refused to bear the necessary 
 privations, imposed by the government ; had, in fact, separated 
 themselves from their own government — that they would elect 
 persons to office, who would, voluntarily yield obedience to Mr. 
 Canning's orde-rs — what inducement could he have for their revo- 
 cation ? If obedience and submission were gratuitously tendered 
 by the people of the United States, he had certainly nothing to do 
 but graciously to accept them ; and his note affords full evidence o) 
 this impression on his mind. The refusal of the British govern- 
 ment, to revoke their hostile orders, therefore, appears not to have 
 been founded upon a calculation of its interests upon correct in- 
 formation ; but upon a miscalculation of its interests upon misin- 
 formation. How much, then, is it to be lamented, Mr. President 
 that our sufferings and privations should be continued, by the dis 
 contents, which were intended to remedy them ? How can the au- 
 thors of these discontents, reconcile their conduct to the nation, oi 
 to their own consciences ? What compensation or attonement car 
 they ever hope to make to the people for tlie protractions of theit 
 privations and sufferings ? What, for the disgrace brought upon th( 
 nation ? What, for all the horrors and calamities of war, which 
 may, and probably will be, the consequences of such conduct ? Le^ 
 the infatuated authors of it answer these cpiestions. Ages of ser 
 vices cannot attone for these cruel, these unfortunate errors. 
 
 It is asked Sir, how do the embargo laws operate on France i 
 Tt is readily admitted, that the commercial connection between tht 
 United States and France, is not of such a nature as to make a sus 
 pension of it operate asinjuriously to France herself, ^'particularly ii 
 the interior, as on Great Britain. — But our commerce cannot bi 
 deeniedunimportant to France in the feeble state of her navy. Ai 
 the lime too, of laying the embargo, Spain, Portugal, and Hoi 
 land, were in alliance with, or in subjection to France. — Its pres 
 sure was materially felt by Spain and Portugal from their want o 
 provisions ; and it is questionable, how far that measure contribu 
 ted to the convention for the evacuation of Portugal by the Frencl 
 
19 
 
 army.— Tlie want of provisions being one ground alledged foJ* their 
 late convention for that purpose. 
 
 'I'he French West India islands too, have felt the pressure with 
 great severity. — They are at this moment in a state of blockade- 
 There were probably too objects in this blockade — 1 he one to re- 
 duce the French Islands for w nt of provisions — I he oiher, to 
 seize upon our merchant ships, winch it was presumed would has- 
 ten thither immediately upon raising tl:e embargo. And it ap- 
 peared extremely well timed to effect that object, if Congress 
 upon their first meeting, had been weak or pusillanimous enough 
 to to have raised it. The loss of these islands, would be severely 
 felt by the French emperor, and would probably produce some re- 
 gret on his part, in having contributed to drive the United States 
 to the extremity of the embargo laws. 
 
 But Sir, gentlemen are very much alarmed at an expression in 
 a late French expose — They have made some general allusions to 
 it, but in so vague a manner, as not to be understood with preci- 
 sion. As I am always fond of a correct statement of facts, I will, 
 read the expression probably alluded to. »' 1 he Americans, a 
 people who involve their fortunes, their prosperity, and almost 
 their existence in commerce, have given an example of a great 
 and courageous sacrifice. They have suspended by a general em- 
 bargo, all commerce and all navigation, rather than shamefully 
 submit to that tribute, which the English impose on the naviga- 
 tion of all nations " — I cannot conceive the importance attached to 
 this expression, or the view with which it was introduced. It is 
 to be remarked that this is the character given to this measure 
 throughout all Europe, and by none more loudly and decisively, 
 than by Xhc federal jlmerica?! merchants now in (ireat Britain. 
 
 It is only on this side of the Atlantic, that we hear it described 
 as a weak or a wicked measure. But what of all this. Sir. Will 
 this French expression change the real character of the measure ? 
 Shall we change our own opinions of the true character of the 
 measure because the French government has thought proper to 
 pronounce an opinion upon it ? — Are we told to abandon our own 
 right of judging of our own measures, because the French govern- 
 ment officiously undertakes to judge for us ? Sir, to me it is per- 
 fectly indifferent, what the French government thinks upon the 
 subject ; I shall take the liberty of exercising my own judgment 
 upon it, perfectly exempt from any extraneous infiuence what- 
 ever. — 
 
 Mr. Canning, Sir, has also undertaken to say something res. 
 pecting the character of the embargo laws. Let us hear what he 
 says upon the subject. 
 
 " If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both 
 belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty, to have becR 
 manifestly unjust, as according to every principle of justice, t\ > 
 vedress oiJigb.t to have been first sought from the party origin.. ti 
 
20 
 
 the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hosti- 
 lity, which America ought not to have extended to him, at the ex- 
 pense of a concession made, not to America, but to France. 
 
 If, as it has more g-en 'rally been represented by the government 
 of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as 
 an innocent, municipal regulation, which aflects none but the 
 United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has 
 any concern ; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive 
 that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of 
 it ; and lie has made none." 
 
 '• His majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in 
 his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its won- 
 ted activity ; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the 
 repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a mea- 
 sure of hoslility, he would ghidly have facilitated its removal as a 
 measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people." 
 
 Let me now ask you^ Mr. President, what feelings must rush 
 themselves into yoz^r /jo507rt, upon hearing this last, this arrogant 
 insinuation ? What must be the feelings of every war-worn ve- 
 teran, who has so long enjoyed the pleasing consciousness of ha- 
 vitig been instrumental in achieving his country's independence ? 
 What must be the feelings of every young American who has not 
 basely ^degenerated from his father's virtues? Do you not see, 
 Sir, in this sentence almost a direct overture of the interference 
 of his most gracious majesty in our political concerns ? Do you 
 not see the vain and idle effort to encourage discontents by the 
 expression of his majesty's good disposition to interpose his good 
 offices to relieve the American people ft'om the inconvenient re- 
 strictions imposed on them by their own government^ What in- 
 dignity, what insult could be greater upon the American people ? 
 What could more clearly demonstrate the infatuation, the intoxi- 
 cation of Mr. Canning's mind, produced by the unfortunate flood 
 of misinformation which had poured in upon him ? The American 
 people "ill repel the overture with indignation, with disdain ;— ^ 
 ard, Sir, as a sure an pleasing ant cipation of this lesult, I re- 
 joiced to scv the indignant resentment manifested by the gentle- 
 man from Delaware (Mr. White.) It was the more honorable to 
 him, Sir, because it was the tiiumjih of his American feelings over 
 a host of prejudices v.ith which I fear he is surrounded. I always 
 knev/ that gentleman to be a patriot, and when it shall become 
 necessary, 1 expect to see him amongst the foremost in the ranks 
 of honor, in the defence of his country's rights. 
 
 Yes, Sir, this insulting overture will doubtless burst the strong 
 fetters of the prejudices of thousands of other American patriots, 
 who will rally to the standard of their own government, and will 
 t^ach Mr. Canning, how little he knows of American character, 
 or the American sensibility, when he thus ventures to insult it. 
 
 Sir, the sentiments contained in this extraordinary note of Mr. 
 
.21 
 
 Canning's, are not new to me. I have seen them for some months 
 in some of the Boston newspapers — it contains nothing more than 
 the ridiculous intimations contained in them, reduced to the form 
 of a diplomatic note, not at all improved, nor dignified, nor better 
 calculated to effect their object, by the sarcastic insolence of Mr. 
 Canning. 
 
 Upon an impartial review of the whole of this part of the subject, 
 Mr. President, I think I am warranted in the conclusion, that the 
 embargo la\.s have not been without materially beneficial effects 
 upon both the belligerents — that they have presented strong ap- 
 peals to the interests of both ; but that these appeals have not pro- 
 duced their complete effect : — I have no hesitation in saying, Sir, 
 that when the proper time shall arrive, if these orders and decrees 
 should unfortunately be persevered in, I shall, lor one, be ready 
 to make still stronger appeals to their interests— appeals limited 
 only by the whole force and energy of the nation. 
 
 I think also. Sir, 1 am warranted in concluding, that if the em- 
 bargo laws have failed of complete success, thtir failure has been 
 owi.jg to extraordinary causes which could neither have been fore* 
 seen nor anticipated at the time of the adoption of the measure, 
 ana therefore cannot furnish any imputation against its policy 
 or wisdom. 
 
 Permit me, now, Sir, to make some observations upon the general 
 character of this measure, as Well as replies to some of the more 
 general objections brought against it. I have said. Sir, that there 
 are no substitutes for the embargo, h\x\.ivar or submisnion. 1 will now 
 proceed to prove this position- .a repeal of the embargo without a sub- 
 stitute, is submission^ U with a substitute, it is ivai . — -Gentlemen in 
 the opposition, seem fully sensible of the delicacy and urgency oi 
 this part of the question. When pressed for their substitute, they 
 manifest vast reluctance in producing it. 
 
 The gentleman from Delaware, indeed told us, he was not the 
 pioneer of the administration ; I never knew that he was called up- 
 on to act in that character; but I hope he will not voluntarily act 
 as the sapper, nor the miner of the administration, especially when 
 he must behold the administration assailed by the two most pow- 
 erful belligerents in the world, unfortunately aided I fear, too, Sii', 
 by an host of domestic sappeis and miners, and underminers in the 
 bargain. I am sure, Sn-, the gentleman will not take upon him- 
 self such a character. The gentleman, however, did not withhold 
 from us an intimation, at least of his substitute — an intimation 
 which could not be mistaken. It was war with France. The 
 question, therefore, as to him is at an end upon this point. War 
 is the substitute. 
 
 But, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) after pro- 
 testing against furnishing any substitute, intimates merely that he 
 is in favor of an armed comn^erce. Why, Sir, do gentlemen in 
 Clie opposition manifest such a reluctance in producing a substi;;; 
 
52 
 
 tute, if they have one? They seem to be laboring under an im- 
 pression that this is a mere question, between themselves and 
 the administration ; an iinimpurtant question of ins and outs. The 
 question is certainly of a very different description. It is a question 
 between this nation, and foreign nations. It is a question involv- 
 ing our national existence and independence, and the dearest rights 
 of the people. 
 
 Let me tell these gentlemen, Sir, that the people have a rigljt to 
 demand a substitute from them, if they have one; not merely a 
 vague insinuation to fill up a chasm in a defective argument, but 
 a written proposition, reduced to form, presented for serious con- 
 sidei'ation ; that every word may be strictly examined, and all its 
 bearings seen; then, Sir, we should be in a state ot preparation to 
 make a choice between such substitute, and the measures of the 
 administration. 
 
 Besides, Sir, if this obligation were disregarded, every rule ot 
 criticism, every principle of common sense would require a substi- 
 tute. If you criticise upon a sentence in writing, the criticism is 
 incomplete until you shew a better. In law pleadings, if you ob- 
 ject to a plea, as defective, you are bound to show a better. And, 
 certainly. Sir, the magnitude of the question, does not lessen the 
 obligation imposed by the ordinary rules of common sense. A- 
 gain, Sir, I hardly could have supposed, that gentlemen of such 
 lofty pretensions to v/isdom and talents, would have contented 
 themselves with the humble oHicc of finding fault, without fur- 
 nishing the proper correction. This inactive conduct, tliis doing 
 nothing for the people, in these dangerous and critical times, 
 can furnish but a poor claim to the people's gratitude and ap- 
 plause. 
 
 But-, Sir, I will consider the gentleman's substittxte, even witiv 
 xhe glimmering views of it, which he has presented. His substi- 
 tute is an armed commerce. Would he extend it to acts of repri- 
 sal ? If so, it is immediate war. Would he stop short of that .'' It 
 would still be war; but of a more inefficient kind. If our vessels 
 are to arm, I presume their arms are to be used in self defence ; 
 they would be used against both the belligerents. In the present 
 temper of Great Britain, the first gun fired in a spirit of hosiillty, 
 even with a blank cartridge ; or if it v/ere a pop gun, would be in- 
 stant war. It would be the signal to her navy to seixe upon the 
 whole ef our commerce, which would be spread upon the ocean, 
 the moment of raising the embargo. The gentleman's sul»stitute 
 I, tiierefore, believe to be war, and war of the most inefficient kind. 
 ..\ repeal of the embargo, wiiliout a substitute, is submission. — - 
 Submission to what ! to colonization, to tax.-;ion, to tribute ! ! 
 
 That this is the true character of the British orders and acts of 
 parliament, we not only know from tlie measures themselves, but 
 we know it was so uuderstood in the British parliament, at the 
 time of their adoption. As an evidence efthis fact, let me full 
 
23 
 
 youT most serious atterition, Sir, to some of the observations made 
 in puiUament, at the time ol" their adoption, particularly the obser- 
 vations of lord Crenvilk; in the House of Lords. 
 
 His lordship said, " as to the duties proposed to be levied under 
 these orders of council, he should only say, that when the peace of 
 1782 took place, he never thought that he should have lived, 
 or that the British parliament should have lived to see the day 
 when a proposition should be made to tax America !" And 
 when a similar suggestion was made in the House of Commons, 
 what was Mr. Canning's reply ? Did he deny the object ? No, Sir : 
 But begged the gentlemen in the opposition not to tell the secret 
 to the Americans ! Hush, gentlemen, was, in substance, his reply. 
 Thus adding indignity and insult to the arrogant pretension. Up* 
 on this part of tlie subject, I shall make no comment 1 It is im- 
 possible to improve the eloquence of this parliamentary language '. 
 It must strike deep into the heart of every true American ! ! 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) says, no tri- 
 bute will be paid, because there will be no inducement to pay it. 
 Fi-ance will not receive vessels into her ports, which have submit- 
 ted to such a disgrace. — It is admitted that the tribute is imposed ; 
 and to avoid the payment of it, we are to look to France : to give 
 up our national character, and our national honor to the safe keep- 
 ing of the French emperor. [The gentleman rose to explain. He 
 protested against making any such inference.] This was admitted. 
 He only stated the facts, and I supplied the inference. The in- 
 ference from the facts I deem irresistible.— I despise Sir, this mise- 
 rable subterfuge. Let us act like a nation of freemen — Let us be 
 the conservators of our own honor and character. — We should 
 be the gainers by it upon the most economical calculation, in pounds 
 shillings, and pence. Our national character is now worth more 
 than the delusive gains held out by this miserable commerce ; and 
 would sell for more in every market: submit '.o this disgraceful tri- 
 bute, it would not be worth a cent, and would not sell for it in any 
 market. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) says, that 
 the embargo is submission to the mandates of both France and 
 Great Britain, and therefore dishonorable. — He makes this state- 
 ment, — France says, you shall not trade with Great Britain — Great 
 Britain says, you shall not trade with France — and we say, we 
 will not trade with either, and therefore gratify both. The fallacy 
 of this argument consists in the misstatement. — France says you 
 may trade with me, and I am anxious you should do so, but you 
 shall not trade with Great Britain ; we say, we will not trade with 
 you, nor with Great Britain. Now, Sir, is this yielding to the 
 mandate, or gratifying the wish of France? Certainly not. — Great 
 Britain uses the same language, and meets with the same reply.— 
 Now I contend that we have neither yielded submission, nor grati- 
 fied the wish of tjitiier ; but have resisted the wishes and mandates 
 
24 
 
 ot.bolli ; and I have no doubt that both are astoniiihed at the hono- 
 rable and dignified attitude we have assumed and hitherto persist- 
 ed in. 
 
 But, Sir, the gentleman intimates, that the government of the 
 United States, has suspended a rod over the head of Great Britain, 
 and asks, whether any American would negociate with a rod sus- 
 pended over his head? Let me ask in turn, Sir, if the gentleman's 
 proposition, is not submission ; not indeed, while the rod is sus- 
 pended over our heads ; but whilst it is applied with the most 
 unrelenting severity to our backs ? I was really hurt Sir, to see 
 that any gentleman could make an observation which would bear 
 he most distant tint of an apology for Great Britain ; and I can- 
 not conceive how any gentleman can reconcile it to himself, when 
 he reflecis upon the many outrages committed by Great Britain 
 against the United States, before even any attempt was made to 
 do ourselves justice — and that these outrages were inci cased, in 
 proportion to our patience under them. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) expresses his 
 fears of some design for the destruction of commerce. He tells 
 us, our commerce has grown to an enormous size, and warns us 
 that it is not to be trilled with. 'J'he gentleman from Connecticut, 
 too, tells us, that the avowed, was not the real object, of the em- 
 bargo laws ; and that he so prophesied at the lime of passing them 
 — that their real object was to encourage manufactures, at the ex- 
 pense of commerce. This charge of insincerity is a serious one. 
 It is of a nature to impose a restraint upon the feelings, against 
 making the merited reply. It has excited my surprise more than 
 any thing I ever heard fall from that gentleman ; and the only apo- 
 logy I can find for it, is, that he unfortunately prophesied it. It is 
 a paintul effort of the mind to admit ourselves false prophets. By 
 this time, it is impossible, but the gentle'uan must be convinced, 
 that this was a false prophesy. He reminds me of two lines in Hu- 
 dibras : 
 
 " A man convinc'd against his will, 
 " Is of the same opinion still.'' 
 
 The gentleman must be convinced, but retains the same opinion. 
 Sir, whether it be a suspicion, or a jealousy, or whatever delusion 
 the gentleman is laboring under, I peremptorily deny the existence 
 of the fact he has insinuated. How has it happened, that the com- 
 merce of the United States lias become so enormous ; but from the 
 fostering and protecting influence of the federal government ? What 
 act of hostility against commerce, has ever been shewn by the go- 
 vernment? I challenge the gentleman to name one, or a single 
 act from the southern members unfavorable to our commercial 
 prosperity. On the other hand, have we not always concurred in 
 ?he stimuli given to commerce by discriminating duties, both on 
 tonnage and merchandize, by the di'av.back system ? and many 
 
<>ihei' acts not inatenal now to mention. It has been from these 
 causes, added to the enterprizes of our people, that commerce has 
 iarrived to such a pitch of prosperity. They certainly do not war- 
 rant the charge brout^ht against the government. 
 
 But what has excited my surprise, more than any thing else, re- 
 specting this suggestion is, that the delusion upon the gentleman's 
 mind, should be so strong as to banish iiis recollection of the local 
 interests of the different states in the union. He seems to suppose 
 •athat the southern are manufacturing states^ — This is not the fact. — • 
 *lifrbe fact is, that the commercial are, also, the manufacturing 
 states. The southern states are agricultural and commercial, not 
 manufacturing, except in the housebold way ; and that is not the 
 species of manufacturing, that has excited the gentleman's alarm. 
 I The peculiar organization of society in the southern states, will, 
 i for a long time, for:)id large establishments of domestic manufac- 
 tures. This is the kind which gives the gentleman so much alarm ; 
 and, in this kind, the southern states have no local interests what- 
 I ever. They have, however, an essential interest in commerce, al- 
 though, generally, the merchants carrying it on. may not reside 
 within them. The agriculturists know, that a prosperous com- 
 merce is essential to good prices, and, therefore, they have always 
 contributed to its protection and prosperity. In this state of facts, 
 the gentleman may find a perfect security against his extravagant, 
 and unfounded jealousies. But the gentleman is alarmed, because 
 he has discovered, in the President's re; lies to sundry .;Jdixsses 
 from the manufacturers, expressions of satisfaction at their prospe- 
 rity and improvement m tiie manufacturing system. But the Pre- 
 sident has no where expressed an intimation, or a wish, that this 
 improvement, or prvjsperity, should be encouraged and promoted at 
 the expense of commerce. And if he were to indulge so extraor- 
 dinary an inclination, he could not expect to get a vote south of 
 Potomac, in favor of the systerri. Suppose the merchants had ad- 
 dressed the President, in the da s ot their prosperity, would he 
 Bn^ot have expressed his satisfaction at the circumstance ? And would 
 •isuch expression have been just ground, or any ground, of alarm and 
 jealousy to the manufacturer ? Certainly not Sir. Every patriot 
 must rejoice at the prosperity of each, and every class of citizens. 
 Indeed, Sir, did not the gentleman himself, in the course of his ob- 
 servations, with a laudable animation, express his high satisfaction 
 at the doings of his own legislature, giving encouragement to co» 
 ionel Humphries, in his attempts at introducing manufictures into 
 the state of Connecticut ? Proceedings highly honorable both to the 
 legislature and colonel Humphries ; and which I have also seeiv 
 with great satisfaction. But, Sir, would it be correct to infer from, 
 this circumstance, that commerce is to be assailed and prostrated ? 
 Such an inference would be as idle and absurd in this case, as it is 
 in relation to the views of the general government. Indeed, Sir, I 
 ■^fmcnr perfectly Avith the gentleman in the opinions he has ex- 
 
 4 
 
26 
 
 p.ressecl upon the manufacturing systcnii in relation to tiie coumjef ' 
 cial. I have taken more pains in repelling this extraordinary jea- 
 lousy or suspicion, in the Iiope that in correcting the public senti- 
 ment, in this respect, it would, at the same time, dissipate a greats 
 portion of the objections to the embargo laws, which seem to me 
 at this time, to be imperiously demanded, by the extraordinary 
 crisis of our foreign relations. 
 
 I am now approaching a part of this subject, Mr. President, 
 ■which fills me with regret. I know its delicacy, Sit', and deeply 
 regret the necessity which impels the examination of it. It is how- 
 ever rendered indispensible, perhaps, by exterior events ; but cer- 
 t Jnly by observations made in the course of this debate. I allude, 
 Sir, to the inexecution of the embargo laws ; or, rather, Sir, to the 
 suggested incapacity of the government to enforce their observ- 
 ai'ce. The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us, 
 directly, that the government has not power to enforce the execu- 
 tion of these laws. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mrj. 
 Lloyd) even points out the mode of resistance. He tells us they 
 may be resisted, first, by town meetings, then by petitions, then by 
 legislative resolutions, and, firtdlly, by insurrections and rebellion. 
 [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said, " he did not say that this 
 ^vould be the course of events. He only stated thellfi, abstractly, 
 as probable results from those laws."] The gentleman is correct 
 in his statement. I meant to be understood, as stating his obser- 
 vations in that way. It cannot escape observation, however, Mr. 
 President, that this is the practical process now going on in the 
 state, the gentleman has the honor to represent. 
 
 It is submitted to the patriotism and good sense of those gentle- 
 men to determine, whether mentioning these circumstances, even 
 in that way, may not have sonie tendency to produce effects, which 
 must be so much deprecated by all ; and permit me to hope, Sir, 
 by none more than by those gentlemen. And whether, Sir, they 
 are not calculated to keep up the delusions in foreigti nations, 
 which, I believe in God, to be the principal causes of our present 
 embarrassments. These circumstances were the less to be expect- 
 ed from gentlemen, who, a few years ago, arrogated to themselves 
 tlie exclusive appellation of lovers of order and good government, 
 whilst their political opponents were denounced as anarchists and 
 disorganizers, and not even possessing virtue and honesty enough 
 to be trusted with the public treasury. This, Sir, was an impos- 
 ing appellation ; and as long as its sincerity was confided in, it pre- 
 served these gentlemen in the dominion of the United States. 
 
 It war, hardly to have been expected that these gentlemen would 
 now be found the first to sound the alarm, in favor of anarchy and 
 confusion ; nor was it to have been expected, Sir, that the eastern 
 states, which were the first to press the constitution upon us, and 
 which have reaped a golden harvest iVon\ its operations, should be 
 the first t© wish to absolve themselves from its sacred obligations; 
 
,2uF 
 
 But, Mr. President, T believe this governtueut does possess povi;- 
 ^ sufficient to enforce the embargo laws. The real character 6F 
 our government seems to be entirely misunderstood by foreigners 
 and not fully appreciated by some of our own citizens. It has all 
 the strength of execution^ with the most despotic governments upon 
 earth. It is aided, too, by the knowledge of every citizen ; that 
 when its will is pronounced, it is the fair expression of the will of 
 the majority. The checks of this government are exclusively up- 
 on its deliberations, not upon its powers of execution. So far from 
 it, that the constitution has expressly provided, that the govern- 
 ment should possesss all means necessary and proper for executing 
 its specified powers. There is no limitation, whatever, upon the 
 means for executing the general will, when fairly and deliberately 
 ])ronounced. Nothing could be more absurd than to suppose, that 
 after so many checks had been imposed upon deliberation in pro- 
 nouncing the public will, after that will was thus pronounced, that 
 any ir^eans, whatever, for its execution should be withheld. 
 
 Again, Sir, the fundimental principle of our government is, that 
 ihe majority shall govern. This principle is known and respected 
 by every citizen, and by none more than the people of Massachu- 
 setts. They are taught to respect it from the cradle to manhood. 
 }"irst in their town meetings — then in their legislature — and, final- 
 ly, in the general government. They know too well the fatal con- 
 sequences of resisting it. I haye perfect confidence, theretore, in 
 the people of Massachusetts ; and,if their electioneering leaders and 
 partizans, should unfortunately stimulate some of them into insurrec- 
 tion, I have no doubt but that themilitiaof that state, when lawfully 
 called on, will obey the call, and will do their duty. Such a move- 
 ment would share the fate of all similar attempts, which have pre- 
 ceded it ; and its only consequences would be, that its authors, as 
 they would be the first to merit the fate, so they would become the 
 first victims of it. But, Sir, I have but little apprehension from 
 these threats of insurrection and rebellion, for other reasons. 
 
 The peculiar interests of the people of Massachusetts, forbid the 
 attempt. A few leaders may, perhaps, postpone their interests to 
 their love of power — But few, however, could enjoy the power un- 
 der any new order of things, and the people at large v.ould soon 
 see that their interests were sacrificed to the indulgence of this in- 
 fatuated ambition of the few. 
 
 Let this subject, Mr. President, be a little further examined, in 
 reference to the local interests of the ea,stern slates, as members 
 of this union. Potomac may be considered as the boundary line 
 between the commercial and agricultural states. 
 
 When our first diiBculties with the belligerents occurred, it 
 respected merely a commercial right. What was the conduct 
 of the merchants, and commercial states, upon the sul)ject ? You 
 have heard. Sir, their memorials read, calling upon the govern- 
 ment, in a voice too loud to be suppressed, to protect them in 
 
'21? 
 
 iheir commercial rights ; -the call was obeyed— As 1 think this 
 part or ihe subject ous^ht to be well understood, I beg the indul- 
 gence of the senate to read their own proceedings thereupon* 
 
 " '1 he senate i esuniecl the consideration of the report of the com- 
 miitce, made on the 5ih instant, on that part of the message of the 
 Preijidtni of the Lniied States which relates to the violation oS 
 neutral rights and the impressment of American seamen.. 
 \Ji\ motion, 
 
 lo commit the second resoluuon, veporied; 
 
 It passed in the negative. 
 K)n motion, 
 
 To strike out the following words \i\ the second resolution, ^e^ 
 ported. 
 
 ''• Demand and insist ujion the 1 estoration of the ivrofierty of their 
 cilzens, cafitured ana condemned on the tire text of its being employed 
 in a trade %vith Jic cnt luii'S f Great Britain^ prohibited in time of 
 peace ; and upon the indemnijicacion of such American citizens., for- 
 thiir lasses and danuiges sustained by those captures and condenma'^ 
 tionsy and to" — 
 
 It was determined in the negative, yeas 13, nays 16. 
 
 The yeas and nays havmg ijcen required by one-fifth of the se-. 
 nators present, those who voted in tl>e affirmative, are, 
 
 Messrs. Adair, Baldwin, Bradley, Gaillard, Howland, Logan, 
 Maclay, Moore, Plumer, Smith, of Vermont, Sumter, Turner, 
 AVorlhington. 
 
 Those vvJio voted in the negative, are, 
 
 Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Oilman, liillhouse, Kitchel, 
 Mitchill, Pickering, Smith, of Maryland^ Smith, of J^few York^ 
 Smith, of Ohio.) Smith, of Teimessee, Thruston, Tracy, White, 
 Wrght. 
 
 And several amendments to the said second resolution having 
 l)een adopted ; 
 
 On motion, 
 
 To agree thereto as amended. 
 
 It was determined in the affirmative, yeas 23, nays T. 
 
 The yeas and nays having been required by one-fifth of the se- 
 nators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are, 
 
 Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Gaillard, Gilman, 
 Hillhoiise, Howland, Kitchel, Lc^^an, Maclay, Mitchill, Moorcj 
 Pickering, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, ofJVeiv York, Smith, &/ Ohio., 
 Smith, 0/ Tnwcssce, Tracy, Turner, White, Worthington, Wright. 
 Those who voted in the negative, are, 
 Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Plumor, Smith, c/Ffrw20K/j Stone, Sum- 
 ter, Thruston. 
 
 So it was, ■ 
 Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to demand 
 the restoration of the propt;i ly of their citizens, captui-ed and con- 
 x'^emned on the pretext of its bein^ employed in a trade with the 
 
enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace ; and the 
 indemniiication of such American citizens, for their losses and 
 diim -ges sustained by these captui-es and condemnations ; and to 
 enter into such arrangements with the lii'itish government, on this 
 and all other differences subsisting between the two nations, <and 
 pai ticiilart'iy respecting the impressment of American seamen,) as 
 may be consistent with the honor and interests of the United States, 
 "and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their 
 citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they lare 
 enliile-d." 
 
 At this time the question involved only a commercial right.. — 
 What was the conduct of the merchants then? They cam.e Ibr- 
 ward and pledged their lives and fortunes to support the govern- 
 ment in any measures for its protection. The question is Uiow 
 changed. — To the original question, is added a question of nation- 
 al sovereignty and independence. — What is now the conduct of 
 these same merchants ? They tell you, ^ir, to tread back your 
 steps, give up the contest, and disgrace your country. These 
 merchants too, threaten you with insurrection and rebellion unless 
 you yield implicit obedience to their mandates. 
 
 Again, Sir, 1 have little apprehension from these threats, for 
 the following reasons : — first, many of the individuals engaged m 
 these excitements, 1 am told are gentlemen of property and fami- 
 lies. They are therefore, now, in the enjoyment of every political 
 and domestic blessing ; their infatuated passions to the contrary 
 notwithstandmg. I think persons of this description will pause, 
 before they hazard all these blessings ; and a moment's impartial 
 reflection will be sufficient to check their career. In the next 
 place, there are many local advantages accruing to the people of 
 the Eastern states from the operations of the general government. 
 They consist principally of the following, although there are others. 
 
 1. The protection afforded to their carry ii^g trade, by discrimi- 
 nating duties, both on tonnage and merchandise. 
 
 2. Protection and facility afforded to the coasting trade. 
 
 3. Protection to their fisheries by duties on foreign fish. 
 
 4. Affording a good market for their surplus manufactures and 
 other articles. 
 
 5. Payment of the public debt at par, which was bought up at 
 very low rates. 
 
 6. As a result from all these advantages, the protection of their 
 population on the seaboard, by lessening the inducements to em.i- 
 g rat ion. 
 
 Permit me, Sir, to remind the gentleman from Massachusetts 
 (Mr. Lloyd) that these advantages are not to be trifled with. 
 
 But, Sir, I have heard it intimated that these advantages could 
 be compensated by a connection with Great Britain. Indulge me, 
 Sir, with an examination of this idea. A connection between 
 New JinglajHl. and Old England, could onlvbe for the benefit of 
 
the latter. They arcessciitiany rivals in even' occupation. Firsti, 
 .in r.avigatio . — second in exports. The exports of New England 
 ^ive principally fish and beef. It would be a great object with Old 
 -England, utterly to destroy the New England fish market ; and 
 the Irish betf w .iild come into an advantageous competition witfe 
 the export of that article. 
 
 These are permanent points of competition, unalterably fixed 
 in tile nature of things ; they cannot be altered, nor destroyed by. 
 any sudden ebuU;tioi". of passions ; nor by any connection resulin- 
 in3; therefrom. 
 
 Again, Sir, what would be the effect of such a connexion upo^i 
 the rest of the United States. In that case, the discriminating 
 duties now iu favor of the New En inland states would be turned 
 against them, and would probably be given to the middle 
 states, and thus New England would be efi'ectually excluded from 
 c?rr' irg the bulky and heavy productions of the southern states. 
 Discrimination might even be made in favor of British ships. It 
 is a matter of no consequence to the agriculturalist, whether his 
 produce is carried to market in a New England, or Old England 
 ship. The only interest he has in the transaction is the price of his 
 produce ; and that could always be driven to its highest point by 
 the competition of British tonnage and British capital alone, with- 
 out taking into the estimate the tonnage and capital of the middle 
 states. The people of the southern states are perfectly sensible of 
 the local advantages their eastern brethren enjoy from the opera- 
 "tion of the general government. But they envy them not — they 
 rejoice in their prosperity ; and the southern people are pleased 
 Avith the recollection that they contribute to this prosperity ; they 
 find in return their compensation in the general safety and protec- 
 tion : I do not mean safety and protection against any internal 
 piovements ; upon that point I would agree with our eastern breth- 
 len upon a reciprocal absolution from all obliga.tion ; I r/iean safety 
 r.nd protection against foreign aggression. Under this plain and 
 obvious view of this part of the subject, Mr. President, I should be 
 disposed to think that our eastern brethren would be the last to 
 desire to absolve themselves from the sacred obligations of^ the 
 constitution. 
 
 In the soiith.ern states we feel no resentments nor jealousies 
 a~airist our eastern friends. There are no inducements with us 
 to foster and encourage such unpleasant and mischievous feelings. 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) has ventured to 
 Interpose an o]'.ir:nn between Great Britain and France, respecting 
 the character of ti^.e quarrel between them. He has ventured to 
 say. Sir, that France is fighting for lawlt^ss domination ; whilst Great 
 Britain is fighting for her natali solum, for her national existence. 
 Sir, in my opinion, it must be inauspicious to the interests of the 
 fvcople cf th« United States ^Thc^^ their nilers not on)y fed, hnt 
 
31 
 
 express sympaLhLes in favor of one of the belligeiekt pcvtrs ; arid 
 surely, Sir, the gentleman must feel no small sympathy for one of 
 the belligerents, if he believes the character of the quarrel to be 
 such as he has described il. 
 
 In my judgment, Sir, the United Stales have nothing to do with 
 the character of the quarrel of the belligerents ; but I differ entire- 
 ly with the gentleman on this point. I believe the character of 
 the quarrel is precisely the same on both sides — they are both 
 fighting for lawless domination ; and I believe that Great Britain has 
 full as much chance of conquering France, as France has of con- 
 quering Great Britain. The only difference between them consists 
 in the difference ia the objects of their lawless domination. FraiKe 
 claims dominion oh the land, Great Britain on the water; they are 
 both equally hostile to us. 
 
 The difference fo us consists only in the different degrees of 
 force they can bring to bear upon us — in this respect Great Britain 
 does us most injury. We are, thank God, remote from the in9u- 
 «nce of French power — but the power of Great Britain extends tf# 
 our shores. France, when she can, seizes and burns our vessels — 
 Great Britain having more power on the ocean, seizes and confis- 
 cates them. The only limit of their hostility is the limit of their 
 power. Both are equally the objects of our just resistance and pun- 
 ishmiCntifwe possessed the power. 
 
 I rejoice that I have heard no apologist for France on this floorj 
 nor any where else. I feel, Sir, a condescension in introducing, 
 for the purpose of denying, the idle and ridiculous tale of French 
 influence, which has so disrespectfully and disgracefully to our 
 country, been circulated by newspapers. Sir, this idle and ridicu- 
 lous tale of French influence, I have strong reasons to believe, was 
 originally suggested by British influence. The tale was probably in- 
 vented by the British cabinet about the same time of the invention, 
 of the tale respecting the secret article in the treaty of Tilsit, that 
 the Danes had agreed to give up their fieet to the French emperor 
 to facilitate his invasion of G. E. This tale I ^eiieve lord Hutchin- 
 son has since pronounced, in the British parliament, to be a false- 
 hood. About the same period this same energetic British cabinet, 
 probably determined upon the destruction of American commerce, 
 although the orders for that purpose were not actually issued for 
 several months :iftv;rwards. Some tale was thought necessary for 
 the justification of the act, and the suggestion of French inhuence 
 operating upon our councils was probably the one suggested. 
 
 I have heard it said, and believe it to be true, that the gover- 
 nor of Nova Scotia, made the suggestion, ia a letter a.ddressed tu 
 certain British partisans in Boston. It is hardly to be presumed, 
 that he would have taken upon himself, the responsibility of such a 
 suggestion without the authority of the cabinet. I am inclined to 
 think that this fact could be proved in a court of justice. Perhaps 
 there may b« geatlenitn heie from i3osioii, whe could giv^ us 
 
r^9. 
 
 TOOte pavticular infovmatiou upon this subject. I feel, Sir, a coiii' 
 descension in touching upoj\ this subject. 1 wish to see all extrane- 
 ous influence utterly banished from the country, and the only ope- 
 rating influence — American influence. 
 
 I have, now, Sir, gone through this unpleasant, and, I fear, un- 
 profitable discussion, respecting the character of measures hereto- 
 fore adopted by the government ; the only hope I have frorn it is/, 
 that it may put us into a better temper for deliberating on the mea- 
 sures now proper to be adopted. Let me then, Mr. President, call 
 the attention of the senate, to the actual situation of the United 
 bta.tes at this time. 
 
 '.rhe United States are now left alone to protect neutral princi- 
 ples against the belligerent encroachments of a warring world — 
 In all former wars, the bellip:erenl encroachments have been pro- 
 portioned to the influence of the powers at war, compared to the 
 influence of those remaining at peace ; but I believe history pre- 
 sents no example of the warring powers at any former time put- 
 ting at defiance all neutral rights, all public law. It remained for 
 the present times to witness this unexampled aggression ; and- it 
 remained for the United States alone to bear the shock. This" 
 state of things imposes on them a great, a sacred obligation. The 
 obligation of protecting neutral principles. — Principles which les- 
 sen the inducements to war, and mitigate its rigor — Principles 
 highly interesting to mankind ; not only to the present, but to fu- 
 ture generations, and in a peculiar manner, to the people of the 
 United States. This arises from their remote situation from the 
 ^reat contending nations of Europe. — Hitherto, Sir, the talents 
 displayed in defining, and the magnanimity in protecting these 
 principles, have obtained for the United States, the respect and 
 sympathy of an astonished world — And shall we, Sir, at the mo- 
 ment of an extraordinary pressure, basely abandon them without 
 striking a blow ? Forbid it interest ! Forbid it honor ! Forbid it 
 American gallantry ! — But, Sir, some gentleman seem not suifi- . 
 ciently impressed with the hostile character of the belligerent ag- 
 gressions. — With respect to those of France, there is but one o- 
 pinion. 'i'hey amount to hostility itself. — But, Sir, to my asto- 
 nishment, the acts of Great Britain seem not to have made the 
 same strong impression on the minds of some gentlemen. Let me 
 then inquire Sir, into the real character of acts, which can by 
 some gentlemen be palliated or excused ? They are acts amounting 
 to colonization and taxation.— To the exercise of the national so- 
 vereignty of the United States. Great Britain has even gone so 
 far, as to exercise an act of sovereignty over the people of the 
 United States, which they wouiil not entrust to Congress ; but re- 
 tained to themselves in their highes': sovereign capacity. 
 
 The British orders of council, now sanctioned by an act of par- 
 liamejit, direct all vessel-j, laden with the produce of the United 
 States der;i;inecl to any of the ports of the enemies of Great Bri- 
 
S3 
 
 tain, to call at a British port, and then to pay an enormous tran? 
 sit duty, and accept a license for the further prosecution of the 
 voyage ; and upon refusal, tlicy are forced to do so by British 
 armed ships. — This is literally and precisely tiie introduction of 
 the old, and long established colonial principle of coercing all the 
 commerce of the colony to the ports of the mother country, there 
 to pay a transit duty for their protection by the mother country — 
 In the colonial state, the mandate of the mother country was suf- 
 ficient to effect this object. — Now the same object is effected by 
 an armed force. — This is the only real difierence in the two cases. 
 But, Sir, this is not all ; Great Britain has attempted by an act of 
 Parliament, to exercise an act of sovereignty over the United 
 States, solemnly given by the people to their Pongress.— Amongst 
 the powers given to Congress, I find these words. -^" Congress 
 shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations," fccc. 
 Now, Sir, permit ntie to read an extract from an act of Parliament, 
 and see whether it does not only impose a tax upon American pro- 
 ductions, but also exercises this act of national sovereignty dele- 
 gated by the people to Congress. 
 
 " And whereas it is expedient and necessary in order effectually 
 to accomplish the object of such orders, that duties of customs 
 should be granted upon certain goods exported from Great Bri- 
 tain ; we, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Com- 
 mons of the United Kingdom, in Parliament assembled, do most 
 humbly beseech your majesty that it may be enacted ; and be it 
 enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, by and with the 
 advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and com- 
 mons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority 
 of the same, that from and after the passing of this act, thei-e shall 
 be raised, levied, collected, and paid unto hh majesty, his heirs 
 and successors, upon all goods, wares, and nierchandise, enume- 
 rated or described in the tables (A.) (B.) and (G.) annexed to this 
 act, exported from Great Britain, the several duti*-s and customs, 
 as the same are respectively described and set forth in figures in 
 said lables." 
 
 In those tables marked A. B. C. are to be found productions of 
 the United States, It has been said, that Great Britain mav lay 
 ^n export duty upon any goods within her ports.— That is readily 
 admitted — it being a mere muiiicipal regulation — But Great 
 Britain has no right to compel our ships to carry our productions 
 into her ports, for the purpose of imposing duties thereon ; and 
 this is the act regulating our commerce, of which I complain. 
 
 Again, Sir, Great Britain has attempted by this act of Parlia- 
 ment to lay an export duty upon the productions of the United 
 States, a power not even entrusted to the discretion of Congress — 
 I find in the constitution, these words: "no tax or duty shall be 
 laid on articles exported from any state." Here then is an express 
 prohibition to Congress against laying a duty on any articles ex- 
 
3i 
 
 j>orlcd Irom any state ; yet Great Britain has allemjjted by an a 
 of Parliament, to lay an export duty on cotton exported fro 
 
 one of the United States- an authority which can only I 
 
 exercised by the people in their highest sovereign capacity.- 
 It is true, Sir, that Mr. Canning offered to commute this duty in 
 an entire prohibition of the article, as an export from Great Bi 
 tain. — This, Sir, was only adding insult to injury, and she\v< 
 that Mr. Cailning possessed very little knowledge of the hums 
 character, if he expected to soothe the feelings by insulting tl 
 understanding. 
 
 I regret that so much respect was shewn to this proposition, 
 to forward it to our government. It would have been more agree 
 ble to me, if the American minister had thrown the proposition ba< 
 upon Mr. Calming. 
 
 It is true, Mr. President, that the export duty, is to be colJec 
 ed in London, and not in Charleston. But, Sir, it is not the beiti 
 in principle oh that account ; and it is worse in practice. A vess 
 sailing from Charleston, is to be forced into London, for the pu 
 pose of paying this tribute — better would it be to collect it 
 Charleston ; because the circuity of the voyage would be save 
 and many other vexations and expenses avoided which are now i 
 curred by being forced into London, to make the payment; and 
 this measure were to be submitted to, I should not be at all su 
 prised to see his most gracious majesty in the spirit of a mitigate 
 retaliation, sendoutbis collectors to the ports of the U. S. for tl 
 accommodation of our merchants. In that case, I presume, v 
 should all admit it to be a duty imposed upon an article exported froi 
 a particular state. Are we, Sir, not only basely to surrender to ( 
 Britain our rights, entrusted to us by the people, but treacherous 
 to them to surrender rights reserved to themselves in their highe 
 sovereign capacity ? And in a case like this. Sir, can it be nccess; 
 ry to rcsjrt to argumeiit^ to rouse the indignant feelings of tli 
 American people ? 
 
 Mr. President, the eyes of the world arc now turned upon us 
 if we submit to these indignities and aggressions. Great Brita: 
 herself Would despise us ; she would consider us as an outca 
 amongst nations; slie would not own us for her offspring; Franc 
 would despise us ; all the world would despise us ; and what is ii 
 finitely worse, we should be compelled to despise ourselves ! ! ! 
 we resist, we shall command the respect of our enemies, tl 
 sympathies of the world, and the noble approbation of our ou 
 Consciences. 
 
 Mr. President, our fate is in our own hands ; let us have unic 
 knd we have nothing to fear. So highly do 1 prize union, at this a\ 
 Ful moment, that I would prefer any one measure of resistance wii 
 union, to any other measure of resistance with division ; let \ 
 then, Sir, banish all personal teelings ; let us present to ourenemie 
 ilhllf formidable front of an indissoluble band of brothers : nothir 
 
53 
 
 fclse IS necessary to our success. Mr. President, unequal as thi^ 
 contest may seem ; favored as we are by our situation, and under 
 the blessing of a beneficent Providence, who has never lost sight of 
 these United States, in times of difficulty and trial, I have the most 
 perfect confidence, that if we prove true to ourselves, we shall tri- 
 umph over our enemies. Deeply impressed with these considera- 
 tions, I am prepared to give to the resolution, a flat and decided 
 negative. 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 IT was intended, in the course of the foregoing observations, to 
 shew, that the British board of trade had, at length, undertaken to 
 regulate our commerce with foreign nations, even when it did not 
 pass through British ports. 'I he paper intended to be offered 
 as evidence of this fact, was then mislaid. It is now subjoined for 
 that purpose. 
 
 "THE lords of the committee of council, for trade and 
 foreign plantations, having authorised us to make public the follow- 
 ing answers to certain questions proposed by us to their lordships, 
 we publish them for the information of all whom they may con- 
 ©ern. 
 
 THOS. BARING, 
 A. GLENNIE, 
 THOS. MULLETT. 
 
 London, I5ih Jug. 1808» 
 
 Question 1. 
 
 HIS majesty's order in council of tl;e 4th July, 1808, liaviug 
 ordered, that all hostilities against Spain on the part of his majesty 
 shall immediately cease, and that the blockade of ali the ports of 
 Spain, except such as may be still in possession, or under controul of 
 France, shall be forthwith raised — 
 
 Can an American vessel proceed from a port in the United Stales 
 of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or co- 
 lonial produce, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal, not being 
 in the possession of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back 
 to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo the growth or 
 produce of Spain or Portugal, without being liable to capture and 
 condemnation, under the orders of council of the 1 1th and 25th of 
 November, 1807, and the several acts of parliament passed to carry 
 ttieim into effect ? 
 
36 
 
 Afiswer, 
 
 Americaa vessels may proceed from a port in the United States 
 of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or co- 
 lonial pvoi\ucti firovidec! such firoduce be 7iot the /irodiice of the enc" 
 my's colonies, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal ; such port not 
 being in the possession, or under the control of the enemies of 
 Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States di- 
 rect, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal. 
 
 Question 2. 
 
 Can an American vessel, having entered a port in Spain, previ- 
 ous to the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the 
 enemy, proceed from such port with a cargo, the growth and pro- 
 duce of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being 
 liable to a seizure and condemnatron as above ? 
 
 Ansiver. 
 
 An American vessel having entered a port in Spain, previous to 
 
 the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the enenriy, 
 may proceed from such port with a cargo the growth and produce 
 of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being lia- 
 ble to seizure and condeiTination as above, unless the -vessel entered 
 in breach of the ordera m conncil." 
 
MR. LLOYD'S SPEECH 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 NOVEMBER 25, 1808. 
 
 Mr. PliESIDEN7'j 
 
 I KEF.L impeiled, sir, by a sense of duty, and by the obser- 
 vations of the honorable gentleman last up, [Mr. Giles] to make 
 some further remarks on this subject. 
 
 When I had the honor before to address the senate, I did not enter 
 into any numerical statements, which, as a mercantile man, might 
 have been expected from me, of the value of the trade which would 
 yet remain to be prosecuted from the United States, notwithstanding 
 tlie existence of the French decrees or the British orders in council; 
 nor did I enter into any detailed examinations of the different de- 
 grees of sufi'ering, sustained by different sections of the United 
 States, in consequence of the existing situation of our affairs. The. 
 reason why the latter was omitted will be presently mentioned- 
 The reasons for not noticing the former were, that having seen s» 
 many details in the newspapers and other ephemeral publications, 
 founded apparently on correct data, that I did not consider it ne- 
 cessary to lay any further statements on this subject, before gen- 
 tlemen who must be so well informed as the honorable members 
 of this house. But, sir, I had other reasons : having been recently 
 introduced into the senate ; not being much accustomed to public 
 speaku^g, and being very unexpectedly called into debate, I felt de- 
 sirous to take up as little of the time of the senate as could be done 
 with propriety, being much more disposed to listen to the argu- 
 ments of other gentlemen, than to obtrude upon them any remarks 
 of my own. 
 
 When I objected to the postponement on the first day of the 
 debate, it was not my intention at that time to have expressed my 
 sentiments on this subject ; but I had hooped to haA-e heard the gen- 
 tleman from Virginia, who addressed you yesterday, and whom I 
 had observed taking notes for the purpose. Had I been present and 
 heard the observations, of the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. 
 Pope] which I Rave since seen in the newspapers, I should n?)t 
 
10 
 
 liAve objected to the postponement; as it will always afford me 
 pleasure to meet with civility and resptfet, the wishes of any mem- 
 ber of the senate. 
 
 To do away any erroneous impression which may exist, these 
 observations are perhaps not wholly useless. 
 
 When I before rose, sir, no gentleman in opposition to the reso- 
 lution had then spoken on it ; and having risen unexpectedly, I 
 could only rely on conjecture for the grounds of that opposiuon. 
 When I came to this city, from the general public impression 
 abroad, my expectation was, that the embargo would be raised. 
 The question then was, if the embargo were raised, what was next 
 to be done ? Of the leading gentlemen with whom 1 conversed, some 
 ,had said we must have war ; that the question would come to this 
 point in a month ; some that we must fight with both the belliger- 
 ents ; some with one of them. As I was not Quixotic enough, 
 to think of fighting at the same time Avith the two nations, who 
 commanded nearly all the force of Europe, the question, in my 
 mind, for the consideration of congress, was narrowed to this 
 point : ought we to go to war with France, or with Great Britain ? 
 And from this view, 1 made the discrimincaion between the cir- 
 cunisVances of those two powers when last I addiessed you : and I 
 have low no hesitation to suy, if we must have war, it would, in my 
 opinion, be preferable to have war with France, rather than with 
 Great Britain. 
 
 A great deal has been said in relation to the orders in coimcil, 
 and the act of parliament under them, imposing a duty, tax, or tri- 
 bute — call it as you please — on the transportation of American 
 merchandise from Great Britain to the ports on the continent. I 
 shall say but a few words more on that subject. France says you 
 shall not go to England on any terms : England says you may go 
 to France, under certain conditions. Now, sir, as I have been taught 
 ^o believe that the whole includes all its parts, I do not see by this 
 how a limited exclusion can be more than a total one. England 
 then had not, in this instance, Uehaved worse than France : they 
 have both beliaved bad enough. Still, after making these observa- 
 tions, 1 wish not to be misunderstood. The regulation is an offen- 
 sive one : and if any gentleman will bring in a bill, making it highly 
 penal for any American owner or master of a vessel to purchase 
 this license for proceeding in his voyage from the United States 
 to the ports on the continent, through the medium of Great 
 britaiii, oi* should pay the tax, and proceed, after being coerced 
 into ii British port, 1 will cheerfully unite with him in passing such 
 a law. 
 
 With regard to the orders in council, the British say they are 
 measures of retaliation, to be retracted as soon as the decrees 
 which occasioned them shall have been withdrawn on the part of 
 France. Gentlemen say they do not believe these professions ; but 
 that Great Britain has deeper and more hostile vicM s than these ; 
 
11 
 
 that she is jealous of the prosperity of the United States, aim 
 fears them as a commercial rival ; that she wants to cripple and 
 destroy our trade. Admitting this to be the fact (and very possibly 
 it may be in part well founded) what does your embargo eifect ? 
 I contend that it is an act of absolute submission to her- This is 
 strong ground, and I wish to have it noticed. Suppose Great Bri- 
 tain has the dispositions you attribute to her : she will not noW 
 attempt to enforce them : she dare not attempt to drive you from 
 the ocean, because her own interests would at this time be mate- 
 rially injured by it. Suppose she were to attempt it, what would 
 be the consequences ? Suffer even the merchants to arm their ves- 
 sels, and her convoys and her minor cruizers would occasionally 
 experience some unpleasant rencontres, In adjusting the depend- 
 ing accounts of her merchants with this country, she would sus- 
 tain some inconvenience ; and she would also be obliged to sub- 
 mit to the loss of her colonies on the continent of America, now 
 1)ecome doubly dear to her, from their recent prosperity, and from^ 
 the supplies she is drawing from them for the support of her set- 
 tjxi'aents in the West Indies. Now, sir, what does the embargo 
 effect ? By it you are doing for Great Britain, without any incon- 
 venience to her, precisely that \vhich she will not venture to do 
 for herself. Great Britain says, you shall trade only partially ; 
 and you agree to trade not at all. The continuance of the embar- 
 go is, therefore, complete submission to her. 
 
 Much has also been said about British influence, and certain pas- 
 sages have been read from the memorial of the merchants of Boston, 
 for the purpose, as 1 suppose, of demonstrating an inconsistency in 
 Iheir opinions in 1806, and at the present time. I have not seen 
 the paper for these two years : but there is no inconsistency in it : 
 the sentiments entertained then are the sentiments entertained now. 
 Great Britain violated our neutral rights : the merchants of Bostoi^ 
 complained to their government in pointed terms, and called on it 
 for protection and redress against Great Britain. Was this an 
 evidence of British influence ? The charge, however, existed at that 
 time as well as at the present ; but the scene is changed ; we had 
 not then a Berlin decree, a Milan decree, a Bayonne decree ; our 
 vessels had not been wantonly burned on the ocean, nor had we 
 received any letters from Champagny. 
 
 And on this subject what says the secretary of state to general 
 Armstrong ? He tells him, that " the burning of neutral vessels 
 detained on the high seas is the most distressing of all the modes 
 by which belligerents exert force contrary to right, and in propor- 
 tion as it is destitute of apology aught at least to be the prompti- 
 tude and amplitude of redress." Has this redress ever been ob- 
 tained ? To my knowledge or belief it never has. The merchants 
 of Boston, therefore, probably think that a war with France would 
 now be more for the honor and the interest of the United States, 
 than a war with Great Britain. For thinking this, are they justly 
 
12 
 
 chatgcable with beine; under British influence ? This is an old 
 slory. I shall take none of it to myself, nor a<hnit any of its allu- 
 sions. I challent;e any one to produce a shadow of plausibility 
 for any such imputation. 1 know they were not meant as per- 
 sonal allusions. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that has been said, the gentleman from 
 Virginia still considers the embargo as a coercive measure ; and if 
 it is not, I know not what good it can effect ; and if this good be 
 not effected, then it ought not to be persisted in. 
 
 The gentleman seems to think, that by its continuance, Great 
 Britain may still be seriously affected by her want of bread stuffy 
 of timber^ of tobacco^ or of cotton. Sir, I am sorry that m this dis- 
 cussion we have to refer so much 1o foreign nations, and some- 
 t"in':es to appear to place their resources in opposition to our own ; 
 but I know of no other way, in which to take into consideration the 
 propriety of this embargo, or the effects that are likely to be pro- 
 duced from it. The statements, if ccrrect, must be known to 
 them, if not to ourselves ; avd we ought also to know them. 
 
 The gentleman from N'irginia thinks that the want of our bread 
 strtf will affect Great Britain. From his extensive knowledge he 
 tnust know, that the annual consumption of grain in Great Britain 
 is estimated at about one hundred and fifty millions of bushels: 
 rhat the whole of our exports, reconverting the flour into wheat, 
 is about seven millions three hundred thousand bushels. Now 
 admitting that every kernel of this grain uf^ed to be sent to. Great 
 Britain (which is very far from the fact does the gentleman expect 
 seriously to operate on Great {3ritain, by retaining within our ports 
 ilve per cent, of all the grain she consumes? surely not, sir. 
 
 The gentleman also thinks that the want of our timber may 
 affect her. Does he recollect that she now has at command the 
 forests of Swedsm, of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and 
 the whole coast of South America? With these resources, is it 
 possible she .an want timber ? No, sir ; and the worst evideilce 
 of it for us, is, that she has just laid such a new duty on timber 
 from the United States, as, if the trade were-no\y open, would 
 amount to nearly a total exclusion from it. •' »•'• • 
 . Will bhe want tobaco ? There are gentlemen on this floor so 
 much better informed respecting this article, that Tshall say little 
 about it. It is. not a necessary of life ; and what is produced in the 
 West-Indies, the Carracas, the liraziis, and the Spanish provinces, 
 Huist, I should presume, be sufficient to prevent the embargo from 
 al'lVctinii^'her !;y this commodity. 
 
 Does she want cotton ? Yes. sir, she does. Although the men- 
 tion made by the p;entleman, of the -'bad trade at Manchester,^' is 
 liot a very happy iiiusiration of the fact, too lively an interest cannot 
 be paid to this a- tide by the government of the United States. It is 
 ?!ie great st^iple of tiie country, and more especially of the southern 
 ^tiitef. Great Britain imj)orts sev;jnty millions of pounds of 
 
13 
 
 caUoa annually. The exports from the United States cf this 
 article amount to above sixty millions of pounds: of this. Great 
 Britain takes about two-thirds ; say, liowever, she receives from 
 us forty-five, or fifty millions of pounds in a year, and tliat 
 this supply is very important to her manufacturers : the ques- 
 tion then is, whether, if we abstain from all intercourse with 
 her, she can supply herself elsewhere ? 1 fear she can. In addi- 
 tion to the increasing supply from her own y\"est India colonies, 
 the Brazils can furnish fifteen millions of pounds. The annual ex- 
 port of cotton by the British from Bombay to China, is from fiiteen 
 to twenty millions of pounds, which can be sent to Europe with a 
 profit. Here then are at least thirty millions of pounds. The cul- 
 tivation of cotton in Bengal is proi^ressing- ; and Spanish America 
 will further increase the stock. But I fear we have in our own 
 neighborhood, a much more formidable competitor than can arise 
 from any of the beforementioned places : the commerce of the 
 whole coast of Guiana is under the controul of Great Britain ; a 
 coast of three hundred miles in extent, as well calculated for the 
 production of the best kind of cotton as any in the world. Until 
 within a few years, it scarcely produced any quantity of import- 
 ance. It now brings into the market more than fifteen millions of 
 pounds annually, and is considered as being capable of producing, 
 in a few years, more than sixty millions of pounds. 
 
 One of the worst efi'ects of the embargo is, that it has trumpeted 
 abroad what we never ought to have divulged : it has taught other 
 nations the secret of their own self dependence ; it has induced them 
 to seek new avenues of commerce, and when we are ready again to 
 trade with them, it is greatly to be feared, that they will not leave 
 their new, to return to their old customers. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Giles] thinks the embargo 
 may be considered as a fortunate measure ; that the people in his 
 part of the country are contented with it ; that the interior is im- 
 proving ; that Philadelphia has increased, and so have George- 
 tovvn and Washington ; that the condition of the farmers of his 
 neighborhood is ameliorated ; they cultivated too much land before; 
 they nov/ raise less produce, but they are better situated. If this 
 reasoning of the gentleman be sound, pursue the amelioration still 
 further, and he will find his countrymen becoming exceedingly 
 wealthy when they possess nothing at all. I am glad, however, 
 to hear that any part of our country is in a prosperous situation. 
 I should rejoice were the country whence 1 came, similarly cir- 
 cumstanced. With us, industry is paralized ; our produce is rot- 
 ting on our hands, and real estate has become nearly unsaleable. 
 This may in part arise from the difference in the nature of our 
 produce. The principal products of Virginia are, I believe, wheat, 
 corn and tobacco. The gentleman says, our exports are beef and 
 fish. These are among the principal. Cattle cannot be sold while 
 beef cannot be exported ; and must therefore be killed and lost, or 
 
14 
 
 kept on hand for better times at an expense e;:ceeding peiiiaps its 
 value. In little more than twelve months, the fish must return to 
 the ocean in a much more worthless state than it was received from 
 it ; while the tobacco of V^irginia for a time improves from age, 
 and the grain with care may be kept two or three years without 
 essential injury. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia also says, that the constitution o-f 
 the United States has mostly benefited the eastern states ; that it 
 is immaterial to the southern and western states who are the car- 
 riers of their produce ; the discriminating duties in favour of 
 American shipping are nothuig to them ; that the no^rthern states 
 liold the public debt ; and, I understood him to say, iHat the southr 
 ern states protect them. 
 
 The constitution, sir, was a matter of compact ; the partners to 
 ■^vhich, like the partners to all other contracts of the kind, proba- 
 bly surrendered something of their individual advantages for thQ 
 general benefit. 
 
 Have the middle and eastern states surrendered nothing? For 
 ■what reason is it, that northern citizens, on thefioor of the other 
 branch of the national legislature, liave not an equal representation 
 with southern citizens? It is because it was part of the coinpact ; 
 it was a concession made by the eastern states ; and for what ? for 
 the protection of their commerce. Ifow was this expectation ex- 
 pressed at the time of the adoption of the constitution ? Emblematic 
 cal representations of commerce and navigation, ships in miniature, 
 •were drawn triumphantly through the streets of all the principal 
 sea-ports in the eastern states, as indicative of the expected protec- 
 tion to commerce from its adopuon. — Without American naviga- 
 tion, how would southern produce have found a market for the 
 last ten years ? 
 
 As to the public debt, it has nothing to do with the question, 
 unless you wish to criminate those who shewed most confidence in 
 the stability of your government. 
 
 With regard to protection, sir ; against whom do the northern 
 states want protection ? They have no internal enemies, nor ene- 
 mies on their frontiers, against whom they cannot protect them- 
 selves. The assistance of the southern states may be useful in 
 protecting their commerce from European enemies. If this can be 
 <lone, and they can have an open trade, it is all they ask. 
 
 The drawing parallels of the different degrees of suffering, in 
 the diffei'cnt sections of the union, is an unpleasant task ; but in 
 7ny opinion my duty requires it. 1 cannot believe, with the gentle- 
 man from Virginia, that any part of the United States is prospering 
 und'jr the present .state of things. No, sir, we are all suffering too 
 much. He does not agree with other southern gentlemen, and 
 nmong tben^ with his colleague. I think he stated that Vir- 
 ginia, he believed, suffered as much as the eastern states. This 
 'iught to be UT'.d-.'rstood. For a national object our sufferings ought 
 
15 
 
 to be nearly equal. I will therefore make a short statement to 
 ^lew how the state of Virginia, and the state I in part have the 
 honor to represent, (Massachusetts) are relatively affected by our 
 present situation. They are both great states. 
 
 By the returns from the treasury office, it appears, that in the 
 year ending September 30, 1807. 
 
 Virginia exported of foreign produce to the amount 
 of, .......... S 367,713 
 
 Massachusetts, 13,926,377 
 
 Virginia exported cff domestic produce to the 
 amount of, . ^ 4,393,521 
 
 Massachusetts, ...... 6,185,748 
 
 thus then Massachusetts exported, of domestic produce, half as 
 much again as Virginia, and more than thirty times as much of 
 foreign merchandise.* 
 
 But, sir, take another view of it. Large as it may be, take ntj 
 account of the whole amount of the exports of Massachusetts as 
 above stated, about twenty millions of dollars ; retain in the ac- 
 count all the exports of Virginia, about five millions of dollars; 
 taking it in this confined point of view, which suffers most ? 
 
 The inhabitants of Massachusetts, in general, cultivate a soii 
 which yields to their unremitting industry the necessaries of life ; 
 but affords none of the great staples of the southern states ; stili 
 they envy not their southern brethren the possession of a happier 
 climate, or a more fertile region. They do, however, consider the 
 ocean, which the bounty of the God of nature has spread before 
 them, as in some degree their property : they consider the use of 
 it as their birth-right, as an inheritance bequeathed to them by 
 4heir ancestors. Those of them who live on the sea-board look to 
 it as the principal means of their subsistence: their vessels are 
 therefore to them, what his farm is to the Virginian. 
 
 Of the whole tonnage of the United States, Massachusetts pos- 
 sesses more than one third. She has 450,000 tons : Virginia ha& 
 69,000 tons. Deduct these 69,000 tons, and estimate the residue at 
 two dollars per ton a month ; which is about the common rate ol 
 charter in limes of active employment ; and it will give upwards 
 of nine millions of dollars for a year. Discard from this statemeri^ 
 
 * How far the coasting trade may vary this statement is uncertain, as there art 
 no documents before congress specifically shewing the state of it. On the one 
 hand, a condidcrable quantity of the produce of Virginia is shipped from the sea- 
 ports of other states ; while, on the other, Massachusetts also ships to the same 
 ports very large amounts of India and Eurc»pean merchandise, as well as consi- 
 derable quantities of domestic produce and manufactures. And the India and 
 China trade from Massachusetts alone, must amount to at least two millions of 
 dollars more than their proportion of the amount as stated in the documents, 
 owing to the principal part of that trade bsiDg prosecuted with specie, which is not 
 included in the returns. 
 
16 
 
 rvcarly one half the sum on account of the embarrassments on our fo-' 
 reign commerce, which might remain after the embargo was rajsed ; 
 ibr the remnant of the coasting trade -which is yet prosecuted ; for 
 occasional want of employment, and for other incidental deduc- 
 tions ; and there will then be left a sum, lost to the owners of na- 
 vigation in Massachusetts, not much less than the entire amount 
 of the exports from \^irginia, as stated in the returns; with this dif- 
 ference, that the produce of Virginia yet remains, and one half, or 
 one third, or a greater proportion, of its value may be now had, or 
 may be obtained when the embargo shall be raised. Not so with 
 the produce of navigation : that is totally lost: it does not exist, 
 nor remain on hand like cotton or tobacco. 
 
 I regret extremely that the situation of different parts of the^ 
 union is, to my view, so different ; and that a sense of duty to my 
 more immediate constituents requires me to make the contrast : 
 but be it what it may, the independence of the country is to be 
 preserved at all hazards ; and the people of Massachusetts will, I 
 trust, always manifest a love of order and of patriotism, which will 
 carry them through every danger which menaces them, and 
 through every danger which menaces the constitution. 
 
 (Gentlemen opposed to the resolution say, that those who have 
 brought it forward propose no substitute for the embargo ; and the 
 gentleman from Virginia says, that I in particular have given no 
 intimation on this head. I have no reserve in my opinion on the 
 subject. I am free to say, remove the embargo, sufter the mer- 
 chants to arm their vessels, put the nation in a state of defence, 
 and assert your well-established and indisputa!)le rights, or perish 
 in the contest. 
 
MR. HILLHOUSE'S SPEECH 
 
 ON THK 
 
 RESOLUTION TO REPEAL THE EMBARGa, 
 J\rOVEMBER 29, 1808. 
 
 Mg. pRESlDESf, 
 
 WHEN I offered the resolution for a removal of 
 the embargo, and submitted my remarks to the senate, I was im- 
 pressed with serious apprehensions for our country's welfare, on 
 account of the embarrassments so forcibly described, and which have 
 been painted in such vivid colours by the gentleman from Virginia. 
 [Mr. Giles.] It was because I felt anxious that we should extricate 
 ourselves as soon as possible from those embarrassments, that I 
 came forward thus early with my resolution. I had been led to 
 believe, and still believe, that the way to extricate ourselves is, to 
 explore the causes of our difficulties, to examine into the truth of 
 facts, and to have a candid and impartial inquiry into the policy and 
 cxfifdiency of our present measures ; that if unfortunately we should 
 be found in an error^ we may retrace our steps, and not by an ob- 
 stinate perseverance therein, involve oUr country in luin. Little 
 did I expect that I should be charged with having proposed a ta?nc 
 submission to foreign aggression, or a disposition to abandon our 
 neutral rights, or surrend-r the independence of my country ; much 
 less with having forgotten the sfiirit and policy of '76, which carriedl 
 us safely through the revolution, and achieved our independence. 
 I confined myself to general remarks, and was not perhaps so 
 particular as I ought to have been, to make myself understood. I 
 shall therefore now take the liberty of stating what were the spiric 
 and policy of '76 ; and I shall be able to shew, from public docu- 
 ments and records, that as long as that spirit and policy were pur- 
 eed, they secured us in the enjoyment of our independence, and 
 
caused our mantime and other rij^hts to be respected. Unfortuw 
 nately for our country, it was a departure from that policy that has 
 brought us into our present situation. It is not surprising that 
 Tna.:y mistakes should be made respecting the spirit and fiolicy of 
 '76, by those who must have derived their information from tradi- 
 tion, and not from their own personal observation. I have noticed 
 that many of those who say the most on that subject, were either 
 noL born, or were in their cradles, or have since migrated to the 
 Uiiited Stales, to enjoy the fruits and blessings of that revolution. 
 
 The patriots and statesmen who guided our public councils at 
 the commencement of the revolution, believing om- rights, were 
 invaded, aud our liberties endangered by the arbitrary and unwar- 
 rantable claims of the British parliament, resorted first to respect- 
 ful petitions and remonstrances, to induce the British government 
 to ab tndon their unjust claims, and adopt such measures as would 
 secure our rights and liberties. But when these means were found 
 to be ineffectual, they nobly dared to make their appeal to arvis^ and 
 to declare themselves a free and independent nation : and though 
 "vve were without a regular organized government, and had neither 
 army nor navy, they dured, in defence of their just rights, to wage 
 Avar with a powerful nation. They did not tell us that we must 
 abandon our right to navigate the ocean, or yield up any other 
 right because o'l aurrounding dcmgcrs. The maxims then were, that 
 rights^ which were not worth defending, were wo rightu: that to be 
 respected^ we must convince others that we would not tamdu fsubmit 
 to insult ) and that to preserve y/rarc we must be prepared for ivar. 
 This sfiirit and fiolicij carried us safely through the revolutionary 
 ■war. established our independence, and secuied our national sove- 
 reignty ; one essential attiibute of which is. the right to navigate 
 the ocean. In 1783 we obtained an honourable peace. In 1793, 
 war having commenced between France and England, our mari- 
 time rights were invaded by the latter, and our vessels were cap- 
 tured and condemned under the memorable November orders. An 
 attempt was then made to introduce the same policy to defend our 
 rights and vindicate our honour, which is now, and for some time 
 has been, in the flood tide of experiment. The famous resolutions 
 proposing duties of (^.scrvmn/cz/oJi between foreign nations, the en- 
 tering into a commt'rcial nvarfare with England, and propositions 
 for a 7ion-i7itf-rccn^se !a-u>, and se(,'urstration of British debts, will be 
 remembered. The journals of that session of congress contain a 
 record oftht-n, and will shew who were the fncndti and advocates 
 of ti '.at policy. 
 
 Foriunat'Jiy for the nation, we then had a chief magistrate who 
 was actuated by the ■•ifiirit^ and well knew, and was determined to 
 [jursue the pjl^cy of '76. lie boldly came forward, and put an end 
 (o lUI those pi-ojects. by nominating an envoy extraordinary to the 
 court of Great Ui'itiin, to remonstrate against the wrongs, and de- 
 mand s:\tisfactiun for the injuries vve had sustained. That ministei* 
 
was not sent out with a non-imjiortation or a non-intercourse act in 
 his hand ; which the president well knew would have been under- 
 stood ;uid ronsidtred by Gre..t Britain in the nature of a threat, oi" 
 an tttteaipt to c^r/T^' ; and would defeat the object of the mission. 
 He was in reality sent with the olive branch on the principle of a 
 Jidr and h:mrmraHc negotiation. 
 
 In ti.e mean time, knowing that a failure of the negotiation mus? 
 result in war: or an abandonment of our rights, every preparation 
 to meet the event, which it was in the power of the country to 
 make, was made. Laws were passed for fortifying our ports and 
 harbors; to provide a navy ; to erect arsenals and provide magazmes ; 
 for raising artillerists and engineers; for directing a detachment 
 from the militia ; to prohibit the exportation of arms and ammuni- 
 tion, and to encoin-age the importation of the same ; to build or pur- 
 chase vessels to be armed and equipped as gailies or otherwise ; and 
 for making further and more eflectual provision for the protection 
 of the frontiers of the United .States. These several acts v/ere pas- 
 sed in the'short space of about ten weeks ; and not only found their 
 way into the ststute book, but were promptly carried into execu- 
 tion: and being laws of a mere municipal nature, providing for our 
 internal sec urity and defence, they gave no umbrage to Gri:at Bri- 
 tain. Yet they spoke a language she well understood. What was 
 the consequence I Great Britain admitted our claim, revoked her 
 ©rdeis, and made satisfaction for the injury ; and a treafy was con- 
 cluded, under which our citizens have received millions of dollars 
 for the losses they sustained by the capture and condemnation of 
 their vessels ; and since it went into operation, as the gentleman 
 from_ Virginia candidly admits, the United States have enjoyed un- 
 exampled prosperity * * 
 
 France, still at war \vith England, had expected that the differen- 
 ces between England and the United States, would involve the two 
 countries in war. Dissatisfied, therefore, with the ti-eaty, France 
 manifested an unfriendly disposition towards our government. In 
 1797, the spoliations committed under the outrageous decrees of 
 France, were such as could no longer be tolerated consistently with 
 our national honour and interest : and the French government had 
 moreover refused to receive our minister. 
 
 It was once more fortunate for the nation, that our then chief ma- 
 gistrate, and the councils of our couiitry, were still under the influ- 
 ence and guidance of the sfiirii. aud/iolicy of '76. Envoys extraordi- 
 nary were sent to remonstrate against the injuries we were suffering, 
 and to demand satisfaction: not accompanied hy non-importation 
 laws, or any other acts or resolutions which could wound the pride 
 of that nation: at the same time congress provided means of de- 
 fence ; so that the nation might be prepared to avenge its M'rongs, 
 and vindicate its honor, in case of refusal, on the part of France, 
 to do us justice. Laws were passed, prohibiting the exportation 
 ©f arms and ammunition, and for encouraging the importation there- 
 
4 
 
 of; to provide for the defence of the ports and harbours of the Uniteci 
 States; to authorize a detachment from the militia, and to provide 
 a naval armament. 
 
 France did refuse to treat, and rejected our ministers. What was 
 the result? not long, detailed diplomatic correspondences^ furtlser re- 
 monstranceSf and paper resolutions: a negotiation of a different na- 
 ture commenced ; we spoke a languaj^je not to be misunderstood : 
 ■we spoke from the mouth of the cannon. Our treaties with her 
 %vei*e annulled; all intercourse prohibited; our merchant vessels 
 authorized to arm, and defend themselves againt French privateers ; 
 an army was raised; and our little navy equipped, manned, and 
 sent out to protect our commerce, and capture the armed vessels 
 of France. A war, not of offence, but defence, was commenced. Na- 
 val conilicts soon ensued, and a French frigate was taken, after a 
 hard fought battle, by an American frigate commanded by the gal- 
 lant Truxton. The French privateers and piratical boats, which 
 had annoyed our trade, were swept from the ocean; our commerce 
 resumed its wonted activity, and our vessels again navigated in 
 safety every sea. What was the conduct of France? a declaration of 
 war? far from it. Though she had before treated us with indignity, 
 the manly attitude we assumed, in defence of our rights and national 
 honor, commanded her respect; and she proposed and entered into 
 a negotiation, which ended in a treaty, that was ratified by both 
 governments, and was finally promulgated by a proclamation of 
 the president of the United States, on the 21st of December, 1801, 
 At this period the American flag was re\!pected in every sea, and 
 the American name and character were honored by all nations. 
 
 Since that period, unfortunately for our country, a different poli- 
 cy has prevailed in its public councils, founded no doubt on the idea 
 ''that a just nation is trusted on its word; while wars arc only 
 necessary to nations of an opposite character." A policy calculated 
 on to save the necessity of ships of war, and exactly comporting 
 Vt'ith some of the modern ideas of ecotiomy. In pursuance of this 
 policy, our navy has been suili'ered to decline; and some of our 
 ships have, for years, been moored to rot in the mud of the Eastern 
 Branch of the Potomac. 
 
 Many efforts have been made, but in vain, for removing our little 
 fleet into the salt ivater, to protect our commerce, at least on our 
 coast; and to secure us from being insulted, within our own juris- 
 diction, by the armed vessels of the belligerents. We were told 
 that if our ships went out, and should meet with foreign vessels 
 depredating on our commerce, or insulting our government, they 
 wou'.dyi..,'/;/, and we should have vjar. That our ships would fight» 
 on proper occasions, I have no doubt. 
 
 Though the discouragements which have been thrown in the way 
 of our naval prosperity have greatly tended to depress the martial 
 spirit, it still exists, and if an opportunity presents will be druwn 
 forth i^tp actjon. Believing this, I confidently rely on our being: 
 
ullimalely able to extricate ourselves from the perplexing and dis- 
 tressing situation described by the ger.tleman from Virginia. That 
 this opinion is correct, the conduct of our naval force in the Medi- 
 terranean sea, furnishes ample proof. The war uith Tripoli has 
 afforded tlie only active and honorable employment which our navy 
 has had since the treaty with France; and in which the gallant 
 deeds of our little band of heroes, deeds worthy of the American 
 name and character, have commanded the admiration and applause 
 of surrounding nations ; and the recollection thereof will be cherish- 
 ed by the American people, when yonder marble monument, erect- 
 ed in honor of those heroes who fell before Tripoli, shall be moul- 
 dered into dust. 
 
 The question recurs, what is the cause of our present embar- 
 rassments ? what has brought us into our present sad dilemma ? for 
 a sad one it is, if it be true, that we are reduced to the alternative 
 of a war with both belligerents, or the continuance of the present, 
 embargo system. Surely they could not have originated in party 
 newspaper publications, or the electioneering squabbles of the ins 
 and the oiila 'i'he eflects of these are greatly over-rated. Though 
 they produce much excitement and noise here, they make but a 
 small impression on the other side of the water. The public do- 
 cuments on our table, those furnished last session of congress, and 
 information in possession of the senate, shew that our difficulties 
 arise from our having forsaken the 's/nrit, and departed from the 
 policy of '76 ; and, in lieu thereof, adopted that retiring Jiolicy 
 which recommends the abandomnait of our right to navigate the 
 ocean, because our commerce is exposed to danger from the illegal 
 attacks and depredations of the belligerent powers. The s/nnt of 
 '76 induced us to /ace danger., to secure that right : and would not 
 the sa77ie .sr/</nY prompt us to hazard something in its defence ? 
 
 It is a painful task to me to undertake to point out the impolicy 
 and impropriety of our present system of measures ; but I see no 
 other way of avoiding those evils which the gentleman from Vir- 
 ginia has so forcibly described (to remove which I would most cor- 
 dially co-operate) or to effect that union in our public councils, which 
 he so ardently desires, and which I most devoutly wish for, than by 
 going into the inquiry, to discover where the error lies. 
 
 I shall gonofurtherbackthanto 1 806, the date of the memorials of 
 the merchants of New Haven, and the great cities and towns on the sea 
 coast, now introduced by the gentleman from Kentucky. [Mr. Pope.] 
 They complained of aggressions on their commerce by Great Bri- 
 tain, and prayed that the protecting arm of government might be 
 extended for their relief. The Boston memorial suggested a spe- 
 cial mission. They expected, no doubt, that the envoy would be 
 sent, as heretofore, to attempt a friendly negotiation of differences ; 
 not to hold out a non-importation act for an olive branchy or to be 
 bound by instructions to demand, as an uUimaium^ that the Ameri- 
 can flag should protect all pe"-sons on board our merchant vessels ^ 
 
Avhich the British government contended could not be granted, be« 
 cause they said it would tend to unman their navy, and cripple that 
 important means ■• f defence against a powerful and enraged foe : 
 and as they disclaimed all right of impressing American seamen, 
 they supposed that our claim, in its utmost extent, might be con- 
 sidered a measure calculated to withdraw from their service their 
 orjn seamen, rather than to protect real American seamen. This 
 had been the subject of negotiation, as well under the former, as 
 the present admmistration. and the point had been pressed as far 
 jis could be of any avail. The like answer was given to both ad- 
 ministrations : the principle cannot be admitted. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia has read a resolution, declaring 
 there had been a violation of our neutral rights, and an encroach- 
 ment upon onr national independence, by the capture and condem- 
 nation of our vessels under the orders of the British government ; 
 which resolution passed in February, 1806, by the unai imous vote 
 of the senate : a vote that does honor to that body, as it exhibits to 
 the nation, and to the world, that whatever may be the collision of 
 party on subjects of minor importance, whenever it is a question 
 in regard to the defence of our oiim rights, and the itifref^i of a/b- 
 reign fio'ujer, we are an undivided fieofile. Yet notwithstanding 
 this unanimous expression of the opinion of the senate, and the ap- 
 pointment of an envoy, which,took place at this time, no measures 
 of defence were adopted. Anon-vnfwrtafion ncf was passed and relied 
 upon for maintaining our claims ; this was declared in public de- 
 bate ; and being made known could not be concealed. It was waft- 
 ed to England before our envoy could reach her shores. So far 
 from being able to use that act for the purpose of enforcing our 
 claims ; to prevent its being an insuperable bar to negotiation, our 
 ministers inform the secretary of state, in their letter of Septem- 
 ber 11, 1306, that in speaking to the British minister of that act, 
 they mentioned it in these terms : " after a short vindication of 
 the act, in the course of which we did not omit to represent it in 
 connection Avith the special mission which grew out of it, as 
 manifesting the frkndhj sentiments and views of our government 
 towards that of his majesty." 
 
 Although the mission failed of success, have we not reason to 
 believe, from the documents laid before congress, that if the in- 
 structions had been as UbcraU and the negotiation had been conduct- 
 ed in the s/zmV and policy o{ '76, as was that of 1794, which doubt- 
 less was expected by those merchants, it would have had a like fa- 
 vorable termination ? an intimation having been previously given, 
 by the British minister, of a dififionition, which, in diplomatic pro- 
 ceedings, is nearly tantamount to a direct offer., to renew the for- 
 mer treaty (under which we had enjoyed ten years peace, and, to 
 Ksc the expression of the genileman from Virginia, uvcxamfiled 
 prosperity) to remain in force two years after the termination of 
 liie present war. I'he overture was not accepted ; from an appre* 
 
7 
 
 Uension, perhaps, that our dexterity in managing a negotiation, 
 aided by such measures as the present policy might dictate, would 
 enable us to obtain better terms. That ihe non-importation act did 
 not fl/c/, but tended to obstruct^ a friendly adjustment, is manifest 
 from the following note of lord Holland and lord Auckland, ad- 
 dressed to our ministers. 
 
 ** JDOJVJVJJVG STREET, 
 
 " September 4, 1806. 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " We have received a copy (sent by you at our i-equest) of the 
 «ct of congress to prohibit, from and after the 15th of November, 
 the import into the territories of the United States, of a very large 
 description of goods, wares and merchandise, from any port or 
 place situated in Clreat Britain or Ireland. 
 
 " On a full consideration of that act, we think it our duty to ex- 
 press our earnest hope and expectation, that some means may be 
 found to suspend the execution of a measure so opposite, in its 
 temper and tendency, to the disposition and views with which our 
 pending negotiation has been commenced and is carrying on. 
 
 " The measure, unless suspended, will take effect, if not before 
 our discussions can be closed, at least before it is possible that their 
 result can be known in the United States ; and would obviously 
 lead to the necessity of proposing to parliament smiilar steps on the 
 part of this country, by which mutual irritation would be excited, 
 and fresh impediments created in the way of such a final adjust- 
 ment, as, we trust, is mutually desired. 
 
 " VVe rely on you for taking such immediate steps, in this busi- 
 ness, as may best contribute to a happy termination of our treaty, 
 and to a cordial and permanent friendship between his majesty's 
 subjects and the citizens of the United States. 
 
 *' We have the honor to be 
 
 Your faithful humble servants, 
 
 "VASSAL HOLLAND, 
 " AUCKLAND." 
 
 Our ministers did recommend a suspension of the act and it was 
 accordingly suspended. 
 
 l"he effects usually produced by a policy which attempts to coerce 
 by threats addressed to an independend power, were exemplified 
 in the correspondence of our minister at the court of LMadrid, ap- 
 pointed aoon after the commencement of the present administra- 
 tion. After piotracted diplomatic discussions, in which our mmis- 
 ter laboured to convince the Spanish government of the justice of 
 3ur claim, and the propriety of their acceding to it, and this ap- 
 peal to their reason had proved ineffectual, a last attempt was madp 
 
8 
 
 In a pompous gasconading note, in which (as well as I remember 
 from having heard the correspondence once read) our minister in- 
 formed the government of Spain, that the United States were a 
 great, powerful, and high spirited nation, who would not submit to 
 injury or insult, and concluded by telling the Spanish minister that 
 there were only two modes of settling controversies between na- 
 tions, arbitration or nvar. The Spanish minister returned for an- 
 swer, that the king his master had commanded him to inform the 
 American minister, he should not choose arbitration. 
 
 Thus has the matter rested, and our claims are s'lill unsatisfied. 
 
 When it was discovered that the United States had abandoned 
 the s/iirit and fiolicy of '76, and placed their dependence on acts of 
 congress, pafier refiohit'onH, and di [ilomatic renioyvi trances as their 
 iyste?n of defence ; what was the consequence? repeated violations 
 of our neutral rights, and the capture and condemnation of our ves- 
 sels. Long and elaborate reasor.ings have been gone into, to estab- 
 lish our lights, and induce a change in the conduct of those^powers, 
 and to cause them to respsct our rights : all to no purpose. Evils 
 have been accumulating upon us to that degree, that we are now 
 told, that, to save our independence and honor, and secure our 
 rights, we must agree to a continued embargo, " a permanent sus- 
 pension of commerce :" that is, to iiresei-ot; our rights, we must 
 abandon them altogether. Logic this, which 1 do not understand. 
 If there be luisdom ov policy in the measure, it is beyond my com- 
 prehension. Had this been the s/drit and policy of ^7&y should we 
 ever have achieved our independence ? should we now occupy these 
 beats, under the constitution of the United States ? our rights are 
 attacked on the ocean : we are called upon to abandoii them. If 
 our shores should be invaded, would not this retiring policy invite 
 us to flee to the mountains ? 
 
 On my mind there rests not the smallest doubt, that if our pub- 
 lic councils had been undeviatingly guided by the spirit and policy 
 of '76, we should neither have had war, nor been under the neces- 
 sity, in obedience to our own laws, of abandoning the ocean, and 
 submit ting to the loss of a commerce second only in importance to 
 that of any nation on the face of the globe ; whereby we are called 
 upon to make a sacrifice of property greater than the nvhole expense 
 of all the armaments and other defensive measures, adopted under 
 both the former administrations, for the protection of our com- 
 merce, and the vindication of our national honor. In point of real 
 economy, then, we are losers to a vast mnojint : and to what extent 
 these privations and sufferings are to be carried, and how long to be 
 continued, cannot be foreseen. 
 
 Gentlemen, who oppose the repeal of the embargo, tell us 
 that Great Britain has obtained the complete dominion of the sea ; 
 that she is proud, haughty, avaricious ; and that her object is to ob- 
 tain the commerce and carrying trade of the world. After having 
 Uecured the quiet possession liiereof, will she peaceably suffer us to 
 
t)ecome her rivals ? Will she not tell us, you voluntarily aban- 
 doned, and shall not again resume them ? and would it not be attend- 
 ed with more danger, expense, and difficulty to regain them, than 
 to hold fast the possession ? 
 
 In vain should we address her from that retirement recommend- 
 ed by the gentleman from Virginia, as dignified ; a retirement in 
 which would be dissipated the resources and wealth of the nation. 
 In vain, I say, should we address her with arguments the most for- 
 cible to prove our right to navigate the ocean. In vain should we 
 ask her consent, though we were to employ the persuasive elo- 
 quence of that gentleman, to permit us to resume our extended and 
 profitable commerce. We should come forth from our dignified re- 
 tireinent under great disadvantages to commence a new conflict for 
 our right to navigate the ocean. The enemy with whom we shall 
 have to contend may have made peace with her rival, and we be 
 left alone to maintain the conflict. 
 
 Or perhaps we may have to contend with an enemy all powerful 
 on the land, and who may become formidable on the sea ; with a 
 power that has for a long time cast a wishful eye towards the fair 
 fields of America, and has almost kept up continual claim to a large 
 portion of the United States, which was once within her embrace, 
 and which was wrested from her by the war of 1756. Then may 
 we expect to see adopted the ancient Roman policy — the turmng 
 out of the old proprietors of the soil to make way for military adven- 
 turers. Then might we expect the feudal system in all its ancient 
 rigor. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia has told us that his brother farmers 
 must raise less produce, and turn their surplus labor to improve 
 and beautify their farms. Is there not some danger that even this 
 may serve as a lure to tempt the cupidity of some foreign nation ; 
 and if the same timid, retiring policy should prevail, will they not 
 be emboldened to attempt to possess themselves of those very farms 
 and improvements ? Nor should we be secure, were we to assume 
 the savage garb and manner of life. Mr. President, if a conflict should 
 be necessary to maintain our right to navigate the ocean, I wish it 
 may happen while some of the revolutionary patriots of '76 are still 
 living, who can reanimate their countrymen with their sfiirit. Some 
 of the present generation may acquire that spirit by inheritance ; 
 but none, I fear, by education. 
 
 It has been insinuated more than once, that the opposition to the 
 present system of measures (and to that system no one has been 
 more opposed than myself) proceeds irom party feelings and disafi- 
 pointed ambition. That this is unfounded, will appear by a resort to 
 the journals of congress, our statute book, and to well known pub- 
 lic transactions. At the commencement of the struggle for our 
 liberties and independence, from a full conviction of the rectitude 
 of the cause, I engaged on the side of our country, with the ardor 
 natural to a youthful mind. And those who know me best will 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 pot accuse me of having declined, through the whole revolutionary 
 war, any ex/iosure or sacrifice which the call of my country re- 
 quired. In 1794 I voted for all those efficient measures of de- 
 fence then adopted, and opposed the haficr re.iolution policy then 
 brought forward, the same substantially which for some years has 
 been pursued, and is now urged upon us. In 1797—8 I voted for 
 the naval and military preparations then made. Under the present 
 administration, I have uniformly voted for all such measures of de- 
 fence as appeared to me to have efficacy, or to comport with the 
 ifiirit and policy of '76 ; though the gentleman from Virginia 
 would seem to imagine I was S7nartmg under the unfiojiularity of 
 ray former votes for armies and navies ; measures which are sup- 
 posed to have gone far in effecting a change in the administration. 
 j am happy, however, in the reflection, that if those votes lost me 
 my popularity and /loUtical povjer, they contributed to save my 
 country's rights andkonor. I shall also be found uniformly to have 
 opposed a timid, humiliating policy, whieh must ever end in war, 
 X)r an abandonment of our nation's rights and hoi or. A senator of 
 the United States is unworthy of that high and responsible station, 
 and to be entrusted with the destinies of his country, if, upon ques- 
 tions of great national importance, involving our rights, honor and 
 independence, his vote could be governed by his attachment ov dis- 
 like to a chief magistrate, or others in power. 
 
 The gentleman from Kentucky, in referring to tne, has used the 
 expression " the gentleman in opposition," meaning, I suppose, to 
 ^ave it understood, that I am aii opposcr of the present administra- 
 tion. I do not admit that I am, or ever have been the opposer or 
 Xht favorite ot any administration. I avow myself to be the opposer 
 only of such measures as in my judgement will not promote the 
 public good. [Mr. Pope rose to explain, and said he meant only to 
 refer to the opposition of Mr. Hillhouse to the embargo.] Mr. H. 
 .declared himself satisfied. 
 
 The gentleman from Kentucky has also announced (he does not 
 say officially) that the presidential electionering races for the pre- 
 sent season are over ; and calls upon the several riders to dismount 
 \.\\t\v hobbies ; not reflecting that 1 am not one of i\\Q jockey club ; nor 
 had a cd'^d of invitation to the face ground, without which none 
 were admitted. Neither I, nor any member from Connec- 
 ticut, was invited to attend \}Aii famous caucus which was convened 
 for the purpose of manufacturing the great officers of state. W,c 
 were not emulous of that honor, being content with the mode point- 
 ed out by the constitution of the United States, for choosing presi- 
 dent and vice-president. 
 
 To preserve our independence, and avoid tame submission, we are 
 gravely told by the gentleman from Virginia, and also in are port pro- 
 nounced by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. Smith] to be the 
 most luminous production ever submitted to congress, (the resul.t 
 probably of the combined wisdom of the whole administration) that 
 
11 
 
 '-' there is no other alternative but -war with both nations, or a conti- 
 nuance of the present system." The idea of going to war, at the 
 same time, with the two great belligerent powers, is as novel and 
 surprising to me, as the idea of a permanent embargo for a measure 
 oidrfeiicc. Suppose the warfare be on the land ; in what manner, 
 let me ask, would three belligerents, each hostile to the other, ar- 
 ray their forces t«r action, and condiict the battle ? would it be in 
 the form of a triangle, each firing alternately, first on one enemy 
 and then on the other ? or suppose the fleets of two of the bellige- 
 rents, say French and American, meet on the ocean ; and after a 
 bloody conflict, for I have no doubt both nations would fight brave- 
 ly, the American fleet, for I would always incline to our own side, 
 cripples and captures that of their enemy ; a British fleet then comes 
 up and takes both, though inferior perhaps, before the action, to 
 eithe! ? the idea is too ridiculous to merit serious attention. 
 
 When two nations have a common enemy, they are inclined to 
 cultivate a friendly d.sposiiion towards each other. If we were to 
 declare war against England, France, no doubt, would revoke her 
 decrees, give vis a friendly reception into her ports, and afford us 
 all the aid and protection in her power, both by sea and land. 
 England would do the like, if we were to declare war against 
 France- Such wiqiia^tionably would be the fact ; and it is in vain 
 to shut our eyes against the truth. There was a strong proof of 
 tliis exhibited in the conduct of England and France in 1794, and 
 1798. 
 
 Is it not national antifiathies, more than foreign firedilections^ that 
 produce crimination and recrimination of an English party and a 
 French party, of English and French influence ? for the honor of 
 my country I hope it is ; for I should be sorry to think so meanly 
 of the American people as to believe they would prefer the interest 
 o{ any foreign naiioji to ihdt of their own. Should we unfortunate- 
 ly be brought to make the experiment, by being engaged in a Just 
 and necessary war (and none other 1 hope will ever be made by the 
 United States) 1 am confident we shall find a wiion of sentiment 
 and action. These are, however, unnecessary speculations ; for I 
 iiCit no necessity of declaring war against any nation. 
 
 To permit our nierchant vessels to arm, under proper restric- 
 tions, and to equip, man, and send out our public ships, to defend 
 those maritime rights which are clear and indisputable, is not war, 
 uor will it necessarily involve us in war. E,very nation on earth 
 would respect us for defending our essential rights. 1 do not agree 
 with the gentleman from Kentucky, that the commanders of mer- 
 chant vessels can commit the peace of the nation, if the government 
 do not countenance and uphold them in their wrong, but promptly 
 disavow tiie act. Vessels bound up the Mediterranean sea, and to 
 the East Indies, have always been allowed to arm ; and I have 
 never heard that they have, in a single instance, committed the 
 ]»eace of the nation. 
 
12 
 
 In ai>s\?er to the inquiry, what good has the embargo done ? 
 the gentleman from Virginia says, that it has saved to our citizens 
 one hundred and fifty miUions of property, which would have been 
 captured and carried into France or England ; and to our country 
 fifty thousand seaman, who, instead of being in captivity in a foreign 
 land, are placed int ne bosom of their families. This, if true, is an 
 important consideration ; but I doubt the fact. Not that I question 
 the veracity of the gentleman : were he to declare a fact as of his 
 own knowledge, I should have a most perfect reliance on it. But in 
 f.his case the gentleman's declaration being but an expression of 
 ';/i//2zo?z, not supported by any one fact within his knowledge, he 
 must excuse me if 1 cannot yield my assent to it ; more especially 
 as circumstances, some of which are within my own knowledge, 
 lead me to a different opinion. It is a fact, that most of our vessels 
 which escaped the embargo, or have since gone out under permits 
 from the president of the United States, have returned in safety, 
 and made goo:' voyages, from which the seamen " have returned 
 to the i>osom of their families," and with something to administer 
 to their wants and comfort ; not, as in the other case, empty- 
 handed from our dismantled ships, to share the distresses of their 
 little households, and to hear their children cry for bread. Many 
 of our vessels v/hieh Avere out when the embargo was laid, have 
 feniained out, avoiding the inhospitable shores of their owa\ country, 
 as they woukl a land infected with pestilence. 'I hose vessels have 
 been navigating the ocean under the American flag, with as much 
 mfety as before the embargo was laid, and have constantly been 
 employed in the carrying trade to vast projit. 
 
 Having, at the commencement of this debate, submitted my ob- 
 servations on the supposed possibility of starving England or 
 destroying her manufactures ; and the gentleman from Massachu- 
 setts, [Mr. Lloyd] better informed on the subject of commerce 
 than myself, having exhibited the facts to the senate in a manner 
 that must carry conviction, I shall not trespass on the patience of 
 the senate with any fiirther remarks on that point. 
 
 Nor shall I add to what I have already said, to prove that one ob- • 
 ject of the embargo was to put doivn commercf^ for the purpose of 
 raiaijig ufi manufacture: -^ than to adduce the authority on wliich my 
 opinion rests ; which was not, as has been insinuated by the gentle- 
 man from Maryland, common place observations, and party news- 
 paper publications, but the declarations of the president of the 
 United States, not in an ordinary correspondence, but in an answer 
 ta cvn address from tlie legislature of New Hampshire, a New Eng- 
 land state, participating m common with the other New England 
 states in the Jjenehts of commerce. .Speaking of the embargo, he 
 says, " It gave us time to make a last appeal to the reason and re- 
 fiutadon of nations. In the mean while I see with satisfaction thai 
 this measure of self-denial is approved and supported by the great 
 body of our real citizens ; that they meet with cheerfulness the 
 
13 
 
 temporary privations it occasions ; and are preparine: "with spirit 
 to provide for themselves thtse comforts and conveniences of life, 
 for which it would be univise fver more to resort to distant coun- 
 tries." In another answer to an address, this sentiment is expressed, 
 that the agriculturalist and manufacturer shall be planted down side 
 by side, so as to receive, at our own doors, those comforts and 
 conveniences of life, which we have been accustomed to seek on 
 the ocean. No such effects could be produced by the embargo, 
 nor can it answer any such purpose, unless made perpetual.^ or 
 continued /or a great length of time. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia has thought proper to go into a 
 consideration of the commercial advantages which he imagines are 
 enjoyed by the people inhabiting the northern in comparison with 
 the scuthern states, under die constitution and laws of the United 
 States, anci has indulged himself in remarks respecting a disposi- 
 tion in the people of New England to insurrection., rebellion and 
 dikunicn ; but these are topics on which I shall say nothing, as I 
 do not think it expedient to discuss theni at this time. 
 
 The intimations of the gentleman from Kentucky and the gentle- 
 man from Georgia, [Mr Crawford,] about amputation and military 
 coercion., I shall also pass by without further notice, than to assure 
 those gentlemen, that in New England Lhey will produce no intimi- 
 dation, if they should excite any attention. 
 
 It was particularly unfortunate for the gentleman from Virginia, 
 that he should feel himself under the necessity of making remarks 
 that may be construed ii to a denunciation of a certain description 
 of our fellow citizens as demagogues, and as having attempted to 
 excite sedition and redellion, because they doubt the expediency of 
 the embargo, and question the policy of some of the measures of 
 the present administration That gentleman, I imagine, will hardly 
 consent that to doubt the policy and oppose the measures of an ad- 
 ministration, shall be the criterion for deciding who are the dema- 
 gogues of our country ; for surely, if that is to be the rule of deci- 
 sion, the conduct of that eentleman during the frst administration 
 under the constitution of the United States, and the ability and 
 perseverance with which he maintained his opposition to it, would 
 give him a pre-eminent claim to rank high on the list of dema- 
 «OGUF.s. I extremely regret those remarks on another account. 
 I know ma7iy of the most venerable characters of our country, 
 men who were patriots of '76, men who made great sacrifices, and 
 risqued their lives in our struggle for liberty and independence, 
 men who have acquired a well earned fame, which has never been 
 tarnished, who doubt the policy of the embargo, and decidedly dis- 
 approve the measure, as being altogether iiiefficient as it regards 
 foreign po"'crs, and ruinoius to ourselves. 
 
 1 he gentleman from Virginia is peculiarly unfortunate also, in 
 ascribing the failure of the embargo, to produce the desired effect 
 on foreign nations, to party misrepresentations, and newspaper 
 electioneering publications, describing the embargo as an unpopu- 
 
14 
 
 ii r.Kanjjt^ ofruiers. v/hir-H. lit sars, n . 
 
 I^c o:" Junt ant iht it^th m Juir. ant ;. ..^m.. .^^ c T^L..... ......._. .r, 
 
 tht r^ndud of tiie BriiKih ininisicr, aTic ir hi* disp' siiJoii to a 
 
 iriend- r------ .--^ " r- icl hardir hevt . — - : evsoi ia 
 
 thi: ru . lar irmri a^rt-: "well ac- 
 
 guainu-L v . ; ■ ' — 
 ihert knr -. 
 
 . of iht - 
 .x'jtti xti£ Jiuuiigencx: uf zns: senaic^ I wih reaf] tAu: jrrociEanasMjn. 
 
 '■'■ Af ikt preziden: cf the United Suites, c Jiraclamauav^ 
 
 *= TThereaf- inform at auMd r * ' yrTwn» 
 
 art rombmed. or r ■ u^sdicr. «IB Iji^ 
 
 ChaTiroiaiD and tnt couni-^ uu;^ ni. iorxhe parpsHe ai 
 
 in-Tiimg in^u*"^" inr;i iLiraiTs; int i x tht laws of int t/BiE- 
 
 tit: Slates le samt:. anc inKi-uctn^r iheir i 
 
 am. thai s. jiii art tat. pov.eriUi to bt 
 
 the ordinary rourst o: judiciai proceeriin«"5M or br the powiers "wcst- 
 -d IE tht marshais fir ibt iaw$ <if ttit Unaac •aaatA z 
 
 *• Scw^^ Ihsrsdort- xo tte cnc thai zik: autaorny of the leirs -aam 
 :ri: maintamcQ. and thai tfaost concerned, direcih" or indirectir. in 
 aTl^ msurrsciion or cumhmatiori against tftt same, may ht tmnr 
 Tr^med. 1 have iriistteiJ thit iny yBuxii-iLjii^-noK. i»em>y cammaiui- 
 :;p- suet insur^Titi. ami aL cnnccnicc m -suc^ cumbmHtiax&i j»- 
 siantlr and wanoiT. ; . vtirt peaneabhr tD tfaeir 
 
 TesiKiizi.'vt aitatiss, ■ . renuiTt ant cDinxaanc 
 
 all o&nsTs havrrir au::.. ■ anL all otlier jt^r- 
 
 sore^ civi! rr- Tni' T.a~^ -■' t tm- vicmapr rr 
 
 sucti insu' 
 ul: tilt nit-^ 
 
 and SUllQUt aUCi. ; 
 
 inost ihtrrerr tdti-'j- • .. 
 
 ^!5T»crBt a: :ien. 
 
 ovt;' to tilt a' - 
 
 "(iramf ti> lev. 
 
 *■• ii, testnnnny wnerrrji. 1 tavt: caiiasL tnt saL of . 
 trd States XL be a&xsa to meat preasnlfc. anr sigtiec 
 vitf Tn\ nanc. Gn ta. at tiit ctry al i v afinin^toTi im; Ii*-.. -• ^, 
 : -,. i BOb. anc! u. tttt sowcreifTTty ant mdependma: of liie I/nh- 
 . ->uitrr tnt ttiiTTT-acrDMl. 
 
 •• TE - JEr?X??*iOX 
 "fcr: ■ — 
 
 '• . T'i'TI!?. ig ' j r yia"^ ir stale *' 
 
15 
 
 The senate will recoliect that the last session ot congress was 
 closed on the 25th of April ; and. although the proclataadon was 
 dated the 19th of that month, no intimation thereof, or of the 
 state of the country to which it referred, was given to congress bv- 
 the president of the United States. The proclamation was pub- 
 lished in Vermont, April 30, and in the National Intelligencer, 
 printed at the scat of government, on the 13th of jlay. Here was 
 an official document, issuing from the same high authority that re- 
 commended the embargo, declaring to the nation, and to the world, 
 that there existed so great uneasiness and discontent on account of 
 the embargo, as to induce the forming of unlawful corabinauons to 
 resist its execution, lOo powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary 
 process of Jaw. and which required the employment of a military 
 force- Superadd 10 this, that our small standing army, and the 
 whole naval force in actual service, were put in requisition, to aid in 
 its execution. 
 
 These circumstances present a melancholy view of our situa- 
 tion. An embargo recommended under the influence of the great 
 popularity of the president, and firojesied to be laid for preserving 
 in safety our vessels, our seamen and merchandise, and saving the 
 honour, and vindicating the rights of our country, had become so 
 unpopular, before the close of the session of the congress which 
 imposed it, that in the president's opinion, it could not be executed 
 by the ordinary process of law, and through the mild medium of 
 courts of justice; so that it had already become necessary to call in 
 the aid of an armed force. 
 
 I could have hoped it would not have been found necessary to 
 employ the American navy to cruize against our o^vn commerce ; 
 and little did I expect that the army I had so recently voted to 
 raise, for the purpose, as I supposed, of opposing forei j;n aggres- 
 sion, would be required to point their bayonets at the breasts o*" 
 their fellow citizens. 
 
GEN. S. SMITH'S SPEECH, 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 In the Sejiate of the Vnited States^ 
 
 ON 
 
 MONDAY, 28th NOVEMBER, 1808, ON THE RESOLUTION 
 
 OF MR. HILLHOUSE, TO REPEAL THE 
 
 EMBARGO LAWS. 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT— 
 
 , WHEN I last had the honor to address 
 the senate upon the subject now under consideration, to wit, the 
 repeal of the laws laying an embargo, I took occasion to observe, 
 on the transit duty, or tribute laid by Great Britain, on certain ar- 
 ticles, the produce of the United States, when exported to the 
 countries where they are usually consumed on the continent of 
 Europe. It may not be improper for me to pursue that subject so 
 far as the said tribute is imposed on all the articles usually exported 
 fron\ the United States, to the continent of Europe. I then spoke 
 from memory, but find I was correct as to the amounts on the ar- 
 ticles mentioned. I observe, however, a mistake by one of the 
 stenographers, in the word slerfing, in the article wheat, when I 
 meant the rurrency of my country. By the act of Parliament, of 
 the 28th March last, duties on exports are laid, to carry in^o eflTect 
 the orders (»f council. I shall notnotice any but those charged on the 
 products ot the United States. It will be recollected that I have 
 already stated that none of the products of the United States can 
 be carried to the continent of Europe without being subject to 
 capture by British cruizers, unless they shall first be carried to, 
 and landed in Great Britain, and there pay a transit duty, or tri- 
 bute ; of course, all articles the produce of the United States, are 
 subjected to that tribute on their way to the countries, so far as they 
 eonsume the &ame. On the following articles, those duties on 
 tribute attach, to wit : 
 
 American Produce^ 
 
 Indigo, 45 cts. per lb. Pitch, 95 cts. per bbl. Tar, 95 cts. per 
 bbl. Turpentine, 78 cts. per cwl. Rice, 45 cts. per cwt. To- 
 bacco, per 100 lb. S 3 00, Cotton, 16 cts. per lb. Timber, stavesj 
 and lumber, a prohibitory duty. Ashes, g 2 22 per cwt. Corn, 
 15 cts. per bu. Wheat, 28 cts. pear bu. Flour, g 2 00 per bbl. 
 F»sh, 90 cts. per cwi. Perk, % 6 86 per bbl. Beef, ^ 3 33 per bbl. 
 
What amount would cargoes of some of those articles pay, 6r 
 tribute ? 
 
 A ship carrying 1,000 bags of cbtton, will pay a tribute of 
 $ 50,000, being about the value in South Carolina ; to which add 
 merchants' commission, and other charges of port, of B 2,000. 
 
 A cargo of 400 hhds. of Tobacco, will pay of 1,000 wt. each 
 11,100 dollars. 
 
 A cargo of 3,000 bbls. flour, will pay 6,650. 
 
 A cargo of fish, as I am informed (for I am unacquainted witK 
 the number of quintals carried by a ship of 300 tons) will pay front. 
 3,500 to 4,000 dollars. 
 
 Double insurance, double premium^ dbuble meixhants' commis- 
 sion, insurance, and other charges not noticed. I leave that for the 
 calculation of others. 
 
 It is true, the king may suspend or alter any part of the act aS 
 he shall see proper, and the continuance of the act, is only to the 
 end of the next session of Parliament. It is to be hoped that En- 
 gland will see the error which she has committed as well as it affects 
 her own interest as also the deep wound inflicted on the honor and 
 interest of her most useful customer. But, Sir, if we retract from 
 the stand which we have taken, will she not think from the instabi- 
 lity of our councils, that she may proceed in her system of mono- 
 poly, until every branch of our commerce shall be extinguished ? 
 But, Mr. President, does the British nation lay similar duties of 
 export on similar articles, from her own colonies, or her allies ? 
 She has heavily taxed the colonial produce, carried in American 
 ships in her ports on exportation, but, her own coffee, sugar, and 
 other colonial articles, are still exported free of duty ; thus en- 
 abling her to undersell in the ports of Europe, similar articles 
 carried there, the property of Americans- But, says the gentle- 
 man from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillbouse) this tribute is a nullity 
 of Itself, for the decrees o{ France cause all goods that have been 
 landed in England, to be seized and condemned on their arrival ; of 
 course, he presumes that none will go there : he is mistaken, Mr. 
 President; if the articles shall promise a profit on the continent, 
 men will be found (and many will do it) that will pay the tribute 
 in !''ngland, (and this the English minister knows) and who will 
 contrive ways and means of admittance. Is this visionary ? No, Sir, 
 what has been done, and is done every day, will be pursued when, 
 profits sufficient offer the temptation; what then has been done?;) 
 American ships arriving in the port of London, have been charter- 
 ed (unknown to their owners) to proceed to Holland with a cargo 
 of British coffee, sugar, and other goods, at an enormous freight. 
 The American crew, except the captain, is discharged ; a new 
 crew of Englishmen taken on board, to each of whom a promise is 
 made, beside the usual wages, of a large sum, perhaps 50 or 100 
 guineas to be paid on the performance of the voyage. They are 
 told, that they must declare, if questioned, t/iat the vessel haa come 
 direct from Jlmerica, that she has not been visited by any British 
 
c-)'uizer, and fiaa not touched ar any British fiort. Papers forged in 
 England; for the English, Mr. President, are great manufactur 
 rers, and have a manufactory of all the papers and documents 
 unsually necessary for an American ship. Every paper, even to 
 the merchant's oath, that the property is his, that no foreigner" is 
 either directly or indirectly concerned therein ; the consular certi- 
 ficates of origin oi the French or Spanish consul, as the case may 
 be, shewing that the ca.rgo on board had been imported into the 
 United States from some French or Spanish colony : every seal of 
 office so comple^^Iy imitated, that no man can know the difference. 
 The ship thus provided, proceeds to HoUand. The Dutch, Mr. 
 President, are hostile, to those decrees of France ; all are willing 
 to countenance this tradq ; very little inquiry is made there ; the 
 trade is winked at by uU the officers of government, and thus car- 
 ried on with security. Now, Mr. President, as this trade can thus 
 be carried on, I will ask the honorable genileman from Connecti- 
 cut, whether the temptations being great, it will not be carried on 
 by our people and the .tribute paid, for without paying that, they 
 cannot esca.pe the vigilance of the British cruizers ; they will go 
 into England, they will pay the tribute and pursue their voyages ; 
 and what right shall we have to say they do wrong, in so doing? 
 What right has government to expect individual patriotism, when 
 opposed to individual interest, when the government itself sa- 
 crifices the honor and independence of the nation, to sordid interest ? 
 Take off the embargo, Mr. President, and will not men say, our 
 government has acquiesced in the tribute, laid upon commerce by 
 Great Britain. We therefore do no wrong in paying it ; we do 
 >yhat every prudent man will do, make our property as safe as pos- 
 sible, and pursue our trade; for we well know that if we do not 
 stop and pay the tribute in England, our ship and cargo must fall 
 a prey to British depredations. We will therefore go into Eng- 
 land, pay the tribute, and take our chance to evade the decrees of 
 France. Yes, Mr. President, and it will become such a trade as 
 will in a very short time meet with security by insurances, and 
 that, at no very high premium. Again, those vessels returning 
 with articles for the consumption of the United Slates, must stop 
 in Eng|land, (or subject themselves to capture) there land their 
 cargo, and payitribute, before they can proceed to their own coun- 
 try. Is this a state to which the gentlemen wish to reduce their 
 country ? Are they willing to pay tribute to Gr^'at Britain ? If they 
 are, take off the embargo, and you encourage further aggressions, 
 and further exactions. Sir, there will be no end to them — we had 
 better have remained colonies, than submit to such a state of de- 
 gradation. 
 
 Let us take a view of some of the principal articles thus charg- 
 ed, that we may know in what countries they are usually consumed" 
 Cotton — an article of such importance, that its value may be cc-nsi^ 
 dered as amounting to nearly one-fourth of the value /<f all 
 
4 
 
 the exports of the produce of the United States. Two thirds, soin^ 
 say less thereof, is required for the Lnglish manufactures, when m 
 full work ; and one-third, for the continent of Europe. Under the 
 orders of council, that one third, or twenty millions of pounds of 
 cotton, are prohibited from proceeding to its usual place of con- 
 sumption ; of course, that one third must either remain on the 
 hands of the planter, or be shipped to Kngland, where ic cannot be 
 consumed, and thus reduce, by 50 large a surplus, the price of the 
 whole. 
 
 Flour. — This article is seldom wanted in France, for France ex- 
 ports the article ; nor in England, for fiome consumfition, except 
 when there is a defect in the harvest. It is principally exported to 
 Spain, Portugal and Italv — to those countries we are forbid to car- 
 ry it, by the orders of council, unless we submit to pay two dollars 
 on each barrel, which two dollars must necessarily be taken oft" the 
 price in this country, and thus operate as a tax ufion the farmer of 
 two dollars fier barrel. 
 
 Tobacco. — This article is consumed principally on the continent 
 of Europe, only about one-seventh thereof, or 14,000 hogsheads per 
 annum, is believed to be consumed in England ; the residue, or 
 76. 000 hogsheads, per annum, usually consumed in Germany, Hol- 
 land and France, must either remain in the tobacco houses of Vir- 
 ginia and Maryland, or go to rot in the king's warehouses at Lon- 
 don ; or, if removed from thence, subjected to a duty of three dol- 
 lars per hundred pounds : This is peculiarly hard on the state of 
 Maryland, for of the 14,000 hogsheads exported by that state, not 
 more than 500 or 600 hogsheads is believed to be consumed in 
 England; the residue, say 13,500 hogsheads, can alone find a mar- 
 ket in the ports of Holland and Germany, to which couritries the 
 linglish say we shall not carry it ; therefore the taking off' the em- 
 bargo would operate no relief to the numerous and respectable bo- 
 dy of planters of the state, which I have the honor to represent. 
 
 Fish is consumed only in France, Spain, Portugal and Italy. 
 To these countries we are forbidden to go with this article. 
 It is not candid m gentlemen to state to the Senate, that the 
 embargo compelled the owners of fish to keep that article to rot upon 
 their hands, when it is well known that many vessels were com- 
 pelled, after having made their voyage to the coast of Europe, to 
 return home with their cargoes of fisli, the English not perniitting 
 them to enter the ports of their destination. It is true, a small por- 
 tion of the fish caught by the people of the United States is con- 
 sumed in the W. India islands. Gentlemen may be deceived by 
 
 looking at the report of the secretary of the treasury, when they see 
 tiie large amount stated to be shipped to Great Britain, of the pro- 
 «!ucts of the United States. Almost all our business passes in some 
 Aay or other, through the hands of British merchants, either 
 wy consignments or remittances. By s'lipping to their address the 
 American merchant is permitted to draw hills of exchange for a 
 
proportion of the amount on the British merchant. The ship pwj- 
 
 cetds to Cowes or ralmouth, and there receives the order of the 
 Loudon merchant, to proceed to the country where the best mar- 
 ket can be obtained for their articles — And in this way, the export 
 to lingUind is swelled to a large amount, ivhen^ in truth^ the con- 
 sumption is in other countrits. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. HiUhouse) says that the 
 embargo tends to demoralize our people. I fear, Mr. President, 
 that the payment of tribute in England, and the perjury employed 
 to evade the decrees of FraiiCe, will not only demoralize and de- 
 grade them in the ey s of uU Europe ; but, also, in our own esti- 
 mation. 
 
 When I was last up, I took a view of the exports still left to the 
 people of the United States, not pnfilkated either by the decrees of 
 France, or orders of England. In answer, the gentleman from De- 
 laware, (Mr. White) ha stated that (the decrees of France and or- 
 ders of council notwithstanding) there would still be an export free 
 to the United Stales of four hfths of the amount exported there- 
 from. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) more 
 cautious, has stated that there woild be still important branches of 
 commerce left open to us. The gentleman from Delaware has 
 given us the countries to which the four-fifths of our exports could 
 go, to wit — Sumatra, Africa, Java, China, North West of Ameri- 
 ca, Spanish possessions and islands, Sweden and her colonies. On 
 examining the report of the secretary, I find that to those countries 
 and to some others, we can export as follows, viz : 
 
 Spanish colonieb, Florida, Main and Cuba, 
 
 §2,617,348 
 
 Portuguese ditto, say Madeira, Western Isles, Cape de ") 
 Verd and Brazil, y 
 
 570,303 
 
 Morocco and Barbary Powers, 
 
 8,358 
 
 China, 
 
 84,022 
 
 Africa, 
 
 369,924 
 
 South Seas, 
 
 3,385 
 
 North West Coast, 
 
 10,777 
 
 ^eden and colonies, 
 
 472,666 
 
 g4,136,783 
 
 To those countries, (and they are the only ones to which we could 
 haye exported under the orders of council) it appears, that the to., 
 tal amount of exports is only §4,136,783. I have admitted Sweden 
 ai]d her colonies to please the gentleman, although I understand 
 them to be subject to capture under the French decree. A large 
 item is to St. liartholoinevvs, a Swedish island, serving only as an 
 entrepoi. But we are told that G. B. in her great goodness, has late* 
 !y permitted us to trade tq Spain and Portugal, and that the O' ders 
 of council no longer attach to those nations. I am of a different 
 opinion, and I derive my opinion from the document now in mV 
 hand. * 
 
6 
 
 " The lords of the committee of cdunctl for trade and foreiga 
 plantations, having authorised us to make public the following an- 
 swers to certain questions proposed by us to their lordships, we 
 publish them for the informatoin of all whom they may concern. 
 
 THOS. BARING. 
 A. QLENNIE. 
 THOS. MULLETT. 
 
 i-ondon, 15di August, 1808. 
 
 Question, "His majesty's older in council of the 4th July, 1S0») 
 having ordered, that all hostililies against Spain on the part of his 
 majesty shall immediately cease, and that the blockade of all the 
 ports of Spain, except such as may be slil> in possession, or un- 
 der control of France, shall be forthwith raised— • V 
 
 "Can an American vessel proceed from a port in the United 
 States of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, 
 er Colonial produce, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal, not 
 being in the possession of the enemies of Great Britain, and re- 
 turn back to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo the- 
 growth or produce of Spain or Portugal, without being liable to, 
 capture and condeinnation, under the orders of council of the 11th 
 and 25th of November, 1807, and the several acts of parliament 
 passed to carry them into effect i" 
 
 Answer. " American vessels may proceed from a port in the U. S. 
 of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or co- 
 lonial produce, pj'ovidecl wch produce be not the firoduce of the ene- 
 my's colonies^ direct to any port of Spain or Portugal ; such port not 
 being in the possession, or under the control of the enemies of 
 Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States direct, 
 with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal." 
 
 [Here Mr. White explained and said, that a proclamation had 
 been issued declaring the ports of Spain and Portugal, not in fios- 
 session of France or her allies.^ open to the admission of American 
 vessels, with tlie produce of their own country, or of the colonies 
 of those two nations ; but that they must return direct to their owu 
 country.] Where the gentleman has got that proclamation I know 
 not. T never have seen it, nor heard of it. I am, however, of o- 
 pinion that the orders of council do still avtach to Sjjain and Por- 
 tugal ; and that this is only a bountiful relaxation of his Britannic 
 Tuajesty, which he can change at pleasure, being authorised by the 
 jict of Parliament to repeal or alter, as he may see fit. It is a well 
 known fact, that prior to the orders of council, we could trade with 
 ♦:olonial produce to those countries. These regulations of the 
 lords commissioners of trade and plantations, do not permit such 
 commerce ; of course the orders of council attach, and should Bo- 
 »aparte get posse,si5ion 9f any port of Spivip, and an American veS*" 
 
sel be bound to such port, she would, under the orders of council, 
 be seized and carried into England — in which case I do not believ6 
 the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts would insure for nine- 
 ty per cent, against condemnation in the courts of Great Britain. 
 
 Pursuing the idea of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles) 
 that the regulation of the board of trade and plantations, if sub- 
 mitted to, will reduce us to a stale of colonization — I beg leave to 
 observe, that this same board of trade, regulated our commerce 
 when we were colonies. We were then permitted to go direct to the 
 ports of Spain and Portugal with our tjour, Indian corn and lum- 
 ber, and might return direct to America with salt ; but, if we wish- 
 ed to bring wines or fruits, we were compelled to proceed to Eng- 
 land, land them, and then proceed to this country. What are the 
 regulations now made for us by the lolxls of trade ? Why, Sir, we 
 are permitted to proceed to Spain and Portugal, wiih thh produce ot 
 our country, but we must return therefrom direct to the Unite^. 
 States. If we turn to the right or left hand, we come under the 
 orders of council, and are good prize. We are forbid to carry any 
 of the produce of those countries to their colonies, although they 
 permit the trade. And, why, Mr. President ? Because the British 
 thereby secure that advantage to their own ships. Again, Sir, 
 when colonies. Great Britain compelled us to carry our tobacco 
 indigo and rice to England, and there land the same, but permit 
 ted us to re-ship those articles, free of any duty, to the countries 
 where they were consumed. Even in time of war, tobacco was re- 
 shipped to France. Now, Great Britain, although we are inde- 
 pendent of her power, (perhaps not of her influence) orders all the 
 {M'oduce of our country to be landed in England, and prohibits the 
 re-shipment, until we pay an enormous duty ; when, at the same 
 time, the produce of her colonies may be re shipped, even to her 
 enemies^ free of dutij. Where is the dilTerence, in principle, be- 
 tween the regulations made for us when colonies, and those made 
 for us at this time ? Does not Great Britain still assume the same 
 rights over us, to wit, to regulate our trade in the one instance, as 
 well as in the other '' We are, in either case, completely in the si- 
 tuation of colonies. It cannot be misunderstood. The lords of 
 trade emphatically say, what trade we shall, and what trade we shall 
 not pursue. Nay, in England, I have little doubt, that many peo- 
 ple will consider it as excessive impudence in us to complain, when 
 put upon a footing Avith their ov/n colonics. They forget that we 
 are independent. — I trust, Mr. President, that luc shall net also for" 
 get it. But let us indulge the gentleman, and add our exports to 
 Spain and Portugal — To wliat amount are they ? To Spain, Tene- 
 rifle and the Floridasjwe export annually 5$i, 38 1,327; to Portugal, 
 §829,313, making, together with the $4, 136, 78 3, already stilted, 
 the sum of ^6, 347, 3^23, being, as stated in a luminous report of a 
 commiltee of the Htnise of Representatives, less than §7,000,000, 
 free of danger from the decrees of France and the orders of Great 
 
6 
 
 Britain — So thai the gentleman's four-fifths appear, hf public do- 
 cuments, (which cannot be controverted) to be reduced to an amount 
 little more than one-eis^hth of the native exports of the Union, the 
 total amount being §48,699,592. bhall we, for this pittance, re- 
 linquish our nidepi ndent riglits as a nation ? 
 
 'Ihe trade to Chinagives an export of only S84,000 per annum. 
 It employs an exportation of dollars to near §4^000 000. Nankeens 
 is the object in return of principal value, an export whereof to Eu- 
 rope we are now cut ofl" from. If this trade should be pursued, 
 under this oppression, I will venture without the spirit of prophecy, 
 to believe that every dollar in the United States, will be shipped 
 therefrom. The law prohibiting the importation of slaves has com- 
 pletely destroyed the trade to Africa, so that the item to that coun- 
 try can no longer be counted. 
 
 We are told that the sufferings of the commercial states are 
 insupportable, and from the discussion in the senate, it would ap- 
 pear as generally admitted that the four New England slaves are 
 thconly commercial — comparisons are generally disagreeable — they 
 appear however necessary upon, the present occasion, to snew the 
 relative state of commerce among the states. I am warranted also 
 by the example set me by the gentleman from Massachusetls, (Mr. 
 Lloyd) in making the comparison which I intend to present to 
 this house. In doing it, I pray I may be understood, as not mean- 
 ing any offence to an-y state, nor to any individual thereof. Aew 
 Hamfi-shire cannot be considered a commercial state ; judging from 
 the treasury report, the products of its 'labor and agriculture 
 go, I presume to swell the amount of exports from MassachusettSi 
 ior ll^eir export of native products is only S 365,950. Rhode Is- 
 land may be considered commercial \n proportion to her numl)ers. 
 1 have ever admired the industry and enterprize of her citizens^ 
 t;nd have been gratified in the extension of her commerce ; but 
 tlieir commerce does not exceed the proportion which is due to 
 their numbers — Jlie amount of export of their products is 741,988 
 dollars. But Connecticut, Mr. President, is she commercial ? 
 livery Am'-jrican traveller that visits the eastern states, returns 
 highly gratified with that state ; he states with exultation and 
 pleasure, the delightful fields thereof; its high state of agricul- 
 ture ; its smiling villages; and the content and happiness that 
 beams on every human countenance ; but does this arise from its 
 external commerce ? No, Sir, we must give to Connecticut a high- 
 er rank ; she is agricultural, and will also be a great manufacturing 
 state; her citizens who annually emigrate, to swell the numbers 
 of other states, will be induced to remain at home, and by their 
 labor and ingenuity, extend and promote the manufactures of their 
 native state. Her port of export is probably New York ; with 
 what state, as a commercial stale shall I compare lier? not with 
 Georgia, for that slate, though with only half her population, ex- 
 ports mot e thim double the amount of Connecticut. With South- 
 
G^rollna? No, Sir, Ihat state spares of her products, to swell the 
 exiiorts of Baltimore, Miiladelphia, New York, and Boston, an a- 
 mount equal to the whole of the exports of the native products of 
 Connecticut. With Maryland ? No, Sir, with a population very 
 little greater, Maryland exports to near three times her amount. 
 With what part of tne union sliall I then compare her commerce ? 
 It assimilates nearly to that of the District of Columbia, its export 
 bei'u S 1,363,352 when that of Connecticut is g 1,5 19,083. 
 
 .\''jrsachuscttii, yes, Sir, Massachusetts is really commerciaL 
 But not more so in proportion to numbers than many other states ; 
 nay, not equal t'> some, for instance. South Carolina with half her 
 numbt-r exports S 7,129,365, when Massachusetts exports of na- 
 tive Droducts only S 6,185,748. New York whose population is 
 the same with Massachusetts exports §9,957,416, being half as 
 much more as that exported by Massachusetts. Maryland exnorts. 
 S4,016,6'^9, being in full proportion to the exports of that state. 
 Nay, Sir, New York alone, exports more than all the New Eng- 
 fand states together, their whole native export being only 
 S8,8 12,769. But we may be told what is true, that the trade of a 
 country does not consist alone in its native exports. We may get 
 some information by examining as well its native as its foreiga 
 articles of exportation. Let us examine it in that point of view. 
 It will be found that New Y''ork alone who appears to approve of 
 the embart>,o, if we are to credit their governor's speech and the- 
 answer thereto of both branches of the legislature, does export of 
 all articles, foreign as well as domestic, to a greater amount thaa 
 all the New England states together, for her exports are 
 $ 26,357,963, when the total exports of those states amount only 
 to S 24,074,438. Nay, Sir, Maryland exports an amount equal to 
 three fifths of the whole of the New England states, her general 
 export being S 14,298,984. — I have deemed it not unprofitable to 
 take this view of the subject to shew the commerce of the United 
 States, as they compare with each other. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd,) has told us, 
 and told us truly, that the tonnage owned by the citizens of that 
 state, is one third of the whole tonnage of the union ; that the 
 want of employment thereof causes an annual injury to the amount 
 of six millions of dollars. — My calculation, Mr. President, doe^ 
 not make it near so much ; but. Sir, suppose the fact, is this attribu- 
 table to the embargo i I think not, Sir ; on the contrary, that the 
 owners of these ships ought to bless the wisdom and fiimness of 
 those who laid the embargo, and thus saved this immense tonnage 
 from British depredation and condemnation under their orders of 
 cjouncil, and from French burning and destruction under the in- 
 fernal decree of Milan. For it has been truly said, by an eminent 
 merchant of Salem (Mr. Gray,) that not more than one vessel in 8 
 that sailed for Europe within a short time prior to the embargo 
 eygv reached her port of destination' My own experience hassevert** 
 
10 
 
 y tau-^ht m e the truth of his remark ; and as a further proot, t 
 have in my hand a list of 15 vessels which sailed for Europe and 
 were insured in an office in Baltimore. They sailed between the 
 1 Sep. and 33d December 1807. — Three arrived, one was captured 
 by the French, one by the Spaniards, one was seized in Hamburg, 
 and nine carried into England. But for the embargo, the ships 
 of the United States that would have sailed for Europe would have 
 shared a fate at least as bad (in my opinion much worse) than 
 that of those 15. — Not one in 20 would have arrived, for those 
 vessels that sailed in Sep. might well have arrived before the date 
 of the orders in council (1 1th Nov.) or the decrees of France. — I 
 say a^ain let the ship owners return thanks to their best friends, to 
 those who laid the embargo. As one whose property has thereby- 
 been saved I pray you to accept mine. But, Sir, let us compare 
 in order to know the sufterings of each, whether the other states 
 do not suffer, as to their tonnage, in proportion to the New Eng- 
 land states. I take leave to submit the tonnage of the Eastern, and 
 a few of the other states. 
 
 Tonnage, 
 
 Tons registered. Licenced, 
 New Hampshire 20,606 JiAm 
 
 Massachusetts 304,357 134,603 
 
 Rhode Island 28,715 6,523 
 
 Connecticut 26,022 20,000 
 
 Tons, 379,700 Tons, 164,619 
 
 New York 131,047 
 
 Pennsylvania 86,723 
 
 Maryland 71,648 
 
 South Carolina 48,156 
 
 337,574 
 
 By this it will appear, that the 4 states of New York, Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland and South Carolina, own of ships engaged in foreign 
 trade nearly the same number of tons as the four New England 
 states. Thus then, the loss to those states in point of tonnage is 
 nearly equal to that of the other 4 ; and in addition they suffer the 
 loss sustained by having on hand a greater amount of native pro- 
 ducts. In fact the state of Massachusetts suffers less, because 
 she has an immense tonnage employed in the coasting trade, which 
 renders its usual profits and usual employment for her sailors, 
 ■when those other states have not the same advantage. This ad- 
 vantage anplies more particularly to Connecticut than to any other 
 state in the Union, for of her 46,000 tons of vessels, 20 000 are 
 actuallv emploved in the coasting trade, so that, as to the use of 
 ships she suifers less than any otiier in the Union. Her 
 trade- by land and Avater to the other states still continues in 
 
11 
 
 iWl vigor, and renders to her advantages not knowa to any other 
 state. 
 
 We are told that the embargo is a measure injurious only to 
 ourselves ; that our fish, beef, pork, flour, tobacco and cotton 
 remain to perish on our hands. 1 have already slated, that the 
 fish finds its great consumption only in Spain, Portugal, Italy, 
 and France, from which countries we are excluded by the orders 
 of council ; of course the embargo cannot be chargeable with its 
 loss, nor with that of tobacco, when not more than one seventh thereof 
 as already stated can go to the places of consumption without being 
 subject to British capture. The gentlemen from the states which 
 produce cotton, do not appear to be alarmed at the danger pre- 
 sented to their view, arising from that article being produced in 
 Guyana and Africa. For they well know that it will require popu- 
 lation and men well acquainted with the culture of that article to 
 enable those counti'ies to enter into competition with them. They 
 know, that cotton cannot be produced in the quantities required 
 by the British manufacturers in any reasonable time, so that they 
 feel confident that a sufficient supply cannot be obtained from any 
 other country than their own. But no man can, no man will be- 
 lieve that any supply from any other country can be brought for- 
 ward to prevent a stoppage taking place of the looms of Manches- 
 ter. 
 
 We are told, that when the British islands are accustomed to re- 
 ceive their supplies of live cattle from the Main, that Connecticut 
 will lose that valuable branch of their commerce. Yes, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, if Bonaparte should conquer Spain, her colonies will forever 
 be lost to the mother country — they will become independent — they 
 will be open to the trade of the world ; and if cattle can, (as the 
 gentleman has truly told us) be procured at their own door by the 
 British planters for two or three dollars per head, it will very soon 
 become unfashionable to go to Connecticut, and there to pay thirty 
 to sixty dollars. But will this be chargeable on the embargo ? 
 Certainly not. The gentleman has also attempted to alarm us. Test 
 the Spanish colonies shoidd supply the islands with bread stufts. — 
 No impossibilities stand in his way — The sugar planter will turn 
 his sugar land into corn grounds, and no longer take his supply 
 jrom the United States. Yes, Sir, this will be done, when the gen- 
 tlem.an, (Mr. H.) can prove that men will prostrate their own in- 
 terest. The idea is an idle one, and does not merit an answer. 
 
 We are told that the embargo, as a coercive measure, has had 
 and can have no operation, either on England, or on Fralice — I dif- 
 fer with the gentlemen. 
 
 France, Mr. President, will feel its operation on the loss of their 
 islands of Martinique and Guadaloupe, (which must fttll a prey to 
 the British fleet and army, now about to attack them) for want of 
 those supplies of provisions they usually derived from the VuitJ^ 
 
Stetes. By the famine and distress that will ensue in the Isles of 
 France and Bourbon. Those valuable possessions were foinierly 
 supplied from the Cape of Good Hope — but for years have relied 
 entirely upon the United States, and will therefore be in the i^reat- 
 e«t possible distress, when cut off therefrom. They cannot n ■■w ob- 
 tain supplies from the Cape of Good Hope — for that colony is in 
 possession of the British. France \yill feel its effect and the conse- 
 quent loss of our trade at home. She loses an immense revenue, 
 heretofore collected by the duties on the sugar, coffee, pepper, to- 
 bacco and other articles imported into her ports by our ships. — 
 Her people can live without the articles ; but the want of the re- 
 venue will severely be felt by her government. New sources must 
 be resorted to, which her subjects will be distressed to meet, being 
 completely deprived of any sale for their brandy, wine, and other 
 valuable articles drawn froni France, by Americans, and distribut- 
 ed by them to every quarter of the world. France will be made to 
 feel by a want of money. Holland can no longer, in so great a de- 
 gree as formerly, supply that want. Cut off from commerce, what 
 is Holland ? If the emperor's system is pursued, the grass will be 
 seen growing in the streets of Amsterdam. The Uerman king- 
 doms, subject to his power, will be so reduced by the want of sale, 
 for their linens, and the want of commerce in the Hanse Towns, 
 that they will be able to render him no aid in money. From the 
 extremes of his power, it will press upon him even to the centre of 
 Paris, and will knock with violence at the doors of his palace. 
 
 England, it is true, with her great navy and all-powerful fleets, 
 might preserve herself from feeling the effects of the want of bread, 
 provided that the ports of the Baltic were open to her ; but shut 
 out, as she is, from every country which has usually exported 
 wheat, where will she find the quantity necessary to enable her to 
 afford supplies to Spain and Portugal, now struggling for their li- 
 berties ; for their West India islands, and for their immense fieets 
 and armies now employed in foreign countries ? From the coast of 
 Barbary we are told ! ! Yes, Sir, Barbary, under a good govern- 
 inent, could supply all the wants of Europe. But, Sir, that govern- 
 ment, immediately it finds that the farmer has got his land into a 
 high state of cultivation, the hand of power is laid upon his pro- 
 perty, and the man, with his family, flies to the mountains. Nor 
 is this all, the Dey lays such a duty on the export, as leaves but a 
 small pittance, say 20d sterling per bushel, to the cultivator. From 
 thence no important supply can be derived — and this is well knowji 
 in England. But is the want of bread stuff the only suffering tliat 
 Great Britain must endure ? No, Sir — she will feel our embargo in 
 the immense loss of revenue, resulting from the importation of our 
 tobacco, cotton, rice, and other valuable products. Her cities will 
 feel the loss of the non-arrival of our ships, which afforded to them 
 a large revenue for the town dues, employment for the various 
 Tnechariics and manufacturers employed about ships, the want et 
 
13 
 
 ciomtnissioHS derived to their merchants, and from other causes not 
 necessary to enumerate. Liverpool, which owes its rapid rise in 
 a great proportion, to the American commerce, will feel the loss 
 thereof in a manner that may make them be heard in the councils of 
 the kingdom. Is it possible that that nation will not deplore the 
 loss of their exports to us, amounting to twelve millions of pounds 
 sterling, per annum I Will gentlemen believe they have no value 
 therefor, when they know that they sent large fleets and armies to 
 La Plata, not to conquer the country, but to force a trade — to com- 
 pel the Spaniards to receive their manufactures ? And what trade ? 
 Not more than one million or, at the most, two millions sterling 
 per annum. What ridiculous > ■iicy must that be thai can induce 
 a nation to go to an immense expense of blood and treasure to se- 
 ciu-e two millions of trade, and at the same time wantonly to throw 
 a\\ay a trade of twelve millions, arising to them without expense of 
 either blood or treasure ? Will they long shut their eyes to such a 
 scene of folly and wickedness ? No Sir — a non intercourse will 
 open the ey es of the nation to such ridiculous conduct, on the part ol" 
 their rulers. Is tliis all, Mr. President? The sugar planters of 
 their West India islands, (and they most deserve it) will be made 
 severely to feel ; they will not starve, perhaps, but they will have to 
 pay three or four times the price for every article of provision which 
 tiiey, or their slaves consume, and ten times the price for staves 
 and other lumber. Heretofore, they have paid for such supplies in 
 
 •what I call the offal of their plantations, in ru?n and molasses 
 
 Those articles must remain on their hands unconsumed, for none 
 bui hnglishmen and their descendants make use thereof. We 
 import from the British islands 350,000 gallons of molasses, pel- 
 annum, value on the spot §87 500 — Of rum, 5,590,000 gallons, va- 
 lue about S2,4 12,500. Will gentlemen believe, that the want of 
 sales, (and the consequent loss of their value) to the annual amount 
 of two and a half millions of dollars, will not be felt by the British 
 planters ? Yes, Sir, it has already been fell, if I am rightly inform- 
 ed, to wit, that the government has been obliged to grant large aid 
 in money, to support the West India planteis. But 1 shall fatigue 
 the senate with details of this kind. My duty, however, has com- 
 pelled me to present my ideas on this part of the subject, to the; 
 senate. 
 
 The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Whltf) feels all alive foi 
 the present rulers of the United States — he asks, where are we to 
 get revenue, and with an air of triumph, tells us that we shall no! 
 have a dollar in the treasury at the next meeting of Congress. 
 We were told the same story last year, and thousands of handbills 
 had been distributed throughout the union asserting that fact. Yet, 
 Sir, when we met we found fourteen millions of dollars in the 
 treasury. We found our receipts more than in any preceding 
 year. The gentleman is alarmed iest the present party in power 
 shall be prQStrate^, as he thinks that was to whicl) lie bclongei&', 
 
M 
 
 by the necessity of laying a direct tax. He is mistaken ; they* 
 were dismissed, because that the tax after tax, duty on duty, 
 that was laid by them were dissipated, the people knew not hjow, 
 and because the people thought their system would lead the nation 
 imperceptibly to monarchy. 
 
 I feel greatly obliged to the gentleman, for the tender feelings 
 which he has expressed on the subject, but I am not alarmed. The 
 present administration have pursued a course unknown to the last, 
 to wit, the payment of the public debt ; averaging for some years 
 past, five millions of dollars, per annum. From this payment, we 
 are now relieved, because the law permits us no longer to make 
 payment thereof, except by purchase of the stockholders ; we cannot 
 compel them to receive. Besides, Sir, having paid off S3 millions of 
 dollars of the public debt, we have relieved ourselves thereby from 
 the payment of an annual interest of 2 millions of dollars. — . 
 Those two items, making together T millions of doUai's will operate 
 in efi'ect for any purposes now required as so much received. But, 
 Sir, we have other resources. It will be recollected, that the law 
 of last session, authorised the articles of sugar, coffee, teas, pep- 
 per, and certain wines, to be deposited in the public stores, until 
 •wanted for exportation. Those articles will now be required for 
 consumption, and presuming that as much thereof will be consum- 
 ed as in former years we may fairly count on the following duties 
 being collected thereon, to wit : 
 
 On Sugar, , § 1,843,1.99 
 
 Cofiee, , 8&7,259 
 
 Teas, 966,686 
 
 Pepper, 250,000 
 
 \V ines, under 23 cts. duty, .... 41;377 
 
 S 3,968,521 
 On the public lands, 700,000 
 
 Making together, • . ■ • S 4,668,521 
 
 l^nr is this all ; it is a well known fact, which will not be contra- 
 dicted by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) that the 
 importations from India and China have, in the present year, been 
 equal to that of any preceding year. The bonds (for the duties on 
 which) will become due in the next year — nor has the importation 
 «&f dry goods from Ei^gland during the present year been so much 
 less than former years, as materially to affect the revenue. On 
 the whole, Mr. President, I believe that the receipts for the year 
 1809, may with safety be calculated upon, as at least twelve mil- 
 lions dollars, from which nothing being payable toward the princi- 
 pal of the public debt, we may count the actual supply to the trea- 
 lury, as equal to any preceding year. 
 
 Let t!s take a view of the customary expenditures of the govern- 
 •mentforlhe vcar 1809. 
 
15 
 
 Civil fxpenditvire, 1,000,606 
 
 Barbary Powers and Foreign inttrcjuvse, . 200,<XW 
 
 Military Department, 1,280,000 
 
 Naval ditto, 1,020,000 
 
 Interest on Louisiana debt, 675,000 
 
 Interest on old debt and reimbursement, . . 3,500,000 
 
 New regiments, .......... 1,000,000 
 
 §8,675,000 
 
 If the gentleman from Del'aware, (Mr. White) will not admit 
 any other of my calculations, he will certainly admit that if we 
 iiave 14 millions now in the treasury, and expend only gS, 675,000, 
 that we certainly shall have some money in the treasury at th? 
 next meeting of Congress, even should the embargo continue all 
 that time ; and in case of war, if the people do consume as much 
 as usual, ways and means will be found to introduce the articles on 
 ■which the duties have heretofore been collected. It must he ad- 
 mitted, however, that our revenue does sustain, and has sustaineda 
 material injury resulting from the orders of council of Great Bri- 
 tain. On articles heretofore imported from the continent of 
 Europe, we derived a revenue equal to three millions of dol- 
 lars, th« importation of those articles is now prohibited by Great 
 Britain. That gentleman may correct me if I am wrong. I will 
 take a view of the articles annually consumed, to wit : 
 
 French Brandies, 2,736,711 gallons, duty thereon, g 821,913 
 
 Ditto Wines 31.133 
 
 Goods ad ^alorem, from France and her allies, . . . 1,000,000 
 
 Hemp, Iron, Glass, Cordage, and o'her articles, . . 250,000 
 
 Three and a half per ct. retained on drawback, and") ■, r , ,ry 
 
 advantages from Neutral Trade, 5 l,OU'-',000 
 
 S 3,10ri,046 
 
 This item is a serious sum cut off from our revenue, by the or- 
 «Jers of G. Britain. On the whole, Mr. President, I an^ however of o- 
 pinion that we'safely can calculate on asurplus,affer paving the usu- 
 al expenses of governm.ent, of a sum not less than 16 millions be- 
 ing in the treasury, at the nejit n:eeting of Congress, or at the dis- 
 posal of government, provided war shall ensue- But do gentlemen 
 calculate nothing upon the credit of the United States. It is cow 
 known to the world, that whatever party may be in power, the 
 faith of the government, as it relates to the payment of its dsbts, 
 has been held sacred. It will be recollected, that n was charged 
 against the present ruling party, that when they got into power, all 
 respect for public credit would be lost, and the property in our pub- 
 lic funds wo\ild be in jeopardy. These, with other charges of a si- 
 milar nature, having been found to be false, and that the present 
 rulers ai-e as tenacious of public credit, as their predecessors, all 
 
15 
 
 fcarsr, on that account, have ceased. The public credit will be ad» 
 mitted to be good, and there can be no doubt that any sum of mo- 
 ney that may be required for a war, may be had by loan, either in 
 our own country or abroad, without having recourse to a direct 
 tax — So that I pray the honorable gentleman from Delav/are, to 
 quiet his tender feelings, on this sifbject. 
 
 The Seamen. — VVe at length find the gentlemen are alive to the 
 interest of this useful class of citizens. It may be considered a 
 novelty to them. They tell us that our seamen have abandoned 
 their country and gone into foreign eaiploy. vVill the gendeman 
 from Connecticut (Mr. liillhouse) sav in his place, that the sailors 
 of Connecticut have deserted their country to take refuge on board 
 British ships of war ? No ^ir, he knows the abhorrence of his fel- 
 low citizens to that kind of service. The seanien of this union 
 have fathers, uncles, brothers, friends, with whom they iind em- 
 ployment. They will be found in the public works of the exten- 
 sive manufactories which have been established, and among the 
 farmers of the United States. I will not believe that any Vmeri- 
 can sailors have left their country, except some worthless drunk- 
 en men. I well know whence this idea has arisen. To avoid the 
 complaints of (Ireat Britain, the navy, prior to tlie embargo, had 
 discharged all British deserters ; they also discharged all Briiish sea- 
 men found on board their ships of war — those together with foreign 
 seamen employed in the merchant service have been collected by 
 the British consuls (who have found that their numbers did not e- 
 qual their expectations) and by them have been sent out of the 
 country. That they may never return must be the sincere wish 
 of everv lover of his country 1 We should thereby silence the com- 
 plaint of Great Britain, to wit, that we employ their subjects, and 
 take from that government the pretext of impressing American 
 seamen under the presumption that they are their own. The va- 
 cancy made by their thus abandoning our country will very soon 
 be filled up by our own citizens — of whom sufficient for all the 
 purposes of navigation v/ill soon be found. 
 
 Gentlemen whose feelings are now so tender with respect to A- 
 merican seamen shewed little of this when their fellow citizens 
 were seized, put on board British ships of war, and compelled to 
 fight their battles against nations with whom theirs was at peace. 
 Nay, Sir, we find some of them offering apologies in behalf of the 
 British government for this violence offered to the liberties of our 
 fellow citizens and to our independence as a nation- I have in my 
 hand a public letter, and therefore I may use it, where the writer a 
 senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Pickering) says " I will close 
 this long letter by stating all the existing lireteiices, for there are ne 
 causes for a war with Great Britain," &c. &c. 
 
 1 . The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and 
 exercised for a;j:cs — a right claimed and exercised during liie 
 whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams, and dl' 
 
It 
 
 JefTersen— continue to take some of the British seamen found on 
 board bur merchant vessels, and with them a small number of 
 ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen 
 from citizens of the United States. On this point, our govern- 
 ment well know, that Great Britain is perfectly willing to adopt 
 any arrangement that can be devised, Whifch will secure to her ser- 
 vice t he seame7i who are her Qivn , subjects ; and at the same time 
 exempt ours from irnpressment." 
 
 Gracious God Mr. President! can that man feel for American 
 seamen, who can say and write deliberately, that the impi-essment 
 •f 5000 Americans by Great Britain is no real cause but z. pretext 
 hnly. Will ani man believe that a person making use of such ex- 
 pressions can have any feelings whatever for the sufferings of our 
 seamen ? I wish Mr. President, we had before ms the able discus- 
 sion held by the same gentleman, (Mr. Pickering) on the subject 
 6f impressment of American seamen with Mr. Liston. In that 
 we should see our rights , niairitained by a strength of argument 
 drawn from our just complaints. He did not then call our remon- 
 strances on that subject pretexts. No, Sir, he thought ds everv 
 American will think, that they were 5tzVvom«, zw?o/f7-aW^^, and silch 
 as no free and high spirited people ought to submit to. In what Coiimafc 
 tion are we to hold the future opinions of a gentlemah, Wh n 1806, 
 did by a solemn vote in senate approbate the following resolution in 
 senute, which advised the President to Send a special mission to Lon- 
 don, " to demand a reparation O' wrongs, dmA particularly as it related 
 to the impressment of American seamen'* when we see a public lettei* 
 in 1 808 from the same gentleman calling the (Complaints oh that 
 •subject — -pretences., and not just causes. 
 
 ■'■Resolved, That the President 61 the United States, be requested 
 to demand the restoration of the property of their citizens, captu- 
 red and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a 
 trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of 
 peace ; and the indemnification of such American citizens, for 
 their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condem- 
 nations ; and to enter into such arrangements with the British go- 
 vernment, on this and all other differences subisisting between the 
 two nations, Cand particularly respecting' the impressment of 
 American seamen,) as may be cbnsistent With the honor and in- 
 terests of the United Slates, and manifest their earnest desire to 
 obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiationi 
 that justice to which they are entitled." 
 
 Let us cast our eyes back to the session of 1805-6, and we shall 
 recollect the memorials presented from the merchants of all th* 
 great sea ports, praying Congress to adopt measures for the ob- 
 taining redress of the wrongs sustained by them from depredations 
 committed on their property by the British, under the pretext 
 " that they were carrjing on a trade not permitted in times of 
 peace," although it was acknowledged, that our commerce was 
 c^ried on confornwbjy to a convention sclemnlv made between 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King. The inernivial from Bostoh 
 advised a special mission ; that from New Haven (Connecticut) 
 "pledged their lives and fortunes in support of such measures as 
 government might adopt to obtain redress and reparation for past 
 losses'' — Senate alive to those remonstrances advised the Presi- 
 dent to demand reparation for the past, and security for the future. 
 The President in obedience to this advice and in respect to the 
 memorialists did send a special mission ; a treaty was made. It 
 was sent back by the President. Why ? It redressed not our 
 wrongs. It required us to tax our exports, so as to put them oh 
 a footing with the British, as to their war charges in similar arti* 
 cles — It made no provision for that grievance to which senate had 
 particularly directed the attention o*' the President, to wit, /n im- 
 pressment of our seamen, and before it was possible that the Presi- 
 dent could receive it, the British issued a new order for plunder, 
 to wit, to seize all our vessels (without any px'evious notice) found 
 trading from one port of their enemies to every other port of her or 
 her allies, by vi-hich order 50 or 60 American vessels were seized^ 
 together with cargoes to the amount of near two millions, — this 
 was followed up by other orders, until our commerce is entirely 
 cut off from all its usual course, a;s xrell by British as by French 
 decrees. — Government took a stand, I think an honorable stand, 
 and now we find those same memorialists, indeed I may say 
 the gentlemen in senate who advocated the advice to the Pre- 
 sident, telling us, that truly, they had no cause of complaint, that 
 a pittance of trade may yet be pursued, (the orders or decrees to 
 the co!itrary notwithstanding) and to pursue this miserable pittance 
 they demand that government should tread back their steps, shall 
 make this na'ion contemptible in the eyes of all Europe, shall re- 
 peal the embargo laws before they have taken any other step, or 
 adop'.ed any other measure. — ihe honor of our country forbids it, 
 and that senate which gave the advice, will not neanly retract their 
 own act, or bend the neck to any power on earth. We know our 
 power ondfcur not that of our enemies. 
 
 In 1806, Senate passed the resolution already quoted, ki addi- 
 tion to the wrongs then complained of, wrong upon wrong had 
 been heaped upon us, prior to the date of the public letter already 
 mentioned, who could have believed that the gentleman from Mas- 
 sachusetts, (Mr. Pickernig) at such a moment, after having record- 
 ed his vote on ©ur journal, against the claim set up by Great Bri- 
 tain, would have written and published the following justification 
 in support thereof. 
 
 " 7V/C merchant vessels of France, Sfiain, and Holland, being driven 
 from the ocean, or destroyed, the commerce of those countries with one 
 another, and with their colonies, coidd ?io longer be carried on by thcm- 
 selven. Here the vessels of neutral Tuitions came into their aid, and 
 carried on nearly the whole commerce of those nations. With theiv 
 seamen thus liberated from the merchant service, those nations, in the 
 ,'ircscnt and f receding wars, were cJiabled to man their ships of war ,• 
 
19 ^ 
 
 a7id ihe neutral vessels and seamen supfilied their filaces^ became in 
 fact, though not in name, aurtiliaries in war. The commerce cf those 
 nations, -without one armed shi/i on the sea a/i/iro/inated for its firotcc- 
 (ion, ivas intended thus to be secured under neutral Jlags ; luhile the 
 merchant xi tssels of Great Britain^ ivith its numerous armed ships t(r 
 guard them, were exjiosed to occasional cajiture. Such a course of 
 things Great Britain has resisted, not i?i the present only, but infor- 
 mer wars : at least as far back as that of 175 6. ^nd she has clai'med 
 and maintained a right to impose on this commerce some limits and re. 
 atraints ; beemis& it was a commerce which was denied by those na- 
 tions to neutrals in times of peace ; because it was a commerce of im- 
 mense value to the subjects of her enemies j a7id because it filed the 
 treasuries with monctj to enable them to carry on their wars with 
 Great Britain." 
 
 "What did the people of Salem, of Boston and of New Haven 
 mean, whtin they pledged ihcir lives and fortunes in support of any 
 measures that government might take to obtain redress of the 
 wrongs that this nation had endured ? They meant that there was 
 cause, and that they were prepared to goto war. And yet the gen- 
 tleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Pickering,) has written gravely, 
 when other oppressions were added, to those then complained of ; 
 that truly, " there were pretences, but no real causes of complaint 
 against Great Britain." 
 
 Hostility to commerce — 'Yes, Sir, I have seen a charge of thtst 
 kind against the party in power in newspapers, and in town meet- 
 ing speeches. I believed it to be used for party purposes. I did not 
 believe that any man of respectable standing, would have asserted 
 such u fact. The honorable gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr.Hill- 
 liouse) has now declared that he verily believes that there is a se- 
 rious intention to break down commei'ce, and to raise »ianufac- 
 turcs upon its ruins. And what are his proofs ? 2\'iat he did at the 
 last session prophecy, that such woidd he the course of conduct. In 
 ancient days, Mr. President, there were prophets — there were ya/se 
 prophets, who went through the land, prophecying falsely to de- 
 ceive the people. And I trust, Mr. Preiident, the prophecy of the 
 honorable gentleman may be ranked with them. 1 challenge the 
 gentleman to produce one act-^one solitary act to prove his asser- 
 tion. He cannot produce one. He may report conversations with 
 individual gentlemen, who might suppose that commerce had hvsn 
 too much favored ; and such opinions are entertained, not only by 
 gentlemen from the south, but also by gentlemen from the interi- 
 or of the north and the east. Yet, Sir, I have never seen any of 
 those gentlemen predicate any act hostile to commerce thereon.— 
 It may not be unprofitable to take a view of the acts which I have 
 considered as expressive of sincere friendship toward commerce. — 
 The statute books are filled with laws establishing light-houses 
 along the whole extent of our coasts, and a chain of lights are now 
 to be seen extending from St. Croix to St. Mary's. No new duty 
 charged therefor, has ever 'leen proposed liy any member to he iiU' 
 
•9& 
 
 pBsed on the toniia^e ef the United States* TJic duty on tonnage 
 has remained the same from the first law passed thereon. It is 
 small and not felt. The coastmg trade of tlie v. nited Slates is 
 countenanced in a peculiar manner. It is confined to our own ves- 
 sels and free of charge. Early after the adoption of our constitu- 
 tion, Congress passed a law, levying a heavy duty on foreign toir- 
 nage, for the promotion of our own, and charging, on aH goods ira- 
 poi-ted in foreign vessels, a duty of ten per cent, on the duty im- 
 posed on similar goods when imported in American ships. I his 
 system secured the carriage of all goods imported into the United 
 States, to our own vessels, and tended greatly to the immense ton- 
 nage now possessed by the merchants of the Union. This advan- 
 tage was necessary to promote our navigation, when in its infancy, 
 but being now in its manhood, I should have no objection to admit 
 foreign ships on the same footing with our own, to such foreign 
 nations as would admit us on terms of reciprocity into their ports i 
 for on equal terms, I have no fear of the enterprize of any nation 
 being superior to our own A system was adopted, and Aas been conti- 
 vued, highly just in itself and proper, which conduced to the immense 
 neutral trade carried on by the merchants of the United States — ^ 
 ineau the system of granting drawbacks on re-exportation of foreig' 
 goods — by which system' the nation has been greatly eT»richer 
 and thereby aided in the payment of the national debt, but whic.A 
 agricultural men may permit ihemseives innocently to believe, has 
 contributed to conduct the United States to the present crisis. We 
 the merchants ought, therefore, to be cautious hoiv we charge agri- 
 cultural men with hostility to commerce. Had Congress been just- 
 ly chargeable therewith, they had a fair opportunity of shewing it 
 in 1806, when yopr tables groaned with memorials from the sea- 
 port towns. They might then have said, what have the agricultu- 
 ralists to do with your neutral commerce ? We will protect the 
 commerce carried on in native exports, but will not entangle the 
 nation with those of foreign origin. Did they do so ? No, Sir ; they, 
 as well from the south as from the north, did declare their willing- 
 ness to support and protect all the fair commerce of the Union. They 
 treated the memorials with respect, and this hpuse iicted thereon. 
 
 Of 30 senators present, only seven members voted against the 
 resohition of advice to the President.' Three of those were from 
 I'nc East, two from the South, and two from the ^\ est. Those 
 gentlemen feared that we should be implicated in war for that trade 
 which the supporters thereof now wish us in a great measure to 
 ielinquish. Foi- were the embargo off, it could no longer be pursu- 
 ed to ai^y port of Europe. 
 
 But, say gentlemen, protecting duties have been laid on foreign 
 goods to benefit tiic raanufactuies of the union. I 'sincerely wish 
 iiiCie had been, but know of none, except on shoes and on ship- 
 buiidirt^' ; tills latter I presume commercial men will not complain 
 oh "x'hu: duties heretofore laid were to obtjyn revenue., noj; t© 
 
in 
 
 protect manufactures. Nor did I ever until now hear any gentte^ 
 man from Connecticut complain or oppose any aid contemplated 
 for our manufactured. The complaint is novel to me, for 1 should 
 suppose if any stale in the union is in a situation to benefit by 
 manufactures, Connecticut, from her population being lull, will 
 be that state. Some small duties have been laid to protect our 
 agriculture, such as on hemp, indigo, and sugars, and a protecting^ 
 duty has been laid on fish imported from foreign countries to se- 
 cure the consumption of our own country to the labor of its o\vb. 
 fishermen, to which little opposition was made by agricultural 
 men. In truth, Mr. President, there has been no act of hostility 
 shewn by Congress to the commercial interest, and much, very 
 much of real friendship has bpen apparent in all the acts of that 
 body. 
 
 I have in my hand, Mr. President, a report of a committee 
 made to Parliament in June last. T*he object of which was to 
 point out what aid could be afforded to their sugar planters of the 
 W. Indies. In this report it is recommended, vigorously to blockade 
 the colonies of their enemies^ tq prevent any coffce,sugar or other colonial 
 produce being brought to the U. States from thence, to compel us 
 to go to their islands for the supply of all our wants of sugar, cof- 
 fee, inim, and molasses, and be subject there to whatever high 
 price they may charge thereon, and to whatever duty on the ex- 
 portation thereof they may think proper to impose. This system 
 which will be to us a system of taxation, has already commenced, 
 as may be seen by the blockade lately declared of all the French 
 islands. It will be continued. Sir, and if the embargo were ofiT 
 we should find ourselves completely excluded from the benefits 
 which gentlemen have promised themselves by a trade thereto. 
 Retract our present measures, Mr. President, and we submit to 
 every species of taxation and oppression on our commerce that 
 Great Britain or France may think proper to impose thereon. 
 They will think you a degraded people, fit only to be hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water for them. Nor is this visionary ; sJK 
 years ago the British parliament taxed you in company with their 
 own colonies, (for they still consider you as colonies) with a duty 
 on all goods exported from Great Britain, of four per cent, when 
 to all other nations they charge but one and a half per cent. Thus 
 imposing on the United States an annual tribute of one million of 
 dollars. We submitted to that imposition, and this has encourag- 
 ed them to proceed with other and heavier oppressions. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. liillhouse) has observed 
 that were the embargo off merchants would buy the produce of 
 the land, the farmer would be relieved, and tlie loss arising from 
 capture by the belligerents v/ould fall upon the merchants. Why 
 should we take rare of them said he, let the merchants take care of 
 themselves. Is this the language used when the meniorial-i were 
 presented? Did we then tell the merchants lo protect ihenifclvesr' 
 
^^i)(i is diifi the tender Friendship the gentleman froni Connccticia 
 means to shew to the commerce of the Union ? Had such lan- 
 guage come from a southern gentleman, the honorable gentlemai^ 
 ffom Connecticut would have good right to call it hostility to com- 
 <tnerce. The same gentleman has told us, that although France 
 Jhad interdicted our commerce with England before the passing of 
 ;he embargo law, yet insurance did not rise five per cent, on that 
 ^.ccount. The gentleman is correct— it did not rise at all, fur no 
 merchant apprehended any danger from French capture under 
 Ihe Berlin decree ; for tbe explanation given to Gen. Armstrong 
 ^y the French minister of marine gave full security against every 
 capture on ihe hig/i ficas by the cruisers of France ; for not one ves- 
 sel was taken under that decree on th(| high seas ; of course insu- 
 rance never did rise on that account in America, nor in imgland, as 
 appears by the examination of merchants before parliament, ex- 
 cept for a short time. The moment the explanation given to Gen. 
 Armstro ig came to London the insurance fell to its usvial rates, 
 and this will account why insurance did not rise in America prior 
 to the passage of the embargo law. But, Sir, it would he very 
 diiTerent were the trade open and our vessels subject to capture 
 under the Milan decree. Privateers of France knowing that our 
 trade was unprotected, would swar.a upon the ocean, and capture 
 all that would be left from the depredations of Great Britain. 
 
 bhouid the resolution to repeal the embargo prevail, I have 
 very little hesitation in saying, that the premium of insurance on 
 vessels bound to England would, in a short time, rise to twenty or 
 twenty-five per cent, against capture by French cruizers ; and that 
 no premium would induce the offices to underwrite vessels bound 
 to the continent of Europe against British cruizers. 
 
 We are told by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) 
 that one of the belligerents makes war upon the world for univer- 
 sal dominion, and the other for her natali solum. For my part, 
 Mr. President, I cannot conceive why the United States should 
 t-ake part with either. Our policy -has been e7itang'rme7ils wil/i no 
 forei(^n naiion. I hope Sir, we shall never turn Don Quixotes in 
 support of one nation whose object is universal dominion on the 
 land, nor in favor of the other whose object (more injurious to us) 
 is tyranny and universal dominion on the seas. The same gen- 
 tleman has told us of immense fos-tvmes being made in Canada, by 
 the advan'ages^deriving to the merchants there, from our embargo. 
 I believe there have been evasions in the articles of pot and pearl 
 ashes, which went to Canada, but I cannot think it could amount 
 to the ({uantity insinuated. The principal trade to that colony has 
 ^cen the export of specie where bills of exchange on London have 
 been purchased at 5 per cent, below par, and sold at Boston and 
 New Yojk at 7\ per cent, above par. fhe profits resulting there- 
 from has been to the merchants of those cities. The injury to the 
 natiori has been the export of its specie. Measures will no doubt 
 hr ta'aen to prevent such injury. 
 
The gentleman has said that if the emhargo were off and we were 
 liroixrhtintoawarby her conduct, that G.Britain would sorely 1-epent 
 it, for that the loss of Canada and perhaps of Nova Scotia Would be 
 the consequence. The sanic gentleman has told us that Great 
 Britain will be able to obtain timber and lumber of all kinds suffi- 
 cient for her Avants from Norway and Sweden. He is mistaken ; 
 for Norway belongs to the Dane from whose king the Britisli 
 plundered' at Copenhagen sufficient for their navy for some timcj 
 and Sweden cannot supply Great Britain with staves and other ar^ 
 tides of lumber. I agree with the gentleman that our ships are 
 <our farms; that government is as much bound to protect them as 
 they are to protect terra |firma, and Sir, it was for their protection, 
 and not for the protection of the land that the embargo was laid, 
 and that purpose has most effectually been obtained. 
 
 It may not be improper, 'oefore I conclude, to take a view of the 
 tlangers which would result to our commerce in case the resolu- 
 tion should obtain. All American vessels bound to Great Britain 
 or any of her possessions in the East or West Indies, o* in Europe, 
 would be subject to capture by French cruizers under the decrees 
 of France. 
 
 All American vessels bound to Russia, Denmark, Hamburg, 
 Bremen, ilolland, France, Italy, the Turkish dominions, Austria, 
 or any part of Spain or Portugal in possession of French troops, 
 would be subject to capture by British cruizers under their orders 
 of council enforced by an act of Parliament. In this slate of inse- 
 curity and danger to our commerce, I cannot give my consent to 
 adopt the measure under consideration. 
 
 I v/ill terminate by making use of an observation of Mr Canning 
 >rhich I conceive equally applicable to us in our present situation. 
 
 " Character is power. To lose our character is to lose a mate- 
 rial part of our power;" again " Not a doul)t shall remain to dis- 
 tant times of our determination and of our ability to have continu- 
 ed resistance ; and that no step, which could even nii.j,'akenly be con- 
 strued into concession, should be taken on our part, while it can be 
 a question, whether the plan devised for our destruction has, or has 
 not, either completely failed, or been unequivocally abandoned." 
 
 Note. The following tvas omitted on delivery. 
 
 Great Britain will also feel severely the want of our commerce 
 to her East India possessions ; nay. Sir, it has already been felt 
 there — our imports from thence amount to about four miliions 
 annually, for which we make payment in Spanish dollars ; the 
 goods we purchase are inferior to those made for the India coitj- 
 pany. The want of such vent for so large a quantity of goods 
 will be felt; it has been, for the prices thereof fell twenty-five 
 to thirty-three and a third per cent, in Calcutta the instant they 
 
24 
 
 were informed of the embargo. And, Sir, the government of Intlia 
 will feel it as well arising from the complaints of those who manu- 
 facture, as in the want of the annual supplv of §4,000,000. Indeed, 
 Sir, I am informed by a respectable gentleman just arrived from 
 Calcutta, that the government of India, and English subjects re- 
 siding there, were greatly distressed when they were informed 
 that an embargo had been laid in the United States — they consider 
 tt as a measure peculiarly injurious to that government* 
 
MR. PICKERING'S SPEECH 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 BESOLUTIOJ^ OFFERED BY MR. HILLHOU^E 
 
 TO 
 
 ;iEPEAL THE SEVERAL ACTS LAYING AN EMBARGO^ 
 
 NOVEMBER 30, 1808. 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENf, 
 
 THE ample discussion already given to the resolution on 
 your table, leaves me nothing to detail on the effects., produced by 
 the embargo, in regard to F"rance, to Englar.d, or ourselves. On 
 the two great belligerents, Jiractical men, who knew the characters 
 and resources of those nations, foresaw and pronounced, chat it 
 •would make no imfiressioJi. This we all now know to be the fact : 
 while we ourselves severely feel its pressure. Why, then, not 
 remove it ? Because, as we are told, those two nations have violated 
 our neutral maritime rights ; and seeing, that to compel their re- 
 spect for these, we imposed the embargo, and they treat the mea- 
 sure with comtempt ; to remove it would be submission. So we 
 will endeavour to conceal our mortitication ; and because we can- 
 not injure them., we will continue to punish ourselves. I'o renew 
 our commerce, while their decrees and orders remain uncancelled, 
 Avould, we are told, be '•^ abject and degrading submission :" and 
 that we have but this alternative, " to make war with both nations," 
 or " continue and enforce the present suspension of commerce." 
 
 It has been justly remarked, by the gentleman from Connecticut, 
 [Mr. Hillhouse] that to run away, and abandon our rights, is abject 
 and degrading. 
 
 To make war on both the belligerents, is the most strange, 
 quixotic idea that ever entered into the head of a statesman. I 
 
duppose, as %re liavc a thousand and a thousand times declared, that 
 Ave have maintained an impartial neutrality towards those natrons, 
 so, to verify our declarations, we must now make war upon both, 
 imfiartially ! And as the ir injuries are said to be equal, or, we will 
 pot inquire which has done us •* the most harm :" so we must 
 measure out to each an equal quantity of resentment, and give to 
 each an equal number of blows 1 
 
 In respect to our violated rights, so far as (ireat Britain is con- 
 cerned, those presented by the admmistration in the front of our 
 claims, are 
 
 I. An exemption from impressment of all seamen on board our 
 merchant vessels. 
 
 II. A free trade with the colonies of her enemies. 
 
 III. An exemption from capture of our vessels destined for any 
 port of her enemies not actually blockaded. 
 
 I am aware, sir^ of the consequences of advancing any thing- from 
 which conclusions may be drawn adverse to the opinions of our 
 own administration, which by many are conceived to be indisp\Ua- 
 bly just. Merely to state these questions, and to mention such 
 arguments as the British government may perhaps have urged in 
 their support, on her side, is suHicient to subject a n.an to the popu- 
 lar charge of being under British influence, or to the vulgar slander 
 of being a '•■ British tory :" he will be fortunate to escape the accu- 
 sation of touching British gold. But, sir, none of these things 
 move me. The patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders 
 knov/ better: but are nevertheless willing to benefit by the impres- 
 sion they niay make on the minds of the people From an early 
 period of my life, I was zealously engaged in every measure 
 opposed to the attempts of Great Britain to encroach upon our 
 riglits. until the commencement of our revolutionary war; and 
 during its whole continuance, I was uninterruptedly employed in 
 important civil or military departments ; contributing all my efl'orts 
 to Iviug that war to a succesiul termination. 
 
 1, sir, am not the advocate of wrong doers, to whatever country 
 they belong ; whether emperors or kings, or the administrators of 
 of a republic. Justick is my object, and truth my guide ; iind 
 wherever she points the way, I shall not fear to go. 
 
 Great liritain has done us many wrongs. VVhen we were colo- 
 nies, 5>he attempted todeprive us of some of ourdearest birth-rights; 
 rights derived from our hngiish ancestors ; rights which we de- 
 fended and finally established by the successful conclusion of the 
 revolutionary wai. But these wrongs, and all the wounds of war, 
 were intended to be obliterated and healed by the treaty of peace, 
 when all enmities should have ceased. 
 
 Great Britain wronged us in the capture and condemnation of 
 our vessels under her orders of 1793: and she has made reparation 
 for these wrongs} pursuant to a treaty negotiated on firactical prin- 
 ciples, by a statesman whp, with liberal viiivs and real candour^ 
 ■jought adjustment and reparation. 
 
3 
 
 At subsequent periods she has committed other wrongs : and it 
 .ewattn hud been demanded m the same simit of candour and 
 Sness which were manifested in 1794, that distrnguished prece- 
 dirautho.'zes the opinion, that a like equitable adjustment and 
 In -rat on mitht have been obtained. But after a four years nego- 
 i\.\ on h\v id volumes of essays and letters have been wr. ten 
 
 has" ke the seven years negotiation with Span., been brought m 
 the laneuao-e of tiie president " to an issue of some sort . that is, 
 every sub ect of dispute remains as far, probably farther from ad- 
 Mistment, than when the negotiations were begun 
 ^ It sths disastrous issue which now enters n.to our deliberat.ons 
 Accord ng to the statements of the adn.imstrat.on. we are brought 
 huoa sulfation from which we cannot advance without war. nor re- 
 Treat without dishonor. Then- negotiations with t ranee have also 
 terminated in mortiiication and defeat. , , 
 
 On the two questions of the impressment of seamen on board ou 
 inevchant vessels, and a trade with the enem.es of Great Br tarn 
 prohibited in time of peace, the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. 
 Smith was pleased to read some parts of a letter written by me last 
 t nter to the governor of Massachusetts, to be laid before the legis- 
 Tam^ -and on the latter (neutral trade he also read the journal of 
 
 he Senate, which exhibited a unanimous vote declaratory of our 
 " tht to h^t tr-.de ; and then the names of the senators (mme be.ng 
 one who voted to request the president to demand and insist on re- 
 par.t on for the injui-ies done us in violation of that right ; audfor 
 Jwrr/L... to enter into amicable arrangements 'wUh the Brrttsh 
 
 •^'"on the^' two questions, I should add nothing to the observations 
 A IT.Zv Uv the P-entleman from Connecticut, but for the ap- 
 ;:^.St'inti tt^o t^ef^^^^^^^ 
 
 Jons'^ency between m^votes in the senate and the observations of 
 mv letter on the same subject. 
 
 Ui sufficient for me to remark, that m the passages recited by 
 the Gentleman from my letter, my object was to shew, by exhibit- 
 ne fn a few words, to (he view of my immediate constituents, and 
 hrot"-h them to the people of Massachusetts, some of the reasons 
 wMcr mieht have influenced Great Britain not to relinquish her 
 ''cTentusag^^ of impressing A.r o,.. ..am.« ; nor to consent that 
 ancient "^^S^ " j ^ .^^ ^^e and other neutrals were car- 
 
 "^^^^tt^^'^^^r. the countries of her enemies in 
 
 gu ope and their colonies ; to show, 1 say, ^h^^^/^ J^,^ ^ ^-^^^^^^ 
 
 • 1 L Kr^th ..ul-s those ric-hts, as claimed by the United relates, 
 
 tvte'J to\ tn^idereds^'clearand indisputable astojnstijya 
 
 ^^r^l Great Britain ; into which the proceedings of the execu- 
 
 ive i a varietv of ways, seemed calculated to plunge us. 
 
 Before quit-this subiect, I will make one more observation. It 
 
1736, which it seems she has considered as "the ancient and esta*- 
 lished principle of maritime law,"* was peculiar to (^ifeat Br'ain : 
 and Mr. Madison says, " it is well known that Gttat Britain ;s the 
 only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to 
 it."t Me also mentions this rule as having been introd\iced, for 
 the first time, in the war of 175 6 ; as having been in operation on- 
 ly a few years in that war ; and not afterwards acted upon until 
 1793. \ Let us examine the subject. 
 
 In Valin's celebrated work on maritime law (a book in the secre- 
 tary of state's office) is a regulation of Louis the fourteenth, in 
 1704, from which 1 will recite some passages. 
 
 The title of the regulation is remarkable : it is " concerning' 
 prizes made at sea, to .^ecivc the vax'iifa'i-jn of neutral states and 
 alHes during war ;" implying that this regulation was intended to 
 abate the rigor of maritime law before that time practise^ towards 
 neutral commerce. 
 
 After observing that propositions had been made to him by the 
 deputies of the council of commerce, the French king expresses 
 his approbation of them, " seeing he finds in them the means which 
 he has always sought of procuring equally the advantages of the 
 subjects of neutral princes and French cruizers." He adds, " The 
 subjects of neutral princes will thus find the care which his majes- 
 ty has taken to preserve for them the same extent and the same liber' 
 tij of commerce which they have been accustomed to enjoy during' 
 peace" 
 
 I will now read such of the articles of this French regulation as 
 relate to the question under examination. 
 
 *■'■ Article 1. His majesty forbids French privateers to stop or 
 bring into the ports of his kingdom, vessels belonging to subjects 
 of neutral princes, going from the ports of their dominion, and 
 laden on account of the owners or other subjects of the said neutral 
 princes, with merchandise of the growth or manufacture of their 
 own country, to carry the same directly into any other states what- 
 soever, even those with which his majesty is at war ; provided ne- 
 vertheless, that there be cot in the said vessels any contraband 
 goods. 
 
 ^Article 2. They are in like manner forbidden to stop vessels 
 belonging to subjects of neutral princes, going from the ports of any 
 state whatsoever, even of those with which his majesty is at war, 
 and laden on account of the owners or other subjects of the said 
 neutral princes, with merchandise which they shall have received 
 ni the same country or state whence they shall have departed, to 
 return directly into the ports of the dominion of their sovereign. 
 
 '■''Article 3. He also forbids them to stop vessels belonging to the 
 subjects of neutral princes, departing from the ports ol one of the 
 
 * Mr. Madison's letter of March 25, 1S08, to Mr. Erskine 
 f Same letter. \ Idem. 
 
spates neutral or allied to his majesty, to go into another state alikr- 
 neutral or allied to his majesty ; provided they are not 'aden with 
 merchandise of the growth or manufacture of his enemies ; in 
 which case the merchandise shall be good prize, and the vessels 
 shall be released. 
 
 ^^^rliclc 4. In like manner his majesty forbids privateers to stop 
 vessels belongmg to subjects of neutral princes departing from a 
 state allied to his majesty or neutral, to go to a state the enemy of 
 his majesty ; provided there be not on board said vessel any mer- 
 chandise contrabatid, nor of the growth or manufacture of the ene- 
 mies of his majesty; in which cases the merchandise shall be good 
 prize, and the vessels shall be released. 
 
 ^■'■jirticlc 6. V^essels belonging to subjects of neutral states which 
 shall depart from the ports of a state the enemy of his majesty, 
 and there have taken their lading, in whole or in part, to go to the 
 states of any other prince than thtir own, whether allied to his ma- 
 jesty, neutral or enemy, may be stopped and brought into his 
 kingdom, and shall be declared good prize with their lading, even 
 although laden on account of the subjects of his majesty, or of an 
 allied or neutral state." 
 
 This regulation of Louis XIV. in 1704 (he being then at war 
 with England and Holland) was re-enacted by Louis XV. in 1744, 
 (France being again at war with EngUmd) with some exceptions 
 in regard to those neutral nations with whom France had formed 
 treaty-stipulations incompatible with that regulation. 
 
 In these five articles we have, if I mistake not, the whole doc- 
 trine of the British rule of 1756. The f/nvc; trade to and from 
 neutral ports and the enemy's ports, being permitted ; but not the 
 trade to and from the ports of one allied or neutral state, to and from 
 the ports of another allied or neutral state ; if the lading of the neu- 
 tral vessels consist cf merchandise the productions of the enemy's coun- 
 try ; much less to carry the same from one port of the enemy, ta 
 another port of the enemy. 
 
 The PRINCIPLE of the British rule and of the French regulatioa 
 appears to be, to preA-ent neutrals coming in to aid the enemy in the 
 commerce of one part of his dominions with any other part thereof, 
 or in procuring a market for the enemy's productions, in any other 
 country than that of the neutral actually transporting the same, and 
 for its ovjH use and consumfition. 
 
 It appears moreover, by the preamble to the French regulation, 
 that the restrictions on neutral commerce, which we are now ex- 
 amining, instead of commencing in 1736, were in exercise by the 
 English and Dutch, antecedent to that regulation, and with greater 
 rigor ; the French king professing to ameliorate the condition of 
 neutral commerce, by that regulation.* 
 
 * But Great Britain has admitted that the vessels of the United Stares migkt 
 cirry on an indirect trade from the European dominions of her enemies to their 
 'ojonics, and from those colonies to their pareyt coumriej in Europe ; and in both 
 
On the subject of blockade, when vessels of war were not so sta- 
 tioned before the poit declared to be blockaded, as to constitute 
 what is called an actual blockach., undoubtedly abuses have taken 
 place. 
 
 To form an actual blockade of a port, ships destined for that ob- 
 ject must be " sufticienlly near to produce an evident danger in 
 entering." But these words by no means imply a certaintv of 
 cafituri., by the blockading ships, of the vessel so attemptins^ to 
 enter. What degree of risk from blockading ships will amount 
 to a lawful blockade, may sometimes be a disputable question. 
 Would the chance of capturing three vessels out of four, or seven 
 out of eight, exhibit such an *' evident danger in entering," as 
 n'ould constitute an actual blockade I that is, when to insure their 
 ''nteringin safety would be worth a premium of from 73 to 90 per 
 cent. This must remain a question of some difficulty to adjust. 
 
 On these points, sir, and all others in dispute with Great Bri- 
 tain, my opinion remains imchanged, that they are yet proper sub- 
 ects of negotiation, to be undertaken in the real n/iirit oi covcili' 
 Mtion and adjiutmcnt. That the embargo will not induce her to 
 yield to our demands, v.e have ample proof, not only in the answer 
 of the British government to our minister in London, but in the 
 certain al)ility of that nation and her colonies to supply all their 
 own wants. That she possesses the means, I think, has been de- 
 monstrated by gentlemen who have spoken before tne. We have 
 heard much of the patriotism and patient endurance of our fellow 
 citizens, under the distresses of the embargo ; and gentlemen 
 
 cr.ses, the trade has been considererl indirect when carried on through the United 
 States : that is, when the carg'oes laden on board American vessels, n the ports 
 cf the enemies of Great Britain, have been first imported into the United States, 
 <.nd carried thence in the same or other American vessels, to the enemy coun- 
 tries, or colonies respectively But the facts which shonld constitute an indirect 
 tra-do, not havinjr been definitively declared ; on the contrary, a they have been 
 "veral times varied, either by the orders of the British government, or by the 
 ficcihion of her courts of admiralty — much vexation and injury have thence-accru- 
 ed to the commLTce of the United States. 
 
 But the treaty negotiated by the president's ministers, (Messrs. Monroe and 
 Piukney) and signed by them, with the British commissioners on the jist of 
 December 1806, comprehended a definitive provision on this head Such trade, 
 Ixtween the parent countries and colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, was 
 to be considered indirect, when the articles of the p;rowth, produce or manufac- 
 ture c)f Europe, were first carried to the United States ; and on re-exportat.on, 
 remained after the drawback, subject to a duty of one per cent, on their value. 
 (n iike rnaniur, all articles of the growth and produce of the enemy's colonies, 
 beintt first brought to the United States, and tbere entered and landed, and on 
 .re-exT>ortation remaining .subject to a duty of two per cent, on tlieir value, might 
 be re-!adcn, anil freely exported to any country in Europe. The duties iu both 
 cases, to be paid into the treasury of the Ufiited States 
 
 This arrangement was calculated to prevent any further dispute between tlie 
 United States and Great Britain, about the trade between the countries of her 
 <"nemics in Europe and their colonies. But the president thought fit to reject thi' 
 treaty, Avithout laying it before the senate. 
 
speak confidenily, that this patience will hold out till Great Britain 
 shall be brought to our feet. At the same time, they calculate on, 
 the distresses, which they fondly iniatj;uie the en.biugo wiiliuflict 
 on the people of vireat Britain and her coloiiies, to excite discon- 
 tents and Hisi.rrections sufticientiy alarming to induce that t^overn- 
 iiient to abandon usages on which she relies to maintain her mari- 
 time ascendency, and, at this time, her independence as a nation. 
 But why should it be supposed that the people of Great Britain 
 v/iil be less pativMit under sutlerings, than the people of the United, 
 State? ? 'I'heir's would arise from causes beyond their control ; 
 our's from some cause or causes operating on our rulcry., but which 
 the /ify/Vt' can neitiier see nor understand. Within four months 
 after the embargo v»as .unposed, the president himseif, by procla- 
 mation, announced to us and to the world the existence of one in- 
 surrection, occasioned by the embar;,^© ; and the provisioi)S made 
 in the supplementary acts, to compel obedience at the point of the 
 bayonet, shew how a[)prehensive the government were of discon- 
 tents and tesistance. These extraordinary provisions for the ex- 
 ecution of 'd.s/ira/ic meaatirc demonstrate, that it was considered as 
 ojifxised to the general ficnse cf the jieofde ; and, in a free country, 
 such a measure cannot long be carried into execution. The votes 
 of r'pprobation of the embargo by public bodies, and other assem- 
 blies of citizens, so ostentatiously displayed, while they manifest 
 the force of Inirty, are, to say the least, but equivocal indications of 
 the general sense of the people, or even of the individuals compos- 
 ing those assemblies. Those votes have always had fewer AfGr/.s 
 than voices. 
 
 Mr. President, the gentleman from Maryland mentioned the 
 extJ'eme danger to which our commerce would be exposed, 
 while the French decrees and British orders remain unrepealed. It 
 has been often said, and perhaps oftener insinuated, in newspapers 
 and pamphlets, that if our vessels were permitted to go to sea, 
 alt would he talcftu What escaped the French, would be cap- 
 tured by the Fnglish ; and what escaped the latter, would fall a 
 prey to the former. There is a want of truth in all this. 
 The same gentleman quoted a statement made by an eminent mer- 
 chant of Massachusetts, [Mr. Gray, of Salem] that of eight or ten 
 vessjls which sailed about the time the embargo was laid, one only 
 had reached the place of her destination. 1 remember seeing a 
 statement of that sort ; and I think also, that I saw a deteciicn oi its 
 fallacii. If they had not reached their destined ports, it did not 
 follow that they were captured and condemned. 
 
 The same merchant has expressed his decided opinion, " that, 
 notwithstanding the French decrees and British orders in council, 
 if our embargo was ofl' we should have more trade than would be 
 enjoyed by us, if all the world were at peace, and the respective na- 
 tions should monopolize as much of their own commerce as 
 usual." Another eminent merchant [Mr. Thorndikc, of Beverly] 
 expressed, at the same time, the same opinion. 
 
8 
 
 But without resting the question on opinions, vrc may appeal t» 
 facts. I have sought information of the risks which liave attended 
 our foreign trade, within the present year, from the two principal 
 districts of Massachusetts. 
 
 By the statement in my hand, lately received, and which is of un- 
 questionable authority, I find, that at one insurance office in Bos- 
 ton, 43 policies have been written, on vessels engaged in foreign 
 \oyages, since the first of January, 1808. Of these, 
 
 3 were undetermined. 
 
 I vessel (the Neutrality) bound from Marseilles to Boston, cap- 
 tured and condemned at Ciibraltar, for violating the blockade 
 declared by the British orders in council. 
 
 457 arrived safely. In all 43. 
 
 It is stated, that there were three policies on the Neutrality ; and 
 that possibly there might be more than one policy on one vessel 
 among the 37 safe arrivals. 
 
 At another office in Boston, out of 75 risks, principally to the 
 West Indies, 
 
 3 vessels were captured by the French, of which the British rer 
 captured 2. 
 
 1 captuied by the British, supposed to be French property. 
 16... .about this number are undetermined ; and the rest, about 
 55, have eniled safely. In all 75. 
 
 At another ofiice in Boston, out of "-.omewhat more than 100- 
 eisks, 
 
 4 vessels were captured by the British, of which 2 were con- 
 denu)ed for breach of orders in council ; 1 probably enemy's 
 property, and 1 remained under adjudication. 
 
 1 captured and condemned by the ''rcnch ; and 
 
 1 seized by them at Alicant, while they had the power there. 
 
 "25 risks were undetermined ; and the remamder ended safely. 
 
 Tiie premiums of insurance have been about eleven percent, to 
 and from the West Indies, for the whole voyage. 
 
 7 per cent, from the West Indies, with cargo on board, 
 
 9 to 10 percent, from Europe, if not violating British orders. 
 
 4 to 5 per cent, from Europe, against French capture only. 
 
 By a statement received from Salem, on the correctness of 
 v.hich I can rely, I find that in the district of Salem and Beverly, 
 22 vessels sailed, by the president's j)ermission, between the 5th 
 of Apiiland the 10th of August Of these vessels, one sailed to 
 Svmiatra, one to Senegal, and the rest to the dilVerent ports in the 
 West Indies. Of the whole number, 
 
 i returned leaky, and remained at home. 
 
 12 returned in safety ; and 
 
 9 reiuair.ed undetermined ; but it was not known that any of 
 them had been detained or condemned by any foreign power. 
 In all 22. 
 
 The irisurunce on the Sumatra ^■oyagc, out and home, was 14 
 ye I' cent. 
 
/ 
 
 MartinicojT 
 
 Havanna, S-The voyage out and home, 9 to 10 per ccn*. 
 
 Surinam, J 
 
 Havanna, at and from, 5 i per cer;t. 
 
 The premium of insurance from Calcutta to the United States, 
 the last summer and autumn, has been 8 per cent. 
 
 Thus, Mr. President, we sec that the risk on our foreign trade 
 has been very little increased since the issuing of the Frendh decree 
 of Berlin, and the British orders in council. 
 
 The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Smith] asks — What would 
 have been the insurance on an American vessel bound to France . 
 1 am not informed. Perhaps 75 to 90 per cent, though it is not 
 probable that our merchants would hazard their vessels on such a 
 voyage, or that the underwriters would insure them. But what 
 docs this prove ? Why, that the risk, under the British orders, is 
 so great, in attempting to enter a port in France, as perhaps to 
 amount to an actual blockade. 
 
 I now beg leave, sir, to communicate the information I have 
 recently received from the latter of the two mei-chants before re- 
 ferred to*. Having requested of him the data on which his opinion 
 before mentioned was founded, he has sent me an answer ^dated 
 the 23d instant from which I will read the material parts. 
 
 He says, "• respecting the comparative trade of profound peace, 
 and the present moment, if the embargo should be removed, and 
 the decrees and orders of council remain, it is a subject abovit 
 which It is difficult to go into that detail which will show satisfac- 
 torily an exact result : because, if you resort to the exports of a 
 year in time of profound peace, and compare the aggregate with 
 u year in war, the prices being so different, the difference in 
 amount will not give the exact data we want. And to take the 
 quantity of each article of export will not be satisfactory ; because 
 in different years we export more of the same article to the same 
 market, and in proportion to the increased quantity raised, or the 
 goodness or badness of the crop. But of the yac/ I have no doubt, 
 that our tragic woiild be much greater and more productive, if the 
 embargo were removed, than it can be in time of peace : because 
 when the colonial trade of the European powers is confined as 
 usual, we cannot carry any kind of provisions to the colonies of 
 any of them, without being subject to a heavy duty, nearly equal 
 to a prohibition. And we are not allowed to bring away any thing 
 but rum and molasses ; and of course we lose the whole of the 
 colonial trade, so far as respects importing any articles with a view 
 of exporting them a;4,ain ; excepting only from the Isle of France, 
 and Bourbon, which has generally been fiee. But we may be shut 
 out there. The trade to the colonies is now free for all exports 
 and imports with small duties. And if the largest and most na- 
 tural European market* for the sale of colonial produce are occlud- 
 ed, stil we have open to us, all that the British have, and we can 
 now carry those articles to Sweden, Spain, Portugal, Coast of Bar- 
 
 * Mr. Thorndikc. 
 
10 
 
 "tiary, Turkey, Sicily, Sanlinia and Malta ; ihe three last of which 
 are ports at which the articles sell high, and are bought for the 
 purpose of smuggling over to the continent, where itiey are sent 
 in great quantities. 
 
 The following statement is then given, of the <\mourit of our 
 exports from the 30ih of September, 1806, to September 30, 1 8o7, 
 (taken from the report of the secretary of the treasury to coun- 
 tries and places other than those in Europe wiuch are under the 
 govt;rnment or controul, or in alliance with the I'rench emperor ; 
 all which are considered as shut up by the British orders of council. 
 
 Domestic exports (or of articles of the growth,? r^ oc tQo ggi 
 produce or manufacture of the United StatesJ, 5 ' -' 
 
 Foreign goods exported, .... 24, '40,495 
 
 60,250,486 
 To this. may be added Spanish dollars, exported to 
 India and China, and which are not noticed in the re- 
 port of the secretary of the treasury, and may be esti- 
 mated at least at, . . . . . ' . 6,OOC,000 
 
 Vv'hole amount, ... S 66,250,485 
 
 " This amount ruay be exported without being subject to the 
 British orders of council : and the extra premiums against French, 
 ca/iturcs, would not exceed the following rates, viz 
 
 To Sweden, 2 percent. — Swedish and other West Indies, and 
 the Spanish Main, 5 do. — Cape of Ciood ilope, 4 do. — England, 
 Scotland, without the Channel, say Liverpool, Ciretnock, Ireland, 
 &c. Sec. 4 do. — And Within the Cliannel, 6 do. — Guernsey, Jersey, 
 i>:c. 5 do. — L/ibraltar, 3 do. — Spanish ports in the Bay of Biscay, 
 (3 do. — Spanish ports on the Atlantic, 3 do. — Spanish ports on 
 the Mediterranean, 5 do. — Madeira, the C anaries, Fayal, and 
 other Azores, 3 do. — Portugal, 3 do. — Cape de Verd, 3 do. — 
 Sicily, 3 do. — Malta, 6' do — China, 4 do. — Sumatra, 3 do. — 
 Spanish and Portuguese America, 3 do. — Calcutta, and the Coast 
 of Coran:iandel and Malabar, 5 do. — .\frica, 4 do. — Arabia, and 
 Hed Sea, including Mocha, and Muscat, 4 do. — Manilla, 4 do. — 
 North '.'-'est Coast of America, 2 do. — Halifax and Newfound- 
 land, 1 do. 
 
 " In time of profound peace, our trade might be fairly estimated 
 thus: — 
 
 Domestic cx/iorts. Foreign exfiorts 
 48,699,592 Nothing. 
 
 To which maybe added spe-7 ^ ^^m ^r,r^ I" timeof peace these 
 cie to China and India, ^ must be so very m- 
 
 considerable as to be 
 
 S o4.6'jy,592 unimportant in this 
 
 — . slatemerit. 
 
 This is supposing the same domestic artirjes as were exported 
 in 1806, and alif>wing Uiem to be at the same prices : so that the 
 ".ompansoa stands tiius : 
 
11 
 
 Our exports, if the embargo were removed, 
 would be . . . '. . . . S 66,250,486 
 
 Free from any embarrassment from the British 
 orders in council. 
 
 If peace were to take place, and the Eu- 
 ropean nations assume their trade as usual ; 
 and the prices of our domestic articles remain 
 as the averas^e prices in 1806, (which they 
 ■would not) we should export, . . . 54,699,592 
 
 Leaving g 1 1.550,894 
 less export trade in time of peace than we might now enjoy ; 
 and which amount is to be twice water-borne, once in importing it 
 from the places of growth, and again in carrying it to the con- 
 sumers : and of course would employ shipping appertaining to the 
 carriage of one freight, equal in amount to more than twenty-three 
 millions, one hundred thousand dollars. 
 
 '' As an evideiice of the correctness of this statement, it will be 
 .seen, by a recurrence to the statement of the secretary of the trea- 
 sury for the year 1803, that the expoits had fallen, in that short 
 peace, from g 93,020,5 13, to g 55,800,033. 
 
 " It is to be observed, that we might now enjoy a trade to South 
 Americ I .aid the Spanish Main, which might be estimated, at least, 
 at from four to five millions of dollars, a considerable part of v/hich 
 would be again exported to Spain and Portugal, and which has 
 never made any part of the secretary's report; because the trade 
 to those countries has been prohibited until lately. It may also be 
 remembered, that the export trade does not show the whole ad- 
 vantage of the colonial trade which we might now enjoy ; because 
 all we import for our own consumption ought to be added." 
 
 {Here Mr. Lloyd stated, that in Jiis opinion the value of the trade 
 which might now be prosecuted from the United States, consider- 
 ing the present circumstances of the gi-eat nations of Europe, would 
 be as extensive as could be carried on after a general peace, and the 
 adoption, by the European powers, of their restrictive colonial sys- 
 tems.] 
 
 On this clear and interesting view of the commerce which the 
 United States might carry on, were the embargo out of the way, 
 no comments are necessary. The observations of the writer of the 
 letter are evidences of his being master of the subject. 
 
 Mr. President, the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Giles] has 
 been pleased to attribute the discontents, in New England, especi- 
 ally in iMassachusetts, relative to the embargo, solely to the arts 
 of dfmagoguen.) who wish to get into office. 
 
 Tlie gentleman from Connecticut noticed this reproach : but as it 
 appeared to be levelled chiefly at leading citizens in Aiassachusetts, 
 1 feel it to be my duty further to remark, that of ail the citizens 
 of the United States, none stand more aloof from, none more 
 •detest the character of demagogues, than those to whom the gen 
 
12 
 
 tlcman referred. I know those men who reprobate the embarge, 
 and who, in conversat on, and in newspapers, express their senti- 
 ments about it, or patronize those who do. They are not seeking 
 for offices ; many of them could not be persuaded to accept the 
 best office in a president's gift ; but to save their country from the 
 effects of measures, in their view, alike ruinous and disgraceful. 
 Tiicy are men, sir, whose age, whose experience, whose know- 
 ledge, whose wisdom, whose virtue, place them in the first rank 
 of citizens. They are men, sir, ten of whom, had they been \x\ 
 Sodom, would have saved that city from destruction Among 
 them was the immortal Amks, than whom a purer sp.rit never left 
 the earth. He Avrote while he had strength to hold a jjcn He 
 died on the anniversary morning of the nation's birth-day — and 
 this was among his last prayers : () ! Save my country 1 
 
 Gentlemen have said much about insurrection and rebellion ; 
 and, in language not very conciliatory, pointed all their allu- 
 sions to the people of New England. Other rulers pronounced 
 them rebels, more than thirty years ago : while many then unborn 
 now wish to cover themselves with their mantle, and to share the 
 honors of the patriots of seventeen hundred and seventy-six. 
 
 But why should gentlemen be surprised that great discontents 
 prevail in that country ; and that the legislatures, with a delibera- 
 tion and solemnity which should command attention, have pro- 
 nounced their opinions of the embargo I Gentlemen will recollect 
 that then' the revolution began, of which Boston was the cradle. 
 And if they will turn to the declaration of independence, they will 
 find one of the reasons for the colonies' separating themselves 
 from Great Britain, and renouncing the government of the king, 
 was, their enacting laws ''for cutting off our tuade with 
 
 ALL PARTS OF THR WORLD." 
 
 Mr. President, in a public document on our tables, we are told, 
 that '•'' after a period of twenty five years of peace, hardly inter- 
 rupted by transient hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the 
 history of nations, the United States are for the first time, since 
 the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed m a si- 
 tuation equally difficult, critical and dangerous." 
 
 That our country has enjoyed such unexampled prosperity, I 
 readily agree : but the present is not the Jirsr. time that these states 
 have been placed in a d^/^c«/^, critical, and (hvigerons situation. 
 
 '1 he gentleman from Connecticut yesterday noticed the most 
 difficult crises. In 1793, it required all the firmness and immense 
 popularity of president Washington, to s.em the torrent of popu- 
 lar delusion, that was hurrying the United States into the vortex of 
 the French revolution 
 
 In 1794, the same steadiness, the same undeviating pursuit of 
 the public welfare, in spite of popular clamor and iorinal opposition, 
 were necessary to institute a mission to Great Britain, to negotii^te and 
 settle with that governmentquestionsof the highest moment to these 
 states, and which, if they remained much longer unsettled, might 
 endanger the peace of the nation. That negotiation, committed 
 
13 
 
 to ihe coTKluct of a stalesnian, than whom our couiUry has pro.-- 
 ducecl not one more firm, more wise, or more upright, was, by his 
 candor, ability and decision, brou^-ht to a happy conclusion, in le-vver 
 monlhci than some more modern negotiatioiis have occupied utars, 
 without being brought to any conclusion ; unless their uiicrjailuic 
 may be called a ror.chi-~to?i. 
 
 in 1795, the United States were agitated to their centre, by the 
 opposition to the British treaty. Artful and aspiring demagogues 
 seized upon the known prejudices of the people in regard to tlie 
 two great contending nations ; and exerting all their facultiies to 
 keep up the popular delusion, hoped that, by the loud and ej.tend- 
 cd clamor, the president would be deterred from ratifying the 
 treaty which Mr. .iay had so hai)piiy concluded. Here again were 
 displayed the firmness and patriotism of vVashington. Always' 
 determined to pursue the true interests of the people, aithoU|gh at 
 the hazard of his popularity, he ratified the treaty. Here, it was 
 presumed, all opposition would cease. But it again appeared, and 
 with a more formidable aspect, in the national legislature. Eut I 
 will not dwell upon it. 1 he treaty was finally carried into eicecu- 
 tion. It had, however, one iftore enemy to encounter. 
 
 Revolutionary i- ranee, wishing to involve us in a war with Great 
 Britain, which this treaty .merely of amity and commerce) had 
 prevented, prciendcd that it was equivalent to a treaty of ai/ia?ice 
 with Great Britain. And seizing on this pretence, at once to vent 
 her resentment, and gratify the rapacity of her rulers with the 
 plunder of our citizens, she let loose her cruizers upon our com- 
 merce. 
 
 We urged the obligations of treaties, violated by these captures. 
 She answered, t/iat she found only a real disadvantage in tlijse obli- 
 gations I and continued her depredations. Repeated missions of 
 respectable ministers to i-'aris endeavored to propitiate her rulers, 
 and prevail on them to put a stop to such enormities. But they were 
 deaf to the voice of justice. Then it was that our government au- 
 thorized an armed commerce, and equipped a small but gallant 
 navy for its further protection ; and made other defensive prepara- 
 tions, such as have been stated by the gentleman fram Connecticut, 
 
 H", sir, our country is now placed in a situation more " difficult, 
 critical and dangerous," than at any of the periods to which 1 have 
 adverted (though I am very far from adopting that opinion,, where 
 shall we look for the cause I If in 1794, when England had power- 
 ful associates in her war with France, and the latter had been com- 
 paratively, but little extended beyond her natural limits ; the Unit- 
 ed States, w'ith perhaps two-thirds of her present population, and 
 less than half her present revenue, were able to induce England to 
 accede to the.r just demands, and to close all difl'ercnces by an ad- 
 vantageous treaty ; how has it happened that the present adminis- 
 tration, with all the accession of power from an increased popula- 
 tion, and a more than doubled revenue ; when, too, gigantic France 
 wielded the force and the resources of continental Europe ; and 
 England, single-handed, was lett to meet a world in arms ; how 
 
u 
 
 has it happened, that with these superior advantages and more 
 powerful means, all tljc negotiations of the present administration 
 with England (one excepted of locf.' rather than general applica- 
 tion, and which I need not explain ■ have failed I Had they been 
 condijcted with equal candour, ability and dignity, must they not 
 huvc pioduced as early, and at least as advantageous results i VVa'^ 
 this a cause of their failure, that iwints cf (juefstioiiable right ^ because 
 not settled by the viniversally acknowiedged law of nations, and 
 therefore of doubtfuU or hopeless atlainmcrit, nvere pertinaciously in- 
 (listed on ? 
 
 IVir. President — To find a remedy for evils, as well in the body po- 
 litic as in the natural body, it is necessary to investigate their causes. 
 
 Nearly eight years have elapsed since we were told, by the high- 
 est authority in the nation, that under the auspices of the federal 
 government, the United States were then " in the full tide of suc" 
 cessful experiment." And the report on our tables, lo which I have 
 before alluded, declares, in grave and solemn language, that dur- 
 ing a period of five-and-twenty years, which brings us down to the 
 embargo, the United States have enjoyed a " prosperity unexam- 
 pled \yi the history of nations." Yet during the whole of this period 
 of unequalled prosperity, arising from the active fiursuits of com' 
 merce a?id agriculture^ each giving life and vigor to the other^ that 
 comitterce has been exposed to the aggressions of the belligerent 
 nations. For those of Great Britain, up to near the close of 1794, 
 compensation v.'as made, pursuant to the provisions of Mr Jay's 
 treaty. For the like aggressions by Spain, the like indemnity was 
 given by virtue of the treaty M'iih that power, concluded in Octo- 
 ber \t^5. For French spoliations during the whole period of her 
 revolntionary war (spoliations which have been estimated at not 
 less than millions of dollars) we have received nothing 1 Nor haver 
 v,e obtained any reimbursement from Spain for the spoliations 
 -omniitted by her cruizeis, after she became the ally oj France. 
 
 Captures and condemnations, however, more or less extended, 
 •^avejnever ceased : notwithstanding all which, and the contmuecl 
 impressment of seamen from our merchant vessels, the same un- 
 exampled prosperity has attended us ; until suddenly, and to the 
 astorflsliuient of the nation, this flowing tide of successful con amerce 
 and agricuiture, was stopped by that fatal measure, the embargo. 
 The slu)ck was aggravated by the concealment of its real cause. 
 Sir, 1 h.azard nothing in asserting, that to this day that cause has 
 not been satisfactorily declared. Allow me time to justify this 
 usse'tion. 1 will l)ring logether facts and circumstances, and then 
 gentU-men will judge whether my conclusion be erroneous or just. 
 
 {.nuhel'lth of l^ecemher 1^07, the dispatches brought by the 
 P.evenge, from our minister in Paris, were delivered to the secre- 
 tary of state. On her arrival at New York, reports brought by her 
 stated, that the J'reuch emperor had declared that there should be 
 110 7ieutral-i. '1 he sources of information, and the character of the 
 .v.//c/cr, rendered those reports worthy of credit ; and though after-. 
 
15 
 
 ■<iv:ards publicly and stoutly denied, they were believed ; and no gen- 
 tleman here will now be inclined to donbt the fact. These reports, 
 and the mystery which surrounded tlic reconunended embargo, na- 
 turally excited suspicions and alarms. 
 
 Of the French papers supposed to be brought by the Revenge, 
 Hone were communicated to Congress, save a letter dated Septem- 
 ber 24, 1807, from General Armstrong to M. Champagny, and his 
 answer of the 7th of October, relative to the Berlin decree, and a 
 letter from Regnier, minister of justice, to Champagny, giving the 
 emperor's interpretation of that decree. These three papers, with 
 a newspaper copy of a proclamation of the king of Great Britain, 
 issued in the same October, were all the papers communicated by 
 the president to congress, as the grounds on which he recommend- 
 ed the embargo. These pufiers^ he said " shewed the great and 
 increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and mer- 
 chandise were threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the 
 belligerent powers of Europe." 
 
 As to the proclamation of the king of Great Britain, requiring 
 the return of his subjects, and particularly the seamen, from foreign 
 countries, it was no more than every government has a right to 
 issue, and commonly does issue, in time of war. This proclama- 
 tion contained no evidence of increasing danger lo " our seamen ;" 
 on the contrary, if I mistake not (for I have not the proclamation 
 by me) there was a solemn, public injunction lo his naval officers to 
 conduct impressments with increased caution and care. So that 
 impressments Avould probably rather be dimirished than increased. 
 
 Let us now examine the three other papers, all of which, as I have 
 noticed, and as gentlemen remember, related to the decree of No- 
 vember 21, 1806. This decree was issued at Berlin, by the French 
 emperor, at the moment when, inflated with more tlian ordinary ar- 
 rogance and pride, he was sitting in that capital of the Prussian 
 monarchy, just then subverted by his arms. 
 
 The first article declared all the British Isles in a state of block- 
 ade. This, according to its terms, subjected to capture and con- 
 demnation all neutral vessels bound to and from British ports; but 
 it seems to have been held in a state of suspence. But another ar- 
 ticle, declaring "all merchandise belonging to England, or coming 
 from its manufactories and colonies (although belonging to neu- 
 trals) to be lawful prize," was to be carried into execution. Such 
 w-as the decision of the emperor, as stated by his minister of jus- 
 tice on the 18th of September, 1807, in his letter to Champagny„ 
 This decision coming to the knowledge of general Arinstrong, he» 
 on the 24th of September, wrote to Mr. Champagny, and asked 
 " whether it was the emperor's intention to infract the obligations 
 of the treaty subsisting between the United States and the French 
 empire." Mr. Champagny in his answer of the 7th of October^ 
 inclosing the letter of the minister of justice, with wonderful assur- 
 ance, tells general Armstrong, that it was easy to reconcile the ex- 
 ecution of the decree with the observance of treaties! although 
 nothing was mere obviousj (as Mr, Madisoii oa the 8th of February 
 
l& 
 
 iast, Vvrote to general Armstrong) than that it violated as well the 
 posiuve stipulations of our treaty with France, as the incontestable 
 principles of public law. 
 
 In tlie European ports, under the emperor's controul, and even 
 in neutral ports, the decree was rigorously executed. And although 
 it is said there was no formal decision m the French council of prizes, 
 condemnin;^ American prop^rrty, under tiie decree, till the 16th of 
 October, 1807 ; yet Mr. Miidison states; as early as the 22d of May, 
 1807, [in his letter of that date to general Armstrong] that '' there 
 ■were proofs that the French N\'est India privateers had, undT coluur 
 cf the edict [the Berlin decree,] committed depredations" on our 
 commerce. And moreover, that Spain '* avowedly pursuing the ex- 
 ample and the views of the French emperor," had issued a similar 
 decree, and even in broader terms, which, " if not speedily recalled 
 or corrected, would doubtless extend the scene of spoliations 
 <dready begun in that quarter.'" 
 
 Such were the French papers in this case. And now let us see 
 the amount of" the grkat and increasing dangers wiiich threat- 
 ened our vessels, our seamen and merchandise." 
 
 In the letter of February S, 1808, from Mr. Madison to general 
 Armstrong, speaking of the Berlin decree, and the emperor's de- 
 cision thereon, Mr. Aladison says, " The conduct of the French 
 government, in giving this extended operation to its decree, and 
 indeed in issuing one with such an apparent or doubtful import, 
 against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, inasmuch 
 ■us the inabilitii to enforce it on that element, exhibited the measure 
 in the light of an " tm/itymeriace I" And in his letter of the 25th 
 of March, 1808, to Mr Erskine, Mr. Madison, speaking of the 
 same decree, says, that France was ivithout the means to carry it 
 •into effect againat the rights and obligations of a neutral nation. 
 • Thus then we see liie president's " great and increasing dangers 
 -with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise were threat- 
 ■ened on the high seas and elsewhere, "from the French decree and 
 its extended operation, rested on what he, through his secretary 
 Mr. Madison, has since pronounced " an empty menace." a pro- 
 ject '' which I'rance had not the means to carry into eflect 1" 
 
 Shall I be told, Mr. president, of the British orders of council? 
 and that they were comprehended in tlic president's view of the 
 great and incieasing dangers to which our commerce was exposed ? 
 if that were the fact, wus it not his duty to give such information 
 •of them as he possessed, to the senate t He gave none. I know 
 that those orders were aj'terivards pressed into his service to justify 
 the measure : and still later it has been confidently said " that 
 those orders stood in front of the real causes of the embargo :" 
 And yet they were invisible to the senate. What ! the great, the 
 Gfwrative cause of the embargo, " before which all other motives 
 ■iunk into insigniticance," not seen, not known to the senate ? Not 
 glanced at by the in-csident in his message, nor intimated to any of 
 the members who were lioncrcd v.iih his conlidence, and by them 
 to the senate- i* 
 
17 
 
 But from reasoning I will recur to written proofs, furnished b^ 
 the president himself, and now on our tables. 
 
 In Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Pinkncy, the president's minis- 
 ter in London, dated December 23, 1807, the next day after the 
 act laying an embargo was passed ; and this after it had under- 
 gone three days of earnest opposition in the house of representa- 
 tives. ...during which it behoved the father of the measure, and his 
 friends, to furnish every possible argument to silence opposition, 
 and to satisfy the nation of its expediency and necessity. ...after all 
 this, Mr. Madison in that letter, tells Mr. Pinkney, that " tht/io- 
 licy and the causes of the measure are explained in the message 
 itself." The contents of the message ''comprehending the papers 
 it referred to} I have already stated : and the statement demon- 
 strates, that they were not the causes or motives of the embargo ; 
 for an " empty menace," a decree ivithout the means of carrying ii 
 into -Jfect^ could be no cause, no motive for a measure, whose av .-v- 
 ed object was '"• to save our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise 
 froiu GRKAT and ixcreasing dakgers." 
 
 Sir, let all the documents laid on our tables by the president be 
 examined, and you will not find one in which he hazards the asser- 
 tion, that the British orders of November 1 1th were known to him 
 at the time he recommended the embargo, or that an expectation of 
 them determined his recommendation. It was not until the 2d of 
 February, when they had been ofhcially communicated by the Bri- 
 tish minister, that he offered them to congress '' as a farther proof 
 of the increasing dangers to our navigation and commerce, which 
 led to the provident measure of the act laying an embargo." And 
 Mr. Madison, in his letter to Mr. Pinkney, of February 19, 1808, 
 cautiously avoids ascribing the origin of the embargo to the British 
 orders ; though, he says, the probability of such decrees was 
 among the considerations which " enforced" the measure ; the 
 language of the British gazettes, with other indications, having 
 (he said^ left little doubt that sucii orders were" meditated." And 
 he adds, that " the appearance of these decrees (meaning the Bri- 
 tish orders) had much effect in reconciling all descriptions among 
 us to the embargo." 
 
 But I must notice the change of language in ^Jr. Madison's last 
 letter. In that of December 23d to Mr. Pinkney, he says, " the 
 policy and the causes of the embargo are explained in the president's 
 message." But in his letter of February 19th, he says, " m.y last 
 (that of December 23d; inclosed a copy of the act of embargo, and 
 explained the policy of the measure ;" leaving out'' causes," and 
 introducing the unknown British orders as among the considerations 
 which enforced it. 
 
 The president, too, in his answer to the Boston petition for sus- 
 pending the embargo, says, not that the British orders were knoivn 
 to exist at the time when the embargo was laid ; but only that they 
 were in existence at the date of the law ; from which the unwary 
 reader might suppose that they were knoivn to exist at that date. 
 
 From all these considerations, it appears to be demonstrated, 
 
18 
 
 not known, arid that the newspaper rumors concerning tlicm neve;- 
 entered into the views of the president and congress, as a motive 
 for laying the embargo. And here the v/ell known maxim applies, 
 r/" no7i. a/i/iarentibun rt non existentibus tadctn est lex. Although the 
 British orders tvere in existence^ yet as they were not knoivn to exiat, 
 they were, as to the embargo, non-entities. 
 
 The conclusions resulting from the facts and circumstances which 
 I have collected and compared, arc serious and alarming. They 
 demonstrate, that tlic representation, in the president's message re- 
 'jommending the embai'gu, Avas delusive, calculated to lead congress 
 into the belief that the situation of the United States, in relation to 
 France and England, was extremely perilous, requiring the instant 
 adoption of the measure recommended. And as congress did adopt 
 it, enacting the law recommended, it must be presumed that they 
 believed an embargo was necessary to preserve our vessels, our sea- 
 men and merchandise, from g7'eat and increasing dangers, with which 
 the message stated that they were threatened. 
 
 It also follows, as no subsequent disclosure has been made of 
 other dangers known at the time the message was communicated, 
 ^hat the real cause or motive for the embargo has been, and yet isy 
 -ceiled from the eye oj congress and the nat.io7i. 
 
 M. Cliampagny's letter of October 7, (one of the papers com- 
 municated with the president's message) requires examination. 
 But I should first remark, that during the years 1806, and 1807, 
 in order to redtice England, by destroying her commerce, the French 
 emperor, in execution of, and in the spirit of his Berlin decree, 
 ordered all English merchandise to be seized and confiscated, in 
 every place on the European continent, enemy or neutral, occu- 
 pied or which should be occupied by the French armies. For this 
 purpose, and as one instance among many, his troops took posses- 
 sion of the city of Mamburg (a city v.ith which American merchants 
 carried on a large and valuable commerce, and which as neutral 
 was entitled to the same exemption from hostile violence as the 
 territory of the United States) and by the emperor's orders, Bour- 
 rienne, his accredited minister to that free city, addressed a note to 
 its senate, in which, having stated that every person who traded on 
 the continent in English merchandise, seconded the views of En- 
 gland, and ought to be considered as her accomplice ; and that a 
 gre it portion of the inhabitants of Hamburgh were in that predica- 
 ment, and notoriously attached to England ; the emperor caused 
 possession to be taken of their city, and his Berlin decree to be car- 
 ried into rigorous execution. Accordingly, that minister, in obedi- 
 ence to the emperor's orders, among other outrages, declared, "All 
 English merchandises that may be found in the city, in the harbour, 
 or on the territory of Hamburg, no matter to ivliom they belongs shall 
 be confiscated." This was done so early as the 24th of November, 
 1806, only three days after the Berlin decree was issued. 
 
 With equal atrocity the emperor caused to be seized and seques- 
 tered the vessels and cargoes of neutrals which were brought into, 
 or voluntarily resorted to the ports of France for purposes of lawful 
 
19 
 
 that their liberation was hopeless ; because i/ieij nucre ivorih eigbtca; 
 or tnvfnty nii/liofis cj' dollars. 
 
 Of the vast property thus plundered, a large portion belongs to 
 citizens of the United Slates. On the 15th of January last, the 
 emperor's minister Champagny, wrote to our minister, general 
 Armstrong, that their proper y would remain sequestered until a 
 decision should be had thereon ; and this decision depended on our 
 associating or refusing to associate ourselves nvith Inm and his allied 
 states in their war 'ivirh Great Britain. Indeed the emperor was 
 willing to save us the trouble of considering and deciding for our- 
 selves : he declared war for us. " War exists then in fact between 
 England and the United States," are tlie words of ( hiimpagny, in 
 the letter just mentioned ! ^Vhat measures (iught to be kept with 
 such a Power ? While we are yet independent, he undertakes to 
 prescribe the line of conduct we shall observe, on pain of confisca- 
 tion of all the property of our innocent and unsuspecting merchants 
 wilhin his grasp I And this monstrous outrage upon our honour 
 and indcDendence, the secretary of state, with very exemplary 
 meekness, says, " had the <.<ir, at least, of an assumed authority l"* 
 
 Where his armies did not thus penetrate~anci plunder, the 1' rench 
 emperor sent to the several powers on the continent, whether em- 
 perors, kings, or petty states, requiring (or which from him v.as 
 equivalent to a com.mand, invitijigj them to shut th^ir ports agaiiist 
 the cotnmerce of England: and, Sweden excepted between whom 
 and the French armies lay a narrow sea guarded by Swedish and 
 British ships) all obeyed. Even the emperor of Austria, though 
 at peace with ?!ngland, sluit against her his two or three little ports 
 at the head of the Adiiatie sea. 
 
 The pt'ince regent of Portugal, whose country for more than a 
 century had lived in friendship with England, was the last to obey. 
 Hut though he shut his ports, national faith and gratitude towards 
 his friends, forbade his arresting Englishmen and EngHsh mer- 
 chandise. By shutting his ports, he hoped to appease the emperor, 
 and save liis kingdom. But his fate had been detern-sined : although 
 Portugal had for many years been paying a heavy tribute to France, 
 and been, moreover, anxious to observe the duties of a neutral nation. 
 To save himself and family from disgrace and bondage, the prince 
 quitted his kingdom; finding an asylum in his American domi- 
 nions. 
 
 Thus we have seen the Erench emperor not only shutting his 
 own poits and those of his allies, but even those of neutral states, 
 against British commerce; and seizing and confiscating tlie mer- 
 chandise proceeding from Engkmd and her colonies, although be- 
 longing to neutrals, and on neutral territories ; and that this unex- 
 ampled scene of devastation commenced within four days after tlie 
 Berlin decree was issued. 
 
 It was after she had witnessed all these atrocities, and seen the 
 deadly weapon aimed at her vitals, that England issued her retali- 
 ating orders of November I Ith, 1807. 
 
 * Mr. Madison's letter of Mav lA. t8o5?. tn trfm^nA Armctmncr 
 
20 
 
 i now recur to Mr. Champagny's letter of October 7, to general 
 Armstrong, in answer to his inquiry, " whether Tin executing; 
 the Berlin decree) it was his majesty's intention to infract the obli- 
 gations of the treaty now subsisting between the United States and 
 the I'rench empire?" The answer to which has been already 
 recited. 
 
 Allow me to repeat, that this letter of Champagny was one of 
 the four papers communicated by the president with his message 
 recommending the embargo, and one of the two which, after being 
 read, was not then suflered to remain on the files of the senate, but 
 was returned to the president, together with general Armstrong's 
 letter to which it was an answer, agreeably to his request. Subse- 
 quent events drew it from the cabinet. Gentlemen will also recol- 
 lect, that the concluding paragraph of the president's message, in 
 which he desired a return of those two letters, was ordered by the 
 senate to be omitted; so that no evidence of the existence of those 
 letters could appear on the senate's journal, or in the printed copy. 
 In this letter of Champagny, the views of the French emperor were 
 but two clearly indicated. To render his degree of blockade •' more 
 effectual" (that is in destroying the commerce of England) " its 
 execution must be complete." But as it could not be complete 
 while the vessels of the tjnited States (then with those of England 
 carrying on, almost exclusively? the commerce of the world) con- 
 tinued their extensive trade with England ; we were, in language 
 sufficiently intelligible, invited to fall into the imperial ranks, with 
 the maritime powers of Europe, whom the French emperor had 
 marshalled against England, and " to unite in support of the same 
 cause;" that is, to destroy the commerce of England. But the 
 people of the United States would have been shocked at an open 
 proposition to shut their ports against the English commerce, at 
 the command, or invitation of the French emperor; they would 
 not have endured it. The measure could be accomplished only by 
 an EMBAii GO, and that wrapped up in the mystery which I have 
 endeavoured to unfold. 
 
 This letter of Champagny must have arrived in the Revenge ; 
 and general Armstrong's dispatches by her, reached Washington, 
 ;ig Mr. Madison informs us, on the 14th of December ; and oi the 
 18th the embargo was proposed and recommended I Four days 
 gave little enough time to digest and mature such \ plan I 
 
 These, sir, are my views of the origin of the embargo ; the re- 
 sult of a careful, and I trust, an impartial investigation. The ma- 
 terial facts are on record. Of my reasonings and conclusions gen- 
 tlemen will judge. If these be correct, the course to be pursued 
 must he obvious. The natioii's honour is compatible with the repeal 
 of the embargo. The welfare of our country is not to be sacrificed 
 to the views or feelings of those who have brought it into its pre- 
 .sent situation. 
 
 Let then, the resolution before us be adopted, and the embargo 
 removed. As the British orders in council were not the cause of 
 the embargo, the honour of the United States is not pledged for 
 
■ II III . . ' ■ - 1" ■»■- '■ m - 
 
 MR. GILES^ SPEECH 
 
 IN THE 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 IJESOLUTION OFFERED BY MR, HILLHOUSE 
 
 TO 
 
 REPEAL THE SEVERAL ACTS LAYING AN EMBARGO, 
 
 DECEMBER 2, 1808. 
 
 Ms. President 
 
 I SINCERELY regret, sir, to find jnyself driven agaia 
 into this debate ; whilst every feeling of my heart admonishes me 
 to retirement. I sincerely wish to retire, not only from this de- 
 bate, but from the political world. I am now acting only in 
 obedience to a sense of duty. I shall, however, limit my remarks 
 to as few objects as may be consistent with this obligation. They 
 •will principally relate to facts, which, in my judgment, have been 
 incorrectly stated ; and of course require correction. The first 
 fact, to which I shall call the attention of the senate, is the one sta- 
 ted by the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Hillhouse] and re- 
 peated by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Pickering] that 
 the non-importation act was an obstruction to an amicable adjust- 
 ment with Great Britain. Both the gentlemen have stated that 
 Great Britain would not treat with this rod suspended over her 
 head ; I assert, on the other hand, that she did treat with this rod 
 suspended over her head, and that its suspension was continued at 
 the request of the British commissioners. Now, sir, let us resort 
 to the evidence. This will be found in the correspondence from 
 •Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, to Mr. Madison. Speaking of 
 
lord Holland, these gentlemen tell us, he said, '*' That in the 
 mean time we could slate to our government, what was un- 
 questionably true, that those with whom we were treating A^*erc 
 diligently and anxiously employed, in endeavours to devise 
 an arrangement which should be convenient and honourable to us, 
 and at the same time tree from improper hazard to Gretit Britain ; 
 that it appeared to him that the actual pendci cy of the negotiations 
 here, unless their sincerity were distrusted, as he was sure it would 
 not be, would furnish an adequate motive to Congress, for meiely 
 postponing the commencement of a law which was originally a very 
 strong niea^urc, and would certainly, if allowed to go into opera- 
 tion at a moment when Great Britain was afibrding, in the face of 
 the world, an unequivocal demonstration of her wish to remove 
 every ground of misunderstanding between us, acquire a character 
 of extreme harshness ; that it was greatly to be lamented that the 
 discussions in which we were now engaged, had not been sooner 
 begun ; but that knowing, as we did, to what cause the delay was 
 to be ascribed, we knew also, that it was unavoidable." 
 
 " To these details we take the liberty to add our opinion, formed 
 upon a careful view of the whole subject, that it would be proper 
 upon the meeting of congress in December, to suspend the net for 
 prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufac- 
 ture, so as to afford farther time for the completion of the negoti- 
 ations which it evidently presumes and which are now in train." 
 
 "• i he ground which congress have taken In this just and salu- 
 tary measure, we are far from \vishing to abandon ; but to suspend 
 and to abandon it are very diflerent things. The last would wound 
 deeply the honour of the nation, and jnostrate the character of the 
 government ; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit 
 ^nd purpose of the law, and while it would furnish a signal proof 
 qf the equity and moderation of our public councils, wouiu preserve 
 uniiripaii-eu, that iirm and dignilied attitude which it becomes us 
 £^t all times, but now especially, to maintain, 'i he suspension will 
 be so far from rehnquisUing the measure or weakening its eticct, 
 ti;at it will distinctly imply a re-a^serlion of its principle aiid poli-. 
 cy/and an unshaken resolution to act upon and enforce it, as soon 
 as negotiation shall have been sufficiently and unsuccessfully 
 tried." 
 
 Our miniisters here state, that a suf-fit-yisiun of this act was all 
 that was required by the British commissioners. We also know, 
 that the commissioners of both sides, did go on to negotiate, and 
 that a treaty was concluded on, without its being once intimated, 
 that this act fornied the smallest obstruction to the negotiation ; or 
 had any iniluence in the smallest degree injurious to the provisions 
 of the treaty. But, sir, I tliink this act facilitated and accelerated 
 the negotiation. It will be recollected tliat before the passage of this 
 apt, every efl'ort of our minister to negotiate had been either 
 avoided or refused, and at the time of passing the l^w, the nego- 
 
tiatipn Avas itself entirely suspended.* After its passage you 'Wiil. 
 find, by attending to the correspondence jUst read, every disposi-' 
 tion was manifested by <^he British commissioners to accelerate the 
 negotiations ; and every pledge of sincerity on their part to thi't ef- 
 fect was given, to induce our government here, to suspend the law 
 merely to give time for completing the negotiation. I cannot place, 
 my hand on the note of the British commissioners requesting the 
 American ministers to furnish them with a copy of the act ; but in , 
 that note, to the best of my recollection, may be seen the real 
 cause of the anxiety of the British commissioners, for the further 
 suspension of that act. It was the injurious effect the measure was 
 calculated to have on the commerce of Great Britain, if it once 
 should go into operation ; and it was this they were anxious to 
 prevent. This act appears to have been viewed by the British com- 
 missioners, precisely in the light in which it was seen here by the 
 favourers of the measat-e. Its character and operation answered 
 every expectation. It produced a treaty ; and I regret, sir, that 
 the provisions of the treaty were not such as to justify its ratifica- 
 tion. I am aware the gentleman told us, that he paid but little 
 respect to the representations of our ministers ; but, sir, they ought 
 certainly to be respected ; or we ought to abandon the policy of 
 having ministers at foreign courts. In this case, however, there 
 was the less reason for disrespecting their communications, because 
 they have been some time published ; and neither disrespected nor 
 contradicted by the British commissioners. In this case too, sir, 
 it is not necessary to resort to this evidence exclusively in proof 
 of this fact. It is proved by the note of the British commissioners, 
 read by the gentleman himself. Let us review that note, and seB 
 what information it gives. 
 
 " Se/itember 4, 1806. 
 " On a full consideration of that act, we think it our duty to e5t- 
 press our earnest hope and expectation, that some means may be 
 found to suspend the execution of a measure so opposite, in its 
 temper and tendency, to the disposition and views with which our 
 pending negotiation has been commenced and is carrying on." 
 
 Here, sir, is a request merely ro suspend the eocecutic7i of this 
 fic,\ Ij'c. which is the only rod that gentlemen complain so much of 
 here, but which was no further complained of by the British com- 
 missioners. The true reason of their anxiety for this suspensiGix 
 I have before stated. Now, sir, how does this fact stand ? Why, 
 that the liritish commissioners did treat with this rod suspended 
 over their heads ; and so far from its having had any injurious 
 iiiiluence on the negotiations, i4: probably had a beneficial one. The 
 gentlemen then, are utterly mistaken in this fact. For, sir, whe- 
 Ther it touched the pride or affected the sensibility of Great Britain 
 or not, she unquestionably did treat with this same rod suspended 
 over her head. 
 
 * See note at the end. 
 
. 4 
 
 The next subject I shall mention is, the attempt to reproach tliQ 
 president for his instructions respecting the impressmei.t of Ame- 
 rican seauiea. This is an attempt, sir, "which really excited my 
 astonishment. Let us critically examine the circumstances, under 
 which these instructions were given. The basis of our late nego- 
 tiations at London, was laid in the senate. What did the senate 
 aay to the president upon the sul^ject of the impressment of Ame- 
 rican seamen ? Let me read a part of their resolution upon that 
 subject : " and to enter into such arrangements with the British 
 government, on this and all other differences subsisting between 
 the two nations, (and particularly respecting the impressment of 
 American seamen,) as may be consistent with the honour and in- 
 terests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire to 
 obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, 
 that justice to which they are entitled." 
 
 Here, sir, we find the senate, not content with intermingling 
 the safety of our seamen with the other objects of the resolution, 
 manifest a laudable solicitude upon this subject, by calling the pre- 
 sident's attention to it in a special manner, '" arid particularly res- 
 pecting the imjiressment of American seamcri^" say the senate, both 
 these gentlemen voting in favour of the resolution : and now when 
 instructions are given in strict conformity with this special injunc- 
 tion, the gentlemen come lorward with the most indignant re- 
 proaches for this conduct. The ground of objection is stated to 
 be, that the president instructed our ministers to insist, that the 
 American flag should protect all persons saihng in Jact under its 
 protection ; when the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pick- 
 ering] with an irrascibility of temper the most wonderful, tells 
 us that the president kmw that the British government would not 
 accede to the proposition ; and then ascribes to the president the 
 unworthy motive of intending thereby to defeat the objects of the 
 negotiation. It is necessary to restrain the feelings in replying 
 to this groundless and unworthy insinuation. But, sir, 1 will tell 
 the gentleman, that the president knew no such thing ; that the 
 gentleman himself knciv no such thing,, until the experiment was 
 made. Indeed, there was one time, during the. negotiation, when 
 there was a great probability that it would succeed. But, sir, whe- 
 ther the proposition would succeed or not, the president, acting un- 
 der the recommendation of the senate, and particularly of this ve- 
 ry gentleman, Avas bound to make the experiment ; especially, 
 sir. ^vhell he offered the British commissioners to make their own 
 terms for securing to themselves the service of their own seamen. 
 But, sir, why not make the proposition ? Is it because it is not our 
 right ? Is it because it is not just ? N^o : that is not pretended : but 
 because the president knciv that the British government would not 
 accede to the proposition, just or unjust. Now, sir, for one, 1 am 
 not disposed to indulge the British government in this capricious 
 
<siUi'ftg« u^yon our unquestionable rights. But, sir, th& president 
 was bound to malce the experiment, and was bound never to admit 
 the British pretension ; if he thought that the only arrangement 
 competent lo the protection of American seamen from impress- 
 ment. Yes, sir, and if the president had given no instructions 
 wpon this point, this same gentleman would have been as liberal in 
 his reproaches as he now is ; and they would have been much 
 more merited. This singular freak of passionate invective is, to 
 me, unaccountable. Ti;e gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hill- 
 house) gives me great credit for my candor, in ascribing the com- 
 mercial prosperity of the United States to the British treaty. The 
 gentleman is entirely mistaken in this statement. I adip.itted the 
 fact of our commercial prosperity ; but I ascribed it to its proper 
 causes, to wit, the encouragements given to it by the government, 
 and the entr-rprize and talents of our fellow citizens. I am willing 
 to admit that the British treaty had not so baneful an effect upon 
 society, as to have prevented this commercial prosperity ; but it is 
 the last cause to which, I think, it can properly be attributed. If 
 however, sir, I had really been coiivinced, or supposed, that the 
 British treaty had been instrumental in producing that eficct, I 
 should have no hesitation in admitting the fact, notwithstanding 
 my opposition to it. I am very far from deeming my opinions in- 
 fallible : i have often experienced their fallibility : and whenever 
 I shall be convinced of an error, I shall feel no difficulty in avow- 
 ing the conviction. 
 
 The next circumstance, to ^^'hich I shall advert, is the extraordi- 
 nary suggestion, that the embargo is intended to be made perma- 
 nent. This is a most singular notion ; and nothing but the respect 
 I feel for the candor and sincerity of the gentlemen who sue;gest 
 it, could induce me to believe that they are in earnest. I really be- 
 fore thought, Mr'. President, it was merely what 1 should call an 
 electioneering watch-word. I never expected that it could have 
 had any operation beyond the electioneering ground. No, sir, the 
 embargo is not intended to be permanent. But, sir, let us wait 
 a little while, before we make ourselves bloody in the wars of Eu- 
 rope. Let us have a little patience, a little self-denial. I am as 
 much opposed to a permanent embargo as either of the gentlemen 
 from Massachusetts or Connecticut : I think the idea perfectly ab- 
 surd. I am as ready to fight for the birthright of the ocean as either 
 of the gentlemen. But, sir, 1 never will consent to raise the em- 
 bargo, until some measures shall be substituted, better calculated 
 to assert and maintain our national rights and national indepen- 
 dence ; measures of more activity and more energy. I am not 
 certain, sir, that this is not the time for their adoption ;' but, sir., 
 no great mischief can arise from waiting a little longer ; waiting 
 events in Europe, now in a state of rapid succession. 
 
 The next fact suggested, which I shall notice, is, that the 
 embargo has arrested and destroyed commerce. 1 think very dii^ 
 
ftrently : I think it has been, and still is, a shield interposed for 
 the protection of commtrce. French edicts and British orders, 
 would have destroyed commerce ; but the embargo, I hope, has' 
 ■saved it. It is very easy to say that the embargo destroyed com-* 
 merce ; because it was the act immediately preceding its suspcn-' 
 sion, and is easily resorted to as the proximate cause : but there 
 is such a tiling as an original or primitive cause : this Avas the 
 French edicts and British orders. These would have caused its 
 entire destruction ; but they cfri/^r^/ the embargo, which cfzr^.v^of the 
 suspension of commerce, and has, 1 hope, shielded it from de- 
 struction. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] has taken 
 great piuns to shew that the orders of council had no influence in' 
 producing the embargo laws. 1 think this circumstance of no sort of 
 consequence to the community, but the gentleman seems to think it 
 is of the last importance to himself individually. It probably is; I sup- 
 pose he stands committed to the public upon that fact. I was not 
 present at the time of passing the first embargo lav/ ; but the gen- 
 tleman's labor has perfectly convinced me, that he is utterly mis- 
 taken in the fact. I.et me critically examine the gentleman's evi-*; 
 dence. First, he says, that the orders are not mentioned in the' 
 president's message ; and secondly, that the seci'etary of state refers.' 
 Mr. Pinkney to the president's message for the causes of the em- 
 bargo laws. I have examined the president's message, and think it 
 perfectly correct, the gentleman's angry invectives to the contrary" 
 notu'iihstanding. I do not believe the gentleman could now frame 
 as good a one, after all the lights, which time and a farther disclo- 
 sure of events have shed upon the subject. Permit me now, Mr. 
 President, to cliII your attention in a particular manner to the con- 
 tents of this message. " The communications now made, shewing 
 t!ic great and increasing dangers, with which our vessels, our sea- 
 men and merchandise, are threatened on the high seas and else- 
 where from the hdlis^ereiit fiovjcrs of Euro/ie^ and it being of the" 
 greatest importance to keep in salety these essential resources, Sec'." 
 Sec." Now sir, what were the communications accompanying this 
 message ? The correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and Mr. ^ 
 Champagny, shewing that the Berlin decree was in a state of exe-. 
 cution, which had before been suspended in its operation in relation' 
 to the JLTnited States. But, says the gentleman, no i)apers were com- 
 municated respecting these orders of council, and tlierefore the gen- 
 tleman infers that no apprehensions existed, which could inlluence 
 ibis transaction. I draw a very different inference from the nies- 
 sage itself I presume the communication of this hostile act of 
 France, so immediately after it was known to the executive, and 
 avoiding a direct reference to the apprehended hostility of Great 
 Britain, could not be conceived to be an act of favoritism towards 
 France. That some hostile act from Cireat Biitain was in contem- 
 plation, is most evident from the message itself. From what quar- 
 ters does the message say that great and increasing dangers are 
 
threatened to our vessels, our seamen and merchandise ? Frcm the- 
 heUis^erenia of Kurojic. Here is no exception. 'Ihe belligerents of 
 Europe, inean all the bclUgcrents. If tiie president conceived there 
 were no dangers threatened from .. ny other quarter than France, hfc 
 ■would have used the term France ; not the beUig-reiita of Kurohe. 
 But why communicate the evidence of his appreliensions from 
 France, and not f'-om Great Britain, if he entertained any ? Why, sir, 
 for the most obvious reason, imaginable; because the information 
 from I'rance was ofilcial. The information from Great Lritain v/as 
 not.. It was contained in newspapers only, which were in the hands 
 of'very gentlertmn ; and their contents every gentleman could appre- 
 qiate. as. well as the president Now, sir, ui.der these circumstances, 
 was not the message of the president peifectly correct? Let me ask 
 the gentlemai., if he can now mend it? If, sir, the president in l.ds 
 message, had comniunicited this newspaper information, respecting 
 the apprehended hostility of the iiritish goveriDueut, what a glorious 
 theaie of invective wouid have been affoi-ded the gentleman, of favo- 
 ritism ta i-.rance and hostility against (ireat Britain ? The omis- 
 sion, however, to do this, could not screen tlie president from the 
 same angry reproaches. If the gentleman will impartially reviev/ 
 sll these circumstances, and then turn his eyes towards his own 
 heart, he will find tiiat the errors he has so nnchai'itably ascribed to 
 the president, will be found m his own unhappy, ungovernable pas- 
 sions. But, sir, this is not all. I will now i-efer the gentleman to 
 some evidence to shew the incorrectness of the assertion he has 
 made; evidence which he cannot deny, because it comes fi'om his 
 own werds, and was attended with such circumstances in the face of 
 this senate, that it cannot be mistaken. In the gentleman's pas- 
 sionate zeal yesterday, he toid us, that no time was allowed in the 
 senate lor the discussion of the original eiribargo law; but that it 
 was discussed in the house of representatives; and the principal 
 arguments urged there in favor of the measure were dra^ n from 
 the hostile acts of Great Britain. The gentleman said, that it was 
 urged in that house that the measure would starve Great Britain ; 
 that it would bring her to our feet, Sec. &c. Now, sir-, why these ar- 
 guments in that house, if there were no apprehended acts of hostil- 
 ity from Great Britain ? They would have been strange arguments, 
 if the only hostile acts inducing the measure, were the hostile acts 
 of France, not of Great Britain. 
 
 [Mr. Pickering i-ose to explain ; he said he mentioned these cir- 
 cumstances yesterday, to shew the effects expected from the mea- 
 sure by the friends of it ; in which they had been mistaken. He did 
 not speak of them, as inducements to the measure.] 
 
 I readily admit that the gentleman, at the time of making 
 i these observations, was intirely insensible of their irresistable 
 operation in establishing a fact, which he tliinks so important 
 to himself to disprove; and in my judgment, sir, they do unques- 
 tionably prove that these British orders, or the apprehensions of 
 them, stood in the front of the inducements to the original emba; - 
 
go law. Sir, were not these arguments in tlie house of represen- 
 tatives immediate results from tliese inducements? And what was 
 the actual state of the facts? vVhy, sir, that although the orders 
 were not received in such an official form as to justify their com- 
 munication by the president; the intention to issue them was an- 
 noimced in the newspapers with so many marks of probability, aB 
 justly to excite apprehensions in the government for the safety of 
 our seamen and commerce, and to justify the measure for the pro- 
 tection of both. It has been proved, not only that this inf(jrmatioH 
 was published in newspapers before the passage of the act in the 
 senate; but the gentleman will recollect, that it did not pass the 
 house of representatives for two or three days after it had passed 
 the senate: it was therefore very natural, that the longer these appre- 
 hensions were fell, the stronger would be the inducements to the 
 measure deduced from them; and hence the character of the dis- 
 r.ussions in that house described by the gentleman. But the gen- 
 tleman seems to think, that appresensions are not correct grounds 
 for legislation. In ordinary cases it is admitted; but this was an 
 extraordinary case. The measure was precautionary, and if these 
 .ipj)rehensions had not been realized, it would at any time have 
 been in the power of the government to dispense with the precau- 
 tion ; whereas if congress had waited for a formal authentication of 
 the orders, their intended object would have been answered, and the 
 precautionary measure rendered unnecessary. But, sir, I think 
 this explanation of very little consequence to the nation. It can 
 be of little consequence to ascertain whether the adoption of the 
 embargo was a lucky hit or a dictate of wisdom ; and I should not 
 Inive taken the trouble of this examination, if the gentleman from 
 Massacliusetts [Mr. Pickering] had not availed himself of this 
 occasion, to assail the reputation of his late colleague [Mr. 
 Adams] ; a gentleman who represented the state of Massachu- 
 setts with so much honor to himself, und advantage to the state, 
 and the nation ; upon a point too, in which the gentleman here pre- 
 sent, has put himself so clearly in the wrong from his owft shewing. 
 I had hoped, Mr. President, that the gentleman would have" so far 
 '■estrained his feelings, as to have permitted this gentleman's re- 
 tirement to have shielded him from these unmerited reproaches ; 
 Init It now seems that no delicacy of situation can procure an ex- 
 iunption from the inveteracy of the gentleman's passions. This 
 cruel' attack has imposed upon me an indispensible obliga- 
 tion to defend this absent gentleman ; and it has been prin- 
 cipally this circumstance, which has driven me again most reluc- 
 tantly into this debate. Sir, I can attest, and now do attest with 
 great pleasure, the disinterestedness and purity of the motives 
 which dictated that gentleman's [Mr. Adams] late political conduct. 
 As to its wisdom, that is matter of opinion, and now in a course 
 of experiment ; but as to his exemption from all views of personal 
 promotion, or aggrandizement, I here assert that fact, upon my 
 o\vn knowledge and upon my own responsibility, as far as can b& 
 
-^varranted by the most explicit and unequivocal assurances frcm 
 the gentleman himstlf ; given too under circunistarices -which 
 rendef their sincerity unquestionable. It gives nie great pleasure 
 to defend this absent gentleman, not only on account of h.s inno- 
 cence of these reproaches, but on account of his merits, his vhtues 
 And hia talents, which, in my judgment, place him on so hiph a 
 ground, as not to induce a -ivish, on his part, to shrink from any 
 comparison with either of the five worthies of Massachusetts, of 
 whom we Jiave been informed by the gentleman [Mr. Pickering.] 
 
 Permit me novy, sir, to proceed wiih the discussion. I'ht gen- 
 tleman from Massachusetts [ :r. Pickering] proceeds to tell us, 
 J.hat Mr. iiose v,as sent here as a messenger of peace ; that he 
 brought the olive branch in his hand, but that it was designedly 
 refused by the administration, an'd of course a subject of serious 
 Reproach and lamentation. Sir, I do not know v.'hat Mr. Rose 
 brouglit in his hand ; he never would teil the government what he 
 brought. But \%t. me ask the gentleman, what he left behind him ? 
 The gentleman has furnished me with an apposite figure. He 
 left behind him, a rod in pickle for us. Me left behind him these 
 very orders of council, which were designedly concealed from hin , 
 although they had been long deliberated upon, and v.'ere mature d 
 before he left London ; and were actually jssued almost as soon 
 as he lost sight of the land. If, therefore, he brought in his hand 
 the olive branch, he certainly left concealed behind him the scourge 
 of our commerce. Yes, sir, it was the besom which was intended 
 to sweep, and would have swept our commerce from the face of the 
 ocean. And the gentleman tells us in a tone of lamentation, that 
 when ?vlr. Rose arrived here he was met by the embargo. Yes, sir, 
 thii judicious vigilance of the government had saved our commerce 
 from the destructive inlluencc of these concealed orders of council. 
 Co\ild you have supposed, Mr. Presider<t, thai this wouid have been 
 a subject of lamentation to any American citizen ? Could you 
 have supposed, sir, that it could Iiave been made the subject of 
 reproach against the administration ? Could you have supposed^ 
 sir, that the most jaund.iced passions could ha\e deluded any Ame- 
 rican citizen so far, as to commit himstflf upon such a charge ^ 
 Sir, we differ so much in our facts, that it would be more wonder- 
 ful if we should agree, tlian differ, in our conclu .ions. Is there 
 a gentleman here, sir, prepared to say, that this is not a correct 
 statement of facts ? And if it is, what is the result ? Why, dimply, 
 that Great Britain had, in the most msidious manner, issued orders 
 for the entire destruction of our commerce ; and that our govern- 
 ment had completely disappoiiUed their iniquitous object, by inter- 
 posing the embargo for its protection. 
 
 But, sir, the gentleman, not content with the profusion of hi ; 
 invectives against the administration collectively, and the abst; 
 gentleman, whom I have defended with great pleasure, hasdirectc. 
 ^is bitterest resentments against the secretary of state, individ>Killy 
 
 Q 
 
10 
 
 He, sir, lias ventured to accuse the secretary of insincerity in his 
 diplomatic corrcsjiondence. Permit n:e to tell that gentleman, 
 that the secretary of state is incapable of an act of insincerity either 
 as a man or a politician. The gentleman himself, sir. has been 
 secietai y of state ; and even in the phrensy of his passions- it is 
 Wonderiul to me he did not see, that he was forcing himself into a 
 most disadvantageous comparison. I think the instances of insin- 
 cerity he has quoted partake nothing of that character. I think 
 them perfectly proper, the gentleman's angry criticisms to the con- 
 trary notwithstanding. Let us attend particularly to the instances 
 quoted. The first is, that the secretary had told the British 
 minister, that the Berlin decree, so far as it professed to place all 
 the British Isles in a state of blockade, was an empty menace 
 Now let me ask the gentleman if that was not, and is not,';h2 
 fact ? I believe that no gentleman is more strongly impressed wit\i 
 the truth of this fact, nor rejoices more in its truth, than the gen- 
 tleman himself : But the gentleman infers, if this decree was a 
 mere empty menace, as it respects the blockading the whole 
 British Isles, it could not furnish any inducement to the measure 
 of the embargo. I differ entirely with the gentleman in his in- 
 ference. The Berlin decree, after it was put into a state of execu- 
 tion against the United States, would operate very differently upon 
 the defenceless American commerce spread alonir the French 
 coast, from its operation as forming the blockade of the British 
 Isles ; and therefore would be. as it in fact was, an empty menace 
 in that case ; whilst it would have a most serious effect in the 
 other ; and would certainly furnish a just inducement to the go- 
 vernment for the protection of the exposed commerce of the United 
 States. Here then, sir, I see a perfectly correct sentiment without: 
 any mark of insincerity upon it. 
 
 But, sir, the gentleman has brought into view another act of 
 insincerity. Let that be also examined. The gentleman com- 
 plains, that our ministers in London were instructed to tell the 
 British minister only of the precautionary object of the embargo 
 laws ; and of course leave their coercive object to be inferred by 
 the British minister. '1 his was both polite and proper. It was 
 an instruction to our ministers in fact, to avoid touching the sen- 
 sibility of the British minister and nation. What would the gen- 
 tleman have done himself, sir ? Would he, because there were 
 two objects in passing the law, have instructed our ministers to 
 have pressed both upon the British commissioners, although one of 
 them would have touched their national pride, and sensibility ? 
 This was unnecessary, and would not have been very urtjane. It 
 ■would have been an outrage upon every principle of diplomatic 
 delicacy. 1 cannot therefore see the ground of objection to this 
 instruction, unless it is, that the secretary of state has not taken 
 the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] for his model; 
 that he had not resorted t^ eomq of the gentleman's bold meta-i. 
 
•^orical flourishes ; that he did not instruct our ministers to teli 
 the British, " that the tiger crouclies before he leaps upon his 
 prey." Ves, sir, I am extremely happy to behold the striking 
 contrast exhibited between the former, and present secretary 
 ef state ; a contrast so highly honorable to the present secretary. 
 Indeed, sir, 1 am the more astonished at the gentleman's driving 
 as into this comparison, so u; fortunate to himself, when he must 
 hnow, or certainly ought to know, that his own inveterate passions 
 utterly incapacitated him from the discharge of the duties of that 
 office, and finally expelled him from it. The gentleman seems to 
 be still harping upon the miserable tale of French influence. I 
 suppose he also, unfortunately stands committed upon that idle 
 suggestion Sir, insinuations of this nature are degrading to the 
 national character; and I alwaysfeela condescension m being com- 
 pelled to make a reply. Indeed, sir, it is necessary to impose 
 strong restraints upon the feelings in making the reply the sug- 
 gestion deserves. 
 
 But, sir, the gentleman, so intent, I suppose, upon his own self- 
 justification, that he has manifested great labor and ingenuity in 
 making a collection of scraps from the numerous documents be- 
 fore us ; from which he has attempted to infer, not only that the 
 executive department was acting under French influence, but that 
 this honorable bociy was also acting under the same influence.... 
 yes, sir, the body of which the gentleman himself is a member. 
 Yet, sir, the gentleman knows, notwithstanding his jealousies, his 
 surmises, and his inferences, that it is impossible ; that tlie fact \s 
 not so. Let me ask that gentleman, if he is prepared to say in his 
 place, that any one member of this body, or that this body itself, 
 is acting under French influence, or any improper influence ? The 
 gentleman must have too much respect for hunself to make such 
 un unfounded assertion. \Vhy then, sir, all this labor at surmise, 
 •suspicion, and inference i" I leave the gentleman to answer this 
 question. Equally unfounded arc the miserable intimations to- 
 wards the executive. 
 
 Let me ask the gentleman, through what channel his unhappy, 
 suspicious mind has tauglit him to suppose, that these dark, these 
 invisible negotiations could be carried on ? 1 suppose he would ne- 
 cessarily reply through !\lr. Armstrong, our minister in Paris. 
 Yet Mr. Armstrong has lately retrieved himself entirely from the 
 gentleman's delusive suspicions. \\ e are now told, Mr. Arm- 
 strong is a patriot ; follow his advice. Again, sii, let me ask the 
 gentleman, if he has heard any apoiogy for the hostile conduct of 
 France, either in this house, or any where else ? Has not every 
 person declared, that the conduct was hostility itself? Mr. Presi- 
 dent, whether the gentleman intended to make insinuations, or in- 
 ferences, or surmises, or suspicions, or assertions, if he pleases, of 
 French influence, as operating either upon the executive, or upon 
 this body, 1 here in my place do pronounce th? whole to be utterly 
 
12 
 
 Itntouiukcl. I'lil, sir, the gentleiiian bold'y says, there is somc'' 
 thiii^ concealed. I reaJiy should like to know what it is that h€ 
 supposes can '02 concealed : I should really like to know, ^diafi 
 wiichnraft it is t!iat has co:itinaalIy tortured tlifc geiltleman's mind 
 witii these unhappy- faiUastic delusions. No, sir, there is nothing 
 coni ealed : there is tod niuch exposed; for, sir, in the present 
 wiiirlpool of inordinate passions, all hanora!;!e confidence seenis to 
 be disrepectcd. I will not accli;-5e this gentleman of acting under' 
 Eiilish influence :* I feel fot) much respect for the Am^i'ican charac- 
 ter to do so. I hopti aildtruSt he is not. I am w Iling to admit that 
 his view^s are Aniti'lcaij But, sir, this conbideratioii Will not detei* 
 me from expressing iliy wonder and- aslonishmeDt at the extraor- 
 dinary vie^■^•3 that the gentleman takes of American interests; 
 first, in the liinremitting labor he has taken to put his 0\vn govern- 
 ment in the \vrong updii eve'y point of discusoioh between it and 
 the Ih'itish govcrun^.cnt ; iiijti' in his strange misreprcseiUation 
 or total disjegard of facts ;. of outrages, sir, upon our dearest 
 rights, by thre British goveriifii^ht ; fiutrages v.'hlcli ought to rouse 
 every Americavi feeling into action. Secondly, in the comparative 
 view he iia's taken of the lioitiiu acts of France and Great Britain. 
 Sir, he has used evei')' eCbrt to magr.ify, if possible, P'rerich agi 
 gressions'; whilst he haS Hdntly admitted British aggressions, and 
 ieven pa'lliutetl or excused thelii. Let us now see, sir, what is the 
 true charatter of aggressions Avhich are treated Vvith, so much 
 tcnderticsfe ? Sir, I said tl:e otlier day, and I have not heard it con- 
 tradicted, and I say again to-day, that the British government 
 seizes and confiscates bur vessels engaged in a lawful trade' : that 
 she has attenij)ted, bj? aiil act of pariiamerit, to coloriize and tax 
 us : that she has, in the same rnaliuer, undertaken to exercise acts 
 t)f iTat'ional sovlireigiity soleiijuly given by the people to congress i 
 that' Silvt'' has undei'laken to ei.ercise an act of legislation DV-er the 
 pcdp?e of thd United States refused to congress, and retained to 
 thl'iri'SelV'es in their higlieSt sovereign capacity. Are these focts 
 denied r No,, sir : if true, let me ask the gentleiiian, what can be 
 w'arfc' ?, what can be niorti injuriobs to t)ui' interests, or derogatory 
 to oitr national chtifacter ? what can the French do, that is worse 
 than this ?■ Nothing, sir : tiiese acts form the crui;ax of outrages. 
 But; sir, ti'ie gentlenian tells us, that the French em-peror has said, 
 therb shall- be no n'euti-als I do not know whether he has used 
 that i'd'eliticAl e>;pression orTiot. I believe it is not the expression 
 in the ]iaptr to which the gentleirian alludes. But, sir, sujjpose it 
 is : \Vh'at tl'ren ? Is the gentleman so ready ih obey the mandate of 
 the ! rench emperor, as to take part in the war, because he orders 
 him to do so ? I did not tliink the gentleman would take the yoke 
 so quietly. In effect, both Great Britain and 1 ranee have said, 
 there shall be no neutrals ; and I care nothing for the form of ex- 
 piession. The first declaration to that efiect, which I have seen, is 
 contained in the polite note of lords Holland and Aucklandj at- 
 * Sec no'c at the end. 
 
tuched to the lute unratified treaty. The hmguage In effect is, it 
 you do not make uar on Friince, we will reserve to curseSves the 
 'rifjht to make war on you, according- to this treaty of a7nin/ and 
 comrnei-cc. But, sir, because these two great belligerents command 
 U3 to take part in their wars, are we bo'and to obey their cruel 
 mandates ? Are we to abandon the right of judging of our own 
 interests and policy ? I am dlBposcd to think they will ultimately 
 drive us into their wars ; but let us keep out of theni as long as 
 "vve think cur own interests and policy require the recession. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Hillhcuse] has aitempted 
 to place our situation in a ludicrous point of view ; he asks how are 
 we to fight at triangles ? Are we to fight France and Great iiritain 
 at the same time ? Why, sir, this is the very tircunvstance which 
 increases our embarrassments. It is a situation perfectly novel and 
 unexampled ; and distinguishes it from all the cases piit by the 
 gentleman as analogous to it. At every other time we have had but 
 one adversary ; if we had but one at this time, there would be no 
 dilTiCu'ty in the choice of measures ; but having tv.o at the same 
 time, and both so formidable, presents an unexampled difficulty in 
 Xhii choice of measures ; «nd is the strongest argument imai^inable 
 in favor of the position we have assumed. '1 his, sir, is made more 
 evident by the gen'demari's illustration. The gentltman says, if 
 two men were to attack him at the same time, would he avoid the 
 combat until he could get one by himself? I presume he would, if 
 he were a man of prudence; especially if eilher of them were a 
 full match for him ; and he knew the momentheseton one, the other 
 would set on him., and tear him to pieces. I think under f uch cir- 
 cumstances, a dignified retirement would be at least as honorable 
 as being tumbled in the dust ; and would certainly be more the 
 dictate of prudence and wisdom. It therefore appears to me, that 
 tl;e gentleman's illustration is an extreiDely happy one, to justify 
 the position assumed by the United States, under the peculiarity 
 of theif difTiCultics. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts [Yiv. Lloyd], I presume with 
 a view of shevring, that our supply of provisions can be of little 
 consequence to Great Britain, has favored us with a statement of 
 Ivjr annual cou^umplion of grain, and our annual exports. The 
 annual consuuiption of Great Britain he states at one hundred and 
 fifty millions of bushels, and our whole exports at seven millions. 
 I am willing to take bis estimate, although our whole exports are 
 probably much more. From this statement, the gentleman seems 
 lo infer, that this small supply can be of but little consequence in 
 a market requiring this eriormous consumption. I ciraAv a very 
 different inference from these data given by the gentleman : and I 
 am the more disposed to examine this point, as I have often heard 
 the same inferences drawn by others. According to this state- 
 ment, if Great Britain should raise barely enough for her own con- 
 sumption, except seven millions of bushels, and it is probable she 
 
14 
 
 \VlIl not exceed this pi'oauct the present year, she would ^vant a. 
 supply for her whole population lor above a fortnigl't in the year. 
 This would be a serious deficiency : and to appreciate my argu- 
 ment, the gentleman should first make the experime!;t of starving 
 a fortnight ; and I think, before the expiration of that time, he 
 ■would be willing to admit there was some force at least in my ar- 
 gunient. It would be the: suuie case with a nation, if the scarcity 
 operated equally, and upon every individual in the nation, a' the 
 same time. But that is not the way in which a scarcity does ope- 
 rate. It operates by raising the prices of grain, and thus exc'ud- 
 ingthose from theuse of it, who haveno money to buy. In thecvent 
 of a scarcity in Great Britain, Mr. Canning would proi)ably not have 
 a dish less to his table on that account ; whilst the poor would suf- 
 fer for the want of bread. As the scarcity increased, the greater 
 would be the numbers excluded from the use of bread ; and the 
 Slock in the nation w^ould be exclusively consumed by those who 
 had the means of purchasing a proportion of it. Tliis would be 
 the course of things as long as the order of society could be main- 
 tained, and the sull'ermg poor compelled to bear their hard fate. 
 Piut, sir, if this quantity of provisions should be wanted in Great 
 Biitain this year, and it cannot be obtained any where, but from 
 the United Stales ; and if the want of it should drive the prices 
 very high, and bear of course with great severity upon the suffer- 
 ing poor ; would not these circun)stances alone furnish strong 
 inducements to Great Britain to relax her orders, and to do us jus- 
 lice ? To do us justice, did I say, sir i" No, sir, to do us half jus- 
 tice : we do not require more than half justice at her hands. 
 
 If the suiTering poor cou'.d be apprized that the deficit of provi- 
 sions could be made up by opening an intercourse with the United 
 States, and tliat this depended upon the pleasure of the British 
 cabinet, would there not be strong representations to them, tO 
 relieve the suffering poor, when nothing but an act of half justice, 
 would be necessary to eilcct the object ? Under such a state of 
 thing's, the cabinet could not withstand the representations of the 
 people. May we not hope then, sir, if this should be the state of 
 things in Great Britain during the present year, that these ajjpeals 
 to her interest will not be unavailing ? But, sir, I am ready to 
 admit, that 1 derive the less consolation from this hope, from the 
 apprehension that if even a relaxation of these orders should take 
 ))lacc in consequence of any coerced state of thuigs in Great Bri- 
 lain, the relaxation would be but temporary ; and the moment the 
 •pressure ceased, the hostile measures would be resumed. Since 
 Great Britain has become intoxicated with this extraordinary pro^ 
 iect of recolonizalion, 1 verily believe, we shall again have to tight 
 her out of it ; and I am inclined to think, that now is as good a 
 lime for the contest, as we can expect in any future time. But, 
 sir, we are told, that this subject has a commercial as well as a po- 
 litical be-t\ring : the commercial must certainly be a subordinate 
 
IS 
 
 <Mie. Let me, howevep, bestow a few thoughts on its commevcid 
 bearinc^s. I mei'n no disrespect to merchanls ; but upon this sub- 
 ject I do not think their statements ought to be confided in. I am 
 sure they will excuse the observdtion, when I tell them, that I was 
 taught this lesson at the time of laying the former embargo, by one 
 of the most respectable merchants in the United States ; and tl'ea 
 a representative in Congress from the city of Philadelphia. Ihit 
 gentleman then told us, that upon the question of an embargo, the 
 information of merchants was not to be relied upon ; that without 
 imputing to them any improper motive, their statements would 
 necessarily partake of their calculations of their own particular in- 
 terests. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] has favored 
 us with mercantile information from the insurance offices at Boston 
 and Salem ; as >vell as information from some of his respectable 
 mercantile correspondents, I am willing to respect this species 
 of information as far as it extends and merits attention ; but, sir. it 
 does not contain all the information I want ; and as little as I know 
 of mercantile principles, I know that it is essentially erroneous. 
 Sir, the information from the insurance offices does not extend to 
 all the objects it ought to embrace. I want to know in the first 
 place, sir, if we repeal the embargo laws, without any substitute^ 
 and agree to trade under the British orders in council ; what would 
 be the premium of insurance upon ©ur national character, and 
 national independence ? This important article of barter seems 
 to have escaped the attention of the offices altogether ; whereas it 
 appears to me to be the previous question. All others sink into 
 insignificance before it. .Sir, cent per cent, would not insure them. 
 The policy must be made upon a calculation of a total loss. The 
 insurance could not be done upon t/tcse essential ariiclef< of barter^ 
 in all the insurance offices in the United States. Now, sir, as 
 these are articles which I hold with others in trust, I can never 
 violate the sacred deposit, or put it at risk, until 1 deem the policy 
 perfectly competent to cover the loss. Again, sir, 1 wish to know 
 the premium against the British orders in council, upon a voyage 
 to France, or any where else, where an American vessel may go 
 under the protection of the laws of nations. Cent percent, would 
 not insure in the exercise of this right; and for one I would 
 rather fight for it, than abandon it Again, sir, Avhat would be 
 the insurance against French captures to European ports, in case 
 the embargo were raised ? It would be difficult to make a calcu- 
 lation, until some experiments should be made. The reason of 
 the low insurance now, is, that tiie French have no inducements 
 to send out privateers, to depredate upon our commerce, as long 
 as the embatgo restrains it within our ports: raise the embargo, 
 and the temptation to plunder would fill the ocean with privateers. 
 The commerce would stand little chance to escape the plunderers. 
 These ©bservations are sufficient t» shew, fia'st, that the informa- 
 
16 
 
 lion from the insurance offices does not embrace all the articles oi 
 barter we have in the market: parlicularly those of the yfrs^ 
 nerrsaity. Secondly, thati,the policies upon most of the articles 
 embraced by it, are calculated upon incorrect principles, and not 
 adjusted to the st:\te of things which Mould exist upon raisins^ the 
 embarp;o without a substitute. Further, sir, with my little know-i 
 ledge of comniercial details, I will venture, without the fcir of 
 contradiction, to questioii the accuracy of the information furnished 
 by the gentljmun's respectable commercial correspondent [iVlr. 
 T'lorndike]. I am willing to admit, sir, t.hut he is, as the gentle- 
 man describes him to be, a merchant of the lirst respect'a!')ility ; 
 and as such I respect him ; but 1 cannot., in all points, subscribe to 
 his mercantile information. I will mention only two points in 
 which he is evidently mistaken, and they ^yill be iniportant 
 enough to vary the whole aspect of the calculation he has made, 
 as to what trade we could carry on unc^er the orders in council. 
 First, he has made a calculation of our trade to Great IJritain upon 
 the usual prices of American articles in British Siiavkets. This is 
 an extremely incorrect standard of prices ; because, if all Ameri- 
 can articles were driven into the British market, and excluded 
 from the markets where they are consumed, they would bear no 
 price at all. They would not defray expenses. Take tlie article 
 of tobacc') for instance. The United States export upon an average 
 75,000 hogsheads; of which Great Britain consumes 14,000. 
 The rest are exported to the European continent. What would 
 be the price of an article, when there is live times as much at 
 market as is wanted for consumption, or for any other use '^. 
 The merchants examined before th-^ house of commons uriani- 
 mously agree, that this article would not defray expenses. They 
 have not only sworn to this fact, but I would ask, if it is not the 
 dictate of common sense, and the common result of every princi- 
 ple of barter ? The same remark would apply to cotton and rice, 
 and other American articles ; but perhaps not in the same degree. 
 As to cotton, I am perfectly convinced, from the immense, and 
 increasing c^uantit.es of that article, raised in the United States, 
 the only way to keep up its price, is to keep open all the markets 
 in the world v/here it is consumed. The gentleman also includes 
 in his estimate, exports to the French West India islands. They 
 are now in a state of strict blockade, and of course the whole of 
 this item ought to be expunged. There are probably other ma- 
 terial errors ; but these of themselves are suilicient to vary the 
 whole aspect and bearing of his calculation. Indeed, sir, I am 
 of opinion, that little or no commerce could be carried on under 
 the conthcting orders and decrees. All these calculations are made 
 upon the assumed principle, that the rules prescribed in these 
 hostile decrees and orders would be invariably adhered to in their 
 practical operations. 1 intertain a very different opinion. The 
 v'ommerce which might strictly ho. permitted by the orders ancl 
 
17 
 
 decrees, would be subjected to so many vexations by the ignorance 
 or artifices of the communders of the liostile armed ships, as to 
 render all the remaining' commerce dangerous and unprofitable ; 
 and I am perfectly satisfied, after incurring the disgrace of sub- 
 mitting to these arrogant and unwarrantable impositions, we 
 should, covered over with disgrace, be compelled to fight for the 
 miserable pittance of commerce, apparently held out to us by these 
 hostile and conflicting orders and edicts. This miserable and dis- 
 graceful commerce, affords no allurement to me ; and it will dis- 
 appoint all those who have made these delusive calculations upon 
 it. The gentleman from Massachusetts [JVlr. Pickering] in a great 
 degree unravelled the mystery, which was before suspended over 
 the calculations of his mercantile friend, by telling us, that this 
 friend had at this time several vessels laden with southern produc- 
 tions, ready to set sail the moment the embargo shall be raised. 
 This circumstance, without any imputation upon the motives of 
 the gentleman, may be fairly cor.ceived to have had some bearing 
 upon his calculations, and is a case in point to prove the correct- 
 ness of the information derived from the gentleman of Philadel- 
 phia, on a former and similar occasion 
 
 Before I sit down, Mr. President, permit me to explain sOme 
 expressions which fell from me in debate a few days since, and 
 which seem to have roused into action the indignant feelmgs of the 
 gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] The gentleman 
 might have saved himself these painful feelings, if he had been 
 more attentive to my observations. He supposes, that I called his 
 federal friends in Massachusetts, political demagogues. Now, sir, 
 those gentlemen were not particularly alluded to, either in words 
 or intentions; I made an observation in very general terms uf)on 
 the structure of popular governments. I stated, as an inconvenient 
 circumstance in the operations of such governments, that when 
 the union and energy of the people were most requirecl to resist 
 foreign aggressions, the pressure of these very aggressions would 
 present temptations to political demagogues, to separate the" peo- 
 ple from their own government, and through the people's discon- 
 tents, to find their way to office and to power. I applied this ob- 
 servation~to the present and all future times. I then gave the 
 late and present proceedings, under the pressure of the embargo 
 laws, in evidence to prove the correctness of the remark. I made 
 no particular application of it to any description of gentlemen, nor 
 to any particular part of the United States, nor was it intended to 
 be so applied ; it was intended to be general in its application to 
 every part of the union. The gentleman himself has made thy 
 application to his friends ; and I readily admit, without reminding 
 him of the old adage, that he is better informed than I am, whether 
 his own application suits his own friends. But, sir, I did not parti- 
 cularly allude to these gentlemen. I feel the same respect for the 
 gentlemen of Massachusetts, that I do lor those of any other part oi^ 
 
 o 
 
IS 
 
 the union. Nor have I any difficulty in saying, that a difference in 
 political opinions is no ground of personal disrespect ; and that I do 
 not now, and never have made it one. On the contrary, I am w illing 
 to proclaim it to ali the world, that 1 kno^T many federal gentle- 
 men for whom I feel great personal respect. I regret also, Mr. 
 President, that some of the observations which fell from me the 
 other day, have made so strong impressions upon the feelings of 
 the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Hillhouse] for whom I do 
 feel a high personal respect. Upon reviewing some of them, I fear 
 they were calculated to have too strong a bearing upon that gentle- 
 man's feelings ; but, sir, it will be lecollected, that to his obser- 
 vations I was principally replying, and therefore, that my remarks 
 had apparently a stronger application towards hini personally, than 
 in fact they were intended to have. It will also be recollected, that 
 most of the remarks of this nature, were directed against the repeal 
 of the embargo laws without any substitute, and which, in my 
 judgment, \yould have been submission to foreign aggressions. 
 Since the gentleman has disclaimed all ideas of submission, and 
 has come forward in the true spirit of '76, I am as ready as any 
 gentleman, to do honour to his patriotism. Mr. President, we 
 have now made a fair comparison of opinion and information upon 
 the measures heretofore adopted by the government. Gentlemen 
 have been indulged with a full retrospect of these measures ; may 
 we not hope, that we are better prepared to see what measures 
 are now proper to be adopted to save the nation from surrounding 
 dangers ? Sir, if we could prevail upon ourselves to act under the 
 scriptural injunction ; if we could first employ ourselves in taking 
 the motes out of our own eyes, instead of being so busy in takmg 
 them out of the eyes of our neighbours, is it not reasonable to ex- 
 pect, that we should see more clearly the course of conduct most 
 ])rcper to be adopted for the people's interest and the general wel- 
 fare ? If we could seriously -turn our eyes in upon our own hearts, 
 and impartially examine our own passions, might we not expect to 
 iind there, some of the errors which we delusirely ascribe to 
 others ? Is it not to be feared, that this is the real source of our 
 disunion ? and is it not grea.ly to be regretted, sir, that union can 
 not be obtained, when it is all that is wanted to ensure us complete 
 success against our unjust adversaries ? Let us, then, sir, with a 
 magnanimity becoming ourselves and our stations, banish all per- 
 sonal animosities ; let us act like brethren of one family united in 
 interest, united in honour, united in affection. A knowledge of 
 this circumstance alone, might probably secure justice from our 
 adversaries without striking a blow. But, sir, if unfortunately we 
 should be compelled to eiigagt' in the bloody scene, how indis- 
 ])ensable is it, that we should be ab!c to exert the v/hole energy 
 of an undivi-.ied nation : 
 
19 
 NOTES. 
 
 Frtnch z'nyf«e«r«.. .Whal are the means of French influence it* 
 this country ? None : the idea is absurd. 
 
 Bri/iJi i?L/fue7icf....Wh-dt are the means of British influence iiii 
 this country? The following amongst olheis : 
 
 Language, jurisprudence, law books, literature ; tories, and 
 the descendants oftory families; blood connections, intermarri- 
 ages ; mercantile capital, mercantile partnerships ; newspapers, 
 &c. &c. Sec These influences are intervvoven into society, and if 
 we mean to preserve our independence, demand the most watchful 
 vigilance of the politician. 
 
 Jixtract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr, Madison^ dated, 
 
 "London, May 17, 1806. 
 
 " After my interview with Mr. Fox, on the 25 th ull. I waited 
 fi. fortnight without hearing from him. This new instance of delay 
 surprized me, because he had shewn a sensibility to the former one, 
 and did not seem aware of the necessity of adding to it. Indei)end- 
 ent of the general object, the war with Prussia, and the blockades 
 incident to it ; the doctrine and practice respecting which it was 
 necessary to arrange, furnished a new motive for a communication 
 with him. On mature reflection, I thought it best to call infor- 
 mally, which I did on the 1 1th, with a view to enter on these to- 
 pics in the familiar manner I had heretofm-p done. Mr. Fox was 
 at the office, but did not receive me. He sent the expression of 
 his regret at not being able to do it, being, as he said, just going 
 to attend the cabinet, v/ho were waiting for him. I called again on 
 the 13th, and experienced the same result, though I had left word 
 that I should then be there. I was informed by his desire, that a 
 summons from the king, to attend him at the palace, prevented 
 his receiving me on that day. I met him on the 15th at the 
 drawing room, but had no opportunity of speaking to him. Sir 
 Francis Vincent, the first under secretary of state, being acquaint- 
 ed with my desn-e, promised to arrange with him an interview, and 
 to inform me of it. These are the only circumstances worthy no- 
 tice that have occurrcvl here since my last, till to day. I mention 
 them that you may be better enabled to judge correctly, in ali 
 respects, of the light in which the incident of this day ought to be, 
 viewed." 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Moirroe to Mr. Madison, dated, 
 
 '•London, May 20, 1806. 
 " With respect to the delay to which 1 am exposed, it is utter- 
 ly out of my power to explain to you the cause. 1 have no reason 
 to change the opinion which I have heretofore expressed of |Mr. 
 
^0 
 
 Fox's disposition on the subject, though I have had no late com- 
 munication with him. His present reserve is unfavourcible, but if 
 may be otherwise acco.unted for, and on principles which are quite 
 natural, and therefore presumable. He may have experienced 
 more difficulties in the cabinet than he had expected. Many of 
 the members may be indisposed to an arrangement on such terms 
 as can be accepted, and most of them willing to postpone any de- 
 cision, until the result of the proceedings in congress is known. 
 Under these circumstances he may find it most eligible to avoid any 
 furdier communication with me for the present. 
 
 " It becomes, therefore, very difficult, if not altogether impro- 
 per, for me to press the business at this time. It seems to be my 
 duty to postpone such pressure to the same epoch, that is, till the 
 final proceedings of congress are known. I shall doubtless receive 
 witii them the instructions of the president on the whole subject., 
 which I beg to assure you, 1 shall use my utmost exertions to car^ 
 ry into e fleet." 
 
 |CIP The foregoing observations in reply to Mr. Pickering, 
 refer to two speeches delivered by that gentleman, oneofwhic'j 
 only has yet appeared in print. 
 

 c°*.-i^.>o /\.ii^.\ c,°^•J^..% 
 
 '^ *.!.»' .« 
 
 <^^ ... °^_ ^••^* .f° 
 
 0^ \3 ♦^TVT* /V 
 
 «••. '^o 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 '^o^ 
 
 *- '-^^O^ o^/^C^^ia'- ''bV^ -^^M^n:. "^-turS : 
 
 
 v-o^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0^ ^ ♦.T7^«' .'S 
 
 
 
 o <l.^ ^A 
 
 HECKMAN 
 
 BINDERY INC. 
 
 ^% 1989 
 
 N. MANCHESTER, 
 ^^s=^ INDIANA 46962