SET* v %> »^3Cvk* ** "^ •*8kP' <p +> ' 
 
 K 
 
 «fe>+ 
 
 
 
' *<* A* »*< 
 
 
 
 
 
 .0^ 
 
 I * v \tfttfc%. ^>*»!W:.^ ^\-j^*c 
 
 fc A* ►„^J5.*- .A. A 
 
 ^ 
 
THE REBELLION: ITS ORIGIN AND LIFE IN SLAVERY. 
 
 POSITION AND POLICY OF MISSOURI. 
 
 s r» E E O H 
 
 
 ) 
 
 CHARLES D. DRAKE 
 
 // 
 
 DELIVERED, BY REQUEST, 
 
 In Mercantile Library Hall, St. Louis, April 14, 1862; 
 
 HAVING BEEN PREVIOUSLY SPOKEN, IN SUBSTANCE, AT UNION, MO., APRIL 7, 1862. 
 
 In a placid bay, on the south-eastern coast of 
 the United States, stands a noble fortress, erec- 
 ted by the American Government, for the protec- 
 tion ot a Southern commercial capital and the 
 interior region connected with it. Through many 
 years and at vast expense, New England granite 
 was quarried, and by tens of thousands of tons 
 transported ocean-wise, to drop into that bay the 
 foundations for that fortress, and upon them to 
 build its massive wiills. It was completed ; and 
 behind its frowning battlements that commercial 
 capital reposed in security, odorous of southern 
 flowers and warm with tne rays of a southern sun. 
 
 That fortress was Sumter — that capital, 
 Charleston ; one named for a patriot of '76, the 
 other for a British King; each appropriately 
 named. The plain and solid granite fabric looked 
 the republican hero — the ornate and aristocratic 
 city typified the king. Both were destined to 
 historic immortality. 
 
 In the fortress was a little band of seventy 
 men, with lees than three days' food in store, 
 and above them waved the American flag; ©n 
 the neighboring shores, behind ominous bat- 
 teries, und3r a banner till then unknown, were 
 a hundred times their number, in warlike array. 
 It was night. The silent stars looked down 
 upon the bay, the city, the batteries, the for- 
 tress, the seven thousand men, and the seventy ; 
 and nothing told them that ere they shone upon 
 the brow of another night, a shock would thrill 
 from that Bpot along the world's nerves, which 
 might not cease to vibrate while the world stands. 
 
 The surrender of that fortress was demanded, 
 — ruthlessly and unrighteously demanded, — and 
 righteously, as well as bravely, refused ; and in 
 the dark hour preceding dawn the seven thou- 
 sand warn the seventy, that in one hour from 
 that time they will open fire from their batteries 
 upon the fortress, behind which slumbered the 
 city of kingly name. It was an hour of treason's 
 demoniac preparation for attack, of patriotism's 
 calm and steady readiness for defense ; an hour 
 of years to the angel host that Viewed from 
 their starlit heights the neariug triumph of trai- 
 tors over their country; an hour of wild exulta- 
 tion among the internal host, over the coming 
 revelry of war and death. 
 
 The hour ended ; and as the awakening day 
 gave light to the seven thousand, those batteries, 
 north and south, east aud west, thundered forth, 
 and Peace fled affrighted aud weeping from that 
 placid bay aud from America ! For four and 
 forty h«urs there beat upon that fortress a horri- 
 ble tempest, above and below, outside and inside, 
 of deadly missiles, bomb and shell, cold and hot; 
 but the seventy stood firm. But human endur- 
 ance, though endowed with superhuman cour- 
 age, cannot long resist a hundred times 
 its strength. In the five and fortieth hour, 
 wasted and worn by brave labor and exhausting 
 vigils, the seventy — greater in defeat than all the 
 seven thousand in triumph — capitulated with 
 honor, and bearing Sumter's untarnished flag 
 in their loving arms, marched forth from that 
 granite fortress, and sailed frQin that 
 
southern bay, to receive a nation's admiring 
 
 thanks, and to live with Leonidae and nil 
 
 tan three hundred, in historic renown forever. 
 
 Such was the scene which, this d 
 month since, closed the first assault of Ameri- 
 cans upon their Country— the first humili 
 of America's flag by her own children. As the 
 tale was told over the world, nations b1 irted hi 
 astonishment and awe. 1 bed, for it 
 
 bespoke the downfall of republics; tb 
 of freedom wept, for it seemed the knell oi lib- 
 erty. The peoj)le who Loved thai dish i 
 flag sprang to their feet with one mighty im- 
 pulse, and every heart swelled win 
 resolve to wipe out the md punish 
 
 the traitors who had inflicted it. Twenty mil- 
 lions of them answered those thundering batter- 
 ies with a shout that shook the earth. 
 Hundreds of thousands arrayed themselves in 
 the unaccustomed panoply of war, and, leaving 
 kindred, friends, and home, took up the Lit 
 march to victory or death, under that flag, for 
 that flag! It was such an uprising of a great 
 people as no nation, barbarian or* 
 ganor Christian, bad ever befo d. it 
 
 wa6 far beyoud and above anything that th< 
 traitors had dreamed of. It was a noble tribute 
 to a flag which symbolized only justice, honor, 
 and national glory, wherever if waved. Jl is 
 right that we remember the anniversary of that 
 day, and whiie we recall its humiliating scenes, 
 think also of the glorious response of the twenty 
 millions. It tells u* where the defenders of 
 American liberty may be found, in the hour ol 
 need. 
 
 The unprovoked attack on Sumter was not 
 the beginning; it was only a necessary se- 
 quence of preceding events. Sixteen months ago 
 from this time began the treasonable work, of 
 which that was but the on tbi riodof time 
 
 which 1 cannot look back upon, without the feel- 
 ings of one who, from ha all hie life 
 upon bright and beautiful scenes of 
 and happiness, has been suddenly com] 
 to turn to one of v rath and misery and 
 (bath, and wit ne- s its pageantry ol 
 pass before hi in for long and weary months, 
 ■ nine- his days and haunting his nights, until 
 his heart ai mo i bursts with grief over the ruin, 
 before his eye , ol what be held most dear. The 
 30th day of December, I860, dawned upon 
 py and united nation ent d0WD upon a 
 people with t re , lighted in tb 
 From that day — when South Carolina Btruck her 
 ferocious blow ai the Constitution, and mocked 
 and spit upi-n the flag of the Union — to this, 
 the great American nation has struggled for its 
 lib-. We pioudly thonghl the nation immortal ; 
 Put we lind thai Its existence, like our own, 
 no: t be defended ag rinsl i be 
 We trusted, and, ai we now I now, blindly tri 
 to Amei li protection ; but 
 the] bi came hi r bitti reel and would 
 be her murderers. We believed bei Constiti 
 safe in the p. u i of all the people ; but wi 
 lived to bi ' thai a pari ol i bal people had beet 
 educated to destroy, a1 the bidding of unprinci- 
 pled and n In. i 
 
 tingulshed tbi move all pn ci ding nal I 
 o) government, W 
 
 lain, in the \ Irtui ofl 
 
 wide ■■'• tii m, pei verted Elded 
 
 ill B lllii 
 
 thai section patriot Ism mi 
 poai d in the strength ol a ti ae and 
 allegianci : v. , ire i raghl 1 1 illegi mi e is 
 
 paramount adtu ■ h , | We looked for 
 
 b.\ ,-, and w< re mi I « U b bati ; foi ti nth, and 
 were confronted with brazen falsehood: for fair 
 
 dealing, and were ensnared by treachery; for 
 forbearance, and were assailed with threats, and 
 taunts, and domineering exactions; for open- 
 handed am I high-toned chivalry, and were op- 
 posed with chicanery and fraud, too sublle to be 
 understood by honest men— too audacious and 
 unscrupulous to be by upright people believed 
 possible. Such, in brief, is the experience 
 through which loyal citizens have, since that 
 fatal twentieth of December, 1860, been called 
 to pass, [n the history of civilized nations 
 it has no modern parallel. It comprehends 
 every ingredient which could give bit- 
 terness to the cup, every shadow that could 
 fix intense gloom upon the retrospect, every el- 
 nld becloud the future with dis- 
 couragement and dismay. 
 
 Hut why dwell on the gloomy aspects of these 
 evil times V Tin ur of civil war we have 
 
 beheld its terrible devastations, and nothing is 
 wanting to impress upon our minds the dread 
 realities of which we have, during that time, 
 been daily witnesses. Every succeeding day but . 
 widens the circle of di m i and mourning, 
 enlarges the dark record left, by the crime 
 of thai day. Ami long, it may be, that record 
 is to continue to be written ; until those 
 that read it might pray for the appalling scroll to 
 be shut out forever from their view, in the night 
 ot a welcome death. But, heart-sickening as if 
 is, we mus! still look upon the deadly strife; and 
 our children and tLe world must behold it, too ; 
 and with us, and with them, and with all in tin- 
 earth, the question starts np unbidden, will 
 not be kept down, will be heard along the line ol 
 coming ages — Whence the origin, what the lift 
 of this dire outbreak of popular fury, this sat< 
 
 the best of human governments'. 
 This inquiry can never be out of time, or out ol 
 place. We cannot know how toestimate or dea! 
 with a present calamity, if weknow notits cau > 
 and nature; nor will our posterity be wiserin 
 
 Bomeevil day which, percha , may come to 
 
 them, if they comprehend nol what brought 
 these days upon us. Let us, then, endeavor, 
 with somewhat of fullness, to answer this evei 
 recurring question. 
 
 If ever a people were averse to believe thai 
 (rear I among them, it was the Ameri- 
 
 can people, prior to South Carolina's dc peratl 
 
 plunge into the fiery gull ol secession. Agaii 
 and again, in the healed conflicts of parties 
 through a long series ol years, Southern threat 
 of disunion had broken harshly upon the publn 
 ear ; but the North, even up to the last rnomeir 
 fused to recognize the possibility ol 
 their attempted execution. But, in the light o 
 thepasl year's events, no thinking man can fail 
 now to see that, sooner or later, such an attempt 
 was inevitable; for reasons which 1 will proceed 
 
 Vim know, and all candid observers know, 
 
 that the people of the United States present two 
 
 act, and, in some respects, uncongenial 
 
 developments. Without, attempting to trace 
 
 hi ail their courses, it is enough for this 
 
 • ' er to their bearings upon our 
 
 polil lUod as a u it ion, miner a com- 
 
 ami at. Of the two developments 
 
 one i are and principles essentially 
 
 il u ing the word in a i 
 
 I ; the othi i points, i Bsentially 
 
 ocratic; the former belonging to the 
 
 North . the latter to the Southern. 
 
 Each obeyed the law of its own condition. The 
 
 md the universality of free 
 
 labor in the North stimulated a democratic out- 
 
 th; while the opposite order in the South 
 
 fostered a social aristocracy, which, by a resist- 
 
less tendency, became also political. The whole 
 hi6torv of the country smce it achieved Inde- 
 pendence has proved this. Indeed, I am not 
 aware that intelligent Southerners deny— but, ou 
 the contrary, they seem rather to boast— that 
 the legitimate and certain effect of slavery is lo 
 create an essential aristocracy. He that was 
 born to authority, and has been accustomed to 
 implicit obedience from large numbers of de 
 pendents, may ever be expected to becom 
 greateror less decree, tenacious of power, am- 
 bitious for its increase in his hands, impatient 
 of restraint, and imperious in subjecting others 
 to his will. 
 
 These two elements, opposite iu their organic 
 principles and their tendencies, might hav« co- 
 existed in the same nation without dangerous 
 conflict, but for the important fact that the dem- 
 ocratic section steadily and rapidly gained in 
 numbers upon the other, until the slaveholding 
 interest, even when combined as a unit, was a 
 minority, and apparently, indeed certainly, des 
 tiued to remain so. Had Mr. Calhoun's idea ol 
 a minority veto upon the will of the majority 
 been engrafted upon our national Constitution, 
 the South would never have dreamed of S< 
 sion, for it would forever have governed th( 
 tion. But as the Constitution is that of a repub- 
 lic, based upon the fundamental principle that 
 the majority shall govern, the aristocracy revolt- 
 ed at the approaching application of that princi- 
 ple to themselves ; and, rather than tolerate a ma- 
 jority not controlled by them, whether its rule 
 were right or wrong, just or unjust, resolved lo 
 cast off the Constitution of their own adoption, 
 and, by revolutionary violence, erect 
 government for themselves, which should be, as 
 they term it, homogeneous; that is, should rep 
 resent slaveholding communities only, and re- 
 flect their aristocratic features and sentiments. 
 
 Now, my friends, uninfluenced, it I know my- 
 sell, by passion or prejudice, I hold this to be a 
 candid and true statement of the case. It 
 is presented because we can get no intel- 
 ligent view of the cause of the rebellion, 
 without considering those facts. My prop- 
 osition is, that the present conflict was, 
 sooner or later, certain to come. Not be- 
 cause the Northern majority would attempt to 
 subvert the rights of the slaveholding States, 
 but because the aristocractic minority would, 
 with absolute certainty, separate itself, by vio- 
 lence, if necessary, from the democratic majori- 
 ty, the very hour it could no longer subject 
 that majority to its will. It is folly to shut our 
 eyes to this inevitable operation of an invariable 
 law of humanity. No aristocracy ever y<t 
 tailed to grasp at power, or ever surrendered 
 it without a struggle, and none ever will, it 
 necessary, it will fight to retain it. For many 
 years we refused to believe that the Southern 
 aristocracy would seek that terrible resort, be- 
 cause it se'emed out of the range of any imagina- 
 ble possibility that the descendants of our Revo- 
 lutionary sires could ever strike at the life of 
 their glorious Country. How bitterly we were 
 mistaken, let the past year's history tell! 
 We forgot that an aristocracy ruled the South, 
 and that aristocracies stop not at blood to hold 
 and perpetuate their predominance. We forgot 
 that the lust of power regards not thi 
 that keep just men to the path of right. And 
 while the loyal portion of the nation hesitated, 
 doubted, woudered, and desired conciliation, 
 the Southern aristocrats struck tfa 
 precipitated this war. They aimed it deliberately, 
 with many years' premeditation, and with a 
 relentless purpose to destroy. At their door 
 lies the awful account of the most causeless 
 
 and most indefensible of all rebellions. Not 
 one of all the thousands of valuable lives sacri- 
 ficed in this mortal struggle, but is chargeable 
 to them. Not a groan or a sigh escapes suffer- 
 ing hearts, but rises to Heaven in accusing 
 thunder-tones against that aristocratic minority, 
 threw " firebrands, arrows, and death " 
 into the midst of a happy people, without a 
 v of justification, without even a provo- 
 cation. 
 
 friends, it is vain to say, as many do, that 
 the anti-slavery agitation which has existed in 
 the Northern States for many years, was the 
 cause of Southern rebellion. I admit the exist- 
 ence and pernicious character of that agitation, 
 and have always condemned it. From its first 
 manifestation to the present time, I have uni- 
 formly opposed it. But I do not iutend, if 1 can 
 ent it, that treason shall hide its hideous 
 lineaments behind Abolitionism. The latter is 
 bid enough; but the former i6 ten thousand 
 ..-.. The latter would destroy slavery 
 if it could, but is without the least power to do 
 it: the former would disrupt the Uniou, over- 
 throw the Constitution, ahd'split the nation into 
 tile fragments; and its power has showu lt- 
 uch as to require half the military force of 
 the loyal States to crush it. If Abolitionism is 
 to be chargid with causing this rebellion, it 
 should have preceded Southern disunionism. 
 tie whole world knows that Andrew Jack- 
 son beat clown nullification and secession, in 
 1832, when there was not a known— ceralnly not 
 a meddlesome— abolitionist in all the free States, 
 nor had there been heard a whisper of anti- 
 slavery agitation there. Treason, then, was in 
 the South before Abolitionism was iu the North. 
 And if the history of the last thirty years proves 
 anything, it is that though the secession mon- 
 ster recoiled before the "old hero's" blows, it 
 nuts only to crouch in its lair, and watch, and wait. 
 The spirit of disunion which, in 1*832, made the 
 tariff the pretext for nullification, and threatened 
 secession if the government attempted to exe- 
 cute in South Carolina the law of Congress which 
 the Convention of that State had declared null 
 and void within her borders, never slept for a 
 single moment. It lived and grew in Southern 
 hearts, extended its control over Southern minds, 
 was a perpetual spring of Southern policy, and 
 long held up a Southern Confederacy as the realiv 
 zation of a Southern millenium. When the tariff 
 question failed to afford it a foothold, it fulfilled 
 Jackson's prophecy that its next attempt would 
 be in connection with the subject of slavery. 
 Unhappily, the Northern agitation on that sub- 
 ject, which began in 1834,— though limited in ex- 
 tent and of feeble proportions, and for many 
 years hardly respectable iu the number of its 
 adherents,— furnished that pretext only too 
 soon. Southern traitors saw in it their best 
 hope, and the disunion spirit acquired new life. 
 It presented a rallying point, around which they 
 hoped and labored to gather to disunion the whole 
 body of the slave States. But it was the point 
 ot revival, not of origin. I believe there has not 
 ;„, n ... mom* nt of time for fifty tears,m/i«i dis- 
 s not, to a greater or less extent, the ruling 
 thought of leading Southern politicians. If this 
 be true,' it stamps with the basest hy- 
 pocrisy all the Southern clamor about vi- 
 olated rights, and brands Southern leaders as 
 the worst" of traitors. That it is true, I will en- 
 deavor briefly to show 
 
 No man will deny that the attempt of South 
 Carolina, in 1832, to exercise the assumed State 
 right to nullify within her borders a law ot Con- 
 gress, wa6, to every intent and purpose, disunion. 
 I assume, and the propriety of the assumption 
 
will hardly be questioned, that it was impossible 
 tor the people of any State, to have been sudden- 
 ly brought to participate in, or consent to, dis- 
 union. The enormity of the act, viewed in any 
 light, was too great, and its probable conse- 
 quence6 too portentous, for it to have found 
 easy favor with &Dy portion of the people. It 
 was necessary to educate them to it. Hence, 
 were we without any direct evidence whatever, 
 we could not doubt that the spirit of disunion 
 existed in South Carolina, some time before its 
 abortive effort in 1832. How long before, we 
 cannot know conjectuially ; but, certainly, some 
 years But among the materials for history 
 which 'his rebellion has brought to light, is that 
 which, fortunately for the cause of truth, fixes 
 B tunc long before 1832, when the thought of 
 disunion was revolving in burning courses 
 through the brain that afterwards exerted a 
 more controlling influence over the South, 
 than that ot any other man. I need hardly 
 say that I refer to John C. Calhoun. He, 
 at least, if no other, as far back as the year 
 1813, entertained and uttered the thought of dis- 
 union. Whether it originated with him, cannot 
 be told. It is enough that he gave expression 
 to it early in his public lite, and that the idea has 
 never died since; but has been cherished in his 
 State, until it culminated in the incomparable 
 crime of the twentieth ot December, 1860. The 
 evidence of his having at so early a day — and, be 
 it remarked, during our last war with Great Bri- 
 tain — yielded his great mind to the lure of trea- 
 6on, is to be found in a letter of the venerable 
 Commodore Charles Stewart, of the United 
 8tate6 Navy, dated May 4, 1861, and published 
 extensively at the time. In that letter Cointno 
 dore Stewart gives his reminiscences of a con 
 venation which took place iu December, 1812 
 between hitn and Mr. Calhoun, then a Repre- 
 sentative in Congress. It would be interesting 
 to read the whole letter, but there is not time 
 for that. I must content myself with that part 
 ot it which relates to the matter in hand. 
 
 In the conversation, Commodore Stewart 
 said: 
 
 " You in the South and South-west are decidedly the 
 aristocratic portion of this Union j you are so iu hold- 
 ing persons i.i perpetuity in slavery; you are so in 
 every domestic quality; so in every habit iu your 
 lives, living and actions ; so in habits, customs inter- 
 course and manners ; you neither work with your 
 hands, heads, nor any machinery, but live and have 
 your living, not in accordance with the will of your 
 Creator, but by the sweat of slavery ; ana yet you as- 
 sume all the attiibntes, professions and advantages 
 of democracy." 
 
 To this Mr. Calhoun replied: 
 
 " I see that you speak from the head of a youne 
 statesman, and from the hoart of a patriot, but you 
 lose sight of the politician and the Bectional policy of 
 the people. [ admit your conclusions in respeci to 
 us Southrons. That we are essentially aristocratic I 
 cannoi deny, inn we can and do yield mm 
 
 racy, This ii our sectional i \ . we are rroi 
 
 iiy thrown upon and solemnly wedded to that 
 (however Q ma; 
 reelings), toi the i one< i eal Ion ot our Interests 
 throiM vlth thatparty, it, 
 
 •■)■; but Wh, 
 
 Ion, through 
 democracy, or any material 
 whichBhau tend to throw us out of t) 
 
 I then rt tort to thb i.i boh i k>» of i an 
 
 under 
 the cli 
 
 hut. and i 
 
 thai period, fon>< to the South no resoura but In 
 
 lotion; tor do amendments to the Const! utloncon d 
 
 be rearhed through a convention of the people under 
 the three-fourths rale." 
 
 It is upon the evidence furnished by this let- 
 ter, as well as by reasoning from the necessity 
 ot educating the people of South Carolina up to 
 disunion, prior to 1832, that I base my convic- 
 tion that that fata! idea has influenced the South- 
 ern mind, more or less, for a full half-century 
 past. Whether so or not, however, the other 
 position remains — concerning which there can 
 be no possible doubt — that disunionism preced- 
 ed Abolitionism several years ; and therefore the 
 latter cannot be the cause of the rebellion whose 
 flames encircle us now, bursting out from fires 
 kindled more than thirty years ago, that have 
 never once gone out in all that ti 
 
 Let U6 now glance at a few points in the his- 
 tory of the United States, from the days of nulli- 
 fication to the present time. Through that en- 
 tile period disunionism has had but one home in 
 this laud, and that was in the South. If there 
 were any in the North who entertained the 
 wretched thought, they were so few and so 
 feeble in influence, as to occasion not a moment's 
 uneasiness to any but themselves. The South, 
 and pre-eminently South Carolina, has all the 
 honor of the monster's paternity ; and s tke chord 
 which, from the fir6t, was touched, was that 
 which would easily vibrate through Southern 
 hearts — the apprehended loss of Southern control in 
 the national Government. It is very remarkable 
 that the prominent thought iu the speech with 
 which Mr. Calhoun, in the, Senate, on the 15th of 
 February, 1833, laid the foundation for the suc- 
 ceeding movement toward disunion, was. the very 
 same used by the South Carolina Convention, in 
 December, 1860, to seduce the other slave States 
 into secession. Both exhibited alively dread of the 
 South' sbeing in a minority, Itwasthi ■ ! ' pectacle 
 of an aristocracy clinging to power; the convul- 
 sive straggle of hands accustomed to the sceptre, 
 to keep it. In that speech the great Southerner 
 elaborated his theory of a minority veto upon 
 the will of the majority, and illustrated it from 
 Roman and Jewish history. From it I piesent 
 a few sentences, which you will agree with me 
 were a fit prelude to that deep-laid plot, which, 
 long after his voice ceased to be heard on 
 earth, bore the burning fruits of treason. He 
 said: 
 
 "But to return to the general government : we have 
 now sufficient experience to ascertain that the ten- 
 dency to conflict in this action is between (Southern 
 and other sections. The latter h.\ ■ d ma- 
 
 jority, must habitually '■•• \ d of the powi i 
 
 the government, both in ibis and the oilier House: 
 and being governed by that instinctive love of power 
 so natural to the human on asi they must oecome the 
 advocates of the powei and in the 
 
 game degree, epposed to the limitation!-; while the 
 other and weaker Bection is i thrown on 
 
 the side of the limitations. In one word, I 
 tion is the natural guardian ot the delegated powers, 
 and the other of the reserved; and the struggle on 
 the side of the former will be to enlarge the powers, 
 while that on the opposite si'.le will be to restrain 
 them within the constitutional limi ontest 
 
 will, in fact, be a contest between power and libi 
 and such he considered the present; a conte, 
 
 weaker section, with i^ peculiar labor, 
 at stake all that ran be 
 dear to freemen. Should the] be able to maintain in 
 iio ii fall vigor thei liberty and pros- 
 
 peritywill be their portion; init.if tiey yield, and 
 permit the Btronger Interest to consolidate withm 
 Itself all the powers of the government, "> 
 fati 6i //ion wretched 
 
 * * 
 
 southern man, trut toi qfhis section 
 
 and faithful to the duties whicl ehaa allot - 
 
 i ,•,■1,1,!, ,! prom a, honors 
 
 menU of this government, which will be reserved 
 
 for those only who have qaalifled themselves, by 
 
 political prostitution for admission into the)Magdalen 
 
 Asylums." 
 
Bitter, 6evere words ! with a depth of meaning 
 not then fathomed, even by the great statesmen 
 around him in the Senate, but in the light of this 
 day appallingly clear. They were spoken just 
 as nullification was quailing before Jackson's 
 tremendous charge, in his well-remembered 
 Proclamation, of December, 1832, and before the 
 slightest ripple of anti-slaveryism had disturbed 
 the surface of the nation. They were spoken by 
 the universally-acknowledged champion of the 
 South, and were meant to influence and shape 
 Southern action; for the speech was such as no 
 saDe man would have delivered, with expectation 
 of its acceptance in the North or the West. In- 
 deed, the evident design was to array the senti 
 mentofthe "weaker section," the South, against 
 the stronger sections, the North and West. And 
 what was referred to, to produce the desired 
 effect ? " The peculiar labor, productions 
 and situation" of the South. That topic was 
 adroitly sDrung upon the Southern mind, to 
 take the place of the then defunct tariff issue; 
 sprung before the South knew experimentally 
 what anti-slaveryism was; sprung in connection 
 with a quasi demand for a minority control of 
 the government; and, beyond all question, in- 
 tended as the rallying cry of the South, from 
 that time forth, until, in Mr. Yancey's words, 
 "at the proper moment, by one organized concerted 
 action, they could precipitate the cotton States into a 
 revolution !" 
 
 Now, my friends, if that was not the very begin- 
 ning of the agitation on the subject of slavery, I 
 confess that I am net well informed. Of course 
 1 do not forget the trouble connected with the 
 admission of our own Slate into the Union; but 
 that had passed away a dozen years before, leav- 
 ing no dregs behind. I refer to that excitement i 
 which has distempered nearly the last thirty ; 
 vears of our history; and I say that the first dis- | 
 turbing movement in reference to slavery was 1 
 by Southern men, for the purpose— made abun- j 
 dantly obvious by subsequent events — of consol- , 
 idating the slave States into a disunion phalanx, 
 to be ready at the beck of their leaders, when 
 "the proper moment" should arrive, to precipitate 
 revolution, and bring into existence a Southern | 
 Confederacy. Let us look at those subsequent 
 events. 
 
 The first opportunity, after 1833, for an active 
 manifestation of Southern disunionism, was in 
 1814, in connection with the question of annex- 
 ing Texas. You wHl remember that the South, 
 with great unanimity, urged the annexation, 
 while the North, to a large extent, was opposed to 
 it. Itwas no secret that the course of the South 
 was dictated by a desire to enlarge the area of slave 
 territory and increase the number ot slave States. 
 The disunion tiger, that had apparently slept, 
 roused himself, unfleshed his claws, and growled 
 the old growl of nullification clays. At Ashley, 
 in South Carolina, a great meeting was held, in 
 May, 1844, at which resolutions were adopted, 
 proposing a convention, " to deliberate and 
 decide upon the action to be taken by the slave 
 States on the question of annexation ; and to 
 appoint delegates to a convention of the slave 
 States, with instructions to carry into effect, the be- 
 hests of the people." What those behests 
 would be, was distinctly indicated in the two 
 following resolutions, the third and fourth of the 
 series : 
 
 quested by the general convention of the slave States, 
 to call Congress together immediately ; when the final 
 issue shall he made up, and the alternative distinctly 
 presented to the free States, either to admit Texas 
 into the Union,or to proceed peaceably and calmly to 
 arrange the terms of a dissolution of the Union." 
 
 3 " That a convention of the slave States, by dele- 
 gations from each, should be called, to meet at some 
 central position, to take into consideration the ques- 
 tion of annexing Texas to the Union, if the Union 
 will accept it : or. if the Onion will not accept it, 
 then of annexing Texas to the Southern States. 
 
 4. " That the President of the United States be re- 
 
 About thesame time another large meeting: 
 was held at Beautort, in the same State, which 
 declared— " If we are not permitted to oring 
 Texas into our Union peacefully and legitimate- 
 ly, as now we may, then we solemnly announce 
 to the world that we will dissolve this Inion sooner 
 than abandon Texas." 
 
 Another meeting in the Williamsburg district, 
 in that State, declared—" We hold it to be better 
 and more to the interest of the southern and south- 
 western portion of the Confederacy, to be out oj 
 the Union with Texas, than in it without her." 
 
 These are but specimens of the out-spoken 
 disunionism of South Carolina in 1844; and they 
 were responded to, in like spirit, in other 
 Southern States. These fresh manifestations of 
 the old spirit fully justified the denunciation 
 they received at the time from Colonel Benton, 
 in the Senate, in the following words, which it 
 had been well if the peopled the United States 
 had heeded : 
 
 " And here, Mr. President, I.must speak oat. The 
 time has come for those to speak out, who neithec 
 fear nor count consequences when their country is in 
 danger Nullification and disunion are revived un- 
 der circumstances which menace more danger than 
 ever, since coupled with a peculiar question which 
 gives to the plotters the honest sympathies of the 
 patriotic millions. I have often intimated it before, 
 but now proclaim it. Disunion is at the bottom of 
 this long-concealed Texas machination. Intrigue and 
 speculation co-operate; but disunion is at the bot- 
 tom and I denounce it to the American people. Un- 
 der the pretext of getting Texas into the Union, the 
 scheme is to get the South out of it.' 
 
 The next occasion when disunionism exhibit- 
 ed itself was in the memorable conflict ot 1850, 
 over the question of slavery in the Territories 
 ft would be instructive to review that eventful 
 struggle, terminating in the adoption of a series 
 of compromise measures, which lulled the storm 
 for a season ; but time does not permit. It must 
 answer for the present, to recall to your recol- 
 lection the imminent danger which apparently 
 then overhung the country. The South, as had 
 been its custom, menaced disunion; the North 
 and the West labored to avert it. The greatest 
 statesmen ol the land exerted their influence to 
 subdue the conflict. Once more peace was seem- 
 ingly restored; not because Southern treason 
 was any less living and resolute than before, but 
 because "the proper moment" had not arrived. 
 No opportunity had yet existed jor stealing the 
 arms of the nation, without which, rebellion 
 would be hopeless. To obtain them, it was nee 
 essirv tor the South to regain the control of the 
 Government. And so they were constrained to 
 bide their time. _ ., t> • 
 
 The election of General Pierce to the I resi- 
 dency in 1852, placed the War Department un- 
 der the control of Jefferson Davis tor four 
 vears; and it was well-understood that it Fre- 
 mont had been elected in 1856, the South would 
 then have revolted. But his defeat deprived 
 them of the requisite pretext ; and Reappoint- 
 ment of Floyd to succeed Davis in that Depart- 
 ment, under a President who, elected by the 
 votes of an almost unanimous South, had not 
 the disposition, or lacked force ot will, to con- 
 jtrol his traitorous plans and movements aflord- 
 ed an opportunity too advantageous to be lost, 
 ot completing the preparations lor the outbreak 
 of the treason, which had so long been secretly 
 i undermining the foundations of the Union. 
 
At last, " the proper moment " was seen by 
 the conspirators to be at hand. Eight years' 
 control of the army, the fortifications, and the 
 arms of the nation, had given them all they de- 
 sired. The South was armed, not only with the 
 intent of treason, out with the weapons to give 
 it effect. Only one thing was wanting, and that 
 was the occasion. That came with the recurrence 
 of the Presidential election, in 1860. The election 
 of a President by the Republican party was to be 
 the 6ignal lor revolt. It was indispensable that 
 that result should be secured beyond all perad- 
 venture. Should the Democratic party continue 
 united, the Republican candidate might be de- 
 feated, and then the conspiracy would fail, for 
 want of a sufficient pretext. So, early in 1860, 
 throughout the cotton States, in connection 
 with the appointment of delegates to the Demo- 
 cratic National Convention to be held at Charles- 
 ton, in May, the plans were laid, which resulted 
 in the disruption of that party, and made the 
 election of the Republican candidate a foregone 
 certainty. He was elected; and what followed 
 we know but too well. The schemes of the 
 traitors were at last near their fruition; the 
 dark day for America had come; the star of 
 her hope could hardly be seen in the blackness 
 which settled down upon the land; and while 
 the loyal part of the nation seemed to labor un- 
 der a paralysis, the demons of treason, loosed 
 from all restraint, burst upon the South, and, 
 sweeping away constitutions and laws, and dash- 
 ing down honor, justice, humanity, and truth, 
 gave themselves up to a carnival of falsehood 
 and robbery, treachery and destruction, which, 
 it were hardly a hyperbole to say, the devils 
 gazed at from their infernal abode with envy. 
 
 I trust, my friends, that the foregoing review 
 of the leading points in the rise and progressive 
 movements of Southern disunionism, through 
 more than the life of a generation, to their issue 
 in secession and civil war, may not have been 
 without interest to you. My object iu it, as you 
 will have perceived, was to establish by incon- 
 trovertible historical proofs, that Southern trea- 
 son ante-dates att the grievances urged in its Justi- 
 fication, and has only waited for a uuited South 
 to execute its tell purpose. Let him who will, 
 deliberately ignore the facts I have presented; 
 bnt I will not stultify myselt by shutting 
 out from my knowledge, what history will be 
 faithless if it do not record. No : it is already 
 burnt into American annals too deeply ever to 
 be removed, that disunion has been a cardinal 
 policy iu the South, without intermission, for 
 more than a third of a century; fostered, upheld, 
 and urged on, pear after year, with almost super- 
 human constancy, by men whoalltne time were 
 under oath to BupDort the Constitution they 
 were laboring to overthrow, and were bound by 
 the holiest obligations to defend and protect the 
 Country, whose ruin was the first ami greatest 
 object oi their machina 
 
 Hut still the greal question remains — Whence 
 l what the lij< of the rebellion, which in- 
 augurated tlu »■"/■ 'Ming the land? In 
 'he A. i. in ■ which it was my privilege to deliver 
 
 id thifl place, mi the recent ;imii \ ersaiy of Wash- 
 ington's biit b, i ,iiii not hesitate to declare my 
 conviction that Bi lvbbi was its one sole cause; 
 ■"i'l I have not v ord to retract or modify, oi 
 
 wh.it] then Said, [believe it, and cannot 'help 
 
 believing it. Ami l desire now to state, more 
 rally than l then could, the specific grounds of 
 onvlctlon; confident that they will be 
 deemed bj you tmpleand conclusive. 
 
 When the people ol > number of 81 
 tound united in principles, policy, and acts, the 
 plainest Bcnse instantly looks lor some influence 
 
 common to them all. Signally is this true, when 
 they so far renounce all the ties which horn their 
 birth have clustered around their hearts, as to 
 combine in treason. Now, who can designate 
 any influence in the insurgent States, other 
 than slavery, capable of producing such a result ? 
 It is the only one present in all — the only insti- 
 tution, domestic, social, or political, which could 
 biud them all together in 6uch a war as this. 
 This single view is enough with me, and should 
 be enough with every man whose mind is free to 
 reach a right conclusion. But I do not rest 
 merely upon this. The historical retrospect 
 which ha6 occupied our attention, is itself con- 
 clusive proof that, from the hour that nullifica- 
 tion failed in South Carolina, the South has, 
 through slavery, been gradually but surely linked 
 to the cause of disunion. 
 
 Recall the facts, and remark that in every in- 
 stance after Mr. Calhoun's speech in February, 
 1833, the disunion agitations were directly con- 
 nected with slavery, and with nothing else. In 
 1814, disunion w; s threatened, unless the slave 
 territory of Texas were added to the Union. In 
 1850, it was more alarmingly menaced, if slavery 
 were not permitted unrestricted access to the 
 Territories. In 1856, it took the form of a 
 widely-concerted plot to resist, with arms, the 
 inauguration of FKEMONTas President, solely on 
 the pretense of danger to slavery. In 1860, it 
 broke out in actual rebellion, on the same pre- 
 tense, because of the election of Mr. Lincoln; 
 and every defense of the rebellion, and every ap- 
 peal to the South for cooperation in it, was 
 based upon considerations appertaining to 
 slavery. 
 
 But not to confine ourselves to the course of 
 events in the South, let us come nearer home, 
 and look, lor a moment, at the position taken in 
 Missouri. You all remember that on the twelfth 
 of January, 1861, while the secession tempest 
 was sweeping over the South, a monster meet- 
 ing was held in St. Louis, which was catted a 
 Union meeting. A number of resolutions were 
 there adopted, some of which expressed Union 
 sentiments. But there was one which betrayed 
 the cloven foot of treason, and gave to that 
 meeting the unenviable paternity of that double- 
 faced mongrel, Conditional. Unionism; through 
 which a wound was inflicted upon the Union 
 cause iu this State, which has not to this day 
 healed. 1 he patriots of Missouri looked, and 
 had a right to look to St. Louis, for the moral 
 support of a clear and soul-stirring declaration 
 of loyalty to th« Constitution and the Union; 
 but those who, in conclave, prepared the reso- 
 lutions for that meeting — some of whom have 
 since been and still are iu arms against the 
 Union — treated them to poorly-disguised seces- 
 sionism, in the following declaration : 
 
 "That the possession of slave property is a consti- 
 tutional right, and as Mich ought to be I - 
 ni zed by the Federal Government. That if the Fede- 
 ral Government shall fail and refun to secure /his 
 right, ihe Southern States shot : united in 
 
 Its defence— in which event Missouri will bhake 
 THE 'common duties and common danheu of the 
 
 80TJTH.'' 
 
 This declaration was, in effect, a direct com- 
 mittal of Missouri, so far as that meeting could 
 commit her, to secession ; and thai upon the 
 ground ol' a failure by the general Government 
 to secure to the people the constitutional right 
 to hold 6lave property ; aright which, those as- 
 tute resolution-mongers in their eagerness for- 
 got, depends not upon the Constitution of the 
 United States, or the action of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, but upon local constitutions or laws, 
 and therefore neither needs, nor is entitled to de- 
 
mand, security from the Government of the na- 
 
 Thus you see, not only in the cotton States, 
 but up in the latitude of Missouri, where cotton 
 is not kins, the disunionists had but one watch- 
 word, and that was slavery. I could, if neces- 
 sary, accumulate evidence before you till to- 
 morrow's sunset, that slavery has, from first to 
 last, been the grand, sole key-note ol the South- 
 ern traitors ; but I must desist. There is, how- 
 ever, one document, which played so important 
 a part in promoting secession, that I will crave 
 your indulgence while I present a few lines from 
 it, I allude to the "Address of the people of South 
 Carolina, assembled in Convention, December 1860, 
 to thepeopl i oj the slavelwlding Slates." Listen to 
 the following words there found : 
 
 " Citizens of the slaveholding States of the United 
 States ■ Circumstances beyond our control have placed 
 as In the van of the great controversy between the 
 Northern and Southern States. We would have pre- 
 furred that other States should have assumed the po- 
 sition we now occuDy. Independent ourselves, we 
 disclaim any desire or design to lead the counsels of 
 tni* other Southern States. Providence has cast our 
 lot together, by extending over us an identity of pur- 
 suits, interests and institutions. South Carolina de- 
 sires no destiny separate from yours. To be one of 
 
 a GREAT SLAVEHOLDING CONFEDERACY, Stretching its 
 
 arms over a territory larger than any power in Europe 
 possesses— with a population four times greater than 
 that of the whole United States when they achieved 
 their independence of the British empire— with pro- 
 ductions which make our existence more important 
 to the world than that of any other people who inhabit 
 it— with common institutions to defend and common 
 dangers to encounter— we ask your sympathy and con- 
 federation. * * * United together, and we must be 
 the most independent, as we are the most important, 
 anions the nations of the world. United together, 
 and ice require no other instrument to conquer peace 
 than our beneficent productions. United together, 
 and we must be a great, free and prosperous people 
 whose renown must spread throughout the civilized 
 world and pass down, we trust, to the remotest ages. 
 We ask you to join us in forming A CON* EDU.- 
 EACY OF SLAVEHOLDING STATES." 
 
 Now, my friends, I ask, in the sincerest can- 
 dor, if any man who will allow himself dispas- 
 sionate reflection upon the facts as they exist, 
 can in his conscience say that any thing else than 
 slavery was the origin and cause of this rebellion? 
 What I have presented is, as it wore, but the title- 
 page of the vast volume of similar matter, which 
 the records and annals of our country contain ; 
 records and aunals which, for the honor of Amer- 
 ica and of the human race, should be wiped out 
 of existence and erased from memory forever. 
 They present one of the most startling exhibi- 
 tions of depaved public morality that can be 
 found in history ; not because the South loves 
 its "peculiar labor, productions, and situation,' 
 but because it exalts them above Constitut ion and 
 Country! Southern leaders, and a large part of 
 the Southern people, have shown themselves 
 willing and resolved to immolate all that makes 
 them respected as Americans— the unity and com- 
 bined power of America ; and for what ? Not, as 
 they lalsely affirm, to protect slavery against the 
 " northern vandals," or, as they less classically 
 term them, " the damned Yankees ;" but that the 
 aristocratic and overbearing spirit which slavery 
 engenders and stimulates, may have free scope, 
 unchecked by that pestilent democratic element, 
 which loves country; more than any material 
 interest, and is too much of " mud-sill" nature 
 to comprehend how or why, in a republic, an 
 arrogant minority should lord it over an equally 
 free and intelligent majority. Puffed up with 
 the notion, that, organized as a " slaveholding 
 confederacy," they would be " the most impor- 
 tant among the nations of the world," they are utter- 
 
 ly reckless of the fact, that, to attain that end, they 
 must sunder, with bloody and heartless violence, 
 the nation through whose Union they and their 
 " peculiar institutions" have been protected and 
 developed. Apparently as oblivious as the 
 grave of the obligation of every people to live 
 and act for the good of mankind, as well as for 
 their own, their every utterance breathes only of 
 self, and their every blow is struck for their own 
 supreme aggrandizement. A vision of wealth to 
 flow to them Irom a tributary world, of power 
 to be wielded by them over cringing natiops, 
 through their "beneficent productions," blinds 
 them to the damnable wrong of despoiling their 
 own nation of the very soil from which those 
 productions are to spring ; much the greater 
 part of which the nation bought, and 
 for a large portion of which the nation iought. 
 In a word "the divinity which stirs within 
 them," impelling to treason, robbery, and blood, 
 is that which neither Europe, Asia, or Africa 
 worships, but which it was reserved for Ameri- 
 cans to bow down to— the half-civilized negro ! 
 If any one within the sound of my voice sup- 
 poses, from what I have now or heretofore said, 
 that I am, or ever have been, in any degree im- 
 bued with bitterness toward slavery as a domes- 
 tic institution, he greatly wrongs me. Some 
 years of my youth were spent in Kentucky, 
 and nearly half of my life has been passed in this 
 State. I have, therefore, long been familiar with 
 slavery in two of the border slave States. As a 
 system of domestic servitude, while I believe it 
 unprofitable there, my mind is free from any 
 fanatical or intolerant bias against it. But when 
 it is attempted to use it as a foundation tor 
 amassing political power— when those interested 
 in the dollars it yields, evince that they love 
 the negro more than their country, and, 
 for the sake of the former, would dissever and 
 degrade the latter— when the masters of the 
 slaves demand, though a minority, to be also 
 the masters of a nation of white men, aud be- 
 cause the nation refuses, go about with fire 
 and sword to destroy it ; then I resist, and will 
 resist to the last moment of my life, aud with 
 all the powers which God may give me. In 
 that case, what men may say e>f me, what pro- 
 scription they may visit me with, what enmity 
 they may exhibit, what denunciations they may 
 hurl, are all matters of the most profound in- 
 difference to me. I will speak and act for my 
 Country, as duty demands, with no more con- 
 sciousness of those things, than the dead have of 
 the storms that oversweep their graves. 
 
 Thus far, fellow-citizens, I have confined my 
 remarks to the national aspects of our affairs. I 
 should deem my obligation unfulfilled, were I to 
 omit a distinct reference to the position and pol- 
 icy of Missouri in the present crisis. We belong 
 to a State which, in the elements of material 
 greatness, takes a front rank in our country. 
 Some of us have lived here many years, some all 
 their lives, and all of us are attached to our home. 
 Through the criminal machinations of a traitor- 
 ous Governor and Legislature,— now happily de- 
 posed from power by the people,— Missouri be- 
 came a battle-field. She has been wasted by the 
 tread of war, till over a large part of her surface 
 devastation and misery prevail. Thousands of 
 her people have endured untold sufferings, and 
 her interests, in every department, have been 
 grievously shattered. The impoverishment 
 which inevitably follows civil war, has fallen 
 crushingly upon her citizens. Her wealth is 
 probably 'not one-half now, what it was con- 
 sidered to be eighteen months ago. In every 
 light her condition is deplorable; and it was 
 made so by the Insane attempt, in the face of 
 
a clear impossibility, to precipitate her into 
 the whirlpool of Southern treason. To restore 
 t.er to her former high estate must be the work 
 of years, and be done by her own people. It is, 
 therefore, our manifest duty to bring ourselves, 
 with all «>m i- |">u ere, to the earnest consideration 
 of what will best achieve her restoration, and 
 mo i conduce to the welfare, present and future, 
 of ourselves and our children. On this subject, 
 o directly home to every heart, I have 
 ii words In have with you. 
 
 In the iw: i place, every man, woman, and child 
 within our borders, might as well at once dis- 
 miss all thought of Missouri's ever becoming a 
 pari "i the ".Southern Confederacy;" even if that 
 th-stricken abortion should be resuscitated, 
 and exist till the end of time. She has no in- 
 • in common with them, which should, or 
 will, lead her "to share the common danger 
 of the South." She is, in latitude, climate, and 
 productions, a northern State, and were she this 
 momenl severed from the northern and united 
 
 •untry, the 
 severance would be so utterly unnatural, so 
 completely ruinous to her, that her people 
 would, by tens of thousands, desert her terri- 
 tory, and seek better homes within the Union; 
 and their places would never be filled from the South. 
 But besides this, Missouri lies directly in the 
 path between the Atlantic and Pacific sections 
 "i the Onion; and the national Government 
 would wage endless war, — and ought to do so, — 
 rather than sullcr her to become the possession 
 power. Her destiny, therefore, is 
 Jljced, finally and irrevocably, in the Union. 
 
 Such being the case, how shall we best and 
 soonest restore hei, in the Union, to sound and 
 stable prosperity? In my opinion, there is no 
 serious difficulty in answering this question. 
 As it has, for many years, been generally con- 
 ceded by cool-headed and sagacious men, slave- 
 holders among us:, that slavery is not essential 
 to our prosperity, and, indeed, has but a 
 limited held here in which it is profitable 
 as a system of labor ; as it is known to retard 
 
 immigration to our State ; as it is, beyond doubt, 
 the origin and life of this horrible rebellion ; as 
 it is undeniably true, that, but for its existence 
 among us, we should have been almost wholly 
 exempt from the immediate presence of this war 
 within our boundaries; and as, judging from 
 the past amd the present, it may be expected to 
 be a fruitful source of trouble in the future ; it 
 appears to me, in the exercise of the best judg- 
 ment I possess, that, to provide in some welt-con ■ 
 sidered, equitable, and gradual way, for Us eventual 
 removal from our soil, would do more than all other 
 things, to lift Missouri speedily out of her present 
 unhappy condition, and start her forward in 
 a fresh and higher career of prosperity. As 
 to wheu this subject should be brought be- 
 fore the people for practical discussion, or how 
 the result should be effected, or when the pro- 
 cess should begin,;or when the day of final ex- 
 tinction should be fixed, I have nothing now to 
 say. To express my opinion upon the main 
 question, is enough for the present. This, 
 however, ciioiild be said— that whenever pie-; 
 sented to the popular mind, no fanatical, radical, 
 or impetuous views should have influence -««Lm' 
 it is a subject which will* tax the b< I 
 and purest minds of our State to Iheir 
 utmost, to deal with it in wisdom and jus- 
 tice. Such views certainly have no influence 
 upon me. I consider the question with refer- 
 ence solely to our interest as apeople ; having no 
 opinions concerning it which I would force 
 upon others, nor any intolerance toward those 
 who may differ from me. Our fortunes are 
 closely linked together, and, humanly speaking, 
 our destiny must be carved out by ourselves. 
 We should, therefore, in a fraternal spirit, 
 consider what will bring the greatest amount 
 of permanent benefit to all. For my part, 
 I will be faithful in the calm pursuit of what 
 may at any time seem to me for the highest 
 good of our whole State ; and, appealing to 
 Heaven for the sincerity and purity of . my 
 motives, will cheerfully commit the issue to the 
 hands of an all-wise and gracious Providence. 
 

 .Vflfc* ^/ /*&*. ^ 
 
 «M^ 
 
 ^ ( 
 
 
 <° V* is 
 
 ** °<* \ 
 
 ■ pray" r & 
 
 *9 * * * ■ 
 
w 
 
 ^v 
 
 .;• J* % -lw' ^ % • 
 
 
 
 .- ,G V ^> *«. »* A \ 
 
 iOt", 
 
 
 
 
 «^** : 
 
 
 
 A^*^ 
 * ^ ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 'bV" 
 
 
 «*0< 
 
 
 r oV" 
 
 *°^ 
 
 ■?**, 
 P ^ 
 
 
 
 
 S V * 
 
 
 
 r' ,' 
 
 
 
 fe,/ .-^f; **^ A'- \/ ••$&•• %/ •*' 
 
 
 ^^r 
 
 
 V v •••^L'* c* 
 
 ^Q'