S'jj.'jcj;,. , -1 'iiiii'. Class „ Book_ ,7 ( '>ireAL'luMJ-^ &^ PROCEEDINGS OP A Convention of Delegates^ FROM THE STATES OP MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT. AND RHODE-ISLAND ; THE eouMTIES OF CHESHIRE AND GRAFTON, IN THE STATE OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE; AND THE COUNTY OF WINDHAM, IN THE STATE OF VERMONT : CONVENED AT HARTFORD, * IN THE STATE OF CONNKCTICUT, DECEMBER 15tH, 1814. ALBANY: PRINTED BY HENRY C. SOUTHWIC^ 1815. ^>:)"; t> .H /'jo^^r '^ EEPORT, <|'c. The Delegates from the Legislatures of the f^tates of Massacliusetls, CKiinectuutand Khode-Liland, and from the Counties of Gralton and Cheshiie, in the State of New-Hampshire and the county of V\ ind- ham in the State of Vermont, assembled in Con- vention, beg leave io report the ioLowing reault of their tonierence. X HE Convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the arduous nature of the commission which th«y were appoiiiied to extrute, ol devising the means of defence against dangers, and of reliel tVom oppressions proceeding from the acts of their ow n go- Ternment, without violating constitutional principles, or disap- pointing the hopes of a suffering and injured people. To pre- ecrihe patience aad firmness to those who are already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them to despair, and the pro- gress towards reform by the regular road, is irksome ti> (hose whose imaginations discern, and whose feeliugs prompt, to a short- er course. — But when abuses, reduced to system and accumulated through a course ol years, have pervaded every department of Government, and spread corruption through every region of the State; when these ar€ clothed with the forms of law, aiid en- forced by an Executive whose will is llieir source, no summary nieans of relief can he applied without recourse to direct and ojien resistance. This experiment, even when justifiable, cannot fail to '>e painful to the good citizen; and the success of the effort ^vill be no secnrity against the danger of the example. Prfce- dents of resistance to the worst administration, are eagerly seized by those who are naturally hostile to (he best. Necessity alone Can sanction a resort to this nieasur*-; and it should never be ex- tended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, until the peo- ple, not merely in the fervour of sudden excitement, but after full delilieralion, are determined to change the Constitution. It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment (irevails to no inconsiderable extent, that administration have given such fon- structions to that instrument, and practised so many abuses u:nler colour of its authority, that the time for a change is at hand. — Those who so believe, recard the evils which surround them as intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitution. They yield ♦o a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on any occaaioU) t 4 ) can aggravate the misery of their country. This opinion may ul- tiniuiely prove to be correct. But as the evideuce on which it res s, is not yet conclusive, aud ds measures adopted upon the as- suuiption ot its certainty might be irrevocable, some general con- siderations are submitted, in the hope ot reconciling all to a course ol moderation aud firmness, which may save them from the regret incident to sudden decisions, probably avert the evil, or at least insure consolation and success in the last resort. The Constitution ot the United States, under the auspices of a wise and virtuous Administration, proved itself competent to all the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in the views of its Iramers. No parallel can be lound in history, of a transition eo rapid as that ot the United States from the lowest depression to the highest felicity — from the condition ol weak and disjointed republics, to that of a great, united, and jirosperous nation. Although this high state of public' happiness has undergone a miserable and atflicting reverse, through the prevalence of a weak and profligate policy, yet the evils and afflictions which have thus been induced upon the country, are not peculiar to any form of Government. The lust and caprice of power, the corruption of patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of the communi- ty by the stronger, heavy taxes, wasteful expenditures, and un- just and ruinous wars, are the natural offspring of bad Adminis- trations, in all ages and countries. It was indeed to be hoped, that the rulers of these States would not make such disastrous liasie to involve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and rotten institutions. Yet all this have they inalions of individuals, or oi States, to mono- polize power and offire, and to trample without remorse upon the rights and interests of commercial sections of tlie Union. When- ever it shall appear tlint these causes are radical and permanent, a separation by ecjuitable arrangement, will be preferable to an alii- ancp by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemie?, in- ifl Tiled by mutual hatred and inveteracy, and inviting, by intestine divisions, contempt and aggression from abroad. But a sever- ance of the Union by one or more States, against the will of the rest, and especially in time of war, can be justified only by abso- lute necessity. These are among the principal objections against preei|filate measures, tending to disunite the States, and when ex 'nimed in coimection with the Farewell Address ot the Father of his Country, they must, it is believed, be deemed conclu- ^ve. Under these impressions, the Convention have proceeded to confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of pulilic .-idairs; especially, as affecting the interests of the people who have ap- pointed them for this pur[)ose, and thtyare naturally led to a consideration, in the first place, of the dangers and grievances which menace an immediate or speedy pressure, with a view pf suggeeling means of i)resent relief; in the next place, of such as are of a more remote and general description, in the hope of attaining future security. Among the subjects of complaints and apprehension, which might lie comprised uuder the former of these propositions, the attention of the Convention has been occupied with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the militia, by the executive and legislative departments of the Na- tional Government. Also, upon the destitution of the means of defence in which the Eastern Stales are left; \vhile at the same time, they are doomed to heavy requisitions of men and money for nation?! objects. The authority of the National Government over the milij-ia is (derived from those clauses ia the Constitution which give power ( 6 ) io Congress " to provide for calling forth tlie militia to execute tlie I.1NV3 of the Union, suppress iasurreciioiis and repel inva- sions." — Also, " to provide Ml. all (.union ol llie regular lorce, uiui. r an i.tlke' i>\ lunh raiiU ol ihf standing army, with power to call lorth the militia, aB Circunistanctsiu bis judsment may require; and to assuii f Hie coiiini.iid ol them, is not warranted l.y the Constitution or any law ol the United Stutes. It is not denied that Congress may delegate to the President ol the United States the power to call forlh the militia, in the cases which are within their jurisdiction ; but he has no authority to substitute military prelects ihroughoiit the Union, to use their own discretion in such inslanies. to Station an officer of the army in a military district without troops corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking command of the militia that may be called into his service, is a manilesi eva- eion ol that provision of the Constitution, which expressly re- serves to the States the appointment of the officers ol the mi:itia; and the olyeet of detaching such officer, cannot be well conctiv- ei! to be any other thiin that of superseding the Governor or other officers of the militia in their right to command. 'J'he power of dividing the militia ol the Stales into classes and ohliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able-l ndied mi II, to serve for one or more years lor the defence ol the frontier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the milili;' for one year lor such general object be admissible, no limitation e^a be assigned to it, hut the discretion of those who make ihe law. Thus with a power in Congress to authorize such a dralt or coii- scripiii.n, and in Ihe Executive to ilecide conclusively upon Ihe exi^ience and continuance of Ihe emergency, the whole militia may be convened into a standing army, disposable at the will of the President of the United Stntea 'J'be pOwer ' f cnmpelllne the nulitia and other citizens of the fjnitcd States by a forcible draft or coai^criplit'n to serve in the recnbir Mrmies as proposed in a bite official letf(r of the hecreiriry of ^'^nr, is not deleuatf'd to Congres? by the Constitution, and Ihe exc'cise of it would be not less dangerous to their liberties, tl mb Iiii^iilf to Ihe sovereignty of the Stares. The effort to deduce this power from the right of r;iifing armies, is a tl.tgrant atlemiit to pprvf t the sense of the rl.iuse in the Conslitiifion which ci'n'ers thni ri^ht, and is incomtiatiiije with other provisions in lh:(' ia- strui: ent. The armies ol the United St:ites have always I eea raised by contract, never by conscrijition, and nothing mort <'aa tf wanting to a Government posst ssine the power thus cli'ip ed to ' tiahle it to usurp the entire con'roiil of the militii, in deroga- te, of the authority of the State, and to cimvert it by impress- ineiit inio a standing army It may be hce remarked, as a circumstance illustrative, of the Ce'ermination o^ the Executive to esta' lisb in absolute coniiol Ov> r a!l descrintions of citizens, that the righ* of impressing sea- men into the naial service is expressly asserted by the Secretary of the navy in a li'e report. Thii« a pr«ciiee. ubich in a foreiun goveriuuent has been regarded with great abhorreuce by the peo' ( 8 ) |)le, fiiuls adrocafes among those who have been the loudest Ic condemn it. The l;i\v autliosizing (he enlistment of minors and apprentices into the armies of the United States, without the consent if pa- rents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the Consti- tution. By a construction of the power to raise armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only persons cajjaliteof contracting are liable to l)e im|)ressed into the army, but those who are under le- gal disabilities to rnake contracts, are to be invested with this ca- pacity, in order to enaltle them to annul at pleasure contracts made in their behalf by legal guardians. Such ah interference ■with the municipal law and rights of the several States, could ne- Tcr have been contemplated l)y the framers of the Constitution. It impairs the salutary controul and influence of the parent over his child — the master over his servant — the guardian over hia ward — and thus destroys the most important relations in society, so that by the conscription of the father, and the seduction of the son, the power of the Executive over all the effective male popu- lation of the United States is made complete. Such are some of the odious features of the novel system pro- posed by the rulers of a free countrj', under the limited powers derived from the Constitution. What portion of them will he em- braced in acts Anally to be passed, it is yet imposssible to deter- mine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to perceive, that these projects emanate from the highest authority, nor should it be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of War, the classi- fication of the militia embraced the principle of direct taxation upon the white population only; and that, in the House of Repre- sentatives, a motion to apportion the militia among the white po;)ti- fcition exclusively, which would have been io its operation a di- rect tax, was strenuously urged and supported. In this whole series of devices and measures for raising meh, this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, and a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the indivi- dual States a firm and decided opposition. An iron despotism can impose no harder serf itude upon the citizens, than to force him from his home and his occupation, to wage offensive wars, undertalving to gratify the pride or passions of his master. The example of France has recently shewn that a cabal of individuals assuming to act in the name Of the peojde, may transform tile great body of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them ovpr into the hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhorrence by a people, can require the aid of such stratagems to recruit an army. Had the troops already raised, and in great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of Canada, been employed for the defence of the coun'.rj', and had the millions which have been squandered with shameless profusion, been appropriated to their payment, to the protection of the coast, and to the naval service, there would have been no occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this jlal« hour, let Goveroment leave to New-England the remnant of C 9 ) 5>er resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territory, and to resij^ii lite glories and advaidagtsol' llieliorder war, to ihose who are determined to persist in its jjroseculion. That aeUol Congress in violation ot ihe Constitution are aliso- lulely void, is an nndenialjje posilion. It does nol, however, con- sist with ilie respect and lorhearauce due troni a eonlederate State tow^irds llie Geueral Governiiieut, to dy lo open resistance upott every inlVaeiion oC the . 'onslilulion. The mode and the energy ol'tlie opposition, siiouht always conl'orm to the nature ol' Ihe vio- lation, the iiiteiilion ol its authors, the extent ol' the injury inflict- ed, llie (Iftt rniinalion manilesled to persist in it, and the danger of del.iy. iiut in cases ol delilierate-, dangerous, and palpable in- IVarlions of the Constitution, atlecling llie sovereignty of a State, and lioerties of the people; it is not oidy the right but the duty otsuch a Slate lo interpose its authority tor their protection, in Ihe manner liest calculated lo secure that end. When emergencies ociur which are either beyond the reach of the judicial Iribunals, or too pressing to adndt ol Ihe 4lelay incident to their lorms, States, whicli have no common uni|)ire, must be Iheir own judges, and execute thcirown decisions. It will thus be proper tor the several States to await the ultimate disposal ot the obnoxious measures, recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending before Con- gress, and so to use their power according to the character these measure shall finally assume, as effectually (o protect their own so^ereignty, and the rights and liberties ol their citizens. The nextsu!ijecf which has occupied the attention of the Con- venlinn, is the means of deleuce against the common enemy. This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any ex|)eclatioa can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provision for the de- fence of Ihe Kfislern States will be made by the National Govern- Bicnt? Whelberthe several Slates can, from their own resources, provide for self-defence and fulfil the requisitions which are lo be expected lor Ihe national Treasury P and, generally what course, of conduct ought to be adopted by those States, in relation to the great object of defence? AVilhout pausing at present to comment upon the causes of the war, it may be assumed as a truth, ofificially announced, that to achieve the conquest of the Canadian territory, and to hold it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Administration. This enterprize, commeuced at a period when Government pos- sesseil the advantage of selecting the time aud occasion for mak- ing H sudden descent upon an unprepared enemy, now languishes in the third ye.ir of the war. It has been prosecuted wilh various fortune, and occasional lirilliancy of exploit, but without any solid acrpiisition. The British armies have been recruited by vnleran reeiments. Their navy cominands Ontario. The Amencau raid(s are thinned by the casu.dlies ol the war. Recruits are itis- couraged by the unpopular chsir.icter of the contest, and by the oncertainl J'' of receiving (heir -paj'. In the progecution of this favourite warfare, Adminietratioa o ( 10 ) have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the conntrj' destitulir of all pflicieiil means of defence. The main body of lilt; ivguiar army has been marched lo the froulier. — The navy has bien »tri]i|)('d of a great part of its sailors for the service of the L.akes. Meatiwliile the enemy scours the sea-coas(, blockades our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual decen's in various and dislani places holds some by force, and threatens all that ,ae as- sailable, with fire and sword. The sea-board o( four of the New- England States, following its curvatures, presents an extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, exposing a mass of people and property to the devastation ol the enemy, vvlucii lears a great proportion to the residue of the maritime frontier of the United States. This extensive shore has been exposed to fre- quent attacks, repeated contribations and constant alarms. The Tegular I'orces detached by the national Government lor its de- fence, ;ire mere pretexts for placing oiKcers o!' high rank in com- mand. They are besides confined to a few places, and are too insignificant in number to be included in any computation. These States have thus been left to adopt measures for their own defence. The militia have been constantly kept on the alert, and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- bursement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. — The President of the United States has relused to consider tJie expense of the militia detached by State aiithority, for the inilis- pensahle defence of the Slate, as chargealde to the Union, on the ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them under the command of officers of the regular army. Detach- ments of militia placed at the disposal of the General Govern- ment, have been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciat- ed paper. The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enliven- ed by the promise of any alleviation of these grievances. Prom authentic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose in- clination might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of the finances, that those who feel for the honour and safety of the country, would be willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if those whose infa- tuation has prodiiceil this state of fiscal concerns, had not foumi themselves com|)c!led to unveil it to public view. If the war be continued, there appears no room for reliance Bpon the National Government for the supply of those means of defence, which must becore indispensable to secure these States from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that Ihe States can discharge this sacred duty from their own resources, and continue, to sustain the burden of the national taxes. The Administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of com- mercial enterprize, had fatally succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war. Commerce, the vital spring of New-England's (11) prosperity, was annihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the ra pacity of revenue officers, had coH)|>lcted its destruction. The various objects lor the employment ol productive labour, in the branches ol' business ranches ol' liusiness, are doomed to slruggle in their inlancy with taxes and olwtructions, which cannot fail most seriously to atlect their growlh. The specie is wilhdrawn from circulation. The landed interest, the last to feel these burdens, must prepare to become their principal support, as all other sources of revenue must be exhausted. Under these circumstances, taxes, ol a description and amount unprecedented in this country, are in a train of imposition, the burden of which must fail with the heaviest pressure uiion the States east of the Potoivmac. The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, cannot be estimated at less than live millions of dollars upon the New-England .States, and the expenses of the last year for de- fence, in Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of dol- lars. From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- sistible inference that these St;ites have no capacity of defraying the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the same time, of discharging the demands of the national treasury. The last enquiry, wliat course of conduct ought to be adopted by the aggrieved slates, is iu a high degree momentous. When a great and brave people shall feel themselves deserted by their Government, and reduced io the necessity either of submission to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their own use, those means of defence which are indispensable to self-preservation, th< y cannot consent to wait passive spectators of apiwoaching ruin, which it is in their power to avert, and to resign the last remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissipated in support of measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. This Convention will not trust themselves to express their con- viction of the catastrophe to which such a state of things inev- itably tends. Conscious of their high rq^iponsibility to God and their country, solicitous for the continuance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the States, unwilling to furnish obsta- cles to peace — resolute never to submit to a foreign enemy, anil confiding in the divine care and protection, they will, until the last hope shall be extinguished, endeavour to avert such conse- quences. With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at once be consistent with the honour and interest of the National Government, and the security of these States. This it will not be difficult conclude, if that government should be so disjwsed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed to assume their owa defence, by the militia or other troops. A reasonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each State might be paid into its trea- (12) «ury, and credited to the United States, but to be appropriated t» the (leleiice of such slate, (o he accounted lor with the United States. Mo doubt is entertained tliat by such an arrangnient, this portion of the country could be delended with greater erlVct, and in a mode more cousislent with economy, and the public coii- renience, than any which has been [iractised. Should an application for these (turposes, made to Congress by the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should peace upon just terms a|)pear to be unattainable, the pe.o|>lc would stand together lor the common iletence, until a change ol' Adnuni^ira- tion, or ol' a disposition in the enemy, should lacilitate the occur- rence of that auspicious event. It would lie inexpedient lor this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue to such aa application, liy recommending, upon supposition of a contrary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their pro- vince. In a state o( things so solenni and trying as may then arise, the Legislatures ol' the States, or Conventions of the whole people, or delegates appointed by them for the exjiress purpose in another Convention, must act as such urgent circumstances may then require. Bat the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have been performed, without exhibiting some general view of such mea- sures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a re- lapse into difUeulties and dangers, should they, by the blessing of Providence, escape from their present condition, without abso- lute ruin. To this end a concise retrospect of the state of this nation under the advantages of a wise Administration, contrasted with the miserable abyss into which it is plunged l>y the profliga- cy and folly of political theorists, will lead to some practical con- clusions. On this subject, it will be recollected, that the imme- diate influence of the Federal Constitution upon its first adoption, and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and happi- ness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in the Irans- cendancy of its |)erfections over all other human institutions. In the catalogue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the most favoured nations, none could be enumerated from which our coun- try was excluded — A Jree Constitution, administered by great Jlnd incorruplible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes of liberty and independence — The progress of agriculture was stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest— and commerce, after traversing every sea, rt^turned with the riches of every clime.-— A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, collected without op- pression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the national debt ; and the chief concern of the public creditor arose from its too rapid diininnlion. — The wars and commotions of the Europe- an nations, and the interruptions of their commercial intercourse afforded to those who had not [(romoted, but who woidd have re- joiced to alleviate their calamities, a fair and golden opportunity, by combining themselves (o lay a broad foundation for national wealth. — Although occasional vexations to commerce, arose from ( 13 J Iho furious collisions of the powers at war, yet Hie great and good tnvii oi ihat time cout'omied to tin: tiirce of circumstances wliich they could iioi controul, and preserved their couiilry in security from the tempests which overwhelmed the old world, and threw the wreck of their fortunes on these shores. — Respect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws made liy honoured lejiislators, and prompt obedience yielded by a contented peo|ile, liad silenced the enemies of republican institutions.— The arts flourished— the sciences were cultivated — the comforts aud conveniences of life vere universally diffused — and nothing remaineil for succeeding administrations, but to reap the advantages, and cherish the re- sources. Bowing from the policy of their predecessors. But DO sooner was a new a%.— The inlraction of the judiciary authority and rights, by de- privutg judges ot their offices in violation of the ConstitiUion Fourmy.— The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to prepare the Coiintry lor those changes to which nations are always exposed, with a view to the acquisition of pnpniar favor. i?if/W.i/.— Tlie^iMfluenc- of patronage in the distribution of offices, which lu hese States has been almost invariably made among men the least entitled to distinction, and who have sold themselves as ready in- strumeuts tor distracting public opinion, aud encouraging administration to hold in contempt the wishes and remonstrances of a people thus ap- (14) fHxthti/. — The admission of new States into tlie Union, fonueii at plea- sure in the ursteiu region, has destroyed the halaiice of power i' hich cxisti'd among the original States, and deeply affH.;ted their interest. Seociiihl^. — The easy admission of natnialized foreigners, to places of trust, honor or profit, operating as an inducement to thf malcontent subjects of tlie old world to come to tliese Stat s, in quest of ext'cutive patronage, and to repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures. Eightkljj. — Hostility to Greal-Britain, and partiality to the late go- vernment of France, adopted as coincident with popular prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party power. Connected with these mnst be ranked erroneous and distorted estimates of the power and resources of those nations, of the probable results of their controversies, and of our political relations to them respectively. Lastly mui principally. — A visionary and superficial theory in regard to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred hut a feigned reg.\rd to its interests, anii a ruinous perseverance in efforts to render it an iustrumeut of coercion and war. But it is not conceivable thattbe obliquity of any administration could, ID so short a period, have so nearly consummated the work of natioiial ruin, unless favored by defects in the Constitution. To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument is sus- ceptible, aud to propose such amendments as might render it in all re- spt ets perfect, would be a task, which this Convention his not thought proper to assume. They have conliued their attention to such as expe- rience has demonstrated to be essential, and even among these, some are considered entitled to a more serious attention than others. Thev are suggested without any intentional disrespectto other States, and are meant to he .such as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their object is to strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the Union of the States, by removnig the grounds of existing jealousie'?, and providing for a fair and equal lepresentatiou and a limitation of powers, which have been miSf used. The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment of Repre- sentatives among the slave holding States. This cannot be claimed as a right. Those States are entitled to the slave representation, by a con- stitutional compact. It is therefore merely a subject of agreement, which should be conducted upon principles of mutual interest and accommoda- tion, and upon which no sensibility on either side should be permitted to exist. It has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had this ofTect been Ibreseen, the privilege would probably not have been de- manded ; certaiidy not conceded. Its tendency in future will be ad- verse to that harmony and mutual confidence, whicli are more conducive to the happiness and prospeiily of every confederated State, than a mere prepoiulerance of power, the prolific source of jealousies and controver- sy, can be to any one of them. The time mny therefore airive, when a sense of magnanimity and justice will reconcile those states to acquiesce in a revision of this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result to them in the apportionment of taxes. The nest amendment relates to the admission of new States into the Vnion. Tliis amendment is deemed to be highly important, and in fact indis- pensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to recognize the right of Congress lo admit new States without the original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertained of disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted into the Union. The object is merely to restrain the constitutional power of Congress in admitting new- States. At the adoption of the Coustjtution, a certain balance of potver among the oiv (15) jftia) parties iras considered to esist. and there wa» at that time.aiiu yet is .nv)!.gtl>osi' panics, a strong affinity bettvcen their great and general iiv.er: sis. By the admission of these States that balanee has befii ma- terially aflW-ted, and nnh-ss the practice be modifi. d, most ultimately bo destroyed. The Southern States will first avail themselves of th^ir ne\v conleflerates to govern the East, and finally the Western States multi- plied iM number, and augmented in population, will contronl the inte- rests (if the wnole. Thus lor the sake of present power, the Southern States will be common snfliprers with the East, in the loss of permanent advanages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating prc- ma'.nrely an overwhelming Western influeDce, which may hereafter dis- cern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and comme. cia! restrictions. The next amendments proposed by the Convention, relate to the pow- ers of Congress, in relation to Embargo, and the interdiction of com- merce. Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce, have hitherto divi- ded the opinions of slatesme.:, experience has at last shewn that it is a vital interest in the United States, and that its success is essential to the encouragptnent of agriculture and manntaclures, and to the wealth, fi- nances, defence, and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never inter- fere with the other great interests of the State, but must promote and uphold them. StiM those who are immediately concerned in the prose- cution of commerce, will of necessity be always a minority of the na- tion. Tliey are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its course by the advantages of rxperiencc, and the seuse of interest. But they are entirely unable to piotect themselves against the sudden and injudi- cious decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive pro- jects of those who are not actively concerned in its parsuits. Of con- sequence, this interest is always exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the merchants of this nation been permitted, by their own government, to pursue an innocent and lawful commerce, how different would have been the state of the treasury and of public credit ! How short-sighted and misirable is the policy which has annihilated this order of men, and doom- ed their ships to rot in the docks, their capital to waste unemployed, and their aflfections to he alienated from the Government which was formed to protect them ! What secwrity for an arapleaud unfailing revenue can ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized in the good faith, punctuality, and sense of honor, which attached the mercantile class to the interests of the Government ! Without commerce, where can be foinid the aliraen! for a navy ; and without a navy, what is to con- stitute the defence, and ornament and glory of this nation ! No union can be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not find it- self reasonably secured ag;'i ist the encroachment and combinations ol other interests. When, therefore, the past system of embargoes and commercial restrictions shall havel>een reviewed — when the finctuation and inconsistency of public roeasurss, betraying a want of information as well as feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the rea- sonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare majority tn repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of making o9en- »ive war. In the consideration of this amendment, it is not necessary to inquire into the justness of the present war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to its expediency, and regret for its declaration is nearlj, universal. No indemnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity ' a«d its only palliation must be found in obstacles to its future recun ( 16 ) renee. Rarely ran the state of tliis country call for or justify offensire war. The senilis nf our instituiiiiris is mifivoiir, ble lo its succf-slui prosecution ; llie Clicity of our silii.ilioQ exempts iis from its uncessily.— Iti this (Msc. as in the former, those more jijimt-diaiely exposed to its fa- tal effects arc a minority of the nation. The commercial towns, the shores of our seas ami rivers, contftin the population, whose vital inter- •sts are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy. Agricnlture, indeed, must feel at last, but this appeal to its sensibiliiy comes too late. Agai;i, the immense population which has sirarmcd into the West, remote iVom iin- mediate danger, and which is constantly augmenting, (vill not be averse Vom the occasional disturbances of the Atlantic Slates. Thus interest nay not uriiieqiiently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge the lation into needless wars, and enrapel it to become a military, rather hail a happy and flourishing people. These considerations which it .voiild be easy to augment, call loudly for the limitation proposed in the imeiidment. Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but still in a high legiee expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreigners, hereafter uriiv- ug ill the United States, from the capacity of holding ofBces of trust, lodoiir or profit. That the stock nf population already in these States, is amply suffi- lieiit to render this nation in (!iie time sufficiently great and powerful, is lot a ci>iitrovertible question — Nor will it he seriously pretended, 'list he national deficiency in wisdom, arts, science, arms or virtue, needs to )e replenished from foreign countries Still, it is agreed, that a liii.i'al >oI cy should offer the rights of hospitality, and the choice of sei tle- ncnt, to those who are disposed to visit the country. — But why acimit to . participation in the government aliens who were no parties to the eora- jact — who are ignorant of the nature of our institutioiis, and hav n'J take in the welfare of the country, but what is recent and transitory ,t is surely a privilege sufficient, lo admit them after due probition to • lecome citizens, for all but political purposes. — To extend it beyond hese limits, is to encourage foreigners to come to these states as candi- * lates for prefriment. The Convention forbear to express their opinion ipoii the iuLinspicious efl'ects which have already resulted to the honour md peace of this nation, from this misplaced and indiscriminate libe- alify. The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of President, o a single constitutional term, and his eligibility from the same State wo terms in sncerssiou. Upon this topic, it is stipeifliious to dilate. The love of power, is a jrineiple in the human henrt which too often itripels to the use o! all )racticable means to prolong its duration. The office of President has :harms and attractions which operate as powerful incentives lo ihis pas- ion. The first and most natural exertioa of i v.isi p;'tronage is directed oxrards the security of a new election. The iu;eresi of she couiury. the Tclfari- of :lie people, even honest fame ad respect for the opinion of josterity, arc secondary considerations. All the engines of intrigue; ill the means of corruption, are lik' ly to be employed for this object. \ President whose political career is limited to a single election, may iiid no other interest than will be promoted by m.iking if glorious to liniself, and beneficial to Ms count, y. But the hop>: of re-el elion is iiolific of temptations, uudtr which these magnaniinous motives are de- jrived of their principr.l force. The repealed election of the President tf the United Stites from any one state, affords i^idncrments and means or intrigue, wliieh tend to create an undue local inliueiice, a;;d;o esiab- ish the doiniiiation of particular States, The justice, therefore, of se^ 9 ( i7 ) curing to every state a fair and equal chance for the election of this offi- cer from its own citizens i« apparent, and this olycct will be essentially promoted by preventing an election from the same State twice in suc- cession. Such is the general view which tliis Convention has thought proper to submit, of the sittation a( these Stales, of their dangers and their duties. Most of the subjects which it embraees have separately received an am- ple and luminous investigation, by tlie great and able asscrtors of the rights of their country, in the National Legislature ; and nothing more oould be attempted on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, and of recommendations, suited to the present state of public afTiirs. — The peculiar difflculty and delicacy of performing, even tbi* nndert.-iking, will be appreciated by all who think seriously upon the crisis. Nego- tiations for Peace, are at this hour supposed to be pending, the issue of which must be deeply interesting to all. No measures should be adopt- ed, which might unfavourably Rffect that issue ; sone which should em- barrass tlie Admiuistratiou, if their professed desire for peace is sincere; and none, which oa supposition of their insincerity, should afford them prete.xts for prolonging the war, or relieviug themselves from the respon- sibility of a dishonorable peace. It is also devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded to all fiiends of the country, of all parties, and in all places, to pause and consider the awful state to which perni- cious couusels, and blind passions, hare brought this people. The num- ber of those who perceive, and who are ready to retrace errors, must, it is believed, be yet inflicisnt to redeem the nation. It is necessary to rally and unite them by the assurance that no hostility to the Constitu- tion is meditated, and to obtain their aid in placing it under guardians, who alone can save it from destruction. Should this fortunate change be effected, the hope of happiness and honor may once more dispel the surreundiug gloom. Our nation may yet be great, our union durable. But should this prospect be utterly hopcloss, the time will not have been lost, which shall have ripened a general sentiment of the necessity of more mighty eiTorts to rescue from ruin, at least some portioo of our be- loved country. THEREFORE RESOLVED— That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legislatureti of the several States represented in this Convention, to adopt all such measures a» may be necessary effectually to protect the citizens of said States from the operation and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the United States, which shall contain provisions, subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or im- pressments not authorized by the Constitution of tlie United States. Ilesolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the said Legislatures, to .lutliorize an immediate and earnest application to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the said States may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the defence of their territory arainst thetiiemy; and a reasuiwble portion of the ta>es, collected within said States, may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the balance due said States, and 3 ( 48 ) to the future defence of the same. The amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements mad« as aforesaid to be charged to the United States. Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has not already been done) authorizing the tiovernors or Com- manders in Chief of their militia to make detachments from th» same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient and conformable to their Constitutions, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in readi- ness for service; and upon the request of the Governor of ei- ther of the other States to employ the whole of such detach- ment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the State, or suck part thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently with the safety of the State, in assisting the State making such request, to repel any invasion thereof which sliall be made or attempted by the public enemy. Resolved, That the following amendments to the Constitution of the United States, be recommended to the States represent- ed as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the State Legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expe- dient, by a Convention chosen by the people of each State. And it is further recommended, that the said States shall persevere in their efforts to obtain such agiendraents, until the same shall be effected. First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportion- ed among the several States which may be included within tliis- union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years and exclud- ing Indians, not taxed, and all other persons. Secon(L No new State sliall be admitted into the union by Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Co.istitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses. Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days. Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the con- eurrence of two-thirds of both Houses, to interdict the com- mercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation «r the dependencies thereof. Fifth. Congress shall not make or declare war, or author- ize acts of hostility against any foreign nation without the con- currence of two-thirds of both Houses, except such acts of hos- tlliiv b(; in defence of tiie territories of the United States when a!;ti!sliy invaded. SLx^th. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall be e!iy;ible as a member of the Senate or House of Uepresent*' ( 10 ) tivei of tlie United States, nor capalile of holding any civil of- fice under tlie auflioritj of the United States. Seventh. The same person sliali not he elected President of the ll'nited States a second time : nor sliall th*^ President he elected from the same State two terms iti succession. Resolved, That if the application of tliese States to the go- vernment of the United States, recomiiieii(ied in a foren;oin^ Resolution, should he unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defence of these States should be neglected, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will in the opinion of this Convention be «xpedient for the Lcj«i*<;live* g7.0t«; ag-gregat* Sl,539j stationed as folUwi; ', ' " ( 84 ) In the first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Port- land and Eastpo'rt, segregate number 655 2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 at New-York, 2,116 at Fort Mifflin, &c. 308 at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 at N. and S. Carolina and Georgia, 2,244 at New-Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 3 do. 4 do. 5 do. 6 do. 7 do. Stationed on the sea board, 10,659 8 Militarjf District at Detroit, Sand- wich, &c, 2,47'2 9 do. division of the right, 11,795 at Buffalo, Sackett's Harbor, &c. 6,613 18,408 on the Canada line, 20,889 total— 31,539 Recruits enlisted from January 27, 1814, to September 30, 1814, as by the return of the Inspector General, vrere 13,898: to wit — in February 1814, 980 March, „ 2,357 April, ,, 2,501 May, „ 2,138 June, „ 1,445 July, ,, 1,486 August, „ 1,687 Sept. „ 1,304 13,898 JWe....An army of 31,539, early in the year 1814, was, n« doubt, a much larger army than the United States kept up the two first years of the war; and if properly employea, 31,000 regular troops were certainly adequate to oppose any force Great Britain, in those yeiirs, employed against the United States — 31,000 men, according to the estimates of the war and Treasury Departments, should not have cost more than 12 mil- lions a year, or 24 millions in the two yeaj-sj whereas the land forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful manner in which the war was conducted. JVote, fl/so...."VVhen It is considered the United States had on tiie 1st of July, 1814, a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 8 months, from February 1, to October 1, 1814, 13,898 men for •what possible pretence can the national government have re- course to conscription, and measures destructive of the liberties of the people, to fill the ranks of the army, the course of enlist- ments amply prove, that if the army be well paid and support- ed, accortling to contracts, there can be no occasion to resort to such violent measures. JVote, a/.so....Of the 10,659 regular troops on the ssa board, »aly 1,369 were gtatioHeiJ| ia New-England. ( 25 ) SCHEDULE (E.) Though the operPiions of the war in 1781 and 1782 were •re;a. tbijcciuiiy in the Southern States, yet it cost Ann nca Tijr less ihun fifteen niillion« a year, as will appear by the public dccumenis. In 1782 Congress made an estimate for an army ol 25,000 men. This cslima'e, which proved to be correct, W..S a little over eight millions of dollars. The indivduil States' expenses will be found not to have exceeded four mil- lions a year, and Navy expenses were triflini;. In 1781 the expenses were about three millions more than in 1782. — Prices were about the same then as now. The following is an abstract of the expenditures of the Uni- ted Slates from the adoption of the Constitution, to Oct. J, 1812, taken froui Treasury Rt.ports : Prior to 1792, gl 718 129 1803, ■ 4,062824 In 179i!, 1,766 677 1804, 4.05,. 858 1793, 1 707.848 1805, 6357. J. )4 1794, 3.500, j4K 1806, 6,080 2V9 1795, 4,350.596 1807, 4.98 V.572 1796, 2.531.930 1808, 6,504,338 1797, 2 833.5-.0 1809, 7,414,672 1798, 4.623,223 1810, 3,311.082 1799, 6 480,166 1811, 5,59 ount to seven' millions and a half inany year. In 1781 Cornwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 36,0()0 Bi'ilisb troops were sent itito the four Southern States in 'es.s than two years in 1780 and 1781. Tht United Siates ■were obliged to keep up large forces m the Middle and North- ern States ; and the militia draf's were often made in those two years. — During the long period from March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of the United States were but S 44 066,745 65 including Indian wars, war with France, and witn the Barbary powers, the Pennsylvania insurrection, and several millions expended in the present war bt fore October, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars a year. And the Navy expenditures during the same long pe.* riod were but S 29,889,660 78. About one million and a qttar; ter a year. ( 26- ; Further, An examination of the public documents will shew-, th.it tlic eit'ht-yciiiswar of the revolution did no', cost more Wmxm 20S,000X0O oi sfiecie dollars. More than hulf triat sum w;is expended in the three first years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and British armies most numer- ous; a period in which we withstood the forces of the enemy alone, in a manner so honourable to our arms. SCHEDULE J-.) This Schedule brint^sinto one view the great loss of revenue occasioned hy the Restrictive System, and the enoinious waste of public monies in the two first years of this war; the partic- ulars whereof are stated in the preceding Schedules. 1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason of restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half before the war was declared or commen- ced, as in schedule C, .... 827,000,000 2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to the amount ot §60,357,913, at least, were incur, red in this war before July 1, 1814; whereas, on any scale of expenses of any wars, ever qarried on in this country heretofore, the war expeiise'S from Jan. 181J, to July 1, 1814, ought not to have ex- ceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could ,Mual that sum. There then was clearly a wastefuTand improvident expenditure of public monies, in the war and navy departments, in this sliort period, of more than 33 millions of dollars, - - 33,000.000 Revenue and public monies lost by foolish re- strictions, and in a profligate management of the war, S 60 OOtj.OOO Schedule E, also, shews how moderate our military expen- ses were prior to the present w^r. .A'b^f... Had this large sum been saved, as it might have been, with perfect ease by a wise and economical administration, the credit of the Uirted States, at this moment, wouid have been unimpaired ; and the very heavy direct ;ind internal taxes now laid on the p opic to supply the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might !iave been avoided. In fact, examine the ex cnditures of all former wars in this country, the force brought against it in the two first years of this war, and every cause of necessary expenditure, and it will ap- pear, that not so much as 27 iiillions ought to have been cxjiuiid- cd in the military and navai uepariiuent in the period in question. ( 27 ) SCHEDULE (G,) Shewing the amounts of Uie several Internal Duties, distinctly, that have accr. cd for tlie two first quarters of the year 1814. .Vsct-rtained to have been received in each Stale iuid Territory of the I'nited Slates, viz. "■ 2,1. -^-"Sr- % r -'^- si-^sr "-S P = = .| f f .»■•' -.. i| 'A 3 w S o: t^.trtOOOii— 4i.4^C:» ^^tf^4>'^H-0^ l-*tOh-i tAChOi4^tO»— rf*.COatl— h-CXi^-tJOIOK-*. OtOtO »t».rfi'000-^»tOO-M4^W45.w4^4^00»OW<0 0. 0*tOO^ tOO:tfiOOO>-''^OD4».C,j5.CuKJOO-SOlW)-iK- tO^C*3 COiOttO00tjTC?jCtOOi*^C"<£J.t».0CtrtC"S"^ =3 !» O ?-£3 2"" •^1 c i.. -^4 rfs. c: c^j lo tA oc "C :■; ^. J:. Qc -^-i (O ■-■- -^ cc e •— '-I o to '■* cr. ;,^ tj o oc c M,^ ^. tO^OjpiC3COO;itntr,Cnh-C3tOtOC^a. 4^C■^al^.^.4*■^^Ol— ^Ch4i^(0*»crit/, oo-MCa^tOtOtOOO, Carnages y 1— -iA^r* "-''•J^'***^*^^'-'-^a)Ootoc^i— 00000000 f" ^ ,^ ^ ^ i) ■ ^, , ,^ J- *o ►- to *f^ 4^^ H- to o* to H- I- M )- £- ,— P ^ S Hy-' ^ •-- CO C 4^ Ci *. •■T' C -• O. O- '.' O O -1 f t- •^ ut oi o cr. ot ot .-w hCv c C3 K- #w 1— ^ - ■ • -;; -- • — ■ .t 2-'g c- c.. ^ ^^ ^>:f^*oy^c.*oooo>to *^^ CO ex c c:.os;^ool5-aiwc^roioo-^c^J- Duties on Sales at \iiction. •li to to 03 c CO to^4i.oi--L.H-cn'-cooo;jcnVtic .^ = o ■■■; 32 - -* tl Oi o ( 0- 4 CC ■* , I-* to to 4^ Cn HI >-_ M 4^C:>CK0C^I--CtOU>C(-'^ItA rf*- T^ F* ^ .^ H-^0»— t0(Xh-t0C0C,:J-vIt/i00OC,:iC3 tOO> .SJHJ^ *^ >— 4^004^h-4^p--^(OCtOt^03 00tOi-*004i y^jO trt i-«trt^CCT>0>0>CtfitOOOO»--OOiinaO'0 03l— 4^ CC 1 0>-Nl4* to'OiOOOU»COH-M*>-OOOOt*'-*>-C'COOOCOI— .c CTvOiot ^oa\t/too*^oia*)--tJ*oaiCA«30»"^ot«ooat -GROSS TOTAL— JD(»lls, 2,212j491 733 ( 30 ) o. The kind of exports from the United States, as articles domestic or foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of the sea, &c. Prod, of the forest of the sea, of agriculture ofmanufact. Miscellaneous, Foreign articles, year 1804 year 1S05 year 1806 year 1807 4,600,000 5,261,000 4,861,00(, 5.476.0U0 3 450,000 2,884 000 3,1 16,000 2,804.009 30-890,000 31.552,000 32,375,000 .J7, 852.000 2,100 000 3,525,000 2,707,000 2,120.000 430,000 155,000 445,01)0 468,000 41.440.000 42,387,000 43,504,000 48,700.000 36,231,597 j3. (79,021 60,283,000 59,643.578 77,671,597 '5.566,021 103,787,000 108,343,558 This statement shews that about three fourths of the domes- tic exports of the United Slaces are the produce of agriculture, and for four years prior to the embargo, exceeded, on an ave- rage, 33 millions a year. It will readily be seen what great losses there must have been in regard to these arligjes, when the regular exportation of them has been capriciously inter- rupted for seven years past, by embargoes, restrictions and war, the same as to the produce of the forest, and that^of "the sea ; the latter amounting, on an average, for four years next bel'orc the embargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year,-b^s been, by restrictions and war, wholly destroyed — and the shipping^ formerly employed in acquiring these productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, and the seamen engaged in this branch of business, very important in a public view, are scat- tered and gone. The domestic articles in the four years next before the re- strictive system, were 50 millions more than the same articles exported in the four years under it, and before the war. ( 31 ) NOTE.— Page 7. litract IVom Report of tlie Secretary of the Navy, dated Novcmln-v 1.,, 1814. There is another branch of the service which appears to me to merit tlie .serious deliberation of llic legislature, witli regard to the establish- nient of s(mie regular system, bv which the voluntary enlistments for Uie nivv may derive occasional reinforcement from the services of those seaJ' men who, pursuing- tiieir own private occupations, are exempt, by their itinerant h..bits, from public service of any kind. In my view there would be nothing incomp;it.ble with the free spirit of our institutions, or w.th the rights of individuals, if registers, with a particular descriptive record, were kept in- tlie several districts, of aU the seamen belonging to the United States, and provision made by law for classing and calling into the public service, m succession, for reasonable stated periods, sucli portions or classes, as the public .service might require, and if any individual, so called, should be absent at the time, the next in succession shoukl perform the tour of duty of the absentee, who should, on his return, be liable to, serve his original tour, and liis substitute be exempt from his succeeding' regular tour of duty. NOTE.— Page 9. ; It appears from the following extract from a speech of Mr. Madison, iii the Debates of the Virginia Convention, that he had a prophetic view of circumstances which would induce a majority of Stjites to support Vik- OIN-I.V against X\ie carrying Suites. See also the speeches of Mr. Nicho- las in that Convention, and the essays in the Federalist, written by Mj-. Madison, Extract from debates in Virginia Convention. — Richmond Ed. p. 224- I wUl not .sit down till I make one more observation on what fell fromi my honourable friend. He says, tliat the true dif?t;rence betweeen the states lies in this circumstance — tliat some are carrying states, and others productive, and that tlie operation of the new government will be, that tliL-re wdl be a plm-ahty of the former to combine against the interest o£ thi- latter, ;md that consequently it will be dangerous to put it in tlieiC power to do so. I would join with him in sentiments, if tliis were the casei AVere this within the bounds of probabiliity, 1 should be equally alarmed, but I think that those States wliich are contradistinguished as carrying states, from the non-importing states, will be but few. I suppose the suthern states wUl be considered by all, as under the latter description! Some otlier states have been mentioned by an honorable member on tht same side, which are not considered as carrying states. New-Jersey and Connecticut can by no means be enumerated among the carrying states They receive theu' supplies tlirough New-York. Here then is a pluraliti of non-importing states. I could add another if necessary. Delaware; tliough situated upon the water, is upon the list of non-c:ui'ying states I might say tliat a great part of New-Hampshire is so. I believe a major! ' ty of tlie people of that State receive their supplies from Massachusetts ' Khode-Island and Connecticut. — Might I not add all those states wliicl wdl be admitted hereafter into the union .' These will be non-carrvini stales and will support Vu-gmja in case Uw carrying states will attpnipt ti combme against the rest. « ,. .if -a