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 i 
 
Glass, ^ ^ 
 
 I U II ii. ■ ' 
 
 Book . '41 
 
HISTORY (\ 
 
 4 
 
 OF THE 
 
 STATE OF VERMONT, 
 
 FROM ITH EARLIEST SETTLEMENT TO THE CLOSE OF 
 THE YEAR 1832. 
 
 BY ZADOCK ^^HOMPSOJV, A. M,, 
 
 AUTHOR or THE GAZETTEER OF VERMOKT,- 
 
 V 
 
 C/,, 
 
 \'-' ■ 
 
 BUL.INGTOJV; 
 EDWARD SMITH.- 
 
 1833. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 
 1833, by Zadock Thompson^ in the clerk's office 
 of the district of Vermont. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 7\^ 
 
 Tlie acknowledged want of a concise History of 
 Vermont, adapted to the use of the higher classes in 
 our schools, as well as for general reading, is deemed 
 a sufficient apology for adding another to the multi- 
 farious publications of the day. The early History 
 of Vermont is unlike that of any other state in the 
 Union. As the inhabitants on the New Hampshire 
 grants had never been organized as a province, under 
 the crown of England, and as they constantly re- 
 fused submission to the provincial governments, 
 which claimed authority over them, they found them- 
 selves without any bond of union excepting their 
 common interests, and their social affections. The 
 History of Vermont is, therefore, that of a people 
 assuming the powers of self government, and advanc- 
 ing, by successive steps, from a state of nature to the 
 establishment of a civil compact and to a regular and 
 efficient organization. These peculiarties of our 
 early history, render it a subject of uncommon inter- 
 est to all, and, especially so, to the descendants of 
 those statesmen and philanthropists, to whom, through 
 the blessing of God, are indebted for all their val- 
 uable institutions ; and one of the principal motives 
 which led to the compilation of the following pages 
 was a desire to awaken, and perpetuate, in the breasts 
 of the young, that spirit of patriotism, independence 
 
4 PREFAef. 
 
 and self denial, which so nobly animated the hearts 
 of their fathers. 
 
 The materials for the following pages have been 
 principally derived from the History of Vermont, by 
 Doctor Samuel Williams, the Vermont State Papers 
 compiled by the Hon. William Slade, and from in- 
 formation collected by the Author, while compiling 
 his Gazetteer of Vermont, in the year 1824. Doctor 
 Wiliams' history is an interresting and valuable work, 
 but it is too voluminous and expensive for general cir- 
 culation. The collection of State Papers above men- 
 tioned, is invaluable to the historian and antiquarian, 
 as containing the elements of our history, but is not 
 calculated to interest the young, or to find its way in- 
 to all the families in the state. It has, therefore, been 
 the object of the present undertaking to furnish a 
 work, which should neither be so brief as entirely to 
 preclude any of the important incidents of our early 
 history, nor so voluminous and expensive as to [)lace 
 it above the reach of any individual. With what 
 success this object has been accomplished, it belongs 
 not to the writer to say ; but if this volume shall serve 
 in any manner to revive among us those virtues, for 
 which our ancestors were so much distinguished, 
 he will so far have accomplished one of the princi- 
 p 1 objects contemplated in the undertaking, and he 
 will hereafter have the satisfaction of reflecting that 
 his humble labors have not l>een altogether useless. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface. - Page 3 
 
 Topographical sketch, ... - - 9 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTION INDIAN AND COLONIAL WARS. 
 
 Section I. Discovery of America — Discovery and set- 
 tlement of Canada — Discovery of Lake Champlain, 13 
 
 Section II. Pronjress of the English and Dutch settle- 
 ments, from 1607, to 1638, . . . . IG 
 
 Section III. French and English Colonies — Transac 
 tions in the vicinity of Vermont from 1638 to 1705, 19 
 
 Section IV. French and English Colonies. — Transac. 
 tions in Vermont and its vicinity from 1705 to 1749, 24 
 
 Section V. French and English Colonies — from 1748 
 to 1756. Braddock defeated — The French defeated 
 at fort William Henry, . - . - . 29 
 
 Section VI. French and English Colonies — from 1756 
 to 1758. Fort William Henry surrendered to the 
 French — Massacre of the garrison, . - 35 
 
 Section VII. French and English Colonies — Events of 
 1758. Capture of Louisburg — Abercrombie defeated 
 — Fort Frontenac and Du Qucsne taken, - 39 
 
 Section VIII. French and English Colonies — Transac. 
 tions of 1759 and 1760. Quebec taken — Ticonderoga, 
 Crown Point and Niagara taken — Expedition against 
 1* 
 
O ^ CONTENTS. 
 
 the St Francis Lwliajis — Moatrooi and Canada surren- 
 der) - * 44 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SETTLEMENT, AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 
 
 Section I. Vermont previous to the year 1760, - 51 
 
 Section II. Controversy between New Hampshire and 
 New York, respecting the territory of Vermont — 
 from 1749 to 1764, 54 
 
 Section III. Controversy with New York from 1764 to 
 1773, 58 
 
 Section IV. Character of the settlers on the New 
 Hampshire grants and their modes of punishment, 63 
 
 Section V. Controversy with New York from 1773 to 
 1775 — Miniatory act of New York-^Resolutions and 
 remonstrance of the settlers, ... 67 
 
 Section VI. Brief review of the progress of settlement 
 previous to the Revolution, .... 75 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 Section I. Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga 
 — Invasion of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col War- 
 ner — St Johns and Montreal taken by General Mont- 
 gomery — Assault upon Quebec, ... 77 
 
 Section II. Events of 1776. Small Pox fatal in the 
 army — American army retreats — Unsuccessful expedi- 
 tion against Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — 
 Chamblee and St Johns abandoned by the Americans 
 Naval engagement on lake Champlain — Crown Point 
 abandoned, 87 
 
 Section III. Events of 1777. Advance of General 
 Burgoyne — Ticonderoga abandoned by the Americana 
 — Battle at Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — 
 
CONTENTS. ' 
 
 Battle at Uonnington — At Stillwater — Surrender of 
 Burgoyne, - 95 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CrVIL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Section I. From the year 1775, to the Declaration of 
 the Independence of Vermont in 1777, - - 116 
 
 Section II. Establishment of the Government of Ver- 
 mont — from the Declaration of Independence .January 
 15, 1777, to the meeting of the General assembly on 
 the 12th of March 1778, 121 
 
 Section III. Controversy with New Hampshire in 1778, 
 and 1779 — Legislative proceedings in Vermont, 127 
 
 Section IV. Controversy with New York, New Hamp- 
 shire and Massachusetts, in 1778—1779 and 17b0, 133 
 
 Section V. Union of Vermont with a part of New 
 Hampshire and a part of New York in 1781, 141 
 
 Section VI. Negotiation with the British in Canada 
 from 1780, to 1783, 145 
 
 Section VII. Indian depredations upon the settlements 
 in Vermont, ... - - - 159 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF VERMONT INTO 
 THE UNION, 
 
 Section I. Extending from the completion the eastern 
 and western unions with Vermont on the 22d of June, 
 to 1781, the dissolution of the same on the 22d day of 
 February 1782, 166 
 
 Section II. Proceedings of Congress — Disturbances in 
 Vermont — from the Dissolutions of the unions in 
 Vermont February 22d, 1782, to the Treaty of Peace 
 between the United States and Great Britain, January 
 20th, 1783, 174 
 
8 CONTENTS. 
 
 Section III. Disturbances in Vermont growing out of 
 the controversy with New York, - - 181 
 
 Section IV. Settlement of the controversy with New 
 York, and the Admission of Vermont into the Union, 
 
 185 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT AFTER HER ADMISSION INTO THE 
 UNION. 
 
 Section I. Extending from the admission of Vermont 
 into the Union in 1791, to the Resignation and death 
 of Governor Chittenden in 1797, - - 191 
 
 Section II. Legislative proceedings in Vermont from 
 the year 1797 to 1812, .... 199 
 
 Section III. Legislative proceedings from 1812 to 1815 
 — War with Great Britain — Events on Lake Cham, 
 plain — Battle at Plattsburgh, . . - 2J2 
 
 Section IV. Legislative proceedings from 1814 to the 
 close of the year 1832, ... . 221 
 
 Section V. The Frame of Government — Legislative 
 Power — Executive Power — Council of Censors Judi- 
 ciary — Laws — Education — Diseases &c. - 230 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 No. 1 Gov. & Lieu Gov. 241[No. 7 Rep. in Congress, 245 
 
 No. 2 Treas. & Sec. 242 
 
 No. 3 Speak. & Clerks, 242 
 
 No. 4 Coun. & Towns, 243 
 
 No. 5.Judg.of Sup. C. 244 
 
 No. 6 Senators in Con. 245 
 
 No. 8 Lotteries, 246 
 
 No. 9 Population, 347 
 
 No. 10 Banks, 248 
 
 No. 11 Colleges, 249 
 
 No. 12 Councils of Cen. 250 
 
SKETCH OF THE TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 
 
 1. Vermont constitutes the north-western part of that 
 section of the United States, which is called New Eng. 
 land. It lies between 42 degrees 44 minutes ,and 45 
 degrees of north latitude ; and between 3 degrees 31 
 minutes, and 5 degrees 24 minutes east longitude from 
 the Capitol of the United States at Washington. The 
 length of this State from north to south is 157:1 miles. 
 The width is various, being 90 miles at the north end 
 and only 40 at the south. The mean width is about 57 
 miles, and the whole surface of the State, about 9000 
 square miles, or 5,760,000 acres. It comprehends the 
 territory lying between Connecticut river and lake Cham- 
 piain, which was ; formerly known by the name of the 
 New Hampshire grants, and is bounded north by Canada, 
 east by New Hampshire, south by Massachusetts, and 
 west by New York. 
 
 2. The face of the country is generally uneven and 
 the central parts mountainous. The range of Green 
 Mountains, which give name to Vermont, extends quite 
 through the State from south to north, keeping nearly 
 a middle course between Connecticut river and lake 
 Champlain. These mountains rise, in several places, to 
 a heiglrt exceeding 4000 feet above the level of the sea, 
 
10 TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMONT. 
 
 but they are not generally precipitous, and are most of 
 them covered with tirhber to their summits. The loftiest 
 of these summits are the Nose and Chin in Mansfield, 
 Camel's Hump, and Shrewsbury and Killington peaks. 
 
 3. Among these mountains, arise a great number of 
 streams, which following the several declivities, find 
 their way into Connecticut river on the east, or lake 
 Champlain on the west. The principal streams, which 
 fall into the Connecticut, are the Wantastiquet or West 
 river. Black, Otte-Quechee, White, Wells and Pasump- 
 sic. Those which fall into lake Champlain, are Otter 
 Creek, Winooski, or Onion, Lamoille and Missisco. 
 Black, Barton, and Clyde rivers run northerly into lake 
 Memparemagog. These are all considerable streams, 
 and they all abound in falls and rapids, which might af- 
 ford water power for propelling machinery to almost any 
 amount. 
 
 4. Lake Champlain stretches along the western border 
 of Vermont for the distance of about 100 miles, and varies 
 from half a mile to thirteen miles in width. It affords an 
 easy communication between the Hudson and the St 
 Lawrence, and it will be seen by the following pages that 
 both the French and English frequently availed them- 
 selves of the facilities it afforded in their predatory ex- 
 peditions against each^other. Lake Memphremagog is 
 situated on the northern boundary of Vermont and lies 
 about half way between lake Champlain and Connecticut 
 river. It is between 30 and 40 miles long, and from 3 to 
 4 miles wide. These lakes, as well as the rivers and 
 smaller streams, were formerly well stored with fish ; 
 and fromtheir waters the natives derived a large share 
 of theirsubsistence. 
 
 5. When first visited by Europeans, this whole tract 
 
TOPOGRAPHT OF VERMONT. 11 
 
 of country was one unbroken forest. At that period the 
 hand of industry had no where laid bare the soil to the 
 genial influence of the summer's sun. The borders of 
 the lakes and rivers were then shaded by a beautiful and 
 lofty growth of pine and elm — tiie uplands were heavily 
 timbered with maple, beech and birch, interspersed with 
 a variety of other trees — while the mountains, which 
 lifted their blue heads among the clouds, were clothed to 
 their towering summits, with the perpetual verdure of 
 their hardy evergreens. 
 
 6. These forests, and the margins of the lakes and 
 streams, were well stored with moose, deer, bears, 
 wolves, otter, beaver, and a variety of other animals, 
 which made this region the favorite hunting ground of 
 the natives ; and here, from time immemorial, the succes- 
 sive generations had pursued the chase, vying in fleetness 
 with the passing wind, and free as the mountain air, 
 which they inhaled. 
 
 7. Where now we behold smiling villages, thronged 
 by the busy multitudes, and cultivated farms, yielding 
 the peaceful fruits of regulated industry, then were seen 
 nought, but dark and gloomy forests and the pyres erec- 
 ted in their midst, for the immolation of those, whom 
 the fortune of war had thrown into the hands of an enemy. 
 Where now from our fields and hamlets the hum of busi- 
 ness daily ascends, save when exchanged for ' the sound 
 of the church-going bell,' and hushed for the rational and 
 solemn worship of Almighty God,— then were heard Only 
 
 the war-whoop and the death song of the savage the 
 
 commingled strains of fierceness and exultation— the 
 horrid shrieks of cruelty and of death. 
 
 8. But changes so auspicious in the general aspect of 
 things have not been effected without toils, and difficulties 
 
12 TOPOGRAPHY OF VERMOIfT. 
 
 and dangers, to which the present inhabitants of Vcr- 
 mont, surrounded by their conveniences and comforts, 
 are utter strangers. The ruggedness of the country, 
 the density of the forests, the length and dreariness of 
 the winters, and above all their exposure to the depreda- 
 tions of the merciless savages, were for a long period 
 sufficient to deter all from emigrating hither excepting 
 men of the stoutest hearts and most robust bodies. And 
 then the labors of cutting down the forests, subduing the 
 soil, procuring means of subsistence, and defending their 
 possessions against unjust and arbitrary claims, were 
 calculated to continue in vigorous exercise all their pow. 
 ers of body and mind. 
 
 9. But as they possessed neither the means, nor the 
 leisure for mental cultivation, their characters, as would 
 be expected, partook very much of the boldness and 
 roughness of the mountain scenery amidst which 
 they resided. From being accustomed to face dangers 
 of different kinds, and to surmount difficulties by their 
 personal exertions they acquired an unlimited confidence 
 in their own abilities, and imbibed the loftiest notions of 
 liberty and independence. These traits of their general 
 character, as will be seen by the following pages, were 
 fully developed during the controversies, in which it was 
 their lot to be for many years involved, and they have at 
 all periods marked their proceedings in the council and 
 in the field. 
 
ta f STORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 CHAPTER I . 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 f N D ! A N A N D C O I, O N 1 A L VV A R S 
 
 SECTION I . 
 
 Discovery of America — Discovery and Sdtleinent of Cana- 
 da — Discovery of lake Champlain. 
 
 1. The discovery of the American continent by 
 Christopher Columbus, in 1499, awakened a spirit of 
 enterprise, not only in Si)ain, but in all the principal 
 nations of Europe. From each of these, expeditions 
 were fitted out, and swarms of adventurers issued forth, 
 either to immortahze their names in the annals of dis- 
 covery, or to enrich themselves and their country with 
 the treasures of a new world. Spain took the lead '' 
 the career of discovery, and was followed by EngJ 
 France and Holland ; but while S{)ain, invited ' (O 
 golden treasures of the Incas, was pursuing her COR- 
 quests and exterminating the defenceless '. uives in 
 the south, the three latter nations were pepc.'abiy enrt 
 succesfully prosecuting their discoveries in ok* 
 northerly regions. 
 2 
 
14 HISTORY OF VERMONT 
 
 2. In 1534, James Cartier, in the service of France, 
 while exploring the continent of America in the north- 
 ern latitudes, discovered, on St Lawrence's day, the 
 great gnlf and river of Canada, to which he gave the 
 name of St Lawrence. The next year he returned 
 with three shi})s, entered the gulf, and, having left his 
 shij)s at anchor between the island of Orleans and the 
 shore, he ascended the river St Lawrence with his 
 boats, 300 mileSjto the Indian town of Hochelaga, 
 where he arrived on the 2nd day of October, 1535. 
 To this place he gave the name of Montreal, which it 
 has ever since retained. This was doubtless the first 
 voyage ever made by civilized maji into the interior 
 of North America, and the first advance of a civilized 
 people into the neighborhood of the territory of Ver- 
 mont. 
 
 3. Cartier and his companions, were every where 
 received by the natives with demonstrations of joy and 
 were treated by them with the greatest respect and 
 veneration. The savages seemed to consider the Eu- 
 ropeans as a higher order of beings, whose friendship 
 and fovors they deemed it of the highest importance 
 to secure. And this was true not only of the Canada 
 Indians, but of the natives of every part of the Ameri- 
 can continent ; and the suspicions of the natives were 
 not generally aroused, nor preparations made, either 
 for defence or hostility, till the new comers had mani- 
 fested their avarice and meanness by the most cruel 
 acts of injustice and violence. 
 
 4. On the 4th of October, Cartier departed from 
 Ilochelaga, and on the 11th arrived safely with his par- 
 ty at 'he island of Orleans. Here he spent the winter, 
 during ^^iiich he lost many of his men by the scurvy, 
 and in the spring returned to France. In 1540, Car- 
 t"er again visited Canada and attetnpted to found arol- 
 .^ny ; but this colony was soon broken up, and no fur- 
 •;k r attemprt were made by the French to establish 
 ^ aeraselvfts in this part of the country for more than 
 halifa ceatury. In 1603, Samuel Champlain,a French 
 
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 15 
 
 nobleman, sailed up the St Lawrence, visited the sev- 
 eral places, which Cartier had described, and, having 
 obtained all tlie information, which he could derive from 
 the natives, respecting the ijiterior of the country, he 
 returned to France to communicate his discoveries and 
 to procure assistance in establishing a colony. 
 
 5. It was not, however, till the year 1608, that the 
 French court could he induced to fit out a fleet for the 
 pur))ose of founding a colony on the river St Lawrence. 
 This fleet was jjlaeed under the command of Cham- 
 plain, who, in the beginning of July, arrived at a place 
 called by the natives, Quebec. The situation of this 
 place being elevated and conimanding, and its being 
 mostly surrounded by water rendering its defence easy, 
 Champlain had in a former voyage designated it as the 
 most eligible spot for beginning a settlement. He there- 
 fore innnediately commenced cutting down the tim- 
 ber, clearing the land, building houses, and preparing 
 the soil for cultivation. Here lie spent the following 
 winter, in the course of which, jiis little culony suf- 
 fered extremely from the scurvy and from the severi- 
 ty of the climate. 
 
 6. In the spring of 1609, Champlain left Quebec, 
 accompanied by two other Frenchmen and a party of 
 the natives, for the purpose of exploring the interior of 
 the country, particularly the southern lakes, which the 
 Indians informed him opened a communication with a 
 large and warlike nation called the Iroquois. Cham- 
 plain proceeded u]) the St Lawrence and the river now 
 called the Sorel, till he arrived at a large lake. To 
 tiiis lake he gave his own name, which it still retains. 
 Proceeding southward, he reached another lake lying 
 to the southwest of lake Champlain, which he named 
 St Sacrament, but which is now known by the name 
 of lake George. 
 
 7. On the shores of lake George, they fell in with 
 a party of the Iroquois, between whom and the Canada 
 Indians, a war had long subsisted. A skirmish imme- 
 diately ensued, but the Frenchmen being armed with 
 Tuusket^ it was soon decided in favor of Champlain 
 
16 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 and his party. Tli6 Iroquois were put to fliglu, leaving 
 50 of their number dead upon the field, whose scalps 
 were taken and carried to Quebec. This was doubt- 
 less the first time the Indians, in these regions, ever 
 witnessed the effect of European arms, and it is proba- 
 ble the panic produced in the astonished natives, 
 contributed, not a little, to a favorable and speedy 
 termination of the combat. 
 
 8. Thus, so early as the year 1609, was lake Cham- 
 plain, and the western borders of the present territory 
 of Vermont, discovered and partially explored by the 
 French ; and although, after this event, more than a 
 century elapsed, before this tract of country became the 
 residence of any civilized inhabitants, it was, during this 
 period, and long after, the theatre of war, and a scene 
 of Indian havoc and cruelty, of the most appalling 
 character. But these wars were wholly carried on by 
 the Canada Indians and the French, whose settlements 
 were rapidly extending up the St Lawrence, on one 
 part, and by the confederated nations of the Iroquois 
 on the other, previous to the year 1664. This year 
 the Dutch settlement, of New Netherlands, was sur- 
 rendered to the English, and its name changed to New 
 York ; and from this ])eriod, the country now called 
 Vermont, and lake Champlain, became the great tho- 
 roughfare of the French and English colonies and their 
 Indian allies in their almost incessant wars with each 
 other. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Progress of the English and Dutch settlements, from 
 1607 to 1638. 
 
 1. W^hilc the French were founding their colony 
 at Quebec, exploring the regions of Canada, and rapid- 
 
DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 17 
 
 ly extending their settlements along the banks of the 
 St Lawrence, the other nations of Europe were not 
 inactive. The English, after several unsuccessful at- 
 tempts, succeeded in 1607, in making a permanent 
 settlement upon the banks of James river in Virginia, 
 and about t he same time planted a small colony in the 
 present state of Maine, in 1614, Capt. John Smith 
 explored the sea coast from Penobscot to cape Cod, 
 drew a map of the same and denominated the country 
 New England. 
 
 2. In 1609, Capt. Henry Hudson, at that time in 
 the service of Holland, discovered am! gave his own 
 name to Hudson river, now in the state of New York, 
 and in 1614, the Dutch began a settlement on the island 
 of Manhattan, where the city of New York now stands. 
 To the country they gave the name of New Nether- 
 lands and the town they called New Amsterdam, in 
 allusion to the country and city they had left in Europe. 
 About the same time they built fort Orange where 
 Albany now is, and soon after began settlements at 
 Schenectaday and other places in the vicinity. 
 
 3. In 1620, a band of English subjects, who, to 
 avoid persecution, had, 20 years before, taken refuge in 
 Holland, and who were denominated puritans from 
 their scrupulous religious conduct, embarked for 
 America, where they hoped to be allowed the privi- 
 lege of enjoying, undisturbed, their pecuhar notions, 
 and of worshiping their Creator in that unadorned 
 simplicity of manner, which they supposed the scrip- 
 tures to inculcate. Their place of destination was the 
 mouth of Hudson river ; and, as they contemplated 
 forming their settlement muler the protection of the 
 English, they hfid obtained a ])atent of lands from the 
 Virginia company in England previous to their em- 
 barkation. 
 
 4. After encountering many difficulties and delays 
 they finally got to sea, but their pilot, either through 
 treachery or ignorance, shaped his course so far to the 
 northward, that the first land they discovered was 
 
 2* 
 
18 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 cape Cod, distant more than 300 miles from the near- 
 est civilized settlement, and not within the limits of 
 their patent. The season was so far advanced, it being 
 now the 9th of November, that it was deemed expe- 
 dient to attempt a settlement in the section of country 
 where they were, and preparations for that purpose 
 were immediately commenced. After spendhig some 
 time in exploring the coasts and harbors ; and after 
 having formed themselves into a body politic under 
 the crown of England and chosen John Carver, their 
 governor, they landed on the 22nd day of December, and 
 began a settlement, which they called New Plymouth, 
 (now Plymouth in Massachusetts,) in allusion to the 
 town they had left in England. 
 
 5. This colony, at first, consisted of 101 persons ; 
 but the severity of the climate, the want of accommo- 
 daitons, theij- unusual hardships and a mortal sicknesa 
 which prevailed, reduced their number to 56, before 
 the opening of the next spring. Their drooping spirits 
 were, however, revived during the next summer, by 
 the arrival of supplies from England and by a consid- 
 erable addition to the number of settlers. From this 
 time the affairs of the Plymouth colony assumed a 
 brighter aspect, and the settlements in these parts were 
 rapidly extended, 
 
 6. As early as the year 1623, the English had begun 
 settlements at Portsmouth and Dover, in the present 
 state of New Hampshire, and, in 1633, they had pene- 
 trated the wilderness to Connecticut river and establish- 
 ed themselves at Windsor in Connecticut. In 1635, they 
 had extended their settlements northward up this river 
 as far as Springfield in Massachusetts, and soon after 
 they established themselves at Deerfield. Thus early 
 were the French on the north, the Dutch on the south 
 and the English on the east, advancing their settlements 
 into the neighborhood of the present state of Vermont. 
 
 7. A short time previous to the arrivajl of the Ply- 
 nioirth colony a mortal sickness had prevailed among 
 the natives, by which the country, in the neighborhood 
 
PEQUOD WAR. 19 
 
 of their landing, had been almost divested of inhabi- 
 tants. But the natives, who remained, welcomed the 
 English with demonstrations of joy, and seemed dis- 
 posed to admit the new comers into their country upon 
 friendly terms. But the repeated acts of injustice and 
 extortion on the part of the settlers, and the astonishing 
 rapidity with which their settlements were extending 
 over the country, at length aroused the jealousy of the 
 Indians, and in 1630, a general conspiracy was formed 
 by the Naragansets and other tribes, the object of 
 which was the total extermination of the English. 
 The settlers however, were seasonably informed of the 
 plot and their vigorous preparations to defeat it, ef- 
 fectually deterred the Indians from attempting its exe- 
 cution. 
 
 8. But soon after this event, the English settlers 
 were involved in a war with the Pequods, a powerful 
 tribe of Indians, who inhabited the northwestern parts 
 of Connecticut. This war was prosecuted with vigor 
 on both sidfis, but was terminated in 1637, by the 
 complete overthrow of the Pequods. Seven hundred 
 of the Indians were slain, some fled to the Mohawks, 
 by whom they were treacherously murdered, and the 
 Pequods who remained in the country and the other 
 tribes of Indians were so much terrified at the prowess 
 of the English as to be restrained from open hostilities 
 for nearly ibrty years. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 French and English Colonies — Transactions in the vi- 
 cinity of Vermont from 1638 to 1705. 
 
 1. Although both the French and English colonies 
 had long been in the habit of furnishing the Indians 
 with arms, ammunition, provisions and clothing, wheu 
 
20 HISTORY OF VERMONT, 
 
 going to war either among themselves, or with an 
 opposite colony ; yet previously to the year 1689, no 
 expedition had ever been fitted out in one colony for 
 the express purpose of aiding the Indians in their 
 depredation upon another. This j'ear it was resolved 
 by the French to attempt, by the aid of the Canada 
 Indians, the conquest of the province of New York, 
 which had now been for some time in possession of 
 the English. They looked upon this course as the 
 only effectual method of subduing their most inveterate 
 and troublesome enemy, the Iroquois. 
 
 2. It was proposed that a large body of Canadians 
 and Indians should march by the way of lake Cham- 
 plain, and fall upon Albany and the other northern 
 settlements ; and that the city of New York should be 
 at the same time attacked by a fleet, ordered for that 
 purpose from France. But while preparations were 
 making and before the arrival of the fleet, the Iroquois 
 made a descent upon Canada, plundered and burnt 
 Montreal and broke up most of the frontier settlements. 
 Frontenac, the French general, was so much disheart- 
 ened by these calamities, that he rehnquish' d the hope 
 he had entertained of conquering New York, but he 
 considered some attempt against the English settle- 
 ments indispensable, in order to revive the drooping 
 spirits of the Canadians and Indians. 
 
 3. Two i)ai'ties were therefore sent out. One of 
 these, under the command of Seur Hortel, on the 18th 
 of March, 1690, succeeded in destroying the fort at 
 Salmon falls in New Hampshire, where they slew 30 
 of the English and took 54 prisoners, whom they 
 carried to Canada. The other party, consisting of 200 
 French and 50 Indians, commanded by D. Aillebout, 
 set out from Montreal in the beginning of January, 
 and, proceeding by the way of lake Champlain, di- 
 rected their march towards Schenectady, a settlement 
 on the Mohawk river, 14 miles northwest from Albany. 
 But on account of the length of their march through 
 deep snows in the midst of winter, they were reduced 
 
MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY. 21 
 
 to such extremities by hunger and fatigue, when they 
 arrived in the vicinity of this place, that they thought 
 seriously of surrendering themselves to the English aa 
 prisoners of war. They, however, sent forward their 
 spies, who reported, on their return, that the inhabi- 
 tants were in no apprehension of danger — that the 
 soldiers were few and undisciplined, and that the place 
 was in no condition for defence. 
 
 4. Encouraged by this intelligence, the party moved 
 forward, and on the 8th of Februaiy, 16^0, at 11 o'clock 
 in the evening, they entered the village of Schenectady, 
 and separating into small parties appeared before every 
 house at the same time. Never was a place more 
 completely surprised. Without the least apprehension 
 of danger the inhabitants had just retired to their beds, 
 and, while their senses were locked in the sound- 
 est sleep, the terrible onset was made. A general 
 shriek aroused the place, and to many it was the shriek 
 of death. The terrified and bewildered inhabitants 
 attempted to rise from their beds, but they rose only 
 to meet the tomahawk, which was lifted for their des- 
 truction. The whole village was instantly in flames; 
 and to add to this heart rending scene, the infernal 
 yell of the savage was incessantly commingled with 
 the shrieks and the groans of the dying. 
 
 5. In this massacre no less than 60 persons perish- 
 ed ; and 27 were taken prisoners and carried, by the 
 French and Indians into captivity. They, who escaped 
 the hands of the enemy, fled nearly naked, towards 
 Albany through a deep snow, which had fallen that 
 very night. Of those who succeeded in reaching 
 Albany, no less than 25 lost some one, or more, of their 
 limbs by the severity of the frost. The news of this 
 awful tragedy reached Albany about day break and 
 spread universal consternation among the inhabitants. 
 The enemy were reported to be 1400 strong, and many 
 of the citizens of Albany advised to destroy the city 
 and retreat down the river towards New York. But 
 Col Schuyler and some others at length succeeded in 
 
22 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 rallying the inhabitants, and a party of horse soon set 
 off for Schenectady. Not thinking themselves suffi- 
 ciently strong to venture a battle, the enemy were 
 suffered to remain in the place till nopn, when, having 
 destroyed the whole village, they set off for Canada 
 with their prisoners, and with 40 of the best horses 
 loaded with the spoils. 
 
 6. On the first of May following, commissioners 
 from the several English colonies met at the city of 
 New York for the purpose of concerting measures for 
 the common safety and defence. Here it was agreed 
 that the conquest of Canada would be the only effec- 
 tual means of securing peace ^nd safety to their 
 frontiers, and it was recommended that vigorous efforts 
 be made for the accomplishment of that object. Two 
 expeditions were therefore planned ; one under Sir 
 William Phips, which was to proceed against Quebec 
 by water, and the other under John Winthrop, which 
 was to be joined by the Iroquois, and, proceeding by 
 the way of lake Cliamplain, was to attack Montreal. 
 The latter expedition was abandoned on account of 
 the lateness of the season and the refusal of the Iro- 
 quois to join it, and the one under Phips proved un- 
 successful. 
 
 7. In the summer of 1691, Col Schuyler put himself 
 at the head of a party of Mohawks, who were a tribe 
 of the Iroquois, and, passing through lake Champlain 
 and the western borders of Vermont, made a succuss- 
 ful eruption upon the French settlements on the river 
 Sorel, in which were slain 300 of the enemy ; a 
 number exceeding that of his own force. In January, 
 in 1695, a party of six or seven hundred French and 
 Indians marched by the way of lake Champlain and at- 
 tacked the Mohawks in their own country. Intelligence 
 of these transactions no sooner reached Albany, than 
 Schuyler^ at the head of 200 volunteers, hastened lo 
 their relief. Several engagements ensued, in which 
 Schuyler had the advantage, and the enemy were soon 
 compelled to make a hasty retreat to Canada. 
 
DEERFIELD DESTROYED. 
 
 23 
 
 8. These reciprocal depredations were continued 
 till the treaty between France and Englan'^, in 1697, 
 put an end to hostilities and restored peace to the 
 colonies. But this peace was of short continuance. 
 War was again declared in Europe in 1702, and in this 
 the colonies were soon involved. During this war the 
 frontiers of New England were kept in continual 
 alarm by small parties of the enemy and suffered se- 
 verely. The town of Deerfield in Massachusetts had 
 been settled some years and was at this time in a very 
 flourishing condition: but being the most northerly 
 settlement on Connecticut river, excepting a few fami- 
 lies at North field, the French and Indians devoted it 
 to destruction. 
 
 9. In the winter of 1704, a party of about 300 of 
 the enemy under De Rouville set out upon an expe- 
 dition against this ill fated place. They proceeded up 
 lake Champlain to the mouth of Winooski, or Onion 
 river, and following up that stream, they passed over to 
 Connecticut river. Proceeding <lown the Connecticut 
 upon the ice, they arrived in the vicinity of Deerfield 
 on the 29th of February. Here ihey concealed them- 
 selves till the latter part of the night, when, perceiving 
 that the watch had left the streets and that all was 
 quiet, they rushed forward to the attack. The snow 
 was so high as to enable them to leap over the for- 
 tifications without dificulty, and they immediately 
 separated into several parties so as to make their attack 
 upon every house at the same time. The place was 
 completely surprised, the iidiabitants having no suspi- 
 cions of the approach of the enemy till they entered 
 their houses. 
 
 10. Yet surprised and unprepared as they were, 
 the people of Deerfield made a vigorous defence ; but 
 were at length overpowerd by the enemy. Forty 
 seven of the inhabitants were slain, the rest captured 
 and the village plundered and set on fire. About one 
 hour after sunrise the enemy hastily departed ; and, 
 although pursued and attacked by a party of the En- 
 
24 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 glish they succeeded in escaping to Canada, where 
 they arrived with their prisoners and booty alter a 
 fatiguing march of 25 days. For several years af\er 
 the destruction of Deeriield, the frontiers, both of 
 Canada and the New England provinces, were one 
 continued scene of massacre and devastation. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 French andEnscUsh Colonies. — Transactions in Vermont 
 and its vicinUij,from 1705 to 1749. 
 
 1. The merciless depredations upon the frontiei-s 
 of New England still continuing, it was again deter- 
 mined, in 1709, to attempt the conquest of Canada. 
 The plan of operations was very similar to that devised 
 in 1690. Quebec was to be attacked by water, and 
 an army of provincial troops was, at the same time, to 
 proceed by the way of lake Champlain and reduce 
 Montreal. But the failure of Great Britain to furnish 
 a fleet for the enterprise against Quebec, and the 
 mortal sickness, which prevailed among the troops 
 collected at Wood Creek and designed to act against 
 Montreal, defeated all their plans, and the army raised 
 was consequently disbanded. The failure of these 
 designs against Canada, again left the English frontiers 
 exi)osed to all the horrors of Indian warfare. 
 
 2. The next year the English colonies fitted out an 
 expediton against the French settlements at Acadia, 
 and encouraged by their success, they now began to 
 meditate another attem]>t upon Canada. The same 
 plan of operations was adopted, which on two former 
 occasions they had been unable to carry into effect. — 
 Quebec was to be invested by water, and Montreal 
 was to be at the same time assailed by an army, which 
 was to enter Canada by the way of lake Chami)lain. 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST NORRIDGEWOK. 25 
 
 The fleet designed to proceed against Quebec was 
 therefore collected and equipped at Boston, and the 
 army, which was to reduce Montreal, was collected 
 at Albany ; and the most sanguine hopes of success 
 prevailed throughout the colonies. But all these 
 Lopes were blasted in one fatal night. The fleet sailed 
 from Boston on the 30ih of July, 1711, and just as it 
 entered the St Lawrence, it encountered a storm in 
 which eight of the vessels were wrecked and more 
 tlian a thousand of the men perished. 
 
 3. The army designed to enter Canada by the way 
 of lake Champlain, had advanced but a short di^tance 
 from Albany, when they received the disheartening 
 intelligence of the disaster, which had befallen the fleet. 
 They immediately returned ; the expedition was given 
 up and the army disbanded. Thus terminated the 
 third attempt at the conquest of Canada, leaving the 
 frontiers still exposed to the inroads of a merciless foe. 
 A peace was, however, concluded in Europe between 
 Great Britain and France about this time, which put 
 an end to the contest between their colonies in Ameri- 
 ca, and during the next year treaties of peace were 
 made with most of the hostile Indian tribes. But the 
 peace with the Indians was of short continuance. 
 They had long been jealous of the growing })ower of 
 the English, and were ready to seize upon the most 
 trifling injury as a pretext for the renewal of hostilities. 
 
 4. From the year 1720 to 1725, a very destructive 
 war was carried on between the eastern Indians and 
 the New England provinces. The French and En- 
 glish were at this time at [)eace ; but the French mis- 
 sionaries, and the governor of Canada himself, were 
 actively employed in instigating the Indians to hostili- 
 ti(S. In the })rogress of this war the Engiish made a 
 successful expedition against the Indian town of 
 Norridgewok, where they slew the Jesuit missionary, 
 Ralli, and 80 Indians, and destroyed the town ; and 
 it was during this war, in the year 1724, that the first 
 civilized establishment was made, within the present 
 limits of Vermont, by the erection of fort Dummer. 
 
 3 
 
26 HisToar of Vermont. 
 
 5* To the year 1725, a long peace succeeded, not 
 only between France and England, but also between 
 the colonies and the various Indian tribes. But the 
 colonies, during this time, were not inactive. They 
 were busily employed in advancing their out posts, 
 extending their settlements and preparing for future 
 emergencies. The English had established a trading- 
 house at Oswego in 1722. In 1726, the French, in 
 order more effectually to secure to themselves the 
 trade with the natives, launched two vessels on lake 
 Ontario and repaired their fort at Niagara. In 1731, 
 the French came up lake Charaplain and established 
 themselves in the present township of Addison in 
 Vermont, and about the same time erected a fortress 
 upon a point of land on the west side of the lake and 
 nearly opposite, which they called St Frederick, but 
 which afterwards took the name of Crown Point. 
 
 6. The country along lake Champlain, where these 
 establishments were made, belonged to the Iroquois 
 Indians, but was claimed by New York and was 
 granted in 1696 to one Dellius, a Dutch clergyman at 
 Albaay. By the English colonies, the proceedings of 
 the French were observed with much solicitude ; yet 
 on account of the internal divisions in the province of 
 New York, no effectual measures were taken to pre- 
 vent them. Thus were the French permitted to make 
 their advances towards the English settlemerts, and 
 upon lands claimed by the English, to erect a fortress, 
 which would enable them to prosecute their future 
 expeditions against the frontiers of New York and 
 New England, with facility and safety. 
 
 1. In 1744, Great Britain and France were once 
 more involved in war, which soon extended to their 
 colonies and their Indian allies, when the English 
 began to experience in the depredations of the enemy, 
 their extreme folly in permitting the French to es- 
 tabhsh themselves at Crown Point. Hoosuc fort, at 
 Williamstown, in Massachusetts and near the south- 
 west corner of Vermont, was at this time, the most 
 
DEFKNCE OF HOOSUC FORT. 87 
 
 northerly post- of the English in the western part of 
 New England. Against this place an army of about 
 900 French and Indians under M. de Vaudriel pro- 
 ceeded from Crown Point in August, 1746, and on the 
 20th of that month appeared before the fort. The 
 garrison consisted of only 33 persons, including women 
 and children, and was commanded by Col Hawks, 
 who after a vigorous defence of 28 hours, and having 
 expended all his ammunition, surrendered to the ene- 
 my. Hawks lost but one man, while more than 40 of 
 the assailants were either slain or mortally wounded ; 
 and he supposed that, had he been well supplied with 
 ammunition and provisions, he should have been able 
 to have defended the fort against all the assaults of his 
 numerous enemy. 
 
 8. The English had, at this time, extended their 
 settlements as far northward along Connecticut river as 
 N'limher Four, now Charleston, in New Hampshire, and 
 had erected several small forts on the west side of that 
 river, in the vicinity of fort Dummer. Among these 
 were Bridgeman's and Startwell's fort in Vernon Ver- 
 mont, formerly apart of the township of Hinsdale New 
 Hampshire. Bridgeman's fort was attacked the 24th 
 of June, 1746, by a party of 20 Indians, who killed 
 two of the English, wounded one and took several 
 prisoners, but were finally rei)ulsed. They, however, 
 succeeded the next year, in taking and destroying this 
 fort, in killing several of the inhabitants, and in carry- 
 ing a number of others into captivity. 
 
 9. In 1747, the settlement at Number Four was 
 abandoned by the inhabitants, and the fort at that place 
 was garrisoned by 30 men under the command of Capt. 
 Phinehas Stevens. On the 4th of April, a party of 400 
 French and Indians under M. Debeline surrounded 
 this fort and commenced an attack by firj ng upon it 
 on all sides. This proving ineffectual, the enemy next 
 endeavored to burn the fort by setting fire to the fen- 
 ces and huts around it and by discharging flaming 
 arrows upon it. Not succeeding in this, they next 
 prepared a wheel carriage which they loaded with 
 
ti8 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 faggots, and by pushing this before theni, they endeav- 
 ored by it to set fire to the fort while it protected them 
 from the fire of the garrison. 
 
 10. All these attempts were, however, defeated by 
 the vigilence and bravery of Stevens and his men, and 
 at length an interview took place between the two 
 comniandei-s. At this interview Debehne boasted of 
 his superior numbers, expressed his determination to 
 storm the fort, and described in glowing colors the 
 horrid massacre, which would ensue ifthe fort was not 
 surrendered without further resistance. To all this 
 Stevens coolly replied ; " / can assure you that my men 
 are not afraid to die^ After this interview the attack 
 was renewed with much sj'irit, and, after continuing 
 it for three days without success, the French comman- 
 der proposed to Stevens that he would abandon the 
 siege and return to Canada on condition that the gar- 
 rison would sell them provisions for the journey. 
 This Stevens absolutely refused, but proposed to give 
 them five bushels of corn for every captive for whom 
 they would leave a hostage, until they could be brought 
 from Canada. The enemy, not relishing these condi- 
 tions, after firing a few guns, withdrew, leaving Stevens 
 in pcaceat)le possession of the fort. 
 
 11. In this siege Stevens lost not a man, and had 
 but two men wounded. The loss of the enemy was 
 not ascertained, but must have been very considerable. 
 And so highly was the gallantry of Stevens on this 
 occasion esteemed by Sir Charles Knowles, a British 
 naval officer then at Boston, that he presented him 
 an elegant sword ; and from this circumstance the 
 township, when it was incorporated, received the 
 name of Charlestown. During the remainder of the 
 war, which did not entirely cease till 1749, the New 
 England frontiers, were continually harrassed by k:mall 
 parties of Indians, but no considerable expeditions 
 were undertaken either by the French, or English 
 colonies. 
 
COLONIAL CONVENTIOW. 29 
 
 SE CTIO N V. 
 
 French and English Colonies— from 1748 to 1756. Brad- 
 dock defeated — the French defeated at fort William 
 Henry. 
 
 1. By the treaty concluded between Great Britain 
 and France, in 1748, at Aix la Chapelle, the controversy 
 respecting claims in America, was to be referred to 
 commissioners appointed by the sovereigns of the two 
 nations. These commissioners met at Paris in 1753, 
 and labored for some time to establish the claims of 
 their respective courts ; but they found it impossible 
 to come to an agreement on the subject, and soon after 
 the two countries were again involved in war, in which 
 their colonies, as usual, shortly after participated. 
 
 2. In 1754, a convention of delegates from the seve- 
 ral English provinces, convened at Albany, for the 
 purpose of devising some general and efficient plan of 
 operations in the struggle which was about to ensue. 
 Here it was resolved to apply to the British parliament 
 for an act constituting a grand legislative council to 
 be composed of delegates from the several legislative 
 assemblies in the colonies, and subject to the negative 
 of a president-general, appointed by the crown. But 
 this plan of union had the singular fortune to be re- 
 jected both by the colonies and the mother country. 
 By the colonies it was supposed to give to the crown 
 prerogatives which would endanger their liberties, and 
 by the king, it was supposed to concede to the colo- 
 nial assemblies, rights and powers which he was by 
 no means prepared to acknowledge. 
 
 3. It was on the 4th of July, 1754, that the above 
 plan of American union was agreed to by the conven- 
 tion, and it is worthy of remark, that this plan was 
 consummated, July 4th, 1776, just 22 years from that 
 day, by the declaration of American Independence. 
 During the deliberations of the convention and the 
 
 3* 
 
30 BISTORT OF VERMONT. 
 
 interchange of views and opinions between the colo- 
 nies and the mother country, the colonies themselves 
 were making every preparation for the defence of their 
 frontiers. In the beginningof the year 1755, Governor 
 Shirley convened the assembly of Massachusetts, and 
 communicated to them a plan, which he had formed, 
 for the reduction of the French fortress at Crown 
 Point. The assembly readily concurred and commis- 
 sioners were sent to the neighboring provinces to re- 
 quest their assistance and co-operation. 
 
 4. Col Johnson, of the province of New York, was 
 appointed to command this expedition and all the 
 northern colonies were engaged in making preparations 
 for it, when Gen. Braddock arrived in Virginia with 
 two Irish regiments. A convention of the several 
 governors and commanders in the English colonies, 
 was therefore immediately assembled at Albany, in 
 which it was determined that, during the summer, four 
 different expeditions should be undertaken against the 
 French ; namely ; — one under the direction of Brad- 
 dock against fort Du Q,uesne, one under Shirley against 
 Niagara ; one under Johnson against Crown Point, and 
 one under Cols Monckron and Winslow against the 
 French settletnents in Nova Scotia. 
 
 5. Braddock set out for fort Du Quesne on the 
 20th of April, with 22,00 men and marched forward 
 confident of victory and fame, but, disregarding the 
 advice of his officers and unaccustomed to American 
 warfare, he fell into an ambuscade of about 400 
 French and Indians, by whom he was defeated and 
 slain. The regular troops were thrown into the ut- 
 most confusion by the unexpected onset and fiendlike 
 yells of the savages, but the Virginia militia, which 
 Braddock, had disdainfully, placed in the rear, being 
 trained to Indian fighting, continued unbroken and, 
 by the prudent management of George Washington, 
 then a Colonel of the militia and Aid to Braddock, so 
 effectually covered the reti"eat as to save a part of the 
 army from destruction. 
 
TICONDEROGA FORTIFIED. 31 
 
 6. The army, designed for the reduction of the fort 
 at Niagara, eifected nothing, except the strengthening 
 of the fortifications at Oswego. Johnson, having 
 collected five or six hundred provincial troops at 
 Albany, for the expedition against Crown Point, sent 
 them forward, under the command of Gen. Lyman, 
 to the carrying place between the Hudson and lake 
 George, where they erected fort Edward. Johnson 
 did not leave Albany till the 10th of August, and the 
 latter part of that month he advanced 15 miles beyond 
 fort Edward and encamped near the south end of lake 
 George. 
 
 7. Shortly after his arrival at this place, he received 
 intelligence from his scouts that the French had taken 
 possession of Ticonderoga, wliich commanded the 
 communication between lake George and lake Cham- 
 plain. Johnson was aware of the importance of this 
 post, and hastend his preparations that he might move 
 forward and dislodge the enemy. But before his 
 batteaux and artillery were in readiness, the French 
 had erected fortifications sufficiently strong to defend 
 themselves against surprise, or an easy conquest. 
 
 8. Alarmed by the exaggerated account of the English 
 force assembled at lake George, and designed for the 
 reduction of the fort at Crown Point, Baron Dieskau 
 hastened forward to its defence with a considerable 
 army of French and Indians. But having ascertained 
 that an immediate attack from the English was not 
 to be expected, he resolved to move forward and attack 
 the English in their camp, and, if successful, proceed 
 further and perhaps get possession of Albany and 
 Schenectady. He embarked bis army, consisting of 
 18,00 men, m batteaux and landed at South bay, which 
 is near the south end of lake Cham[)lain. Here he 
 learned from an English ])risoner that fort Edward 
 was almost defenceless, and that Johnson's camp at 
 lake George was protected neither by entrenchments 
 nor by cannon. 
 9. Dieskau, therefore, directed his march towards fort 
 
32 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Edward, and when within three or four miles of the 
 place communicated to his army his design of attacking 
 the fort, and expressed to them entire confidence of 
 success. His army, which consisted mostly of Cana- 
 dians and Indians, were not however so sanguine in 
 their expectations. They by no means relished the 
 idea of making an assault upon the fort, where they 
 should be exposed to the destructive fire of cannon ; 
 but they expressed a willingness to attack the English 
 in their camp at lake George, where they supposed 
 that muskets would be the only arms employed against 
 them. Under these circumstances Dieskau found it 
 necessary to comply with the inclination of his troops 
 and immediately altered the direction of his march 
 and proceeded towards the English encampment. 
 
 10. Johnson had no intelligence of the approach, 
 or of the designs of the enemy, till after their depar- 
 ture from South bay, when he learned that a large 
 body of French and Indians were on their march 
 towards fort Edward. He immediately sent off two 
 separate messengers to apprise the garrison of the 
 intended attack, and to brings him intelligence respect- 
 ing the force and designs of the enemy. One of these 
 messengers was intercepted and slain ; the other 
 returned about midnight, and reported that he saw 
 the enemy about four miles to the northward of fort 
 Edward and evidently designing an attack upon that 
 place. In the morning it was resolved in a council of 
 war that one thousand English and a number of Indi- 
 ans should be detached and sent under the command 
 of Col Williams to intercept the enemy in their return 
 to lake Champlain, either as victors, or defeated in 
 their designs upon fort Edward. 
 
 11. The English encami)ment had lake George on 
 one side and two other sides were covered by swamps, 
 and thick woods ; and afler the departure of the de- 
 tachment a slight breast-work of logs was thrown up 
 and a few cannon, which had just arrived, were planted 
 in front, which was the only assailable side. Williams 
 
BATTLE AT LAKE GEORGE. 33 
 
 had proceeded only four miles when he met the enemy 
 in full march towards Johnson's encampment. An 
 engagement immediately ensued, hnt Williams was 
 obliged to retreat before the superior force of ttie ene- 
 my. Johnson, hearing the firing and perceiving that 
 it approacbed, beat to arms and dispatched Col Cole 
 with 300 men to cover the retreat, while he made the 
 best preparation he could for receiving the enemy. 
 About 10 o'clock some small parties came running 
 back to tbe camp with intelligence that the detach- 
 ment was attacked on all sides and was retreating ; 
 and soon after all who escaped returned in considera- 
 ble bodies to the encampment. 
 
 12. At half after eleven o'clock, the enemy were 
 seen to approach in regular order aiming directly to- 
 wards the centre of tbe encampment. When they ar- 
 rived within about 150 yards of th« breast-work, they 
 halted, and tbe Canadians and Indians filed off upon 
 the right and left flanks. The regular troops then 
 mooved forward and commenced the attack upon the 
 centre by platoon firing, which, on account of the dis- 
 tance, produced little effect. A brisk fire was now 
 opened upon the enemy by the artillery stationed at 
 the breast- work, wbich so terrified the C?<nadians and 
 Indians, that they innuediately betook themselves to the 
 swamps, where from behind logs and trees they kept up 
 an irrejfular fire upon the encampment. 
 
 13. The engagement now became general, and the 
 French regular troops, for some time, maintained their 
 ground and order; but finding themselves abandoned 
 by the Canadians and Indians, and sufferii.g severely 
 by the incessant fire from the bieast-work, they at 
 length directed their attack to the right where they 
 were received with firmness by the regiments of 
 Ruggles, Williams and Titcomb. After continuing an 
 unsuccessful attack upon this point for about an hour, 
 and sustaining a heavy loss from the fire of the English, 
 Dieskau attempted a retreat, as the only means of 
 saving the remainder of his troops. 
 
34 HISTORY OF VERMOWT. 
 
 14. Observing his intention a party of the English 
 leaped over their breast-work, and falling upon the 
 rear of the French, soon dispersed them. Dieskau 
 was found resting upon the stump of a tree, wounded 
 and unable to walk. As a provincial soldier approach- 
 ed him, he was putting his hand in his pocket for his 
 watch to present to him ; but the soldier, supposing 
 that he was feeling for a ' pocket pistol, discharged 
 his musket at him and gave him a mortal wound in 
 his hip. 
 
 15. The enemy on their retreat collected and made 
 a halt at the place where the engagement began in 
 the morning with the detachment under Col Williams. 
 Here they were attacked by a party of 200 men under 
 the command of Capt. M'Ginnes, a New Hampshire 
 officer, who had been ordered from fort Edward to 
 the aid of the main army under Johnson. The at- 
 tack was made with impetuosity and spirit, and the 
 French, after a resistance of nearly two hours, were 
 again dispersed in every direction. In this last en- 
 gagement the English lost 12 men, and the brave M' 
 Ginnes died a few days after his arrival at Johnson's 
 encampment, of the wounds he had received. 
 
 16. The whole loss of the English in these several 
 engagements was 130 slain, and 60 wounded Among 
 the slain were Col Williams, Maj. Ashley, and Cap- 
 tains, Ingersol, Porter, FeiTel, Stoddard and M'Ginnes, 
 and among the wounded was Col Johnson. Of the 
 Indians belonging to Johnson's army about 40 were 
 slain, among whom was Hendrick, a distinguished 
 Mohawk sachem. The loss of the French was about 
 700 slain, and among these were several officers of 
 distinction. Johnson was deterred by fear, or some 
 other cause, from pursuing the retreating enemy, or 
 making any attempt upon their works on lake Cham- 
 plain ; and the remainder of the campaign of 1755, was 
 spent in erecting a fort at the south end of lake 
 George, which was afterwards called fort William 
 Henry. 
 
OSWEGO TAKEN BY THE FRENeH. 35. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 French and English Colonies— from 1756 to 1758. Fort 
 William Henry surrendered to the French — Massacre 
 of the garrison. 
 
 1. In 1756 a considerable number of troops, and 
 several distinguished officers arrived from England, 
 and a large provincial army was collected at Albany 
 and fort William Henry. But while the English 
 officers were deliberating upon the course to be pur- 
 sued and the troops were lying inactive, the French, 
 under the brave Montcalm, were prosecuting their 
 affiiirs with energy and success. With scarcely any 
 loss on their part, they succeeded in taking and de- 
 molishing the forts at Oswego, where they took 1400 
 prisoners, 120 pieces of cannon, 14 mortars, and a large 
 quantity of ammunition, military stores and provisions, 
 and also 2 sloops and 200 batteaux. The English 
 suffijred the season to pass away without any attempt 
 to retrieve their loss, or annoy the enemy. 
 
 2. The command of the English forces in America 
 having been given to Lord Loudon, he sailed from 
 New York in the spring of 1757, with 6000 men for 
 the purpose of capturing the French fortress at Louis- 
 burg. At Halifax his force was increased to 12000 
 men, with a fleet of 15 ships of the line and a large 
 number of transports under admiral Holburne. But 
 he here received intelligence, thai a French fleet of 
 17 line of battle ships and three frigates had arrived at 
 Louisburg — that their land force amounted to 6000 
 regulars, 3000 natives, and 1800 Indians, and that the 
 place was well provided with ammunition, provisions 
 and military stores. Th is information , d issipating eve- 
 ly prospect of success, the expedition was consequent- 
 ly abandoned. 
 
 3. During these transactions the French under 
 Montcalm were by no means inactive. As early as 
 
36 HISTORY OF Vermont. 
 
 the 20th of March, they made an attempt to take fort 
 William Henry by surprise, but tlieir object was de- 
 feated by the bravery of the garrison, and several of 
 their number slain. They, however, succeeded in 
 burning three sloops, a largenumberofbatteaux, three 
 store houses, and indeed eveiy thing of value, which 
 was not protected by the guns of the fort. 
 
 4. At the o[)ening of the spring. Col Parker was 
 sent down the lake, with a detachment of about 400 
 men, to attack the enemy's advanced guard at Ti- 
 conderoga, but he was decoyed in an ambuscade 
 of French and Indians, who fell upon him with such 
 hn})etuosity and success, that only two officers and 70 
 privates of his number escaped. Encouraged by this 
 success, Montcalm resolved once more to attempt the 
 reduction of fort William Henry. For this purpose he 
 collected, at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, all his 
 forces, amounting to about 10,000 men, and consisting 
 of regulars, Canadians and Indians. 
 
 5. General Webb, upon whom the command of 
 the English forces devolved on the departure of Lord 
 Loudon, wishing to examine the works at lake George, 
 and to ascertain the force and condition of the enemy 
 at their posts on lake Champlain, selected Major 
 Putnam with 200 men to escort him to fort William 
 Henry. Soon afler their arrival Putnam set out with 
 18 men in three boats for the purpose of reconnoitering 
 the enemy at Ticonderoga ; but before he reached the 
 northwest bay, he discovered a body of men on an 
 island, and leaving two of liis boats to fish he hasten- 
 ed back in the other with the information. 
 
 6. He communicated the intelligence to Webb only, 
 ■who, with much reluctance, permitted Putnam to re- 
 turn for the pur{)ose of making further discoveries 
 and of bringing off the boats. In accom[)lishing this 
 business he was observed and |)ursued by the ene- 
 my and, although at times nearly surrounded by their 
 canoes, effected his retreat to the fort. These trans- 
 actions were carefully concealed from the garrison 
 
'surrender of fort WILIilAM HENRY. 37 
 
 by an injunction of secrecy from Webb, who ordered 
 Putr)am to i)repare immediately to escort him back 
 to fort Edward. Putnam, wishing to be en<raged in 
 surprising the enemy, observed "he ho|)ed his excel- 
 lency did not intend to neglect so fair an opportunity 
 of giving battle, should the enemy presume to land." 
 To which the general coldly replied " what do you 
 think we should do here." 
 
 7. The next day Weeb returned to fort Edward, 
 and the day following, Col Monro was sent with his 
 regiment to reinforce the gairison at lake George. 
 The day after his arrival the French and Indians 
 under Montcalm appeared u|)on the lake, effected a 
 landing with but little opposition, and immediately 
 laid siege to the fort. Montcalm, at the same time, 
 sent a letter to Monro, stating that he felt himself 
 bound in humanity to urge the English commander 
 to surrender hetbre any of the Indians were slain and 
 their savage temper further inflamed by a resistance, 
 which would be unavailing. Monro replied that as 
 the fortressjiad been entrusted to him, both his honor 
 and his duty required him to defend it to the last ex- 
 tremity. 
 
 8. The garrison amounting to about 2,500 men, 
 made a gallant defence, while Monro, aware of his 
 danger, sent frequent expresses to fort Edward for 
 succor. But Webb remained inactive and aj)parenily 
 indifferent during these alarming transactions. On 
 the 8th or 9th day of the siege, Gen. Johnson was 
 permitted; to set out for the relief of fort William 
 Henry with the provincial regiments and Putnam's 
 rangers ; but he had proceeded only three miles, when 
 he received orders from Webb for his innnediate re- 
 turn. Webb then wrote to Monro that he could 
 afford him no assistance, and advised him to surrender 
 on the best terms he could obtain. 
 
 9. Monro and his garrison, in hourly expectation 
 of relief from fort Edward defended themselves with 
 much spirit and resolution, till the Qth of August, 
 
 4 
 
38 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 when their works having become much injured and 
 their anjmunition nearly expended, all their hopes of 
 holding out were at once blasted by the reception of 
 Webb's letter, which Montcalm had intercepted, and 
 now sent in with further proposals for a surrender of 
 the fort. Articles of capitulation were therefore agreed 
 upon and signed by JVlontcalni and Monro, by which 
 it was stipulated, that the garrison should march out 
 with their arms and baggage — should be escorted to 
 fort Edward by a detachment of French troops, and 
 should not serve against the French for the term of 
 18 months — that the works and all warlike stores 
 should be delivered to the French — and that the sick 
 and wounded of the garrison should remain under the 
 protection of Montcalm and should be permitted to 
 return as soon as they were recovered. 
 
 10. After the capitulation no further troubles were ap- 
 prehended. But the garrison had no sooner marched 
 out of the fort, than a scene of perfidy and barbarity 
 began to be witnessed, which it is impossible for lan- 
 guage to describe. Wholly regardless of the articles 
 of capitulation, the Indians attached to the French 
 army, fell upon the defenceless soldiers, plundering 
 and murdering all who came in their way. The French 
 were idle spectators of this bloody scene ; nor could 
 all the entreaties of Col Monro persuade them to fur- 
 nish the escort, as stipulated in the articles of capitu- 
 lation. On this fatal day about 1500 of the English 
 were either murdered by the savages or carried by 
 them into captivity, never to return. 
 
 11. The day following these horrid transactions, 
 Major Putnam was despatched from fort Edward 
 with his rangers, to watch the motions of the enemy. 
 He reached lake George just after the rear of the 
 enemy had left the shore, and awful indeed was the 
 scene which presented itself. " The fort was entirely 
 demolished, the barracks, out houses, and buildings 
 were a heap of ruins — the cannon, stores, boats and 
 vessels were all carried away. The fires were still 
 
MABSACRB OF THE GARRISON. 39 
 
 burning — the smoke and stench, offensive and suffo- 
 cating. Innumerable fragments of human skulls and 
 bones, and carcases half consumed, were still frying 
 and broiling in the decaying fires. Dead bodies, mang- 
 led with scalping knives and tomahawks, in all the 
 wantonness of Indian fierceness and barbarity, were 
 every where to be seen. More than 100 women, butch- 
 ered and shockingly mangled, lay upon the ground, 
 still weltering in their gore. Devastation, barbarity 
 and horror every where appeared ; and the spectacle 
 presented was too diabolical and awful either to be 
 endured or described." 
 
 12. The French satisfied with their success, retired 
 to their works at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and 
 nothing further was effected in this quarter worthy of 
 notice, either by the French or English, during the 
 remainder of the year ; and thus terminated the cam- 
 paign of 1757, in which the English suffered exceed- 
 ingly in lives and property and gained nothing. This 
 want of success was doubtless owing, in some measure 
 to the inefficiency and ignorance of the British ministry 
 in relation to American affairs, but is principally to be 
 attributed to the want of ability and energy in the 
 generals to whom the prosecution of the war was 
 intrusted. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 D'ench and English Colonies — Events of 1758. CapturB 
 of Louisburg — Ahercrombie defeated — Fort Fronte- 
 nac and Du Quesne taken, 
 
 1. The repeated failure of the British arms in 
 America, having created much dissatisfaction both at 
 home and in the colonies, a change of ministry waa 
 found to be indispensable, in order to secure the pub- 
 
40 HIST©RT OP VERMONT. 
 
 lie confidence and revive the droopin«jf spirits of the 
 nation ; and this was effectually done hy the appoint- 
 ment of William Pitt one of the secretaries of state. 
 From this time the British aftairs in America assumed 
 a more favorable aspect. Instead of defeat and dis- 
 grace, vicory and triumph now usually attended the 
 English arms. Measures were concerted with wisdom 
 and prudence and executed with promptness and 
 vigor. 
 
 2. In planning the campaign of 1758, it was deter- 
 mined that the French settlements should be attacked 
 upon several different points at the same time. Twelve 
 thousand troops were to attempt the reduction of 
 Louisburg in the island of Cape Breton, 16,000 were 
 to proceed against Ticonden ga and Crown Point, and 
 8,000 against Du Quesne ; and the several American 
 colonies were called upon to furnish trooi)s, and to 
 make all the exertions in their power to aid and facili- 
 tate these expeditions. 
 
 3. General Amherst took command of the expedition 
 against Louisburg, assisted by Generals Wolfe,Whit- 
 more and Lawrence and by Admiral Boscawen, who 
 commanded the fleet. The fleet, consisting of 157 
 sail and ha\^ng the troops on board, sailed from 
 Halifax in Nova Scotia, on the 28th of May, and on 
 the 2nd day of June, anchored about seven miles west 
 of Louisburg. On the 8th a landing was effected 
 under the gallant Wolfe, and in a few days the place 
 was completely invested. The garrison consisted of 
 upwards of 3,000 men, mostly regulars, and the harbor 
 was defended by s^ix ships of the line and five frigates, 
 all under the comtnand of chevalier Drucour. Amherst 
 proceeded with caution, but with such vigor that the 
 French ships were soon destroyed, and the garrison 
 surrendered themselves prisoners of war on the 26th 
 of July. 
 
 4. The expedition against the French posts on 
 lake Champlain, devolved upon General Abercrombie. 
 Having assembled about 7,000 regular and 9fi00 pre 
 
ABERCROMBIE DEFEATED. 41 
 
 vincial troops, with a fine train of artillery and the 
 necessary military stores, he, on the 5th of July, em- 
 barked his army at fort William Henry, on board 900 
 batteaux and 135 whale boats, and the next morning 
 landed, without opposition, near the north end of lake 
 George. Forming his men into three columns he 
 moved forward towards the enemy, whose advanced 
 ])arty, consisting of one battalion, lay encamped be- 
 hind a breast-work of logs. On tlie a[)proach of the 
 English, they set fire to their breast-work and tents and 
 retreated with precipitation. The English continued 
 to advance, but were soon embarrassed and thrown 
 into some disorder by the thickness of the wood. 
 
 5. Lord Howe was in the front of the centre col- 
 umn with Major Putnam, when a skirmish commen- 
 ced on the left with the party of the enemy which had 
 retreated from the breast-work. One hundred men 
 immediately filed off under Putnam and Howe, and 
 they soon fell in with the enemy, whose first fire proved 
 fatal to his lordship. Howe had made himself the 
 idol of the army by his aflTabilily and virtues, and his 
 fall animated Putnam and his party to avenge his 
 death. They cut their way through the enemy, and, 
 being joined by another party of the English, slew 
 about 300 of the French and took 148 prisoners. But 
 the English columns being broken and embarrassed 
 by the thickness of the wood, Abercrombie deemed it 
 advisable to march back to the place where they had 
 landed in the morning, rather than pass the night 
 where they were. The next day Col Bradstreet, with 
 a detachment of the army, took possession of the saw 
 niills without opposition, and the general once more 
 advanced upon the enemy. 
 
 6. The fort at Ticonderoga was very favorably sit- 
 uated for defence. It was surrounded on three sides 
 by water, and about half the other side was pro- 
 tected by a deep swamp, while the line of defence 
 was completed by the erection of a breast-work nine 
 
 feet high on the only assailable ground. The ground 
 4# 
 
AS BISTORT OF VERMOHrr. 
 
 before the breast-work was covered with felled trees 
 and with bushes, arranged with a view to impede 
 the approach of the English. The French garrison 
 consisted of 6,000 men and a reinforcement of 3,000 
 troops under M. de Levy, was expected soon to join 
 til em. 
 
 7. Abercrombie, wishing to get possession of the 
 fort before the garrison should be augmented by the 
 ex{)eeted reinforcement, sent forward his engineer to 
 reconnoiter tlie works, who reported that the breast- 
 work was unfinished and that he believed the place 
 might be immediately assaulted by musketry with a 
 fair prospect of success. The general confiding in 
 this intelligence, marched forward to the attack in reg- 
 ular order and with undaunted firmness. The French 
 opened upon them a well directed fire front their 
 artillery, notwithstanding which, the English moved 
 forward undismayed till they became entangled and 
 stopped by the timber which had been felled to im- 
 peded their approach. For four hours they strove to 
 cut, with iheir swords, their way to the breast-work 
 through the limhs and bushes, but without success. 
 All this time they were exposed to the deadly fire of 
 the enemy, who were completely sheltered by their 
 breast- work. Their numbers continually diminishing 
 and no prospect of success appearing, Abercrombie 
 thought it expedient to retreat, and accordingly led 
 back his army to their former encampment without 
 being pursued or molested by the enemy. 
 
 8. The English lost in this encounter, 18,00 men, 
 killed and wounded, and 2,500 stand of arms. Every 
 part of the army engaged behaved with coolness and 
 intrepidity, but the loss fell heaviest on a highland 
 regiment commanded by Lord Murray. Of this re- 
 giment one half of the privates and 25 officers were 
 either slain on the spot or severely wounded. So 
 severe a loss determined the commander-in-chief to 
 withdraw from the scene of carnage, and he hastened 
 back whth his Bhattered army^to the encampment at 
 
ABSRCROMBIIE DEFSATSD. 
 
 4d 
 
 lake George, from whence he sent off all the wound- 
 ed, who could be safely removed, to fort Edward and 
 Albany. 
 
 9. How far the conduct of General x4.bercrombie is 
 reprehensible in this unfortunate affair, it is difficult 
 now to determine. The censure of mankind almost 
 always follows misfortune ; and so it was in the pre- 
 sent case. The attempt to take the fort by storm was 
 considered a rash and imprudent measure — and the 
 retreat was condennied as pusillanimous and unne- 
 cessary. And indeed with troops, who had manifested 
 such courage and intrepidity in the assault, it is very 
 difficult to conceive what could have prevented the 
 commencement of a regular siege. 
 
 10. Notwithstanding his defeat and mortification, 
 Aberciombie did not suffer his army to remain inac- 
 tive. He dispatched General Stanwix to erect a fort 
 at the carrying place between the Mohawk and On- 
 ondaga rivers ; and Col Bradstreet, with 3,000 men, 
 mostly provincials, was ordered to proceed against 
 fort Frontenac, situated at the outlet of lake Ontario. 
 Bradstreet landed his men within one mile of the fort, 
 before the enemy had any intelligence of his approach 
 and the garrison, consisting of only 110 Frenchmen, 
 with a few Indians, could do no other than surrender 
 at discretion. In the fort were found 60 cannon, 16 
 mortal's, and small arms, military stores, merchandise 
 and provisons in large quantities. He also captured 
 all the enemy's shipping on the lake, consisting of nine 
 armed vessels ; and having destroyed them and the 
 fort he returned to Oswego. 
 
 11. While these things were transacting General 
 Forbes was making his advances towards fort Du 
 Qusne of which he got possession on the 24th of 
 November, the French having abandoned it and re- 
 treated dosvn the Ohio river. Having repaired the 
 works, he changed the name of the fort to Pittsburgh, 
 m honor of William Pitt, the secretary of state who 
 was then at the head of American affairs. Such wer« 
 
44 HISTORY ©F VERMONT. 
 
 the events of the year 1758. TJie British arms had 
 every where been successful, excepting in the attack 
 upon Ticonderoga, and the hopes and confidence of 
 the pubHc were every where revived. General Am- 
 herst, having left a strong garrison at Louisburg, re- 
 turned to Boston, Thence he proceeded, about the 
 middle of September, to Albany, with six regiments, 
 and the remainder of the fall and winter were spent 
 in concerting measures and making preparations for 
 the campaign of the following year. 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 Frencli\and EnglishlColonies — Transactions of 1759 and 
 1760. Qitehec taken — Ticonderoga^ Crotvn Point and 
 Niagara taken — Expedition against the St Francis In- 
 dians — Montreal and Canada surrender. 
 
 1. The advantage obtained over the French in 
 the preceding campaign gave the British Minister 
 reason to hope this year to complete the conquest of 
 Canada. Three expeditions were therefore projected, 
 one against Quebec under the command of Gen. Wolfe, 
 one against the foils on lake Champlain, under Gen. 
 Amherst, who was commander-in-chief of the British 
 forces in America, and one against the French fort 
 at Niagara, to be conducted by Gen. Prideaux and Sir 
 William Johnson. It was believed that while these 
 generals were making their attacks on different points, 
 they would assist each other, by dividing the forces 
 and embarrassing the councils of the enemy. 
 
 2. The conquest of Quebec was looked upon as 
 the most important and the most difficult object of 
 the campaign. The city was strongly fortified by na- 
 ture and art, formidable on account of the number 
 and bravery of its inhabitants, and in a situation ,in 
 
QUEBEC INVESTED BY WOLFK. 45 
 
 which it couJd not be much injured by a fleet, or be 
 approached hut with extreme difficulty and hazard by 
 land. As soon as the season would permit, Wolfe 
 embarked his troops at Louisburg, sailed up the St 
 Lawrence and in the latter part ot June landed his 
 whole army on the island of Orleans a little below 
 Quebec, without difficulty or opposition. 
 
 3. Quebec was commanded l)y Montcalm, an able 
 and experienced general ; and was defended by works 
 which were deenjed impregnable, and by an army 
 much more numerous than that of the English. Wolfe 
 continued his offensive operations without a prospect of 
 success till the beginning of September, when it was 
 resolved, if ])ossible, to effiict a landing above the 
 city, and bring the enemy to a general engagement. 
 Tlie fleet, with the army on board, moved up the 
 river, under Admiral Saunders, and effected a landing 
 on the 12th of September a little after midnight. 
 Wolfe put himself at the head of the first party, as- 
 cended the heights, and drew up his men in order as 
 fast as they arrived. 
 
 4. Montcalm no sooner learned that the British had 
 gained the heights of Abraham, than he abandoned 
 his strong camp at Moutmorenci, resolved to hazard 
 an engagement. Both armies were soon drawn up 
 in order of battle with their respective generals at 
 their head. About 9 o'clock, the French army ad- 
 vanced, opening at the same time an irregular and 
 ill directed fire. The fire of the English was reserved 
 till the enemy had approached within 40 yards of 
 their line, when it was opened with efl^ect and kept 
 up with much spirit. Both generals were determined 
 to conquer or die, and for a while the conflict was 
 dreadful. But the English advanced with such firm- 
 ness and intrepidity, that the French were unable to 
 stand, and were soon defeated and dispersed or made 
 prisoners. 
 
 5. Wolfe and Montcalm both fell at the head of 
 theii- respective armies. The loss of the French in 
 
46 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 this battle was 500 slain, and about 1000 prisoners. 
 The English had 50 killed, including 9 officers, and 
 500 wounded. The French, disheartened by their 
 losses, were thrown into great confusion ; and on the 
 18th of September, the remainder of the French troops 
 and the city of Quebec were surrendered into the 
 hands of the English. 
 
 6. While these things were transacting at Quebec, 
 General Amherst was cautiously advancing along lake 
 Champlain. He arrived in the vicinity of Ticondero- 
 ga in the latter part of July, without opposition, and im- 
 mediately began to make preparations for reducing 
 the fortress by a regular siege. The enemy, at first, 
 manifested a disposition to make a resolute stand, but 
 soon dispaired of holding out against the cautious ad- 
 vances of Amherst, and on the 27th of July, having 
 dismantled the fortress, they abandoned it, and repair- 
 ed to Crown Point. 
 
 7. The next day Amherst took possession of the 
 fort, and began immediately to repair and enlarge it, 
 and to make preparations for proceeding against Crown 
 Point. He had scouting parties continually employed 
 to watch the motions of the enemy, one of which return- 
 ed to the English camp on the first of August with in- 
 telligence that the French had abandoned Crown Point 
 also, and had gone down the lake without destroying 
 their works. A body of rangers was immediately dis- 
 pached to take possession of the place and on the 
 4th of August the whole army moved forward to Crown 
 Point, where they also enlarged and strengthened the 
 fortifications. 
 
 8. The French troops retired to the isle Aux Noix, 
 which is situated at the north end of the lake, and 
 effectually commands the passage into Canada in this 
 quarter. Here they collected their forces, to the amount 
 of 3500, well provided with artillery, and resolved to 
 make a stand against the English. The French hav- 
 ing four vessels on the lake, mounted with cannon, 
 Amherst thought it not advisable to proceed further, 
 
MAJOR ROGERS' EXPEDITION. 4/ 
 
 till he had provided a superior naval force. In the 
 mean time he was determined that the Indians should 
 feel his resentment for their repeated depredations 
 upon the Enghsh colonies. Maj. Rogers, a brave and 
 experienced officerTrom New Hampshire, was there- 
 fore selected to conduct an expedition against the St 
 Francis Indians, whose village was situated on the 
 south side of the St.Lawrence not far from Three Riv- 
 ers. These Indians were noted for their massacres 
 and cruelties to the English. 
 
 9. Rogers embarked at Crown Point, on the 12th 
 of September, with 200 men, and proceeded down 
 the lake in batteaux. On the fifth day after he set 
 out, while encamped on the eastern shore of the lake, 
 a keg of gunpowder accidentally exploded, by which 
 a captain and several men were wounded, who were 
 sent baek to Crown Point, with a party to attend them. 
 This event reduced Rogers' force to 14"^ men. With 
 these he moved forward to Missisco bay, where he 
 concealed his boats among some bushes which hung 
 over one of the streams, and left in them provisions 
 sufficient to carry them back to Crown Point. 
 
 10. Having left two of his rangers to watch the 
 boats, Rogers advanced into the wilderness ; but, the 
 second evening after he left the bay, he was overtaken 
 by his trusty rangers, and informed that a party of 
 400 French and Indians had discovered the boats and 
 sent them away with 50 men, and that the remainder 
 were in pursuit of the English. Rogers kept this 
 intelligence to himself but dispatched a Lieutenant 
 and eight men, with the two rangers, to Crown Point, 
 to inform Gen, Amherst of what had taken place, and 
 request him to send provisions to Coos on Connecticut 
 river, by which route he intended to return. 
 
 11. Rogers now determined to outmarch the ene- 
 my, and pushed onward towards St Francis with the 
 utmost expedition. He come in sight of the village 
 on the evening of the 4th of October, and, leaving 
 his men to refresh themselves, he dressed himself in 
 
48 HISTORY OF VERMONT, 
 
 the Indian garb, and wont forward to reconnoiter the 
 town. He found the Indians engaged in a grand 
 dance, without apprehensions of danger, and, return- 
 ing about one o'clock, he led forward his men, within 
 500 yards of the town. At four o'clock the dance 
 was ended and the Indians retired to rest. 
 
 12. Having posted his men in the most favorable 
 situation, at day break Rogers commenced the assault. 
 The place was completely surprised. The Indian 
 method of slaughter was adopted. — Wherever the 
 savages were found, without regard to age or sex, 
 they were slain without distinction and without mer- 
 cy. As the light appeared the ferocity of the pro- 
 vincials was increased by discovering the scalps of 
 several hundred of their countrymen suspended on 
 poles and waving in the air. They were determined 
 to revenge the blood of their Iriends and relations and 
 spared no pains completely to destroy the village and 
 its inhabitants. Of the 300 souls, which the village 
 contained, 200 were slain on the spot, and 20 taken 
 prisoners. The English lost only one killed and six 
 slightly wounded. 
 
 13. Having reduced the village to ashes, and re- 
 freshed his men, Rogers set out on his return, at 8 
 o'clock in the morning, with the addition of five En- 
 glish captives, whom he had retaken, and such articles 
 of plunder as he could easily carry away. To avoid 
 his pursuers he proceeded up the river St Francis, 
 and directed his course toward Coos on the Connec- 
 ticut. On his march he was several times attacked in 
 the rear and lost seven men, but forming an ambus- 
 cade on his own track, he at length fell upon the 
 enemy with such success as to put an end to further 
 annoyance or pursuit. 
 
 14. In the mean time, by order of Gen. Amherst, 
 Samuel Stevens and three others proceeded from 
 Charlestown up Connecticut river, with two canoes, 
 loaded with provisions. They landed on Round island, 
 at the mouth of Passumpsuc river, where they encamp- 
 
INDIAN AND COLONIAL WARS. 49 
 
 ed for the night ; but in the morning, hearing the 
 report of guns and supposing Indians to be in the vi- 
 cinity, they were so terrified, that tlioy reloaded their 
 provisions and hastened back to Charlestown. Rogers 
 w^as at this time encamped a few miles up the Pas- 
 sumpsuc. About noon he reached the mouth of that 
 river, and, observing fire on the island, he m;ide a 
 raft and passed over to it ; but to his surprise and 
 disappointment, no provisions had been left. His mcji, 
 already reduced to a state of starvation, n'ere s(i dis- 
 heartened by this discovery that 36 of them died before 
 the next day. An Indian was then cut to pieces and 
 divided among the survivors ; and tlie next day Ro- 
 gers gave up the command of his men and told them 
 to take care of themselves. Some were lost in the 
 woods, but Rogers and most of his party after almost 
 incredible hardships, succeeded in reachmg Charles- 
 town. 
 
 15. While Rogers was humbling the Indians, 
 Amherst was prc})aring a naval force to attack the 
 enemy at the Isle Aux Noix. This being in readiness. 
 he proceeded down the lak(; in the beginning of Oc- 
 tober ; but, the season being far advanced aiid tin 
 weather becoming tempestuous, the expedition wao 
 abandoned, and he returned to Crown Point, after 
 having taken, or destroyed, most of the enemy's ship- 
 ])ing. Here Amlierst spent the remainder of the 
 autunm in enlarging the works and putting every 
 thing in readiness for another campaign. 
 
 IG. Gen. Prideaux had })receeded to Niagara in 
 the begiiuiing of summer, and invested the fort al)out 
 the middle of July ; but, being unfortunately killed on 
 the 20th of that month, the cojnmand devolved upon 
 Sir William Johnson. Johnson prosecuted the siege 
 with the greatest vigor, and, on the morning of the 
 24th of Jul}^, intercepted and defeated, after a severe 
 conflict, a body of 1200 French and some Indians, who 
 were marching to the rehef of the garrison. This 
 battle was fought in sight of the fort, and, in the 
 5 
 
50 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 evening of the same day, the garrison surrendered 
 theinselv^es prisoners of war. 
 
 17. Montreal was now the only place of much 
 strength, or consequence, in possession of the French ; 
 and towards this point, at the opening ot the campaign 
 of 1760, the English concentrated all their efforts. 
 It was resolved that, while Gen. Murray, with the 
 Enghsh forces at Quebec, proceeded up the St Law- 
 rence, Col Haviland should lead on the forces fi'oni 
 lake Champlain, and Gen. Amherst should approach 
 Montreal vnth a considerable force by the way of 
 lake Ontario. These armies moved forward with 
 but little opposition, and, what is remarkable, without 
 any knowledge of each others' progress, they all 
 arrived at Montreal on the 6th and 7th of September, 
 w^ithin two days of each other. 
 
 18. Amherst began innnediately to prepare for 
 laying siege to the city, and was getting on his ar- 
 tillf ry for that purpose, when he received a flag of 
 truce from Vaudrieul, the French commander, who 
 sent two officers, demanding proposals for a capitu- 
 lation. Amherst stated his terms, to which tlie French 
 finally submitted, and, on the 8th of September, 1760, 
 tbp ^^ hole province of Canada was surrendered to 
 the British ; and by the treaty of peace signed at 
 Paris, Febiiiary 10, 1763, this province was formally 
 ceded to the king of Great Britain. 
 
HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SETTLEMENT AND CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Vermont previous to the year 1760. 
 
 1. During the Colonial and Indian wars, the ter- 
 ritory of Vermont, as already remarked, was the great 
 thoroughfare, through which most of their expeditions 
 proceeded, and on which many of their battles were 
 fought. Being situated nearly at an equal distance 
 from the French on the one hand and the English 
 on the other, it was constantly exposed to the depre- 
 dations of both, and became the favorite lurking 
 place of their Indian allies. On this account the 
 settlement of the country had long been regarded 
 as dangerous and impracticable: nor was it until after 
 the complete conquest of Canada by the English in 
 1760, that any considerable settlements were made. 
 Several places, it is true, had been previously occupied 
 both by the Fi'ench and English ; but they are rather 
 to be regarded as military posts than actual settle- 
 ments. 
 
 2. The first civilized establishment within the pre- 
 
52 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 sent limits of Vermont, was made in 1724, by the 
 erection of fort Dummer, in the southeastern corner 
 of the township of Brattleborough. The whole of 
 this tract of country had previously, from time im- 
 meujorial, been in possession of the native Indians. 
 But it does not appear, that, subsequent to the dis- 
 covery of this territory by Champlain in 1609, the 
 natives had ever resided here in very considerable 
 innnbeis. The western parts, including lake Cham- 
 })]ain, were claimed by the Iroquois, the northeastern 
 parts and lake Memphremagog, by the St Francis and 
 other Canadian tribes, and the southeastern parts on 
 Connecticut river were regarded as belonging to the 
 natives in the neighborhood of JMassachusetts Bay. 
 Some establishments were, at times, made upon the 
 shores of these waters by these several tribes, but it 
 appears that this territorj'^ was rather regarded by them 
 as a hunting ground than a permanent residence. 
 
 3. Although this tract of country was in some 
 parts mountainous and unproductive, the forests 
 were, in general, well stored with game, and the lakes, 
 rivers and smaller streams abounded in excellent 
 lish, which might have afforded subsistence to a very 
 considerable population in the savage state. We 
 must therefore look to some other cause for the scan- 
 tiness of the population of these regions, than the 
 incapacity of the country to su])port it; and this is 
 undoubtedly to be found in its local situation with 
 r<\^])cct to tiie various Indian nations. Lying on the 
 frontier of several powerful tribes who were inces- 
 santly at war with each other, it became the bloody 
 theatre of their battles and was constantly exposed 
 to hostile invasions from every quarter. Hence we 
 perceive that the same causes prevented its becoming 
 a permanent residence of the Indians in earlier times, 
 wliich operated during the colonial wai's to prevent 
 its being settled by the French and English. 
 
 4, As early as the year 1752, it was proposed by 
 the English to lay out a township and commence a 
 
FIRST SETTLEMEI^Tfi. 53 
 
 settlement at Coos, on the west side of Connecticut 
 river, where tlie township of Newbury in this state 
 now hes ; and a party proceeded up the river for tliat 
 purpose. But before they had com])leted their 
 survey, they were observed by a party of St Francis 
 Indians, who, perceiving their design, forbade their 
 proceeding and compelled them to return without 
 accomplishing their object. The Indians at the same 
 time sent a message to the commander of the fort at 
 Charlestown, N. H. stating to him in the most positive 
 terms that they sliould not suffer the English to 
 settle at Coos ; and so much was the resentment of 
 the Indians dreaded at this early period, that the un- 
 dertaking was immediately relinquished. 
 
 5. Soon after tiie erection effort Dummer, several 
 block-houses were built for the ])rotection of the 
 settlers in that part of Hinsdale, N. H. which was 
 situated on the west side of the Connecticut, and 
 which is now called Vernon ; and, before the year 
 1754, settlements had been commenced in Vermont 
 as far up the Connecticut as Westminster and Rock- 
 ingham. But their advancement was now stopped 
 by the breaking out of what was called the Frencli 
 War, which continued, as related in the prece- 
 ding chapter, till the final conquest of Canada in 
 1760. During this war, these feeble settlements 
 were continually harrassed and annoyed by the 
 French and Indians. The inhabitants could not 
 cultivate their fields without being every moment 
 exposed to the deadly fire of a lurking foe. Their 
 block-houses were frequently surprised and taken, 
 and the inhabitants either massacred, or carried into 
 captivity. 
 
 6. No permanent settlement was effected in Ver- 
 mont on the west side of the Green Mountains, till 
 after the conquest of Canada by the English. When 
 the French proceeded up lake Champlain and erected 
 their fortress at Crown Point, in 1731, they began a 
 settlement at the same time on the east side of the 
 
 5^ 
 
54 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 lake in the present townsliip of Addison. This settle- 
 ment was, however, broken up and all the settlers 
 retired, with the Frensh garrison, into Canada, 
 before Gen. Amherst in 1759. 
 
 7. Such was the original condition of Vermont, 
 and such were the estabHshments made within its 
 limits previous to the year 1760. No permanent 
 settlements had been made, at the close of this period, 
 except upon the banks of Connecticut river, in tlie 
 present county of Windham, and here the settlers 
 were few and scattered, probably not amounting in 
 the whole to more than two or three hundred. But 
 in tiieir expeditions against the French, the English 
 colonists had made themselves acquainted with the 
 fertility and value of the lands lying between Con- 
 necticut river and lake Champlain, and the conquest 
 of Canada having now removed the dithculty and 
 danger of settling then), swarms of adventurers began 
 to emigrate hither, and from the year 1760, the popu- 
 lation of Vermont began to increase with considerable 
 rapielity. 
 
 SECTION II 
 
 Controversy betiveen JVeiv Hampshire and New Yorh 
 respecting the, teriitory of Vermont— from 1749 to 
 1764. 
 
 1. When the English commenced their establish- 
 ment at fort Dummer, that fort was supposed to lie 
 within the limits of Massachusetts, and the settlements 
 in that vicinity were first made under grants from 
 that provincial government. But after a long and 
 tedious controversy, between Massachusetts and New 
 Hampshire respecting their division line, king George 
 II. finally decreed, on the 5th of March, 1740, that 
 the northern boundary of the province of Massachu- 
 
CONTROVERSY — N. H. AND N. YORK. 55 
 
 setts, be a similar curve line, pursuing the course of 
 the Merimac river, at three miles distant on the 
 north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, 
 and ending at a ])oint due north of Patucket falls ; 
 and a straight line draw^n from thence due west until 
 it meets his Majesty's other governments. 
 
 2. This line was surveyed by Richard Hazen, in 
 1741, when fort Dummer was found to lie beyond 
 the limits of Massachusetts to the north ; and, as the 
 king of Great Britain repeatedly recommended to the 
 assembly of New Hampshire to make provision for 
 its support, it was generally supposed to have fallen 
 within the jurisdiction of that province, and, being 
 situated on the west side of the Connecticut, it was 
 supposed that New Hampshire extended as far west- 
 ward as Massachusetts ; that is, to a line twenty miles 
 east of Hudson's river. 
 
 3. In the year 1741, Benning Wentworth was 
 commissioned goverjior of the province of New 
 Hampshire. On the 3d of January, 1749, he made 
 a grant of a township of land six miles square, situa- 
 ted, as he conceived, on the western border of New 
 Hampshire, being twenty miles east of the Hudson 
 and six miles north of Massachusetts line. This 
 township, in allusion to his own name, he called 
 Bennington. About the same time, a correspondence 
 was opened between him and the governor of the 
 province of New York, in which were urged their 
 respective titles to the lands on the west side of Con- 
 necticut river ; yet without regard to these interfering 
 claims, Wentworth proceeded to make further grants. 
 
 4. These grants had amounted to 16 townships 
 in 1754, but, this year, hostilities were commenced 
 between the French and English colonies, which put 
 a stop to further applications and grants till the close 
 of the war, in 1760. During this war, the New Eng- 
 land troops opened a road from Charlestown in New 
 Hampshire to Crown Point, and by frequently passing 
 through these lands, became well acquainted with 
 
56 
 
 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 their fertility and value ; and the concjuest of Canada 
 having finally removed the danger oif settling in this 
 part of the country, these lands were now eagerly 
 sought by adventurers and speculators. 
 
 5. The governor of New Hampshire, by advice 
 of his council, now ordered a survey to be made of 
 Connecticut river for sixty miles, and three tiers of 
 townships to be laid out on each side. As the ap- 
 plications for lands still increased, further surveys 
 were ordered to be made, and so numerous were 
 the applications, that during the year 1761, no less 
 than sixty townships of six miles square were granted 
 on the west side of Connecticut river. The whole 
 number of grants, in one or two years more, had 
 amounted to one hundred and thirty eight. Their 
 extent was from Connecticut on the east to what was 
 esteemed twenty miles east of Hudson river, so far 
 as that river extended to the northward, and after 
 that as far westward as lake Chamjjlain. 
 
 6. By the fees and other emoluments, which 
 Wentvvorth received in return for these grants, and 
 by reserving five hundred acres in each township for 
 himself, he was evidently accumulating a large for- 
 tune. The goveriunent of New York, wishing to 
 have the profits of these lands, became alarmed at 
 the proceedings of the governor of New Hampshire 
 and determined to check them. For this purpose 
 Mr Cold en, lieut governor of New York, on the 
 28th of December, 1763, issued a proclamation, in 
 which he recited the grants made by Charles II. to 
 the Duke of York, in 1664, and in 1674, which em- 
 braced among other parts " all the lands from the 
 west side of Connecticut river to the east side of 
 Delaware bay." Founding his claim upon this grant, 
 he ordered the sherifif of the county of Albany to 
 make returns of the names of all persons who had 
 taken possession of lands on the west side of the 
 Connecticut, under titles derived from the govern- 
 ment of New Hampshire, 
 
 i 
 
PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS. 57 
 
 7. To prevent the effects which this proclamation 
 was calculated to produce, and to inspire confidence 
 in the validity of the New Hampshire grants, the gov- 
 ernor of New Hampshire, on his part, put forth a 
 counter proclamation, on the 13th of March, 1764, in 
 which he declared that the grant to the Duke of York 
 was obsolete; — that New Hampshire extended as far 
 west as Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that ihe 
 grants made by New Hamjisliire wouM be confirm- 
 ed by the crown, if the jurisdiction should be altered. 
 He exhorted the settlers to be industrious and diligent 
 in cultivating their lands, and not to be intimidated 
 by the threatenings of New York. He required all 
 the civil ofticers to exercise jurisdiction as far west 
 as grants had been made, and to punish all disturbers 
 of the peace. This proclamation served to quiet the 
 minds of the settlers. Having purchased their lands 
 under a charter from a royal governor, and after such 
 assurances from him, they had no idea that a con- 
 troversy between the two provinces, respecting the 
 extent of the jurisdiction, would ever effect the va- 
 lidity of their titles. 
 
 8. New York had hitherto founded her claim to 
 the lands in question upon the grant to the Duke of 
 York, but choosing no longer to rely on so precarious 
 a tenure, application was now made to the crown for 
 a confirmation of their claims. This application was 
 supported b}' a petition, purporting to be signed by a 
 great number of the settlers on the New Hampshire 
 grants, representing that it would be for their advant- 
 age to be annexed to the colony of New York, and 
 praying that the western bank of Connecticut river 
 might be established, as the eastern boundary of that 
 province. In consequence of this petition and ap- 
 plication of the government of New York, his Majesty, 
 on the 20th of July, 1764, ordered that "the western 
 bank of Connecticut river, from where it enters the 
 province of Massachusetts bay, as far north as the 45th 
 degree of north latitude, be the boundary line bo- 
 
58 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 tween the said provinces of New Hampshire and 
 N ew York." This determination does not appear to 
 be founded on any previous grant, but was a decision 
 which the wishes and convenience of the people 
 were supposed to demand. 
 
 9. Surprised as were the settlers on the New 
 Hampshire grants at this order, it i)roduced in them 
 no serious alarm. They regarded it as merely ex- 
 tending the jurisdiction of New York, in future, over 
 their territory. To this jurisdiction they were wilhng 
 to submit ; but they had no apprehension that it 
 could, in any way, affect their title to the lands upon 
 which they had settled. Having purchased and paid 
 for them, and obtained deeds of the same under 
 grants from the crown, they could not imagine by 
 what pei'version of justice they could be compelled, 
 by the same authority, to re-purchase their lands or 
 abandon them. The governor of New Hampshire, 
 at first, remonstrated against this change of jurisdic- 
 tion ; but was, at length, induced to abandon the 
 contest, and issued a proclamation recommending to 
 the proprietors and settlers, due obedience to the au- 
 thority and laws of the colony of New York. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Controversy ivith J^eio York from 1764 to 1773. 
 
 1. The roj^al decree, by which the division line 
 between New Hampshire and New York was estab- 
 lished, was regarded very differently by the different 
 parties concerned. The settlers on the New Hamp- 
 shire grants, considered, that it only placed them 
 hereafter under the jurisdiction of New York, and to 
 this they were willing to submit ; but they had no 
 idea that their titles to their lands, or that any past 
 transactions, could be affected by it. Had the gov- 
 
CONTROVERSY — N. Y. AND THE SETTLERS. 59 
 
 ernmenl of New York given the royal decision the 
 same interpretation, no controversy would ever have 
 arisen. The settlers would have acknowledged its 
 jurisdiction and submitted to its authority without a 
 murmur. But that government gave the decision a 
 very different construction. It contended that the 
 order had a retrospective operation, and decided, not 
 only what should thereafter be, but what had always 
 been, the eastern limit of New York, and consequent- 
 ly, that the grants made by New Hampshire were 
 illegal and void. 
 
 2. In this state of things the government of New 
 York proceeded to extend its jurisdiction over the 
 New Hampshire grants. The territory was divided 
 into four counties, and courts of justice were estab- 
 lished in each. The settlors were called upon to 
 surrender their charters and rc-purohase their lands 
 under grants from New York. Some of them com- 
 plied with this order, but most of them peremptorily 
 refused. The lands of those who did not comply, 
 were therefore granted to others, in- whose names 
 actions of ejectment were commenced in the courts 
 at Albany, and judgments invariably obtained against 
 the settlers and original ])ro})rietors. 
 
 3. The settlers soon found that they had nothing 
 to hope from the customary forms of law, and there- 
 fore determined upon resistance to the unjust and 
 arbitrary decisions of the court, till his Majesty's 
 pleasure should be further known. Having fairly 
 purchased their lands ef one royal governor they 
 were determined, not willingly to submit and re- 
 purchase them, at an exhorbitani price, of another ; 
 and when the executive officers of New York came 
 to eject the inhabitants from their possessions, they 
 met with avowed opposition, and were not suffered 
 to proceed in the execution of their business. 
 
 4. For the purpose of rendering their resistance 
 more eflectual, various associations were formed 
 among the settlers ; and, at length, a coiivention ot 
 
00 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 representatives from the several towns on the west 
 side of the mountains, was called. This convention, 
 after mature deliberation, appointed Samuel Robin- 
 son of Bennington, an agent to represent, to the Court 
 of Great Britain, the grievances of the settlers, and 
 to obtain, if possible, a coiifirmation of the New 
 Hampshire grants. The actions of ejectment were, 
 however, still going on in the courts at Albany, but 
 no attention was paid to them by the settlers, nor was 
 any defence made ; but the settlers were very careful 
 that none of the decisions of the court should be car- 
 ried into execution. 
 
 5. In consequence of the representations made 
 by Mr Robinson at the British Court, his Majesty 
 issue<l a special order, prohibiting the governor of 
 New York, upon pain of his Majesty's highest dis- 
 pleasure, from making any further grants whatsoever 
 of the lands in question, till his Majesty's further 
 pleasure should be known concerning the same. But, 
 notwithstanding this explicit prohibition, the gov- 
 ernor of New York continued to make grants, and 
 writs of ejecttnent continued to be issued. About 
 this time, a convention of the settlers was held at 
 Bennington, in which it was " Resolved to support 
 their lights and property which they possessed under 
 the New Hampshire grants, against the usurpation 
 and unjust claims of the governor and council of 
 New York, 6^ force^ as law and justice were denied 
 them," 
 
 6. A spirited and determined resistance to the 
 civil officers of New York, followed the adoption of 
 this resolution, and, in consequence, several of the 
 settlers were indicted as rioters. But the officers 
 sent to apprehend them, says a writer of tliat period, 
 " were seized by the people and severely chastised 
 with hvigs of the unlderness.^^ A military association 
 was now forujcd, of which Elhan Allen was appoint- 
 ed Colonel Counnandant, and Seih Warner, Remem- 
 ber Barker, Robert Cockran, Gideon Warner, and 
 
CONTROVERSY — N. Y. AND THE GRANTS. 61 
 
 some others were appointed captains. Committees 
 of safety were likewise appointed in several of the 
 towns on the west side of the Green Mountains. 
 
 7. On the other hand, the miHtia were ordered 
 out to assist the slierifFin the execution of his office. 
 But the militia of the neighhorhood were rather in 
 sentiment with the settlers, an 1 had no disposition to 
 hazard their lives for the emohnnent of a few specu- 
 lators; and the sheritF found his power as unavailing 
 with the posse comitatus, as without them ; for upon the 
 appearance of an armed opposition, he found it im- 
 possihle to keep the militia together. While affairs 
 were in this state, the governor of New York issued 
 a prochunation, ofiering a reward of £150 for the 
 a])prehension of Ethan Allen, and £50 each, for Seth 
 Warner and five others. Allen and the other pre- 
 scribed persons, in their turn, issued a proclamation 
 offering five pounds for af)})rehen(ling and deliv- 
 ering to any officer of the Green ^Mountain Boys, the 
 attorney General of the colony of New York. 
 
 8. In 1772 the governor of New York made an 
 attempt to cojiciliate the minds of the inhabitants of 
 the New Hampshire grants, and Vv'ith that view wrote 
 to the Rev. Mr Dewy of Bennington, and to the in- 
 habitants of Bennington and the adjacent country, 
 inviting them to lay before him the causes of their ille- 
 gal proceedings. He assured them that, botij he and 
 the council^ were disposed to give them such relief as 
 the situation and circumstances of the peo-ple would 
 justify, and he engaged fidl security and protection to 
 any Jjci'sohs they miglit choose to s(Mid to New York 
 on that business, excepting Allen, Warner and three 
 others. « 
 
 9. Answers were written to this communication 
 of Gov. Tryon, by the inhabitants, and by the ex- 
 cepted persons, in which they gave an explanation 
 of their conduct, and of the pi-inciples uj)on which 
 they acted. They also api)ointe(l Ca})t. Stephen Fay 
 and Mr .Ttuias Fay to wait upon the governor with 
 their conimunicaticns, and iniiiotiale business on the 
 
62 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 pait of the settlers. These agents were kindly re- 
 ceived by his Excellency, and had their grievances j 
 laid before the council. The council reported in 
 their favor, and recommended that his Excellency 
 afford all the relief in his power, by suspending, until 
 his Majesty's pleasure should be known, all piosecii- 
 tions in behalf of the crown, on account of crimes 
 with which the settlers stood charged. Thej^ further 
 recommended that the owners of disputed lands, 
 claimed under grants from New York, should sus- 
 pend, during the same period, all civil suits concern- 
 ing the lands in question. 
 
 10. The i-eport was approved by the governor 
 and communicated to the inhabitants of Bennington 
 and the vicinity. But while this business was trans- 
 acting, the Green Mountain Boys proceeded to dis- 
 possess certain settlers upon Otter Creek, who claim- 
 ed their lands under titles derived from New York ; 
 in consequence of which the overnor again ad- 
 dressed a letter to the inhabitants requiring the 
 lands and tenements to be restored forth\^•ith to the 
 dis[)OSsesscd persons. An answer to this letter was 
 returned by a convention of delegates from the prin- 
 cii)al towns on the west side of the mountains held 
 at Manchester, August 27th, 1772, in which they 
 gave a minute and full account of their transactions 
 in dispossessing the settlers on Otter Creek and con- 
 tended that their proceedings were justifiable from 
 the circumstances of the case. The inhabitants re- 
 quested his Excellency to return an answer to their 
 comniunication, but it does not appear that he saw 
 fit to comi)ly, and here the negotiation probably end- 
 ed. 
 
 1 
 
CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS. 63 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Character of the settlers on the JVeiv Hampsire grants 
 and their modes of punishment. 
 
 1. The settlers on the New Hampshire grants 
 were a brave, hardy, but uncultivated race of men. 
 They knew little of the etiquette of refined society, 
 were blessed with few of the advantages of educa- 
 tion, and were destitute of the elegancies, and in 
 most cases of the common conveniences of life. 
 They were sensible that they must rely upon the la- 
 bor of their own hands for their daily subsistence, 
 and for the accummulation of property. They 
 possessd minds which were naturally strong and ac- 
 tive, and they were aroused to the exercise of their 
 highest energies by the difficulties which they were 
 compelled to encounter. The controversy in which 
 they were engaged involved their dearest rights. 
 On its issue depended not only their titles to their 
 possessions, but, in many cases, their personal liberty 
 and safety. Though unskilled in the rules of logic, 
 their reasoning was strong and conclusive, and they 
 possessed the courage and perseverance necessary 
 for carrying their decisions into execution. 
 
 2. We have already observed that, at the head of 
 the opposition to the proceedings of New York, 
 stood Ethan Allen, a man obviously fitted by na- 
 ture for the circumstances and exigencies of the 
 times. Bold, ardent and unyielding, he possessed 
 an unusual degree of vigor both of body and mind, 
 and an unlimited confidence in his own abilities. 
 With these qualifications, the then existing state of 
 the settlement rendered him peculiarly fitted to be- 
 come a i)rominent and successful leader. During 
 the progress of the controversy, Allen wrote and dis- 
 persed several pamphlets, in which he exhibited, iu 
 
64 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 a manner peculiar to himself, and well suited to the 
 state of public feeling, the injustice and cruelty of 
 the claims and ])roeeedings of New York. And al- 
 though these ])amphlets are unwortljy of notice as 
 literary productions, yet, ihey were at the time exten- 
 sively circulated, and contributed much to inform the 
 minds, arouse the zeal, ajid unite the efforts of the 
 settlers. 
 
 3. The uncultivated roughness of Allen's temper 
 and manners were well suited to give a just descrip- 
 tion of the views and proceedings of a band of 
 speculating and un])rincipled land joblj^rs. His 
 method of writing was likewise well ada})ted to the 
 condition and feelings of the settlers, and probably 
 exerted a greater influence over their o})inions and 
 conduct, than the sanie sentiments would have done 
 clothed in the chaste style of classic elegance. Nor 
 did it differ greatly in style, or literary merit, from 
 the pamphlets which came from New York. But 
 though Allen wrote with asperity and freedom, there 
 was something generous and noble in his conduct. 
 He refrained from every thing which had the appear- 
 ance of meanness, injustice, cruelty or abuse towards 
 those who fell into his power, and protested against 
 the same in others. 
 
 4. Next to Allen, Seth Warner seems to have 
 acted the most conspicuous part among the settlers. 
 He, like Allen, was firm and resolute, fully determin- 
 ed that the decisions of New York against the settlers 
 should never be carried into execution. But while 
 Allen was daring and sometimes rash and imprudent, 
 Warner was always cool, calm and comparatively, 
 cautious. After W^arner was proscribed as a rioter, 
 an ofMcer was sent from New York to apprehend 
 him. He, considering it au affair of open liostility, 
 defended himself against the officer, and in turn at- 
 tacked, wounded and disarmed him ; but, with the 
 spirit and generosity of a soldier, he spared his life. 
 
 5. Notwithstanding the attenjpts which had been 
 
MODES OF PUNISIIMEM'. 65 
 
 made to arrest the progress of the controversy and 
 the orders which had been received from tlie crow^n, 
 it does not appear tliat the government of New York 
 had, at any time, taken measures to prevent llie lo- 
 cation and settlement of lands under New York 
 titles. The cause of contention therefore still remain- 
 ed. A reconciliation had been attempted, and its 
 failure served to embitter the resentment of the con- 
 tending parties, and to produce a state of hostility 
 more decided and alarming. 
 
 6. It a])pears that committees wei-e appointed in 
 the several towns on the west side of the mountains, 
 and that these connnittees met in convention, or gen- 
 eral committee, as occasion required, to concert 
 measures for the common defence. By this conven- 
 tion it had been decreed that no person should take 
 grants, or confirmations of grants, under the govern- 
 ment of New York. They also forbade " a!l the 
 Inhabitants in the district of the New Hampshire 
 grants to hold, take, or accejit any office of honor, or 
 profit, under the colony of New York ; and all civil 
 and military officers, who had acted under the au- 
 thority of the governor, or legislature of New York 
 were recpiired to suspend their functions on the pain 
 of being viewed.''^ 
 
 7. These decrees had all the force of law, and the 
 infraction of them was always punished with exem- 
 plary severity. The punishment most frequently 
 inflicted was the application of the '■'■ beech seaV to the 
 naked back, and banishment from the grants. This 
 mode of punishment derived its name from allusion 
 to the great seal of the province of New Hampshire, 
 which was affixed to the charters of the townshi])s 
 granted by the governor of that province, of which 
 the hzech rod, well laid upon the naked backs of the 
 " Yorkers," and their adherents, was humorously con- 
 sidered a confirmation. 
 
 8. That the reader may have a just idea of the 
 summarv manner in which the convention and com- 
 
 6* 
 
66 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 mittees proceeded against those who violated their 
 decrees, we will lay before them the sentence of Ben- 
 jamin Hough, as a sample. It appears that the 
 culprit had accepted the office of justice of the peace 
 under the authority of New York, and had officiated in 
 that capacity. Being arrested and brought before the 
 committee of safety at Sunderland, he pleaded the 
 jurisdiction and authority of New York, but was 
 answered by the decree of the convention, which 
 forbade all persons holding any office, civil, or mili- 
 tary, under the colony of New York. The committee 
 therefore in the presence of a large concourse of peo- 
 ple pronounced u])on him the following sentence, 
 viz. " That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this 
 committee of safety andbe tied to a tree, and there, on his 
 naked back, receive one hundred sti-ipes ; his back be- 
 ing dressed, he should depart out of the district, and on 
 return, to suffer death, unless by special leave of com- 
 mitteey 
 
 9. Although the application of the beech seal was 
 the most common punishment, others were frequent- 
 ly resorted to. Some of these were in their nature 
 trifling and puerile. The following may serve as a 
 specimen. A gentleman of Arlington became a par- 
 tisan of New York and spoke in reproachful terms 
 of the convention and of the proceedings of the Green 
 Mountain Boys. He advised the settlers to submit to 
 New York, and re-purchase their lands from that 
 government. Being requested to desist, and disre- 
 garding it, he was arrested and carried to the Green 
 Mountain tavern in Bennington. The committee 
 after hearing his defence ordered him "to be tied in 
 an armed chair, and hoisieAto the ^^^u, (a catamount's 
 skin, stuffed, sitting upon the signpost twenty fve feet 
 from the ground ivith large teeth, grinning towards JS\w 
 York), and there to hang two hours in sight of the 
 people, as a ]:)unishment merited by his enmity to the 
 rights and liberties of the inhabitants of the New 
 Hampshire grants." This sentence was executed to 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 6i 
 
 the no small merritnent of a large concourse of peo- 
 ple ; and when he was let down he was dismissed by 
 the committee with the exhortation to " go and sin 
 no more." 
 
 SECTION Y. 
 
 Controversy with JVew York from 1773 to 1775 — Mina- 
 tory act of JVew York — Resolutions and remonstrance 
 of the settlers. 
 
 1. The proceedings of the settlers on the New 
 Hampshire grants against those who were sent to 
 dispossess tliem of their lands, and then- summary 
 treatment of those whom they conceived to be ene- 
 mies to their rights and liberties, were regarded by 
 the government of New York, as open acts of treason 
 and rebellion. They looked upon the Green Moun- 
 tain Boys as a lawless banditti, and, confident in their 
 own strength, and miscalculating the power, and re- 
 sistance of a few determined spirits acting on the 
 defiencive, and driven to desperation, they resolved 
 to bring them to merited punishment. For this pur- 
 pose they proceeded to adopt measures "the most 
 minatory and despotic of any thing which had ever 
 aj)peared in the British Colonies." 
 
 2. A committee of the general assembly of New 
 York, on the 5th day of Februajy, 1774, passed sev- 
 eral resolutions, expressive of their opinion of what 
 they were pleased to call the lawless and riotous 
 proceedings of the " Bennington Moh f and, among 
 other things, they desired his Excellency, the gover- 
 nor to offer, by proclamation, a reward for apprehend- 
 ing and secin-ing the ring leaders, in those transactions, 
 •n the jail at Albany. This committee also recom- 
 mended that a law should be passed, the object of 
 
C]8 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 which should be, more effectually " to suppress riotous 
 aiul disorderly proceedings, and to bring offenders to 
 condign punishment." 
 
 3. A knowledge of the doings of this committee 
 having reached the settlers, through the public 
 j)rints, a general meeting of the committees of the 
 several townships, was held at the house of Eliakini 
 Wellers, in Manchester, on the first day of March, 
 1774, and afterwards by adjournment, at Jehial Haw- 
 ley's, in Arhngton, on the third Wednesday of the 
 same month. At this meeting, was drawn up a 
 sketch of the proceedings previous to this period, 
 and, after recommending to the government of New ' 
 York to wait the determination of his Majesty, before 
 ])roceeding to further extremities, it was resolved, 
 
 " that as a countr}^ we will stand by and defend our 
 friends and neighbors who are indicted at tlie expense 
 of our lives and fortunes." It was also resolved " that, 
 for the future every necessary preparation be made, 
 and that our inhabitants hold themselves in readiness, 
 at a minute's warning, to aid and defend those friends 
 of ours, who, for their activity in the great and gen- 
 eral cause, are falsely denominated rioters." It was, 
 at the same time, agreed, that they should act only 
 on the defensive, and should encourage the execution 
 of the laws in civil cases, and also in criminal prose- 
 cutions ^^ihat were so indeed.''^ 
 
 4. While the convention of the New Hampshire 
 grants was discussing and ado}>ting these resolutions, 
 the general assembly of New Yo)k was proceeding 
 to cany into effect the resolutions of the 5th of Feb- 
 ruary ; and on the 9th of March, 1774, they enacted 
 a law wiiich ]>ut an end to all pros})ect of reconcilia- 
 tion. This extraordinary law, (which is of too great 
 length to be inserted entire,) enacted, among other 
 things equally sanguinary and despotic, — that if any 
 person, or persons, oppose any civil officer of New 
 York, in the discharge of his official dutji-, " or wilfully 
 burn, or destroy, the grain, corn, or hay, of any otlier 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH NEAV YORK. G9 
 
 persons being in any inclosurc ; or if any persons 
 unUuvllilly, riotously and tmnultuously assembled to- 
 j>-ethcr to the di^turbance of the public peace, shall, 
 unlawfully and with force, demolish, or pull down, 
 or begin to demolish, or pull down any dwelling- 
 house, barn, stable, grist-mill, saw- mill, or out-house, 
 within either of the said counties of Albany and Char- 
 lotte ; that then each of said offences shall be adjudged 
 felony, without benefit of clergy, and the offenders 
 therein shall be adjudged felons, and shall suffer death, 
 as in cases of felony, without benefit of clergy." 
 
 5. It was made the duty of the governor to publish 
 the names of such persons, in the ])ublic papers, as 
 were imlicted in eitiier of the counties of Albany, or 
 Charlotte, for any offence made capital by this or any 
 other law, with an order in council commanding such 
 offender, or offenders, to surrender themselves respec- 
 tively, within the s[)ace of seventy days next after 
 the publication thereof. This order was to be for- 
 warded to the sheriffs and posted up in several public 
 places, '• And in case such offenders shall not re- 
 spectively surrender themselves, he or they, so neg- 
 lecting, or refusing, shall, from the day appointed for 
 his surrendry, as aforesaid, be adjudged, demeed 
 and, (if indicted for a capital ofTence hereafter to be 
 perpetrated,) convicted of felony, and shall suffer 
 death, as in cases of persons convicted of felony by 
 verdict and judgment, without benefit of clergy," 
 
 6. All crimes committed on the grants, were, by 
 this act, permitted to be tried in the county, and by 
 the courts, of Albany ; and the courts were empow- 
 ered b}^ it, to award execution against such as should 
 be indictet! for ca])ital offences, and who should not 
 surrender themselves in conformity to the order of 
 the governor and council, in the same manner as if 
 they had been convicted on a fair and impartial trial. 
 A proclamation was at the same time issued by the 
 governor of New York, offering a reward of £50 each 
 for apprehending and securing, Ethan iVllen, Seth 
 
70 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Warner, Remember Barker, Robert Cockran, Peleg 
 Sunderland, Silvanus Brown, James Brackenridge, 
 and James Smith, wliom tJiey considered the most 
 obnoxous of tlie settlers. 
 
 7. We have already observed that the passage of 
 the forgoing law put an end to all prospect of recon- 
 ciliation, or submission to the claims of New York. 
 It was regarded by the settlers on the New Hamp- 
 shire grants, as originating solel}^ in the avarice of a 
 set of unprincipled speculators, who coveted their 
 lands with their valuable improvements ; and as de- 
 signed to terrify them into submission. They were 
 satisfied that the ])opular sentiment was in their 
 favor, that the great body of the people of New York 
 felt no interest in enforcing the claims of that pro- 
 vince to the lands in question, and former experience 
 had proved that the militia could not be brought to 
 act against them witli an}'^ effect. 
 
 8. Under such circumstances, the threatenings and 
 arbitrary laws of that government were far from in- 
 spiring terror. They were rather regarded by the 
 settlers with contempt, and, instead of palsying, they 
 tended to nei-ve the arm of resistance. Indeed, the 
 idea of submission seems never, for a moment, to 
 have been entertained b} these brave and determined 
 veterans. Having been long inured to toils and 
 liardshi|)S, they were prejjared to encounter difficulties 
 and dangers with unflinching resolution and firmness. 
 And so veiy highly did they prize their personal 
 rights and liberties, that, rather than surrender them 
 to the arbitrary claims of New York, they almost 
 imanimously, resolved to meet death, if^ necessary, in 
 their defence. 
 
 9. These views and feelings are fully manifested 
 in the remonstrance which they made against the fore- 
 going law, as will appear from a few brief extracts, 
 taken from that fc^arless and spirited production. Af- 
 ter portraying, in their peculiar style, the character 
 of the New York government, they proceeded to say, 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 71 
 
 " that by legerdemain, bribery and dece])tioii, they 
 liave extended their doiiiinioiis far and wide. They 
 have wrangled with, and encroaclied upon, the neigh- 
 boring governiTients, and have nsed all manner of 
 deceit and fraud to accomplish their designs. Their 
 tenants groan under their usury and opj)ression, and 
 they have gained, as well as merited, the disap{jro- 
 bation and abhorrence of their neighbors. The inno- 
 cent blood they have already shed, calls for Heaven's 
 vengence on their guilty heads; and, if they should 
 come forth in arms against us, thousands of their 
 injured neighbors will join with us, to cut off and 
 exterminate such aji execrable race of men from the 
 face of the earth." 
 
 10. Again, says that document: "we therefore 
 advertise such officers, and all persons whatsoe\ er, 
 that we are resolved to inflict immediate death on 
 whomsoever may attempt the same; (that is, the ap- 
 prehension of any of the ])ersons indicted as rioters.) 
 And provided any of us, or our party shall be taken, 
 and we have not notice sufficient to relieve them ; or 
 whether we relieve them or not, we are resolved to 
 surround such person, or persons, as shall take them 
 whether at his, or their own house, or houses, or 
 any where that we can lind him, or them, and shoot 
 such person or persons dead. And furthermore, we 
 will kill and destroy any pei-son or persons whomso- 
 ever, that shall presume to be accessary, — aiding or 
 assisting in taking any one of us, as aforesaid ; for, by 
 these presents, we give any sr.ch disposed jjerson, or 
 persons, to understand, that although they have a 
 license b}^ the law aforesaid, to kill us; and an 'in- 
 ilemnification' for such miu'der, from the same 
 authority, yet they have no indemnification for so 
 doing from the Green Mountain Boys ; for our lives, 
 Hberties and ])roperties are as verily precious to ns avS 
 to any of the king's subjects; but if the governmental 
 authority oi' JVew lor^ insists upon killing us, to take 
 possession of our " vineyards'''' — let them come on ; we 
 
72 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 are ready for a game of scalping with them, for our 
 martial spirits glow with bitter indignation and con- 
 summate fury, to blast their infernal })rojects." 
 
 11. The remonstrance, from which the foregoing 
 are extracts, was dated the 26th day of April, 1774, 
 and signed by Ethan Allen and six others. About 
 this time a ])lan ^vas concerted to avoid the jurisdic- 
 tion of New York, by having the New Hampshire 
 grants erected into a separate royal government. To 
 effect this object, Phili}) Skeen, a colonel in one of 
 the king's regiments, and the owner of large posses- 
 sions on lake Champlain, went over to Great Britain, 
 and seems to have met with some success ; but noth- 
 ing decisive had been done when the revolution 
 commenced, which ]nit an end to the negociation. 
 
 12. The opposition to the claims of New York 
 had hitherto been confined, princii)nliy, to the inhabi- 
 tants on the west side of the moinitaiiis. The settlem 
 on the grants in the vicinity of Connecticut river, had, 
 niany of them, surrendered their original chai'ters, 
 and had taken new ones under the authority of New 
 York. In several of the towns tliey submitted quietly 
 to the jurisdiction of ihat colony, and stood, in a 
 measure, unconcerned s})cetators of the controversy 
 in which the settlers on the more westerly grants, 
 were so deei)ly involved. And Avhere tliis was not 
 the case, they had not yet been driven to desj)eration 
 by the executive officers of New York. They were 
 not, however, indifferent to the policy of Great Brit- 
 ain towards her American ColoiiiLS. The settlers 
 on the New Hampshire giants were, generally, eme- 
 grants from the other New England provinces, and 
 they readily sympathized v\ith their kindred and 
 frienfis, and were by no means back ward in imbibing 
 the growing spirit of o|)position to the ojipressive and 
 arbitrary measures pursued by the luotlicr country 
 towards her colonies. 
 
 13. The atlairs of the colonics bad as-nnied so 
 ahirming an asjiect, liiat delegates iroiii most ol' iho 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH NEW YORK. 73 
 
 provinces met at Pljiladelphia on the 5th of Sej'tem- 
 ber, 1774, to consult upon measures for the common 
 safety. The meeting of this congress was followed 
 by an almost universal suspension of the royal au- 
 thority in all the colonies, excepting New York, which 
 refused its assent to the measures recommended by 
 that body, and the courts of justice were either shut 
 up or adjourned without doing any business. The 
 first interruption of this kind in the colony of New 
 York, happened in the county of Cumberland, on 
 the New Hampshire grants. 
 
 14. The stated session of the court for that county 
 was to have been holden at Westminster, on the 13th 
 of March, 1775. Much dissatisfaction prevailed in 
 the coimty because New York had refused to adoj)t 
 the resolves of the continental Congress, and exertions 
 were made to dissuade the judges from holding the 
 court. But, as they ])ersisted in doing it, some of 
 the inhabitants of Westminster and the adjacent 
 towns, took possession of the court house at an early 
 hour in order to prevent the officers of the court from 
 entering. The court party soon appeared before the 
 court house, armed with gmis, swords and pistols and 
 commanded the people to disperse. But, as they 
 refused to obey, some harsh languag^e passed between 
 them and the court party retired to their quarters. 
 
 15. The people then had an interview with judge 
 Chandler, who assured them that they might have qui- 
 et possession of the house till morning, when the court 
 should come in without arms, and should hear what 
 they had to lay before them. But, contrary to this 
 declaration, about eleven o'clock at night, the sheriff, 
 with the other officers of the court, attended by an 
 armed force, repaired to the court house. Being 
 refused admittance, some of the party fired into the 
 house and killed one man and wounded several oth- 
 ers. The wounded men they seized and dragged to 
 prison, with some others who did not succeed in 
 making their escape. 
 
 7 
 
74 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 16. By means of ftiose who escaped, the news of 
 this massacre was quickly spread, and before noon 
 the next day, a large body of armed men had collected. 
 A juiy of inquest brought in a verdict, that the man 
 was murdered by the court party. Several of the 
 officers were made prisoners and confined in the 
 jail at Northampton, in Massachusetts. But, upon 
 the application to the Chief Justice of New York, 
 they were released from prison and returned home. 
 
 17. These proceedings aroused the spirit of oppo- 
 sition to New York throughout the grants on the east 
 side of the mountains. A meeting of committees 
 from the several townships was^held at Westminster, 
 on the 11th of April, 1775, at which a number of 
 spirited resolutions were adopted relative to the late 
 unhappy transactions. Among other things it was 
 voted, "That it is the duty of the inhabitants, as 
 predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self 
 preservation, wholly to renounce and resist the ad- 
 ministration of the government of New York, until 
 such times as the lives and property of the inhabitants 
 may be secured by it." 
 
 18. Thus were the settlers on the east side of the 
 mountains driven to make common cause with their 
 brethren on the west, in opposing the government of 
 New York. The indignation of the settlers through- 
 out the New Hampshire grants was now raised to 
 the highest pitch, and probably the commencement 
 of the American war at Lexington, on the 19th of 
 April, was the only thing which prevented the })arties 
 proceeding to open hostilities. This event produced 
 a shock which was felt throughout the colonies ; 
 local and provincial contests were at once swallowed 
 up by the novelty, the grandeur and the importance 
 of the contest thus opened betw een Great Britain and 
 her American colonies. 
 
REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. /O 
 
 S E C T I O IV VI. 
 
 Biitf review of the progress of settlemejit previous to 
 the Revolution. 
 
 1. It has already been remarked that, although 
 several establishments had been made in Vermont 
 previous to that time, the commencement of the set- 
 tlement may properly be dated from the conquest of 
 Canada in 1760. In that j'ear, the whole number of 
 settlers on the territory of Vermont did not exceed 
 300 persons, and altliough the settlement began from 
 that time sensibly to advance, it was by no means 
 rapid till after the treaty of peace, in 1763, by which 
 Canada was ceeded to Great Britain. In 1764, set- 
 tlements had been commenced in most of the town- 
 ships on Connecticut river as far north as Newbury, 
 and in several townshi})s on the west side of the 
 Green Mountains. 
 
 2. In 1765, the government of New York, having 
 acquired authority from the British crown to exercise 
 jurisdiction over the New Hampshire grants as far 
 eastward as Connecticut river, caused a division to 
 be made of the territoiy into counties. The south- 
 western parts about Bennington, were annexed to 
 the county of Albany ; tlie northwestern, towards lake 
 Champlain, were erected into a county by the name 
 of Charlotte, and on the east side of the moimtain, 
 Cumberland county was formed of the southeastern 
 parts, and Gloucester county of the northeastern. 
 
 3. This was the first division ofVermont into coun- 
 ties, and the only division of the kind previous to the 
 revolution ; and if the limits of these counties were 
 then accuratel}^ defined, it is now difficult to deter- 
 mine where they were. It, however, appears probable 
 from documents ]Miblished in Ethan Allen's Vindi- 
 cation of Vermont, that the division between the 
 counties of Albany and Charlotte passed along the 
 ■^outli lilies of the townships of Ru|)ert, Dorset and 
 
7^ HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Peru, and that Cumberland county extended so far 
 northward as to include about one third part of the 
 present county of Windsor. The division lines be- 
 tween the counties were, however, a matter of little 
 consequence, towards the close of this period, for 
 when the government of New York found the op- 
 position to their measures so determined and so 
 general among the settlers on the grants, they gave 
 the court of Albany county jurisdiction over the whole 
 tract of country. This gave rise to the exjwession, 
 unlimited county of Albany, so frequently used by the 
 Vermont pam})hleters during the controversy with 
 New York. 
 
 4. Previous to the year 1770, scarcely any settle- 
 n)ents had been made on the west side of the Green 
 JMomitains to the northward of the present county of 
 Bennington. During the next year, 1771, settlements 
 w^ere commenced in several townships in Rutland 
 county, and this year was taken the first census of the 
 inhabitants on the grants on the east side of the 
 mountains. By this enumeration it appears that 
 Cumberland county contained, in 1771, 3947 inhabi- 
 tants, and Gloucester county 722, and it was estimated 
 that these two counties contained at that time two 
 thirds of the people in the whole district. The whole 
 number of inhabitants must therefore have been 
 about 7000. 
 
 5. No complete census was taken till the year 1791, 
 and hence it is impossible to determine the precise 
 pop^^lation of Vermont at the time of the com- 
 iTiencenient of the American Revolution. But as the 
 settlements were rapidly extending during the five 
 years succeeding the year 1771, we may safely con- 
 clude, that the whole population of Vermont at the 
 commencement of the war was at least 20,000. About 
 the close of the war we find the population incident- 
 ii/jy estimated by Doct. Williams at 30,000 souls. 
 
HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Events of 1775 — Reduction of Ticonderoga — Invasion 
 of Canada — Carlton defeated by Col Warner — St 
 Johns and Montreal taken by Gen. Montgomery — As- 
 sault upon Qiiebec. 
 
 1. As all minor contests and sectional difficulties 
 were, for a while, swallowed up by the great and mo- 
 mentous concerns of the revolution, we shall now pro- 
 ceed to a brief statement of those incidents in the war 
 for independence, with which the people of Vermont 
 were more immediately concerned. The affairs at 
 Lexington produced a sliock, which was felt from 
 one extremity of the colonies to the other ; and it was 
 now perceived that their only reliance for safety was 
 to be placed in a vigorous and effectual resistance 
 to the arms and arbitrary power of Great Britain. 
 
 2. The military posts on lake Champlain were at 
 this time garrisoned by British soldiers, and the Brit- 
 ish government had been pursuing measures, by 
 which they might, if necessary, avail themselves of 
 
 the strength and resources of Canada, for the purpose 
 
 7* 
 
rs 
 
 HISTORY OF VERMOJVT. 
 
 of subjugating their Other colonies, in case of revolt. 
 The importance, therefore, of securing these posts 
 to the Americans, was at once perceived, and the 
 design of effecting this object, engaged at the same 
 time the attention of several adventurers, both in 
 Massachusetts and Connecticut, who were utterly 
 ignorant of each other's views. But the first active 
 measures for accomplishing an undertaking so desir- 
 able as the reduction of these posts, appear to have 
 been taken by several enterprising gentlemen of 
 Connecticut. 
 
 3. As the success of the enterprise depended upon 
 its being managed with secrecy and dispatch, they 
 obtained of the Connecticut legislature a loan of 
 $1800, and, having procured a quantity of })owder 
 and balls, they hastened forward to Bennington with 
 the view of engaging Ethan Allen in the business. 
 Allen readily undertook to conduct the enterprise and 
 set off to the northward with his usual spirit of 
 promptness and activity for the purpose of enlisting 
 and collecting men for the expedition. The gentle- 
 men from Connecticut, having purchased a quantity of 
 provisions, proceeded to Castleton, where they were 
 joined by Allen with his recruits. 
 
 4. While they \vere collecting at Castleton, Col 
 Arnold arrived there attended only by a servant. This 
 officer had been chosen captain of an independent 
 company at New Haven in Connecticut, and, as soon 
 as he heard of the battle at Lexington, he marched 
 his company to Cambridge, where the Americans 
 were assembling to invest Boston. There he received 
 a Colonel's commission from the Massachusetts com- 
 mittee of safety with orders to raise 400 men for the 
 reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which he 
 represented to be in a ruinous condition and feebly 
 gaiTisoned. His commission being examined, Arnold 
 was permitted to join the party ; but it was ordered 
 by a council that Allen shoidd also have the commis- 
 sion of Colonel, and should be first in command. 
 
REVIEW OF THE PUECEDING PERIOD. 79 
 
 5. To procure intelligence, Capt. Noah Phelps, one 
 of the gentlemen from Connecticut, went into the 
 fort at Ticonderoga in the habit of one of the settlers, 
 where he enquired for a barber, under the pretence 
 of wanting to be shaved. By affecting an awkward 
 appearance, and asking many simple questions, he 
 passed unsuspected and had a favorable opportunity 
 of observing the condition of the works. Having 
 obtained the necessary information, he returned to 
 the party, and the same night they began their march 
 for the fort. And these affairs had been cfonducted 
 with so much expedition, that Allen reached Orwell, 
 opposite to Ticonderoga, with his men in the evening 
 of the 9th of May, while the garrison were without 
 any knowledge of the i)roceedings and without.any 
 apprehension of a hostile visit. 
 
 6. The whole force collected on this occasion 
 amounted to 270 men, of whom 230 were Green 
 Mountain Boys. It was with difficulty that boats 
 could be obtained to carry over the troops. A Mr 
 Douglas was sent to Brid])ort to procure aid in men, 
 and a scow belonging to Mr Smith. Douglas stopped 
 by the way to enlist a Mr Chapman in the enterprise, 
 when James Wilcox and Joseph Tyler, two young 
 men, who were abed in the chamber, hearing the story, 
 conceived the design of decoying on shore a large 
 oar boat belonging to Maj. Skeen, and which then lay 
 off against Willow point. They dressed, seized their 
 guns and a jug of rum, of which they knew the black 
 commander to be extremely fond, — gathered four 
 men as they went, and, arriving all armed, they hailed 
 the boat and offered to help row it to Shoreham, if 
 they would carry them there immediately to join a 
 hunting paity, that would be wailing for them. The 
 stratagem succeeded, and poor Jack and his two men 
 suspected nothing till they arrived at Allen's head 
 quarters, where they were made prisoners of war. 
 
 7. Douglas arrived with the scow about the same 
 time, and, ^ome other boats havin.g been collected, 
 
80 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Allen embarked with 83 men and landed near the 
 fort. As the morning was advancing, it was deemed 
 inexpedient to wait for the remainder of the men to 
 pass over. Arnold now wished to assume the com 
 mand, and swore that he would lead the men into 
 the fort. Allen swore he should not, but that he him- 
 self would be the first man that should enter. As the 
 dispute grew warm, some of the gentlemen interpos- 
 ed, and it was agreed that they should both enter at 
 the same time, but that Allen should enter on the 
 right and have the command. 
 
 8. Accordingly, a little after day break in the 
 morning of the 10th of May, 1775, they advanced 
 towards the works followed by their men. The sentry 
 at the outer post snapped his fusee at Allen, and, 
 retreating through the covered way, was followed by 
 the Americans, who were immediately drawn up on 
 the parade within the fort. With so great expedi- 
 tion and silence was this business accomplished that 
 the garrison, excepting the sentries, were not awaken- 
 ed from their slumbers, till arosued by the huzzas of 
 the Green Mountain Boys, already in possession of 
 the fort. The Capt. De Laplace, without waiting to 
 dress himself, hastened to the door of the barrack, 
 when Allen sternly commanded him to surrender, 
 or he would put the v^^hole garrison to the sword. De 
 Laplace enquired by what authority he demanded it. 
 I demand it, says xA.llen, "tn the name of the Great Je- 
 hovah and the Continental Congress.'''' 
 
 9. Surrounded b}'^ the Americans, the British cap- 
 tain perceived that resistance was vain, and surrend- 
 ered the garrison prisoners of war, without knowing 
 by what authority Allen was acting, or that hostilities 
 had commenced between Great Britain and her co- 
 lonies. As soon as Allen had landed with his party, 
 the boats were sent back for the remainder of the 
 men, who had been left under the command of Col 
 Seth Warner. AVarner arrived soon after the place 
 surrendered, and taking the command of a party, set 
 
REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING PERIOD. 83 
 
 off for the reduction of Crown Point, which was gar- 
 risoned only by a sergeant and twelve men. They 
 surrendered upon the first summons, and Warner 
 took possession of the fort. Skeensborough was also 
 taken, the same day, by another party, and Major 
 Skeen made prisoner. 
 
 10. By these enterprises, the Americans captured 
 a British Major, a Captain, a Lieutenant and forty 
 four privates. In the forts, they found more than 200 
 pieces of cannon, some mortars and howitzers, and 
 large quantities of military stores; and also a ware- 
 house filled with materials, for carrying on the business 
 of building boats. All these cost not the Americans 
 a single man. 
 
 11. Elated with their success, they now determined 
 to secure the command of lake Champlain, by getting 
 j)OSsession of an armed sloop, which then lay at St 
 Johns. For this purpose they armed and manned 
 a schooner, and procured a number of batteaux. Ar- 
 nold took command of the schooner, and Allen of 
 the batteaux, and they both set out together upon the 
 expedition. But a fresh wind springing up from the 
 south, the schooner out sailed the batteaux and Ar- 
 nold soon reached St Johns, where he surprised and 
 captured the sloop. The wind immediately shifting 
 to the north, Arnold set sail with his prize, and met 
 Allen with his batteaux at some distance from St 
 Johns. Thus, in tlie course of a few days, and by a 
 few daring individuals, was lake Champlain and its 
 important fortresses secured to the Americans. 
 
 12. The American Congress, having received in- 
 telligence that the governor of Canada had been 
 making exertions to engage the Canadians and In- 
 dians to fall upon the frontier of the colonies, deter- 
 mined to send a body of American troops into that 
 province, in the hopes that the Canadians would join 
 the other colonies, in opposition to Great Britain. 
 For this purpose, it was proposed to raise 2000 men, 
 who were to be placed under the command of Gen- 
 
82 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 eral Schuyler and Montgomery. Much pains were 
 taken to raise the troops, and a large number of 
 batteaux and flat bottomed boats were built at Ticon- 
 deroga and Crown Point to convey the forces to 
 Canada. 
 
 13. Montgomery set out from Crown Point, on the 
 21st of August, but soon received intelligence that 
 the British Gen. Carleton was prepared to obstruct 
 his designs — that he had provided a considerable na- 
 val force and was about entering the lake with a body 
 of British troops. To prevent this, Montgomery pio- 
 ceeded down the lake, with the forces which had 
 arrived, to the Isle La Motte, where he was soon join- 
 ed by Gen, Schuyler ; and they both moved forward to 
 the Jsle Aux Noix, where they took proper measures 
 to prevent the passage of the British vessels into the 
 lake. 
 
 14. From this place, the American generals sent 
 proclamations into the adjacent country, assuring the 
 Canadians that they had no designs against them, and 
 inviting them to unite with the Americans in asserting 
 their rights and securing their liberties. On the 6th 
 of September, they proceeded without opposition 
 towards St Johns with their whole force, which did 
 not exceed 1000 men. A landing was effected about 
 a mile and a half from the fort, but, while advancing 
 to reconnoiter the works, their left was attacked by 
 a party of Indians, who killed three and wounded 
 eight of the Americans, The Indians were, however, 
 soon repulsed, with the loss of five killed and four 
 severely wounded. Finding the fortress well garri- 
 soned and prepared to make a vigorous defence, the 
 Americans thought it jH'udent to return to the Isle 
 Aux Noix, and there wait the arrival of their artillery 
 and re-inforcements, which were daily expected. 
 
 15. Schuyler returned to Albany to conclude a 
 treaty, which had been some time negotiating, with 
 the Indians, leaving the command to Montgomery. On 
 the 17th of September, Montgomery, having receiv- 
 
REVIEW OF THE PRECEDING rERIOD. 83 
 
 ed the expected reinforcements, proceeded to St 
 Johns and laid siege to that fortress. The place was 
 garrisoned by the greatest part of two British regi- 
 ments, and contained nearly all the regular troops in 
 Canada, and it was at the same time well supplied 
 with artillery, ammunition and military stores. The 
 first measure of Montgomery, was an attempt to de- 
 tach the Indians, who had joined Gen. Carlton, from 
 the British cause. Having succeeded in this, parties 
 of the provincials were dispersed over the country 
 and were favorably received by the Canadians. 
 
 16. x\s Col Ethan Allen, with 80 men, was return- 
 ing from one of these excursions, he was met by Maj. 
 Brown who was out upon the same business with 
 200 men. Brown informed Allen that Montreal was 
 entirely without def 'ure and might easily be surpris- 
 ed ; and iu was finally agreed between them that they 
 should proceed to make an immediate attem[)t upon it. 
 Allen was to cross the river and land a little north of the 
 city, while Brown was to land a httle to the south, and 
 both were to commence the attack at the same time. 
 Allen crossed over with his little band of 80 men, in the 
 right, as had been agreed, but he waited in vain for 
 the appearance of Brown to co-operate with him. 
 And when day light ajjpeared and rendered the sur- 
 prise of the place in i practicable, instead of saving 
 himself by a retreat, Allen rashly determined to main- 
 tain his ground. 
 
 17. Gen. Carlton soon received intelligence of Al- 
 len's situation, and early in the morning marched out 
 against him, with about 40 regulars, together with 
 several hundred English settlers, Canarlians and In- 
 dians. Allen's force was made up of Green Mountain 
 Boys and Canadians and at the head of these he 
 Ibught with desperate courage until most of the Ca- 
 nadians had deserted him, and^y?/ifeenof hismen were 
 killed and several wounded. But courage wtiS una- 
 vailing against such a supf^riority of numbers. Allen 
 was taken prisoner, on the 25ih ofS ^.ptciiiber, wilh 
 
84 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 38 of his men, and by order of Gen. Carlton they 
 were all immediately loaded with irons. In that con- 
 dition, they were put on hoard a man of war and 
 carried to England. During the voyage they were 
 treated with such rigour as to render their suffering 
 ahiiost intolerable. 
 
 18. Montgomery was in the mean time pushing the 
 siege of St Johns, as fast as his embarrassed circum- 
 stances would permit. He derived much assistance 
 from the Canadians, who had joined him, and being 
 informed by them thai the little fortress of Cham blee, 
 situated further down the Sorel, contained a large 
 quantity of ammunition and military stores, of which 
 the besiegers were much in need, he ordered Major 
 Brown and Livingston to proceed against it. The 
 garrison, consisting of about one hundred men, 
 after a short resistance surrenderred themselves on 
 the 18th of October, prisoners of war. By this capitu- 
 lation the Americans obtained 120 barrels of powder, 
 a large finantity of military stores and |)rovisions, and 
 the standard of tlie 7th Regiment. This standard 
 was immediately transmitted to Congress, and was 
 the first trophy of the kind, which that body had ever 
 received. 
 
 19. The besiegers having obtained a supply of am- 
 munition and stores bj' the capture of Chamblee, 
 made their advi.uces upon the fort at St Johns with 
 increased vigor. The garison consisted of between 
 six and seven hundred men, who, in the hopes of 
 being soon relieved by Geu. Carlton, made a reso- 
 lute defence. Carlton exerted himself for this pin- 
 j)osp, but such was the disaffection of the Canadians 
 to the British cause, that he coidd not muster more 
 than one thousand men, including the regulars, the 
 militia of Montreal, the Canadians and the Indians. 
 With these, he ]>urposed to cross the St Lawrence and 
 join Col. Maclean, who had collected a few hundred 
 Scotch emigrants and taken post at the mouth of the 
 Sorel, hoping with their united forces to be able to 
 
COL WARNER DEFEATS GRN. CARLTON. 85 
 
 raise tiie t-iege of St Johns and relieve the garrison. 
 
 20. Ill pursuance of tins design, Carlton embarked 
 his troo[)S at Montreal with the view of crossing the St 
 Lawrence and landing at Longniel. Their embarka- 
 tion was observed by Col S<'th Warner, from the 
 o|)|)Osite slioic, wbo, with about '300 Green Mountain 
 }5oys, watched their motions, and ])repared for their 
 ap|)rouc]). Just before they reached the south shore, 
 AVarner opened upon tliem a well directed and in- 
 cessant fire of musketry and grape shot from a four 
 pounder, by which unexj)ected assault, the enemy 
 were thrown into the greatest confusion, and soon 
 retreated with ])recipitation and disorder. When the 
 news of Carltori's defeat reached Maclean he aban- 
 doned his position at the mouth of the Sorel and 
 hastened to Quebec. 
 
 21. By these events the garrison at St Johns was 
 left without the hope of relief and Major Preston, the 
 commander, was, consequently, obliged to surrender. 
 The garrison laid down their arms on the 3rd of No- 
 vember, maiched out of the works and became pris- 
 oners of war, to the nnmb(!r of 500 reirnlars and more 
 tlian 100 Canadian volunteers. Gen. Montgomery 
 treated them with the greatest [toliteness, and had 
 them conveyed by the way of Ticonderoga into the 
 interior of New England. In the fort Avas found a 
 lariie quantity of cannon and military stores. 
 
 22. Col W'ainer, having repulsed Gen. Carlton and 
 caused Col 1^1 aclean to retire to Quebec, proceeded 
 to erect a l)attery at the mouth of the Sorel, which 
 sliould command the passage; of the St Lawrence, 
 and thus block up Gen. Carlton at Montreal. In this 
 situation of things, Gen. Montgomery arrived from St 
 Johns and took possession of Montreal, withovit op- 
 position, on the 13th of November, Gen. Carlton hav- 
 ing abandoned it to its fate and escaped down the 
 river in the night in a small canoe with njullied oars. 
 A large number of armed vessels loaded whh ])iovi- 
 sions and other necessaries, and Gen. Prescot with 
 
 8 
 
86 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 120 British officers and privates, also attempted to 
 escape down the river, but were stopped at the mouth 
 of the Sorel, and all captured by the Americans 
 witbout tlie loss of a man. 
 
 23. The attention of Montgomery was immediate- 
 ly turned towards Quebec, where Carleton was now 
 making every preparation for defence. Col Arnold, 
 afler surmounting incredible difficulties and hard- 
 ships, had passed through the wilderness from Maine 
 to Canada and appeared before Quebec with 700 
 men on the 9th of Novenjber, and now Montgomejy, 
 having removed everv ol)stacle, hastened forward to 
 join him, which he did on the 1st day of December. 
 Their united force amounted to only about 1000 men, 
 while tliat of the garrison numbered 1500 ; but as 
 the latter was made up ]jrinci])ally of Canailians and 
 militia, Montgomery still had hopes of success. 
 Finding that the artillery and shells produced but 
 little effect upon the town, and tbat the weather was 
 becoming too severe to carry on a regular siege, it 
 was finally determined to make a genej'al assaidt upon 
 the town. 
 
 24. Accordingly on the morning of the 31st of 
 December, the troops were led on to the attack. But 
 it proved unsuccessful. The gallant Montgomery 
 was slain, and nearly one half tbe American troops 
 were killed, or taken prisoners, Arnold, though se- 
 verely wounded, took the conmiand of the shattered 
 forces and continued the blockade determined to 
 await the re-enforcements which he believed would 
 soon be sent on to his relief. Thus terminated in 
 this quarter, the campaign of 1775, and thus commen- 
 ced those reverses, which were to attend the Amer- 
 ican arms in Canada during the succeeding yeai*. 
 
RETREAT OF THE AMERICAN ARIVIT. 87 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Events of 1776. Small Pox fatal in the army — Amer- 
 ican army retreats — Unsuccessful expedition against 
 Three Rivers — Affairs at the Cedars — Chamhlee and 
 St Johns abandoned In/ the Americans — JVaval en- 
 gagement of lake Champlain — Crown Point ahan- 
 doned. 
 
 1. The re-enforcements!, which were sent to the 
 reliefer Arnold, arrived but slowly, and when Gen. 
 Thomas reached the camp before Quebec, on the 
 first day oi May, 1776, t!ie whole American force at 
 that place did not exceed 1900 men. In this state of 
 things, and before any thing of consequence had 
 been attempted against the city, the small pox com- 
 menced its ravages among the provincial troops, and 
 it is hardly possible to conceive the distress, the ter- 
 ror and confusion it occasioned in the American 
 camp. Ignorant of the true nature of the disease, and 
 of the means by which its })rogress might be impe- 
 ded ; anfl antici})ating dangers, which their fears had 
 greatly magnified, the trooj)s could, with difliculty, be 
 prevented from a total dispersion. The soldiers, hav- 
 ing heard tliat inoculation was the surest prevent- 
 tive of a fatal termination, proceeded, in defiance of 
 orders, to inoculate themselves ; and the recruits as 
 they arrived, did the same, and thus was the disease 
 still wider diffused, so that out of 3000 troops, which 
 liad now arrived, not more than 900 were fit for duty. 
 
 2. After a few trifling efforts against the town. Gen. 
 Thomas was convinced that nothing of consequence, 
 could be effected with an army in the condition to 
 wiiich his was re;luced, and being nearly destitute of 
 provision?!, and daily expecting that the British gar- 
 ison would be re-enforced by the arrival of an army 
 from England, it was concluded, in a council of war, 
 to abandon the siege and make the best retreat their 
 
88 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 circumstances would permit. The next day a British 
 
 man of war and two iiifratcs arrived at Quehcc, with 
 succors tor the town, iiaving, with incredible exer- 
 tions and dexterity, cut their way througli the ice 
 while the navigation was extremely dilhcuh and dan- 
 gerous. 
 
 3. One thousand marines being landed fron.i the 
 ships, Gen. Carlton put hiniselt^ at llie head of these, 
 and 800 of his own troops and about noon marched 
 out to give hattie to the Americans. But he was too 
 late. Gen. Thomas, foreseeing this event, had com- 
 menced his retreat ; but it was done with so great 
 precipitation that the Americans had left behind, ilieir 
 artiller}', stores and baggage, and a nund:)cr of their 
 sick. Carlron was content witli getting possession 
 of these, and with being relieved of his l)csiegers, and 
 did not pursue the Americans. The prisoners who fell 
 into his hands were treated with the most humane 
 and kind attention. 
 
 4. The Americans continu ^d their retreat to the 
 river Sorel, having marched the first 45 miles with- 
 out halting. Here they found seveial regiments 
 waiting for them under Gen. Thompson, who a few 
 daj's after succeeded to the command, by the unfor- 
 tunate death of Gen. Thomas, who died of the small 
 pox. Gen. Sullivan and several battalions amved 
 about this time, and Sullivan having taken the com- 
 mand, now planned an enterpnse against the enemy, 
 which savored much more of boldness than pru- 
 dence. The British army, which was now augmen- 
 ted hy re-enforcements from Europe to more than 
 13000, had their chief rendezvous at Three Rivers, a 
 post on the north side of the St Lawrence, alwut 
 halfway between Quebec and Montreal. Gen. Sul- 
 livan conceived the design of surprising this post, 
 and for that purpose detached Gen. Thompson on 
 the 7th of June, with 1800 men, who preceded down 
 the river in the night, expecting to reach Three Rivei-s 
 before day hght. But ujiavoidable delays rendered 
 
AFFAIRS AT THE CEDARS. 89 
 
 it impossible. They were discovered by the British, 
 b«'foie they reached the village, who inarched out, 
 attacked and dispersed tliem, making their general, 
 and ahout 200 men, prisoners. 
 
 5. 3Iontreal had, early in tlie spring, been placed 
 under the command ot" Arnold, who was now raised 
 to the rank of Brigadier general, and a ])arty of 31^0 
 Amerirans under Col Beadle had been posted at 
 the Cedars, a small fort 43 miles above that city. 
 Being frightened at the a|)pearance of a force de- 
 scending the river to attack him, Beadle al)andoned 
 the command to Maj. Buttertield, and hastened to 
 Montreal for a re-enforcement ; and Butterfield, with 
 an equal want of spii-jt, surrentlcred the fort and gar- 
 rison on the loth of r>Iay. 
 
 6. As soon as Beadle arrived at Montreal, Arnold 
 detached JMaj. Slierburne with 140 men, to relieve 
 the fort at the Cedars. On their way they were at- 
 tacked, surrounded, and after a gallant defence of 
 nearly two hoiu'S, made prisoners, hy a body of 
 500 Indians. Many of the Americans were killed 
 or wounded in the engagement. Twenty others 
 were afterwards put to death in cool blood, with 
 all the aggravations of sava<>e bari)arity. The re- 
 mainder were stripped, driven to the fort and delivered 
 up to Capt. Foster, to whom Buttei-tield had surren- 
 dered. 
 
 7. When the intelligence of these events reached 
 Arnold, he put himself at the head of eight or nine 
 hundred men and flew to the rescue of the unfortu- 
 nate caj)tives. Upon his ap])roach to the fort he 
 received a communication from Capt. Foster, inform- 
 ing him that if he would not consent to a cartel, 
 which he had already forced Maj. Sherburne and 
 other officers to sign, the prisoners should all be im- 
 mediateli/piif to death. Aruold lies;itated, l;ut humanity 
 and a rei^ard tor the captured officers, at length com- 
 pelled him to acceed to the proposal, and thus was 
 his vengence disarmed. 
 
 8* 
 
90 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 8. The American army in Canada was so much 
 inferior to ihe British, that nothing reniaintd for them 
 but to make the best retreat in their power. On the 
 14th of June, the}^ abandoned their }>ost at Sorel, whidi 
 a few hours afterwards was in possession of the Brit- 
 ish army. Gen. Burgoyne was immediately detached 
 with one column in pursuit of the Americans, but 
 with orders not to hazard an engagement until he 
 should receive a re-enforcement. On the 15th of 
 June, Arnold withdrew with his troops from Montreal 
 and marched to Chamblee, where the American for- 
 ces were assembled, and were engaged Avith much 
 spirit and resolution in dragging their artillery and 
 stores up the rapids. 
 
 9. This ser\'ice was attended with much difficidty 
 and danger ; but they succeeded in drawing up more 
 than one hundred batteaux, heavily laden, and having 
 set fire to the mills and the shipping which they 
 could not bring oft] they left the village of Chamblee 
 at the very time the British were entering it on the 
 other side. On the 18th of June, Gen. Bm-goyne 
 reached St Johns in the evening, but the Americans 
 had taken away every thing of value and set fire to 
 the fort and barracks. Maj. Bigelow, with about 40 
 men remained at St Johns till the works were all 
 destroyed, and left that place the same evening that 
 Burgoyne airived there, and joined the American 
 army which had halted at the Isle Aux Noix. 
 
 10. The British were urjable to get any of their 
 vessels over the rapids at Chamblee, and were, con- 
 sequentl}, unable to continue the pursuit of the 
 American army, which now proceeded in safety to 
 Crown Point. This retreat was conducted by Sid- 
 livan, with such consummate skill and prudence, as to 
 retrieve his character from the imputations brought 
 upon it by the rash and unsuccessful expedition 
 against Three Rivers, and to merit the thanks of 
 Congress, and of the whole army. 
 
 11. On the 12th of July, Gen. Sullivan was sue- 
 
€ROV/N POINT ABANDONED. 91 
 
 ceeded by Gen. Gates, in the command of the northern 
 arnjy. Tiie fir^t hiisint'ss of Gates was to restore to 
 health and soundnes^s tlie sick and wounded, and 
 to increase his force by new recruits. He assembled 
 a council of war, bj'^ which it was resolved to aban- 
 don Crown Point, and concentrate all tlieir strength 
 and njake a vigorous stand at Ticonderoga, and on 
 Mount Independence, which is situated on the oppo- 
 site side of the lake. A general hospital was established 
 at fort George, to which those who were sick with 
 the small pox, were sent forward, and to avoid this 
 contagioiis and loathsome disease, the new recruits 
 were assembled at Skeensi)orough. On the sixth of 
 August, six hundred men arrivefl from New Hamp- 
 shire juid re-enforcements were daily arriving from 
 other quarters. The army was also all the time im- 
 proving in health and discipline, and was active and 
 vigorous in i)reparations for defence. 
 
 12. As it was of the greatest importance to the 
 Americans to preserve the command of the lake, by 
 constructing u])on it a naval force suj)erior to that of 
 the British, they engaged with their usual activity 
 in accomplishing this object. But in the prosecution 
 of it they had innumerable difficulties to encounter. 
 Their timber was to be cut in the woods and dragged 
 by hand to the place where it was wanted for use ; 
 the materials for naval equi])ments were to be brought 
 from a great distance over roads almost inj})assable ; 
 and the ship-carpenters were so well employed in 
 the sea ports that it was with extreme difficulty that 
 any could be i)rocured. Yet, notwithstanding these 
 obstacles, by perseverance and iudustry, they had, 
 on thelStli of August, completed an I equi})ped three 
 schooners and five gondolas, carrying in the whole 
 55 cannon, consisting of twelve, nine, six and four 
 pounders, and seventy swivels. This armament was 
 manned by three hundred and ninety five men, and 
 was completely fitted for action. 
 
 13. In tlie mean time the British were employed 
 
92 HISTORY OF VERMONI. 
 
 in preparing a fleet at St Johns. Six armed vessels 
 had been built in England and sent over for the ex- 
 press purpose of being employed on lake Chaniplain ; 
 but it was found imj.iossible to get them over the 
 falls at Chamblee without taking them in pieces, 
 transposing them in that form, and then put them 
 together again above the raj)ids. They succeeded 
 in dragging Uj) a large number of boats entire, and 
 having re-built their vessels, they were ready by the 
 first of October, to enter the lake with their fleet. 
 This fleet consisted of the Inflexible, carrying eigh- 
 teen twelve pounders, the Maria, of fourteen six 
 pounders, the Carlton of twelve six pounders, the 
 Thunderer, a flat bottomed radeau, or raft, with six 
 twenty pounders, six twelves and two howitzers, 
 some gondolas, carrying seven nine poiniders, twenty 
 gun boats, carrying, each one brass field piece from 
 nine to twenty four pounders, and some with howit- 
 zers, and four long boats, with each a carriage gun, 
 serving as tenders. These, amounting to thirty one 
 in number, were all designed and pre})ared for attack 
 and battle; and were to be followed by a suflicient 
 number of vessels and boats for tlie transj)ortation of 
 the royal army, with its stores, artillery, baggage and 
 provisions. 
 
 14. This fleet was navigated by seven hundred 
 experienced seamen, cammanded by Captain Pringle, 
 and the guns were served by a detachment of men 
 and officers from the corps of artillery, and far exceed- 
 ed any thing the Americans were al)!e to ])rovide. 
 On the 11th of October, the British fleet and army 
 proceeded up the lake. The American armament, 
 which amounted to 15 vessels of difl^erent sizes, was 
 put under the command of Gen. Ainold, who had 
 taken a very advantageous position between Valcour 
 island and the western main. There they formed a 
 strong line of defence, and hoped to be able to check 
 the progress of the enemy. 
 
 15. The British were sensible of their superior 
 
NAVAL ENGAGEME^TT OX L. CHAMPLAIN. 93 
 
 strcngtli, and moved forward boldly to attack the 
 Americans. A pcvere eiii^ao-enieiit ensued, which 
 was maintained lor several hours with much s})irit 
 and resolution. The wind being unfavorable, the 
 British were unable to bring tlie Inflexible and some 
 of their other vessels into action, which was princi- 
 paliy sustained by the Carleton and the gun boats; 
 and as the wind continued adverse, the British, not- 
 withstanding the result had thus far been in their 
 favor, judged it ]»rudent to withdraw from the en- 
 gagement ; but as night aj)])roached, they again advan- 
 ced and anchored in a line as near the Americans as 
 ])ossible, to prevent their escape. 
 
 10. This engagement was sustained on both sides 
 with a courage and firsnness, which are seldom wit- 
 nessed. Among the Americans, Gen. Waterbin-y, of 
 the Wasiiington galley, was in the .severest part of 
 the action. t>.\ce|)ting one lieutenant and a captain 
 of marines, his officers were all either killed or 
 wounded. He himself fought on the quarter deck 
 during the whole action, and at the close brought off 
 his vessel though shattered and almost torn in 
 l)ieces. The result of this action was favorable to 
 the British, but less so than they had anticipated, 
 knowing their own force to be double that of the 
 Americans. They had one of their gondolas sunk 
 and one blown up with 60 men. The Americans 
 had one of their schooners burnt, a gondola sunk, and 
 several of their vessels much injured. 
 
 17. Arnold was now convinced that he could not 
 withstand the superior force of the enemy, and un- 
 der the cover of the night, which was dark and foggy 
 resolved to attempt a reti-eat to Ticonderoga. In this 
 measure he so far succeded as to pass directly tlu'ough 
 the enemy's line unohserved, and to be entirely out 
 of sight of the British the next morning. As soon as 
 it was discovered that'the Americans had fled, the 
 British, anxious to obtain a decisive victory, conimen- 
 ce<i a piu'suit, and during the day an American 
 
94 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 gondola was overtaken and captured. On the 13th 
 of October, the wind being favorable to the British, 
 they renewed the chase, and about noon overtook the 
 American fleet a few leagues from Crown Point. 
 A warm engagement (msued, which was snf)ported 
 with great resolution and gallantry on both sides for 
 nearly four hours. The Washington galley, comman- 
 ded by Gen. Watterbury, had been so shatterred in 
 the action of the llth, asto be useless in this engage- 
 ment, and was surrendered after receiving a few 
 broadsiiles. 
 
 18. Arnold was on board the Congress galley, which 
 vessel was attacked by the Inflexible and two schoon- 
 ers, all within musket shot. After sustaining this 
 unequal combat for nearly four hours, Arnold became 
 satisfied that no exertion ot courage or skill, coidd 
 enable hitn much longer to withstand the superior 
 force of the enemy. He was, however, determined 
 that neither his vessels nor his men shoidd become 
 the trophies of their victory. Having by his obsti- 
 nate resistance given several of his vessels an oppor^ 
 tunity to escape to Ticonderoga, lie now run the 
 Congress galley and five other vessels on shore, in 
 such manner as to land his men in safety and blow 
 up tho vessels in defiance of every eflTort which the 
 British coidd make to prevent it. This action took 
 place at no great distance from the mouth of Otter 
 Creek, and the remains of Arnold's vessels were to 
 be seen there upon the beach for many years. 
 
 19. The British under Gen. Carlton having now 
 recovered the command of lake Champlain, it was 
 supposed they would next attempt the reduction of 
 Ticonderoga ; and, had Carlton moved forward 
 immediately, it was supposed that he might have 
 possessed himself of that iuiportant fortress without 
 much diflicult)'^, as it was illy prepared for defence. 
 But the wind blowing from the south, Carlton landed 
 his army at Crown Point, the Americans having, a 
 few days before destroyed the fort and every thing 
 
CARLTON RETURNS TO CANADA. 95 
 
 tliey coulil not carry away, and joined the main army 
 at Ticonderoga. The Americans applied themselves 
 with vigor in strengthening their eiitrniichinents at 
 Ticonderoga, and by tiie daily arrival of re-enforce- 
 ments, anci the recovery of the sick and wounded, 
 Gates soon found himself at the liead of 12000 effec- 
 tive men. In this situation he was not unwilling that 
 Carlton should make an attem{)t to get possesion of 
 the place. But that judicious comuiander did not 
 see tit to hazard an assault ; and, after spending about 
 a month in reconnoitering the American works, he 
 re-eml'arked his army at Crown Point and returni^d 
 to Canada, and thus terminated the njilitar}'^ enterpri- 
 ses on lake Chaniplain, for the year 1776. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Events of 1777. Advances of Gen. Burgoyne — Ti- 
 conderoga abandoned by the Americans — Battle at 
 Hubbardton — Retreat from fort Edward — Battle at 
 Bennington — At Stillwater — Surrender of Burgoyne. 
 
 1. Before the opening of tlie campaign of 1777, Sir 
 Guy Carleton was superceded in the command of the 
 British forces, designed to enter United States from 
 Canai'la, by Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne, wlio was a great 
 favorite of the ministry antl an office of sonie rejtu- 
 tation. He was, however, unacquainted with the 
 American character and service, and was by no 
 means so well fitted to {)lan and execute the opera- 
 tions in this quarter as the general whom he sup- 
 planted. The regular force allotted to Burgoyne 
 amounted to 7113 men, exclusive of the corps of 
 artillery. Of these, 3217 were Germans and the 
 remainder British troops. This force was expected 
 
96 
 
 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 to be increased on its arrival in America by a large 
 number of Canadians and Indians, for whom arms 
 and accoutrements wei-e forwarded from England. 
 Burgoyne was also piovided with an excellent train 
 
 of br-iss artillery, and was assisted hi the command 
 by G:Mierals, Philips, Fraser, Powel, Hamilton, Reid- 
 sel and Specht. all of them able and experienced 
 officers. 
 
BDRGOYNE ADVANCES ON L. CHAMPLAIN '97 
 
 2. General Burffoyne arrived at Quebec on the 
 6th of May, and took the connnand of the army de- 
 signed for the expedition. On the 12th, \ e ])roceeded 
 to Montreal, using every possible exertion to collect 
 and forward the troops and stores to Lake Cham- 
 plain. Between the ]7th and 20th of June, his 
 whole army was assembled at Cmnberland Head, at 
 which place it embarked and preceded up the Lake 
 without opposition. June 21st, Burgoyne landed his 
 army on the west side of the Lake at he mouth of 
 the river Boquet, in the present township of Wills- 
 borough, New York. Here he was joined by four 
 or five hundred Lidians, who were to assist in the 
 expedition. After making for the Indians a war 
 feast according to their custom, Burgoyne addressed 
 a speech to the chiefs and warriors, calculated to ex- 
 cite their savage ardor in the British cause, and to 
 give such direction to their fierceness and cruelty as 
 should best subserve his designs against the Ameri- 
 cans. 
 
 3. General Schuyler, being supposed most fully 
 to possess the confidence of the inhabitants of this 
 part of the cotmtry had been appointed to the com- 
 mand of the northern department of the American 
 army, but he arrived at Ticonderoga only four days 
 previoiis to Burgoyne's council with the Indians at 
 the river Boquet. On inspecting the works, Schuy- 
 ler found them in many parts unfinished and the 
 whole in a very bad condition. He likewise found 
 that very few of the recruits which had been order- 
 ed to that post, had arrived, and that the militia of 
 the neighborhood could not be safely called in, lest 
 the provisions of the garrison should be exhausted 
 before the arrival of supplies. Leaving the com- 
 mand of this post to Gen. St Clair, Schuyler re- 
 tiu'ned to fort Edward, for the purpose hastening 
 forward re-enforcements and provisions. 
 
 4. On the 30th of June, the enemy advanced 
 towards Ticonderoga upon both sides of the lake, 
 
98 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 and encamped for the night about four miles from 
 the American lines. Tlie next day their whole ar- 
 my and fleet proceeded forward and took their 
 position just without the reach of the American 
 cannon; the fleet anchoring in a line between the di' 
 visions on the east and west shore of the lake. On 
 the 2d of July a party of 500 of the ' enemy under 
 Capt. Fraser, attacked a })icket of 60 men, within 
 200 yards of the American batteries, and, forcing 
 them to retire, advanced within 60 yaids of the 
 works, scattering tliemselves along tlie whole front 
 of the American lines; the right wing of the Brit- 
 ish army moved up from their ])osition on the lake 
 at the same time and took possession of Mount 
 Hope. 
 
 5. St Clair, supposing that an assault was intend- 
 ed, ordered his men to conceal themselves behind the 
 parapets and reserve their fire. Fraser's party, pro- 
 bably deceived as to the real position, of the Amer- 
 ican works, which were in a measure concealed by 
 bushes, continued to advance till an American sol- 
 dier discharged his musket, which seemed to be un- 
 derstood as a signal, and the whole line arose and 
 fired a volley; — the artillery following the example 
 without oixlers. This fire was made at random and 
 the effect of it was to ])roduce so much smoke that 
 the enemy could not be seen till they were beyond 
 the reach of the American gims; and consequently 
 every individual except one escaped. 
 
 6. On the 4th of July, Gen. Burgoyne issued a 
 proclamation, designed to spread teiror among the 
 Americans, and persuade them to come and hum- 
 ble themselves before him, and through him, sup}jli- 
 cate the mercy of their offended king. The number 
 and ferocity of tlie Indians, their eagerness to be 
 let loose upon the defenceless settlements, and the 
 greatness of the British power, and the utter ina- 
 bility of the rebellious colonies to resist it, were all 
 set forth in bold relief. His gracious protection was 
 
AMERICAiN WOUKS AT TICONDEROGA. 99 
 
 proiuised to all those, ^vlio should join his standard, 
 or remain quietly at their homes ; l)iit utter destruc- 
 tion was (ienouiK-ed uj)on all such as should dare 
 to ojjpose him. This i)roc!amation was couched in 
 terms lije most pompous and bombastic; i)ut Uj)on 
 the Americans it produced lio other emotions than 
 tiiose of derision and contempt. Its threatenings 
 and its promises were alike disregarded — none were 
 terrified by the former, and none were won by the 
 latter. 
 
 7. Although every possible exertion had been 
 made by St Clair and his men, the state of the 
 American works and of the garrison were not such 
 as to insure a long and vigorous defence. The old 
 French fort had been strengthened by some addi- 
 tional works, several block houses had been erected, 
 and some new batteries had been constructed on the 
 side towards lake George. Tlie Americans had al- 
 so fortified a high circular hiil on the cast side of 
 the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, to which they had 
 given the name of Mount Independence. These 
 two posts were connected by a floating bridge twelve 
 feet wide and one thousand feet long, which was 
 stipported by twenty tvvo sunken piers of large 
 timber. Tliis briflge was to have been defended 
 by a boom strongly fastened together by bolts and 
 chains; but this boom was not completed when 
 Burgoyne advanced against the works. 
 
 8. Notwithstanding the apparent strength of the 
 posts occupied by the Americans, their works were 
 all effectually overlooked and connnanded by a 
 neighboring eminence called Sugar llill, or Mount 
 Defiance. This circumstance was well known to the 
 American officers, and they had a consultation for 
 the exj)rcss purpose of considering the propriety of 
 fortifying this mountain; but it was declined because 
 they believed the British would not think it practi- 
 cable to plant cannon upon it, and l)ecause their 
 works were already so extensive, that they could 
 
100 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 not be properly niannofl, the whole garrison consist- 
 ing of only 2546 co/itiiiental troops, and 900 militia; 
 the latter very badly ariiied and e(|njj)ped. 
 
 9. St Clair was sensible that he could not sus- 
 tain a regular siege; still he hoped that the confi- 
 dence of Burgoyne would induce, him to attempt to 
 carry the American works by assault, against which 
 he was resolved to defend himself to the last ex- 
 tremity. But to the sui{)rise and consternation of 
 the Americans, on lh(.' 5th of Jidy, the enemy ap- 
 peared upon Mount Defiance, and innnediately com- 
 menced the construction of a battery. This battery, 
 when completed, would effectually command all the 
 American works on both sides of the lake and the 
 hne of communi^-ation between them ; and, as there 
 was no prosj)ect of being able to dislodge the enenjy 
 fiom this post, a council of war was called, by which 
 it was unanimously agreed that a retreat should be 
 attemj)ted that very night, as the only means of sa- 
 ving the army. 
 
 10. Accordingly, about two o'clock in the morn- 
 ing of the 6th ot July, (Jen. St Clair, with the gar- 
 rison, left Ticonderoga, and about three o'clock the 
 troops on Mount Independence were i)ut in motion. 
 The baggage, provisions and stores were, as tar as 
 practicable, embarked on board 200 batteaux, and 
 dispatched, under convoy of five armed gallies, to 
 Skeensborough, while the main body of the army 
 proceeded by land on the route through Hubbard- 
 ton and Castleton. These affairs were conducted 
 with secrecy and silence, and unobserved by the 
 enemy, till a French officer, imprudently and contra- 
 ry to orders, set fire to his house. The flames ini- 
 imediately illuminated the whole of Mount Inde- 
 pendence and revealed to the enemy at once, the 
 movements and designs of the Americans. It at the 
 same time impressed the Americans with such an 
 idea of discovery and danger, as to throw them into 
 the utmost disorder and confusion. 
 
RETREAT — BATTLE AT HUBBARDTON. 101 
 
 11. About four o clock the rear guard of the 
 Americans left Mount Independence, and were 
 brought off by Col Francis in good order ; and the 
 regiments, which had preceded him, were soon re- 
 covered from their confusion. When the troops ar- 
 rived at Hubbardton, they were halted for nearly 
 two hours. Here the rear guard was put under the 
 command of Col Seth Warner, with orders to fol- 
 low the army, as soon as those, who had been left 
 behind, came up, and to halt about a mile and a half 
 in tlie rear of the main body. St Clair then pro- 
 ceeded to Castleton, about six miles further, leaving 
 Warner with the rear guard and stragglers, at Hub- 
 bardton. 
 
 12. The retreat of the Americans from Ticondero- 
 ga no was sooner perceived by the British, than an 
 eager ])ursuit was begun by Gen. Fraser with the 
 light troops, who was soon followed by Gen. Reid- 
 sel with the greater part of the Brunswick regiments. 
 Fraser continued the pursuit during the day, and 
 having learned that the rear of the American ar- 
 my was not far off, ordered his men to lie that night 
 upon their arms. Early on the morning of the 7th, 
 he renewed the ])ursuit, and al)Out 7 o'clock, com- 
 menced an attack upon the Americans under War- 
 ner. Warner's force consisted of his own regiment, 
 and the regiments of Col Francis and Hale. Hale, 
 fearful of being overpowered by superior numbers, 
 retired from the field with his regiment, leaving 
 Warner and Francis, with only seven or eight hun- 
 dred men, to dispute the progress of the enemy. 
 
 13. The conflict was fierce and bloody. Francis 
 fell at the head of his regiment, fighting with great 
 resolution and bravery. Warner, well supported b}'^ 
 his ofliicers and men, charged the enemy with such 
 impetuosity that they were thrown into disorder and 
 at first gave way. They, however, soon recovered, 
 formed anew, and advanced upon the Americans, 
 who in their turn fell back. At this critical mo- 
 
 9'^ 
 
102 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 ment, are-enforcement under Gen. Reidsel arrived, 
 which was iuunediately led into action, and the for- 
 tune of the day was soon decided. Tlie Americans, 
 overpowered by numbers, and exiiausted by fatigue, 
 fled from the field in every direction. 
 
 14. The loss of the Americans in this encounter 
 was very considerable. Hale, in his cowardly at- 
 tempt to' escape by flight, fell in with a i)arty of the 
 British and surrendered himself and a number of 
 his men, prisoners of war. The whole American 
 loss in killed wounded and prisoners, was 324. The 
 loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, was 183. 
 Gen. St Clair, with the main body of the Ameri- 
 can army, was at Castleton, only six miles distant, 
 during this engagement, bnt sent no assistance to 
 Warner. After the battle Warner, with his usual per- 
 severance and intrepidity, collected his scattered 
 troops and conducted them safely to Fort Edward, to 
 which place St Clair had retired with the army. 
 
 15. While Gen. Eraser and Reidsel were pursuing 
 the Americans by land. Gen. Burgoyne himself con- 
 ducted the pursuit by water. The boom and bridge 
 between Ticouderoga and Mount Independence not 
 being completed were soon cut through, and by nine 
 o'clock in the morning of the 6th, the British frig- 
 ates and gun boats had passed the works. Several 
 regiments were immediatc^ly embarked on board the 
 boats and the chase comnjenced. By three in the 
 afternoon the foremost boats overtook and attacked 
 the American gallies near Skeensborough, (now 
 Whitehall;, and uj)on the approach of the frigates, 
 the xA.mericans abandoned their gallies, blew up 
 three of them and escaped to the shore. The oth- 
 er two fell into the hands of the British. 
 
 16. As the American force was not sufficient to 
 make an effectual stand at Skeensborough, they set 
 fire to the works, mills and batteaux and retreated 
 up Wood Creek to fort Ann. Being ])ursued by 
 the ninth British regiment under Colonel Hill, the 
 
FORT EDWARD ABANDONED. 103 
 
 Airjerlcans tiirriod upon him and gave him battle 
 Aviti) such spirit as to cause him to retire to the 
 top of a Jiill, wliere he would have been soon over- 
 powered had not a re-enforceinent arrived at that 
 critical moment, to his assistance. The Americans, 
 upon this, reliiKpiislied tlie attack, and liaving set fire 
 to fort Ann, retreated to fort Edward and joined the 
 main army under Schuyler. 
 
 17. The retreat from Ticonderoga was very dis- 
 astrous to the Amei'icans. Their cannon, amonntlng 
 to 128 pieces, — tlieir shi])pingand batteaux and their 
 provisions, stores and magazines, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. By this event Burgoyne obtained 
 no less 1748 barrels of flour and more than 70 tons of 
 salt provisions; and, in addition to these, a large 
 drove of cattle, which had arrived in the American 
 camj) a ihw days [trevious to their retreat, fell into 
 his hands. After St Clair had joined Schuyler at fort 
 Edward, and all he scattered troo})s had come in, 
 the whole American force at that ])lace did not ex- 
 ceed 4400 men. Sensible that with this force, it 
 would be impossible to make an effectual stand, it 
 became the chief object of tlie American generals 
 to impede as much as })ossible the progress of the 
 enemy by cutting down trees, blocking up the roads 
 and destroying the bridges. 
 
 ]7. The works at fort Edward being in no con- 
 dition to aflbrd ])roteclion to the Amercan army. 
 Gen. Schuyler abandoned them on the 22d of July, 
 and retired with his whole force to Moses Creek, a 
 position on the Hudson, about four miles below fort 
 Edward. At this {>lace the hills approach very near 
 the river on both sides, and this was selected as a 
 favorable position to njake a stand and dispute the 
 progress of the enemy. But the arjny was found to 
 be so much reduced by defeat and disertion, and 
 the disaffection to the American cause was found to 
 be so general in this section of the country, that it 
 was judged best to retire to Saratoga, and subse- 
 
104 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 quently, to Stillwater, at which place the army ar- 
 rived on the 1st day of August. 
 
 19. The Biitish were in the mean time bringing 
 forward their artillery and stores, and opening the 
 way from Skeensborough to fort Edward. But so 
 effectually had the Americans blocked up and ob- 
 structed the road, that the British army was frequent- 
 ly 24 hours in advancing one mile. It was not till 
 the 30th of July that Burgoyne arrived and fixed his 
 head quarters at fort Edward. Nothing could ex- 
 ceed the joy of the British army on its arrival at 
 the H'ldson. They flattered themselves that their 
 difficulties and toils were now ended; and that tliere 
 was nothing before them but a safe and easy march 
 to Albany, and thence to a junction with the British 
 army at New York. 
 
 20. The British had supposed that a large pro- 
 portion of the inliabirants on the New Hampshire 
 grants and in the nothern jjarts of New York, were 
 opposed to the revolution and that it was necessary 
 only to march an arnjy into their country, and fur- 
 nish them with arms to bring them all around the 
 royal standard. Arms had therefore been forwarded 
 by Burgoyne, a proclamation was issue<l, addressed 
 to the iidiabitants of the country, and Burgoyne vvas 
 now waiting for their submission, and lor the arrival 
 of his tents and baggage. But notwithstanding the 
 darkness and gloom which enveloped the Ameri- 
 can affairs, very few were found, who were disposed 
 to abandon the cause of their country for that of 
 their king. 
 
 22. At this period settlements had been com- 
 menced in most of the towns in the present coun- 
 ties of Bennington and Rutland, and in several 
 towns to the northward of Rutland count3\ But 
 upon the advance of Burgoyne along the Jake, the 
 settlers retired towards the south, and at the time 
 Burgoyne was upon the Hudson, very few settlers 
 remained upon their farms to the northward of the 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 105 
 
 present countrv of Bennington. But that the set- 
 tlers uere true to the American cause we are assur- 
 ed l)y the testimony of Bur«royne himself. In his 
 ])nvat(' letter to Lord Gi-rniain dated Saratoga, Aug. 
 20rli, 1/77, he says "'I'he Hatnshire grants in par- 
 ticular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in 
 the last war, now abounds in the most active and 
 most rehellious race on the continent, and hangs like 
 a gathering storm on my left." 
 
 22. On the 15th of Juh^, the committee of safety 
 of Vermont assembled at Mancliester, where they 
 agreed to raise all the men they could, to oppose, the 
 enemy, who were then advancing towards fort 
 Edward. They at the same time wrote in the most 
 urgent terms to New Hampshire and Massachusetts, 
 to send on a body of troo]>s to their assistance. The 
 Legislature of New Hampshire, immediately formed 
 their militia into two brigades, ajid placed one under 
 the command of Gen. William Whipple, and the 
 other under Gen. John Stark. One fourth of his 
 own brigade, and a portion of the otlier was then 
 ordered to march immediately under the comniand 
 of Gen. Stark, to stop the progress ol the enemy upon 
 the north western Irontier. 
 
 23. Stark had been an officer of some reputation 
 in the French war, and had also distinguished himself 
 at the battle of Bimker Hill ; but considering himself 
 neglected by Congress in not being promoted, he 
 had lelt tiie continental service, and would not accept 
 the present command, unless left at liberty to serve, 
 or not, under a continental officer, as he should think 
 proper. As there Avas no time for delay, the assembly 
 of New Hampshire invested him with a separate 
 command, with orders to repair without delaj' to the 
 New Hampshire grants, and act either in conjunction 
 with the troops of the grants, or of the other states, 
 or se})arately, as he should judge best for the protec- 
 tion of the people and tlie annoyance of the enemy. 
 
 24. Agreeably to his orders, Stark hastened forward 
 
10(5 HISTORY OF VERMOXT. 
 
 with about 800 meji, and joined rho Vernioiit % )opei, 
 who wt;re colitct<Mi at Mancliestf r under the coui- 
 Uiand of L'olonel Scth Waruf-r, to the luunher of 
 about (">00, n^aking- the united force under Stark, about 
 1400 nsen. Gen Sehuyler, wisliing to collect all the 
 American trooj)s in front of the British army to 
 prevent its approach to Aibany, wrote repeatedly to 
 Sta;k to join him with the men imder his comniaud. 
 But Stark beHeve(! that the most effectual way of 
 eliecking the advance of Burgoyne, was to hang; upon 
 his rear and embrace every favorable 0])})orrunity to 
 cut off his supplies and annoy him from that quarter, 
 and therefore neglected to obi^y the orders of 
 Schuyler. Schuyler complained to Congress of this 
 want of sul)ordination, and Congress pro(*eeded, Au- 
 gust 19th, to adoj)! a r( solution censurning the course 
 pui'sued by the New Hampshire assembly in giving 
 to Stark a separate command, and requesting them 
 "to instruct Gen. Stark to conform himself to the 
 same rules, to which other general officers of the 
 militia are subject, whenever called out at the expense 
 of the United States." 
 
 25. In the mean time Stark wrote to Schuyler that 
 he was willing to unite in any measures which would 
 promote the pul)lic good — that he wished to avoid 
 whatever was inconsistent with his own honor — and 
 that private resentment should not prevent his 
 marching to his camp, if it was deemed necessary. 
 He was at the same time watching for an opportimity 
 to manifest his corn-age and j)atnotism by an attack 
 upon some ])art of the British army. Nor was he 
 obliged to wait long for the opportunity to present 
 itself. Nearly at the same time when Congress was 
 censuring his conduct by a public resolution, Stark 
 and his brave followers were acquiring unfading lau- 
 els, and rendering that service to the American cause, 
 which soon after ])rocured for him, from the same 
 Congress, a vote of thanks, and promotion to the rank 
 of brigadier general in the army of the United States. 
 
BENNINGTON BATTLE. 107 
 
 26. From the 28tli of July, to near tlic middle of 
 August, the ]5ritish army wa:^ coiistjuuly cmjdoyed 
 ill bringing forward their batteaux asid stores from 
 lake George, to the first navigable j)art of Hudson 
 river. But with all his efforts and diligence, Bur- 
 guoyne was imable to hruig forward, with his other 
 stores, a sufficient quantity of })rovisions for daily 
 consumption, and the estabhshmejit of the necessary 
 magazines. It was this circumstance which induced 
 him to attempt to re}>]enish his own stores at the ex- 
 pense of the Americans. Having learned tiiat a large 
 quantity of j)i'ovisions were collected togeth'er at Ben- 
 nington, and designed for the American arm}^ and 
 that they were guarded only l)y militia ; aiid, jnoreover, 
 being made to believe that a majority of the [)eople 
 in that quarter were friendly to the royal cause, and 
 were ready to join it, whenever an opportunity should 
 perniit, Burgoyne determined to surprise the place 
 and secure the stores to liis ovvii army. 
 
 27. For tlii« purpose he detached a select body of 
 about 500 regular trooj)s, some Canadians and more 
 than 100 In(hans, witli two light ))ieces of artillery, 
 anil placed the whole under the command of Cokniel 
 Baume. To facilitate their operations, and to take 
 advantage of their success, a detachment of the Brit- 
 ish army was posted upon the east bank of the Mud- 
 son, opposite to Saratoga, and another dcracjunpnt 
 under Colonel Brcymen v/as stationed at Battenkill. 
 This (iispof-iition being made, Baume set out with 
 liis detachment for Bep.nington, on the morning of the 
 12th of August, and arrived that day at Cam!)ridge. 
 
 28. Gen. Siark, who v/as now at Bennington with 
 liis whole force, except Warrer's i-egimcnt, receiving 
 intelligence that a party of Indians were at Cambridge, 
 despatched Col Greg with 200 men to stoj) their ()ro- 
 gress, but before night it was jisccrtainet! that a large 
 body of regulars v*^(>re in the wnv of the Indians and 
 that they were advancing towards ]^.•nnir!gton. Stark 
 sent an express to ^V^arner to hast, u to Bennington 
 
108 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 with his regiment, and he also sent to the neighbor- 
 ing militia to join him with all ])Ossible despatch. On 
 the morning of the J4rli, he directed his march to- 
 wards Cambridge, and at the distance of" seven miles, 
 he met (jreg, retreating before the enemy who were 
 at that time, only one mile in his rear. 
 
 29. Stark inunediutely drew up his men in order 
 of battle, and Baume, perceiving the x\mericans to be 
 too strong to be attacked with his present force, halted 
 upon a commanding piece of ground, and sent an ex- 
 press to Colonel Breyuien to march immediately to 
 liis supi)ort. In the m an time small j)arties of the 
 Americans, had frequent skirmishes with the enemy, 
 in which they killed and wounded 30 of them, two 
 of whom were Indian chiefs, without any loss to 
 themselves. The ground occupied by the Americans 
 being unfavorable for a general action. Stark retreated 
 about a mile and encamped. Here a council of war 
 was held by which it was resolved that an attack 
 should be made upon the enemy Ixifore they should 
 receive any re-enforcements. Two detachments 
 were therefore ordered to be in readiness, the next 
 morning to |)ass round and fall upon the rear of the 
 enemy, while the rest of the troo|)s attacked them in 
 front. The next day, however, proved rainy, which 
 prevented a general engagement, but there were fre- 
 quent skirmishes between small jjarties, which resulted 
 in such a manner as to afford encouragement to the 
 Americans. 
 
 30. Being joined by a swuW party of militia from 
 Bei-kshire, Massachusetts, under Colonel Symonds, 
 Stark proceeded on the morning of the 16th of August, 
 to make a general attack upon tlie eneiin^, agreeably 
 to the plans which had been concerted two days 
 before. Bamne had in the mean time, entrenched 
 his camp, which was situated near the Waloomsuca 
 branch of the Hoosuc, and had rendered his port as 
 strong as circumstances would permit. Colonel Nich- 
 ols was detached with 200 men, to the rear of the 
 
BENNmGTOiN BATTLE. 109 
 
 left wing of the enemy, and Colonel Herrick, with 
 300 men, to the rear of their rij^ht. Colonels iluhhard 
 and Siielviiey, with 200 men were ordered on the right, 
 and 100 me'U were advanced in front to draw the at- 
 tention of the enemy that way. The several divisions 
 having taken their positions, about three o'clock the 
 action connnenced. As the divisions of Nieliols and 
 Ilerrick ajii)roached each otiier in the rear of the ene- 
 my, the Indians, aj)|)rehenslve of being snrroimded, 
 made their escape l)etween the two corps, excepting 
 three killed and two wonnded by the fire of the Amer- 
 cans as they passed. 
 
 31. Nichols began the attack and was immediately 
 followed by the other divisions. The onset was 
 furions and determined, and the sound of the conflict 
 has been likened to one continued peal of thunder. 
 The German dragoons made a brave resistance, and 
 when their amnjunition was expended, they were led 
 on by Colonel Baume, and charged' the Americans 
 sword in hand. But their bravery was unavailing. 
 Aft(n- about two liours hard fighting, the enemy were 
 overpowered, their works carried on all points, and 
 their two ])icces of cannon taken. Colonel Baume 
 was mortally wounded and fell into the hands of the 
 Americans, and all his men, excepting a few, who 
 escaped to the woods, were either killed or taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 32. This victory was but just completed when Stark 
 received intehigence that the re-enforcement imder 
 Colonel Breytneii was rapidly approaching and only 
 two miles distant. Fortunately at this moment Colo- 
 nel Warner arrived with his regimejit of Green Moun- 
 tain Boys. Disappointed that he had not arrived in 
 season to take part in the first engagement and share 
 in its glories, Warner innnediately led forward his men 
 and attacked the re-enforcement under Breymen v\ ith 
 great spirit and resolution. Stark collected the mili- 
 tia and hastened to his assistance, and the action soon 
 became general. The combat was maintained with 
 
 10 
 
110 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 gi-eat braveiy on both sides till sunset when the enemy 
 gave way and were pursued till dark. 
 
 33. In these two engagements the Americans took 
 four brass field pieces, 12 brass drums, four ammu- 
 nition waggons, and about 700 prisoners with their 
 arms and accoutrements. Tlie nuinberof the enemy 
 found dead on the field was 207: their number of 
 woun led not ascertained. The loss of the Americans 
 was trifling in comparison with that of the enemy. 
 They had only 30 killed and about 40 wounded. 
 This action took place near the west line of Benning- 
 ton, and hence it is called "</je battle of Bennington." 
 
 34. Nothing could be more encouraging to the 
 Americans, or disheartening to the enemy than this 
 splended victory of Stark, achieved jjrincipally by 
 undisciplined njilitia over veteran regular troops. 
 Since the fall of Montgomery an unii)terru[)ted series 
 of defeats had attended the American arms in the 
 northern department, and many of the most ardent 
 in the cause of freedom had begun to despond. But 
 by this event, they discovered that their enemy was 
 not invincible^ — their hopes and their courage were 
 revived, and volunteers from every quarter flocked 
 to the American standard. It also enabled Stark to 
 vindicate his attaclnnent to the cause of his bleeding 
 country, and to render that cause a service far more 
 important tlian he could have done by joining the 
 main army on the Hudson. 
 
 35. After their disasters at Bennington the Bi-itish 
 army^ remained quietly at theiicamp 0})posite to Sara- 
 toga for some tiuie, awaiting the approach of Colonel 
 St Ledger, who had beeu sent round bythe way of 
 lake Ontario, for the reduction effort Stanwix on the 
 upper part of the jMohawk river. But they waited 
 in vain. That ofhcer, after encountering many dif- 
 ficulties, was obliged, through the defection of the 
 Indians belonging to his corps, to retreat without 
 accomplishing the object of the expedition. These 
 events had not only retarded the advance of Bur- 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF GENERAL LINCOLN. Ill 
 
 goyne, but tbej'^ served to depress the spirits of the 
 royal army, while tliey at tlie same time encouraged 
 the Americans, and afforded Gates, who had now 
 superceded Schuyler, time to strengthen and fortify 
 his camp. 
 
 36. In the mean time General Lincoln, who com- 
 manded a body of New England miHtia, determined 
 to make a diversion in tlie rear of the enemy. He 
 accordingly proceeded from Manchester to Pavvlet, 
 and from thence on the 13th of September, despatched 
 Colonel Brown with 500 men to destroy the British 
 stores and release the American prisoners, which 
 were collected at lake George. At the same time 
 he ordered Colonel Johnson with an equal number 
 oi men to proceed towards Ticonderoga to divert 
 the attention of the enemy, while Brown was ac- 
 com])iishing his object. In addition to these he 
 detaciied Colonel Woodbridge with 500 men by 
 the way of Skeensborough and fort Ann to fort Ed- 
 ward. The design of these expeditions was to 
 alarm and divide the British forces and to cut off 
 their supplies. 
 
 37. Brown proceeded with such secrecy and ce- 
 lerity, that l)y the 18th of September he had surprised 
 all the out posts between the landing place at the 
 north end of lake George and the main fortress at 
 Ticonderoga. The Americans had likewise recover- 
 ed Mount Hope, Mount Defiance, 200 batteaux, one 
 armed sloop and a number of gun boats; and they 
 had taken 293 prisoners and had liberated more than 
 100 Americans. Encouraged l)y this success, they 
 summoned General Powel, the British commander 
 of Ticonderoga, to surrender that fortress; but not 
 being in a conthtion to make any effectual attempt 
 against it, they returned in safety, and with scarcely 
 any loss, to Lincoln's camp. 
 
 38. General Burgoyne crossed the Hudis-on on the 
 13th and 14th of September and advanced towards 
 the American army, which was posted at Stillwater. 
 
112 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 On the 18th, 3000 Americans marched out with a 
 view of attacking the enemy, hut finding' that the at- 
 tempt would he too hazardous, they remained during 
 the da}^ in lull view of the royal army, without com- 
 mencing the attack. On the 19th, Geneial Burgoyne 
 put himself at the head of tiie right wing of the 
 British army and advanced towards tlie left of the 
 Americans. Generals, Phillips and Reidsel, at the 
 same time advanced along the river towards the right. 
 Ahout one o'clock some of the American scouts fell 
 in with those of the British, and attacked them with 
 great holdness. 
 
 39. The firing was no sooner heard than the ad- 
 vanced ])arties of both armies pressed forward to 
 battle. Re-enforcements were continually sent on 
 upon botli sides and the contest soon became obstin- 
 ate and general. The first attem])t of the Americans 
 was to turn the right wing of the Biitish army and 
 flank their line. Failing in this, they moved in regu- 
 lar order to the left and there made a furious assault. 
 Both armies were determined to conquer, and the 
 battle raged without intermission for three hours. 
 Any advantage upon one side was soon counter- 
 balanced by an equal advantage on the other. — 
 Cannon and favorable })ositions were taken, lost and 
 re -taken in quick succession; and the two armies 
 might be com|>ared to the two scales of a mighty 
 balance, trembling with equal burdens in doubtful 
 oscillation, and, had not night put an end to the 
 struggle, it is extremely doubtful which would have 
 preponderated. 
 
 40. This engagement, though undecisive, was ad- 
 vantageous to the Americans. The British lost in 
 killed, wounded and prisoners, more than 500 men, 
 Avhile the loss of the x-^mericans amounted to 64 killed, 
 217 wounded and 38 missing. But the princi|)al ad- 
 vantage arose from the new impressions wl.-ich were 
 made upon the minds of the royal army. They had 
 hitherto regarded the American army as an assem- 
 blage of unorganized cowardly Yankees, which could 
 
BATTLE OF THE SEVENTH OF OCTOBER. 113 
 
 nover be brought to face regular British and German 
 troops upon the fiekl of battle. And when the}' came 
 to see those, \viioni they regarded as desj)icable back 
 woodsmen, mahitaining, in their rustic homespun and 
 leather aprons, with no otiier arms than rusty fowUng 
 pieces, an animated and determined attack upon tlie 
 royal troops, till darkness put it out of their power to 
 continue it, their hearts sunk within them, and the 
 most sanguine could not suj)press fearfid forebodings 
 with regard to the termination of tiieir expedition. 
 
 41. The Indians in particular, were so disheartened, 
 that nearly all of them immediately left the British 
 service, and about 250 of them came over and joined 
 the American army. The Canadians and Tories also 
 deserted in large numbers. From the 20th of Sep- 
 tember to the 7th of October, the two armies lay very 
 near each other and skirmishes between small parties 
 were continually kept up. During this time the 
 American army was receiving daily accessions from 
 the surrounding country, while that of the British 
 was continually diminishing by desertion and other 
 causes. On the 7th, General Burgoyne put himself 
 at the head of 1500 regulars, for the purpose of cov- 
 ering a foraging party and discovering whether it 
 would be possible to force a passage down the Hud- 
 son, should it be found necessary to alter his position. 
 
 42. As soon as Gates received intelligence of the 
 marching of this detachment, he put his ti'oops in 
 motion to meet them, and about four o'clock in the 
 afternoon an action commenced which continued till 
 night, and was one of the most animated and obstinate 
 ever fought in America. The British troops were at 
 length compelled to retreat to their camy), and some 
 of their entrenclunents were carried by the Americans 
 sword in hand ; their loss in the conflict was very 
 severe, cojnpared with that of the Americans. Gen. 
 Fraser, Col Breymen and several other officers were 
 slain, and Sir James Clark, Majior Williams and Major 
 Ackland were w^ounded and taken prisoners. The 
 
 10* 
 
114 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Americans took in the whole 200 prisoners, nine pie- 
 ces of cannon, and a large quantity of amunition and 
 camp equipage. 
 
 43. As the force of Burgoyne was thus constantly 
 diminishing, while that of Gates was daily augment- 
 ing l)y fresh arrivals, it became obvious that nothing 
 short of a retreat to Canada could now prevent the 
 complete overthrow of the royal army. This Bur- 
 goyne attempted as a dernier resort, but soon found 
 that the Americans had so completely hemmed him 
 in, as to render it utterly impracticable. Gates now 
 employed every means to cut off the supplies of the 
 enemy and the situation of the royal army I ecame 
 so desperate, that, on the 13lh of October, Burgoyne 
 called a council of war by which it was unanimously 
 determined to propose a capitulation The next day, 
 Major Kingston was sent to the Americans ; hostilities 
 were susj)ended ; and onthe 15th and 16th, the articles 
 of capitulation were severally agreed upon, and were 
 to be signed the next day. During the night of the 
 16th, Burgo^'Ue received intelligence that a British 
 army was advancing up the Hudson to his assistance ; 
 and as the capitulation was not yet signed, he was 
 of opinion that it was best to suspend the execution 
 of it, and trust to events. But his council decided that 
 the public faith was already pledged for the execution 
 of rhe treaty. 
 
 44. Gates, who was well apprised of the advance 
 of the British up the Hudson, and fearful that Bur- 
 goyne might be encouraged by it to further resistance, 
 got every thing in readiness for attacking him on the 
 morning of the 17th. At nine o'clock, the time fixed 
 for signing the articles, he sent Colonel Greaton on 
 horse-back to General Burgoyne for his signature, 
 allowing him only ten minutes to go and return. The 
 business was accomplished in the time specified, and 
 the Americans marched back to their camp to the 
 tune of Yankee-Doodle. The whole number of 
 troops, which were surrendered by this capitulation, 
 
SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 115 
 
 was 6219, together with all the arms and military 
 stores belonging to tlie British army. 
 
 45. Tliis event terminated the career of Burgoyne 
 and of the nortliern Briti:^h army in America, and 
 nearly ])nt an end to the war in the vicinity of V^ermont. 
 The regular force imder Gates was moved ofFto com- 
 bat the enemy in otljer quarters, and tlie sturdy yeo- 
 manry, who had rallied around his standard and fought 
 the battles of their country, now returned to tlieir 
 homes. The country which had been made deso- 
 late by the ravages of war, began again to be inhabited ; 
 and the inhabitants were allowed once more to de- 
 vote their attention to their civil and domestic affairs. 
 
 46. We have been tljus particular respecting the 
 invasion of Burgoyne, as well on account of its effects 
 in breaking up the settlements in the western })arts 
 of Vermont, as of the important part performed by 
 the Green Mountain Boys in checking, and finally 
 captivating the British army. In this business the 
 people of Vermont made common cause with those 
 of other states, and we have therefore not interru})ted 
 our account of the great events of the Revolution 
 which transpired upon our borders, by any account 
 of our internal policy. We shall, however, proceed 
 in the next cha))ter, to consider more particularly the 
 situation of Vermont, with respect to her internal 
 government, and her relations to the neighboring 
 states, and to the British forces in Canada, during the 
 war for Independence, 
 
HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT DURING THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 SUCTION I. 
 
 From the year 1775, to the Declaration of the Indepen- 
 dence of Vermont in 1777. 
 
 1. Having completed our account of those impor- 
 tant events in the American war,in which the people of 
 Vermont were more ])articularly concerned, we shall 
 now turn our attention to their internal policy, and 
 endeavor to trace the successive steps hy which the 
 powers of government were assumed, and their po- 
 litical fabric erected. The New Hampshire grants, 
 having never been recognized by the king as a sep- 
 arate jurisdiction, and having ever refused submission 
 to the authority of New York, were, at the commence- 
 ment of the revolution, nearly in a state of nature, 
 being without any internal organization under which 
 the inhabitants could act with system and effect. 
 Their only rallying point and bond of union was their 
 common interest in resisting the claims and au- 
 thority of New York. Yet the same interests which 
 drove them to resistance, gave the effect of law to 
 the recommendations of their committees, while a 
 few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the very 
 
CONVENTION AT DORSET. 117 
 
 occasion, gave impulse, and energy, and system to 
 their operations. 
 
 2. Tlius stiiiated, were the inhabitants of tlie 
 New Hampshire grants, when the first scene of the 
 great drama of fhe revolution was openetl at Lexing- 
 ton, and as all lesser lights are swallowed up in the 
 superior splendor of the sun, so were all the minor 
 controversies among the colonists for a while absorbed 
 in the more momentous controv(;rsy with the mother 
 country. But the |)artial relief, now experienced, from 
 the opi)ression of New York, served only to discover to 
 of the inhabitants of the grants, the frailty of their bond 
 union, and to convince them of the necessity of a 
 bett(u- organization, both to enable them to maintain 
 the grouncis, which they had assumed in relation to 
 New York, ixnd to put it in their jjovver to render effi- 
 cient aid to their countrymen in the contest with 
 Great Britian. 
 
 3. Accordingly, in the fall of tlie year 1775, several 
 of the leading men in the grants, repaired to Phila- 
 delphia, wliere the American Congress was then 
 sitting,to procure the advice of tliat body with regard 
 to the course proper to be pursued, under existing 
 circumstances, by the inhabitants of the grants. 
 Congress did not act formally upon their request, 
 but on tlie return of these men to the grants, they 
 spread circulars among the peoj)le, setting forth as 
 the 0])inion of several influential members of that 
 body, that the inhabitants should immediately form 
 a temporary association and adopt such regulations 
 as were required by the exigencies of their situation. 
 
 4. A convention of delegates from tlie several town- 
 ships was according assembled at Dorset, on the 16th 
 of January, 1776. This convention forwarded a pe- 
 tition and address to Congress, in which, after giv- 
 ing a brief sketch of the controversy with New York, 
 they avowed their unwavering attachment to the 
 cause in which the colonies had unsheathed the sword, 
 and expressed their willingness to bear their full 
 
118 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 proportion of the burden of prosecuting the war. But 
 at the same time, they declai-ed their unwillingness 
 to be considered as in any manner subject to the 
 authority, or jurisdiction of New York, or to be 
 called upon, when their services should be required, 
 as inhabitants of that province. 
 
 5. This was the first petition of the inhabitants of 
 the grants to Congress, and the committee to whom 
 it was referred reported, that it be recommended to 
 the petitioners to submit for the present to the gov- 
 ernment of New York, and assist their countrymen 
 in the contest with Great Britain ; but that such 
 submission ought not to prejudice their right to any 
 lands in controversy, or be construed to affirm, or 
 admit, the jurisdiction of New York over the coun- 
 try, when the present troubles should be ended. 
 Mr Heman Allen, the agent by whom this petition 
 was forwarded, considering the report of the com- 
 mittee unfavorable to the grants, obtained leave to 
 withdraw the petition, and thus prevented Congress 
 from corning to any decision upon the subject. This 
 took place on the 4th of June, 1776 and on the 4th 
 of July following. Congress published to the world 
 the memorable declaration of American Independ- 
 ence. 
 
 6. By this declaration of Independence, the j>eople 
 on the New Hampshire grants were placed in a situa- 
 tion more difficult and embarrassing than before, and 
 there were various opinions with regard to the course 
 which should be pursued. Some thought it best 
 to place themselves under the jurisdiction of New 
 Hampshire: some considered the submission of the 
 grants to the authority of New York the only course 
 of safety ; but the more resolute and influential were 
 for assuming the powers of government and hazard- 
 ing the consequences. To ascertain the state of 
 public opinion on this subject, it was determined 
 that a general convention should be called, and cir- 
 
VERMONT DECLARES HER INDEPENDENCE. 119 
 
 ciilars were accordingly addressed to the different 
 towns, requesting tliein to a})point delegates. 
 
 7. There was a general conjpliance with this re- 
 quest, and delegates from thirty five towns assembled 
 at Dorset on the 24th of July, 1776. At this session 
 it was agreed hy the d<degates to enter into an as- 
 sociation among themselves for the defence of the 
 liberties of their country. But at the same time they 
 resolved that they would not associate with, or sub- 
 mit to, the provincial government of New York, and 
 that all such inhabitants of the grants as should thus 
 associate, or submit, sliouKl be regarded as enemies 
 to the common cause. This convention met again 
 by adjournment at the same place on the 25th of 
 September, and resolved unanimously,'" to take suita- 
 ble measures, as soon as may be, to declare the New 
 Hamjjshire grants a free and separate district." 
 
 8. On the ]5th of January, 1777, the convention 
 met again at ^Vestminster. The sentiments of their 
 constituents were now well ascertained, and, being 
 convinced that there was now no other way of safety 
 left, they on the 16lh of that month published the 
 following declaration : " this convention, whose mem- 
 bers are duly chosen by the free voice of their con- 
 stituents, in the several towns on the New Hampshire 
 grants, in ))ub!ic meeting assembled, in our own names, 
 and in behalf of our constituents, do hereby proclaim 
 and puhlichj declare that the district of territory compre- 
 he7idivg, and usiiallj/ knoivn hy the name and description 
 of the JVew Hampshire grants?, of right ought to be, 
 and is hereby declared forever hereafter to be, a free and 
 independent jiirisdictian, or stcde ; to be forever hereaf- 
 ter called, Jmoivn, and distivgitished by the name of 
 JVew Connecticut, alias vekmont." 
 
 9. And this declaration of independence further- 
 more asserts, "that the inhabitants vvd o at present 
 are, or who may hereafter become resident, either 
 by birth or emigration, within said territory, shall be 
 entitled to the same privileges, immunities and en- 
 
120 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 franchisements as are allowed, or as may hereafter 
 at any time be allowed, to the inhabitants of any of 
 the free and independent states of America: And 
 that such privileges and immunities shall be regula- 
 ted in a bill of rights, and by a form of government 
 to be established at the next session of this conven- 
 tion." 
 
 10. The foregoing declaration was unanimously 
 adopted by tlie convention ; after which they drew 
 up a declaration and petition to Congress, in which 
 they announced to that body, as the grand represen- 
 tative of the United j*^tates, that they had declared 
 t!ie territory, commonly known by the name of the 
 New Hampshire, grants a hee and independent state, 
 possessing the right to regulate their own internal 
 policy in any manner which should not be repug- 
 nant to the resolves of Congress. Tiiey moreover 
 declared their attachment to the common cause and 
 expressed their willingness to contribute their full 
 proportion towards maintaining the war with Great 
 I5ritain. They closed by ])raying that their declara- 
 tion might be acknowledged by Congress and that 
 delegates from Vermont might be admitted to seats 
 in that body. This declaration and petition was signed, 
 and was presented to Congress by James Fay, Thomas 
 Chittenden, Heman Allen and Reuben Jones, four 
 of the most respectable members of the convention. 
 
 11. These prompt and decisive m(>asures of the 
 convention evinced the wisdom and boldness of the 
 statesmen, who at this period directed the affairs 
 of Vermont, and i)laced the community in a con- 
 dition to adopt an efficient organization of its own. 
 Vermont, in justification of the course of policy 
 she was pursuing, contend* d that she had the same 
 right to assume the powers of govenmient, which 
 was ])ossessed by the continental Congress, and 
 that every consideration, which could justify the jiro- 
 ceedings of that body, might be urged as a reason 
 why the people of Vermont should embrace the 
 
ESTABLISHMET OF THE GOVERNMENT. 121 
 
 present o])portiinity, eifectiially to secure themselves 
 against the o)))>ression mider ^vIlic■h they had so long 
 suffered. Happy was it fur the new state, that these 
 measures were adopted and supported with that 
 firmness and tenij)crance, which were alone adequate 
 to secure a haj)ify result. 
 
 SECTION IT. 
 
 Estahlishnent of the Government of Vermont— from the 
 Declaration of Independence January 15, 1777, to 
 the Meetinii of the General Assembly on the 12th of 
 March 1778. 
 
 1. These proceedings of Vermont, by which she 
 had declare(! herself to be a separate and indepen- 
 dent jurischction, were n^garded with very different 
 feelings by the neighiioring states. While New llamp- 
 sliire, Massachusetts and Connecticut were ready to 
 admit Vermont as a new member of the federal un- 
 ion, and applauded the spirit and boldness with 
 which she asserted and maintained her rights. New 
 York regarded these tranasctions as open acts of trea- 
 son and rebellion against the ia^vful authority of that 
 state. W'if h tlicse views, the convention of New York, 
 on the 20th of Januar}^, 1777, and again on the 1st of 
 March, of the same year, addressed communications 
 to Congress, in which they represented the proceed- 
 ings of Vermont as resulting from the arts and insti- 
 gations of designing men, and n'-t, as had been 
 ref>rescntod, from a general desire of the inhabitants 
 of that district to renounce their allegiance to the ati- 
 thority of New Yoik. 
 
 2. They conjplained of the injuries done them by 
 Congress in the appointment of officers in the disaffec- 
 ted portion of their state v/ithout their consent, 
 
 11 
 
122 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 and intimated their apjH'eliensions that it was the 
 design of Congress to countenaFiCe the inisurgents in 
 their rebellion. Tliey urged i!{)on Congress the ne- 
 cessity of immediately recalling the cojumissions 
 given to Colonel Warner and the officers under him, 
 as an act of justice to New York, and as the means 
 of opening the eyes of the " delude<l people" on the 
 grants, who had set np for a S'jparate jurisdiction, and 
 were now desiring Congress to sanction their illegal 
 proceedings. Tiiey represented the influence of 
 Warner as very inconsiderable, even in the disaffec- 
 ted district, and that his services were a matter of no 
 consequence to the countr3\ 
 
 3. VVhile New York was thus laying her grievan- 
 ces before Congress, and rising all her influence to 
 prevent that body from recognizing the in(ie]jendence 
 of the grants, the internal affairs of Vermont Vv'ere 
 rapidly assuming that form and regularity, which 
 was calcula ed to insure a pennanent and efficient 
 organization of the governn)ent. In April, Thomas 
 Y^oung, a distinguished citizen of Philadelphia, ad- 
 dressed a conjmunication to the inhabitants of Ver- 
 mont, in v.hich he rej^resented it as the opinion of 
 several of the lea(h ng members of Congress, that 
 Vermont should proc;^ed,in her organization, form a 
 constitution, and apj)oint delegates to Congress ; and 
 he declared it to be his own individual o|)inion that 
 Congrsss would not hesitate to sanction their pro- 
 ceedings, or to admit their delegates to a seat in that 
 honorable body. 
 
 4. This coujmunication was ])rcrixed to a resolu- 
 tion, which Congress had passed on the 15th of May, 
 177n. wliich recommendtd to the assemblies aiul con- 
 ventions of the United Colonies, where no govern- 
 ment, sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs, had 
 already been esta!)lished, to adopt such government 
 as, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, 
 should best conduce to tiie hapj)iness and safety of 
 their constituents. This resolution was regarded by 
 
COMMUNICATION* OF THOMAS YOUNG. 123 
 
 tliG {lutlior of iho coiuiuiiiikMiioii, aS a full license 
 from Congress to the grants, to assume the powers 
 of government, and bo recommended tluit no lime 
 be lost in availing themselves of ilie present opportu- 
 nity toestahlisli a separate dominion. 
 
 5. Alarmsul at tlie, suggestions in the foregoing 
 commnnicatioii of Thornas Yuuni!-, the council of 
 safety of New York ])roeeeded, on the 23th of May, 
 to n)ake a further efF.)rt to arrest the progress of Ver- 
 mont. With this view they addressed a letter to the 
 president of Congs-ess, in which ihey say that, "as a 
 report prevails and daily gains credit, that the revol- 
 tcrs are privately countenanced iu their designs hy 
 certain members of Congress, we esteem it our duty 
 to give this int'ormation, tliat by a proper resolution 
 on the subject, the reputation of Congress may cease 
 to be injured by ini})utations so disgraceful and dis- 
 honorable. However unwiUing we may be to 
 entertain suspicions so disreputable to any member 
 of Congress, yet the truth is, that no inconsiderable 
 numbers of the people of this state, do believe the 
 report to be well founded." 
 
 6. With a view of bringing Congress to a decision 
 on th.e subject of thi^ controversy^, on the 23rd of 
 June, one of the New York delegates laid before that 
 body the comnnmication of Thomas Young to the 
 inhabitants of Vermont. Congress now took up the 
 matter, and the petitions and comnninicanons from 
 New York and the New Hampshire grants, were 
 referred to a committee of the whole. This commit- 
 tee, on the 30th day of June, among other things 
 resolved, that Congress would not recommend or 
 countenance any thing injurious to the rights and 
 jurisdiction of the several connnunities herein rep- 
 resented. — That the inhribitar.ts of the New Hamp- 
 shire grants cannot be justified in their declaration of 
 in(lej)en(l' nee, by ihc example of the United Colonies, 
 nor by any actor resolution of Congress.-That the pe- 
 tition of Vermont, to be recognized p^-^" ^m-i- - otT.i.,, f 
 
124 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 State, and to have her delegates adinitted to seats in 
 Congress, be dismissed. They farther resolved that 
 the communication of Thomas Young was derogatory 
 to the honor of Congress, and contained a gross njis- 
 rej)resentation of the resolution of that body therein 
 reierred to, and uas calculated to mislead the peo- 
 ple to whom it was ad(h'essed. 
 
 7. While Coiigress were thus resolving to dismiss 
 the petition of the inhabitants of Vermont, and utterly 
 to discountenance their proceedings, the people of 
 Vermont were engaged in forming a constitution for 
 the regulation of their civil goveinment, being fully 
 persuaded that their independence must now be sup- 
 ported with the same firmness and spirit with which 
 it had been declared. The same convention, which 
 liad declared the independeiice of Vermont, met, by 
 adjournment, at Windsor on the first Wednesday of 
 June, and appointed a committee to make a draft of 
 a consiitution for the state. Th.ey also adopted a reso- 
 lution, recommending that the several towns apj)nint 
 delegates to meet in convention at Windsor, on the 
 2d day of July following, for the pin-pose of discuss- 
 ing and adopting said constitution. 
 
 8. In comj)liance with the foregoing resolution, the 
 convention assembled at Windsor, on the 2d day of 
 July, and a dralt of a constitution was presented and 
 read. While the convention were deliberating upon, 
 and adopting the several articles of this important 
 instrument, tiiey receiv^ed the news of the evacuation 
 on the 6th of July, of Ticonderoga by the American 
 troops. This event left the whole western border 
 of Vermont ex])osed to tlie ei:iem3^ and spread alarm 
 and consternation through this and the neighboring 
 states. "In tins awful crisis," says Allen in his His- 
 tory of Vermont " the convention was for leaving 
 Windsor; but a severe thunder storm came on and 
 gave them time to reflect; while some members less 
 alarmed at the news, called the attention of the con- 
 vention to finish the constitution, which was then 
 
FIRST CONSTITUTION ADOPTED. 
 
 reading, paragrapli by ])aragia])li for the last time. 
 This was tloiie, and the cuiiveiuion a[)p()jnte(l a coun- 
 cil of safety to act (hiring iheir recess, and adjourned." 
 
 9. Iinni3diately after the adjournment of the con- 
 vention, the council of safety of Vermont wrote to 
 the councils of safety of Massachusetts and New 
 Hampsliire, setting i<)rth their exposed condition 
 since the ahandonment of Ticonderoga, and calling 
 upon them in the most ])ressing terms for assistance. 
 These comjuunications were (hued at Ttlanchester 
 July 15th, 1777. Upon this aj)plication the council 
 of safety ot New Hampshire immediately convened 
 the assembly of that state, who without delay placed 
 a large hotly of their militia under the command of 
 General Stark, and ordered him to repair to Charles- 
 town on Connecticut riv^er ; constdt with the council 
 of Verniont with regard to suj)plies and future Oj)8- 
 rations ; and act in conjmiction with the troops of 
 that or any other state, or of the United States, as 
 in his opinion, would tend most afiectually to stop 
 t!ie progress of the enemj^ on tlie Vv'cstern frontier. 
 These orders were promj)tiy obeyed, and those troop?', 
 in conjunction with those of Vermont, at Bennington, 
 gave the enemy the lirst effectual check, as related 
 in the preceding chajiicr. 
 
 10. Previous to the adjournment of the convention 
 it had been ordered that the first election under the 
 constitution should take ])lace in December, 1777; 
 and that tlie representatives then elected, should meet 
 at Bennijiglon in January following. Public attention 
 was, however, so much engrossed by the advance 
 of the enemy under Burgoyne, that the constitution 
 was not printed in season to have the election take 
 place at the time a])pointed. The convention was, 
 therefore, again called together at Windsor by the 
 council of safety, on the 24th of Decemi)er, where 
 they revised tlie constitution, and posi])oned tlie day 
 of election to the first Tuesday of March 1778, and 
 
 11* 
 
126 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 the meeting of the assembly to the second Thursday 
 of the sairie month. 
 
 11. The manner in which these ])roceedings of 
 Vermont were viev/ed by New Uan]j)shire and New 
 York, is obvious from the style of their communica- 
 tions during tills period. In answer to the aj)])licat}on 
 of the couiiC'l of safety of Vermont for assistance, Mr 
 Weare, president cf the council of New Hampshire, 
 addressed Vermont as a free and sovenngn. but new 
 slate, and in sucli terms as to leave no doubt but th'it 
 Nev/ Hampshire willingly acknowledged her inde- 
 pendence. But not so with New York. The pro- 
 ceedings of Vermont, it is true, had changed her 
 polic}', but had by no means reconciled her to a re- 
 linqulsh'nent of her jurisdiction over the giants. In 
 liis ]>roc]amation addressed to the inhabitants of the 
 grani.3, FoDriiary ,.?3d, 1778, the Governor of New 
 York, after conlirming their titles to their lands in 
 particular cases and making several concessions in 
 their favor, expressly declares tliat, that government 
 " will vigcrously w.aintnin its rlghtfal supremacy over 
 the pcrsGJis and property of. those disaffected subjectsJ'^ 
 
 12. The overtures in the proclamation of Governor 
 Clinton, from which the above extiact is taken, have 
 a semblance of iairnr^ss whicdi might liave misled a 
 people, less discerning, and less jealous of their rights 
 than thoy to v.hom they were addressed. But the 
 peo))ie of Vern^iont had been too long accustomed to 
 a thorough investigation of every point in the con- 
 trove3Gy not to perceive that these overtiu'cs held out 
 no prospect of substantial relief. They perceived at 
 once tJidt New York was now endeavoring to effect 
 that by yjolicj^ which she had heretofore vainly at- 
 tempted by force. They had ever acted upon the 
 conviction that the claims of New York were ground- 
 less ; and, having now declared their independence 
 and adopted a constitution, they were by no means 
 to be cajoled into an acknovv ledgement of the " su- 
 premacy" of that state. An answer to this proclama- 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH NBW HAMPSHIRE. 127 
 
 tion was afterwards published by Ethan Allen, in 
 which he points out ils soj)liistry^ shows that its over- 
 tures "are all romantic, dosiji-iicd only to deceive 
 woods peoj^lc," and (.'xhorts his feilovv citizens to 
 maintain inviolate the supremacy of tlin independent 
 state of Vermont, as the only means of security to 
 their persons and ]>roperty. 
 
 SECTION in. 
 
 Controversy with JVtw Hampshire in 1778, and 1779 — 
 Legislative proceedings in Vermont. 
 
 1. Affer the royal decision of the controversy be- 
 tween New Hamj)shire and New York, in tavor of 
 the latter, in 1764. New Hampshire Ijad made no 
 attempt to continue her jurisdiction over the disj)uted 
 territory. Hence we have hitherto had occasion to 
 consider the peoi)le of Vermont, oidy in their relation 
 to the government of New York ; but the declaration 
 of their inde|)endence and the organization of then* 
 government were, in their consequences, the occasion 
 of new difficulties, not only with New York, but also 
 with New Hampshire and Massachusetts. 
 
 2. The original tfMTitory of New Ham])sliire was 
 granted to John IMason, and was bounded on the west 
 by ci line sixty miles fi-om the sei. The lands be- 
 tween this line and Connecticut river, were royal 
 grants, and belonged to New Hampshire by virtue of 
 the commissions of the governors of that province. 
 Vermont had no sooner organized her government 
 than the inhabitants on thcs(! lands manifested their 
 desire to dissolve their coimexion with New Hamp- 
 shire and unite with Vermont. In their justification, 
 
128 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 they contended, that all the territoiy west of Mason's 
 grant, had been hold in subjection to New Hampshire 
 by force of the royal commissions — that when the 
 ro\'aI authority ceased iu the colonics, in cons"quence 
 of the declaration of independence, their all(;giance 
 to New Hampshire ceased, and they were left at lib- 
 erty to form a sejKU-ate government, or to unite with 
 such neighboring government as would consent to a 
 union. 
 
 3. With these views of iheir relations to New Hamp- 
 shire, the ))eople on the territory betv/een Blason's 
 grant- and Connecticut river, proceeded to make ar- 
 rangements for proposing a roiniexion with Vermont. 
 The Legislature of Vermont met, for the first lime, 
 on tije ]2th of March, J778, at Windsor, and the 
 same day a petition v/as presented from sixteen towns 
 on the east side of Corinecticut river, praying to be 
 adujitted to a union with v'ormont. Tne Legi;-!ature 
 was much embarrassed bj' tliis ap[)lication. Most of the 
 members li'omthe west side of the mountains regar- 
 ded the union as a dangerou measure and the majority 
 of the assembly appeared to be against it; yet sever- 
 al of the towns iu Vermont on Connecticut river were 
 very desirous that the towns from New IIam|)shire 
 should be received, and went so far as to j)ropose 
 withdrawing from vheir (Connexion with Vermont and 
 settiiig U|) another state. In this state of things, and for 
 the purpose of jjreserving its own union, the Legisla- 
 ture voted, on the 18th of Ptiarch, 1778, to refer the 
 decision of the question to the peo[)le. 
 
 4. The Legislature met again by adjournment on 
 the 4Lh of June, at Bennington, when it ap])eared 
 that a majority of the towns were in favor of the 
 union with the sixteen towns from New Hampshire ; 
 and, June lltii, it was "voted that the union take 
 place — tijirty seven in the affirmative and twelve in 
 the negative." It was also voted that any other towns 
 on the east side of Connecticut river might be admit- 
 ted to a union, on producing a vote of the majoritv of 
 
FIRST UNION WITH A PART OF N. HAMPSHIRE. 129 
 
 the inhabitants, or on their sending a reyjresentative 
 to the assembly of Vermont. Having thus effected 
 their [)nrpo.se, the sixteen towns intbimed the gov- 
 ernment of New Hampshire tiiat they had withdrawn 
 from their jin-isdiciiofj, and wished the division line 
 to be established and a friendly intercourse to be 
 kept up. 
 
 5. Those who were anxious for this union, had 
 represented to the Legislature, that the inhabitants of 
 the sixteen towns wei-e nt-arly unanimous in their 
 votes to join Vermont, and that New Hampshire, as 
 a state, would not object to their withdrawing from 
 her jurisdiction. But the event proved both these 
 representations to be false. The government of 
 New Ham})shire was justly incensed at the pro- 
 ceedings. Mr Weare, President of the Council of 
 New Hanipshire, wrote to Congress on the 19th of 
 August, to j)rocure advice, and, in case of necessity, 
 the interference of that body. On the 22d of Au- 
 gust, he, in the name of the general assembly of that 
 stnte, wrote to Mr Chittende]j, governor of Vermont, 
 claiming the sixteen towns as a part of New Hamp- 
 shire. He stated that a large portion of the inhabi- 
 tants of those towns were 0})jjosed to the union, 
 that this minority had claimed the })rotection of 
 the state, and that the government of New Hamp- 
 shire considered itself l)Ound to protect them. He 
 urged Governor Chitenden to exert his influence 
 with the Legislature, to dissolve a connexion, which 
 would endanger their peace and probably their po- 
 litical existence. 
 
 6. On the reception of this communication, Gov- 
 ernor Chittenden convened the council, and it was 
 agreed that Colonel Ethan Allen should re[)air to 
 Philadelphia and ascertain how the proceedings of 
 Vermont were regarded l)y Congress. On his return 
 he reported that Coisgress was unanimously o[)po- 
 sed to the i)rocecdings of Vermont in relation to the 
 union with New Hampshire ; but that if those pro- 
 
130 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 ceedings were disannulled, only the delegates from 
 New York would oppose their independence. The 
 Legislature met again by adjournment on the 8th of 
 Octo!)er, 1778, at Windsor, and, having received the 
 report of Col Allen, Oct. 13th, they took up the sub- 
 ject of the union. 
 
 7. At the first session of the Legislature in March, 
 the state had been divided into two counties, Ben- 
 nington on the west side of the mountains, and 
 Cumberland on the east. After considering and 
 debating the subject of their connexion with the six- 
 teeen towns frojn New Hampshire, from the 13th to 
 the 21st of October, votes were taken in tlie Legislature 
 on the following questions, the result of which evin- 
 ced the determination of a majority of the members 
 to proceed no further in that hazardous experiment. 
 Qucstioii 1st. Shall the counties in this state remain 
 as thev were estal)lished in IMarch last? This ques- 
 tion was decided in the affirmative^ yeas 35, nays 26. 
 Question 2d. Shall the towns on the east side of 
 the Connecticut river, which have been admitted to 
 a union with Vermont, be included in the county of 
 Cumberland ? Question Sd. Shall said towns be 
 erected into a county by themselves ? The last 
 two questions were both decided in the negative : 
 yeas 28, nays 33. 
 
 8. Finding by these votes that the Legislature did 
 not incline, at present, to do any thing more on the 
 sui)ject of the union, the representatives from the 
 towns on the east side of the Connecticut, with- 
 drew from the assembly, in which they had been 
 admitted to seats, and were followed by fifteen rep- 
 resentatives from towns on tlie west side of the river, 
 together with the Lieutenant governor, and two of 
 the Council. After these members had withdrawn, 
 the number left was barely sufficient to constitute a 
 qiiorum. They therefore proceeded to transact the 
 remaining business of the session, and adjourned on 
 the 24tli of October, to meet again at Bennington on 
 
FIRST UHION WITH TART OF N. H. 131 
 
 tlic second Thursdny of February next, liaving re- 
 vsolvcd to refer the subject of the union with New 
 Hampshire to their constituents for instriTCtioiis how 
 to ])roceed at their next session. 
 
 9. The socceedin;! members, after entering a for- 
 mal protest ujion the jounials against the jjroeeed- 
 ings of die As.sem!)]y, held a meeting at which they 
 made arrangements for calHng a convention, to 
 which they invited al! the tovvjis, in the vicinity of 
 Connecticut river, to send delegates. The object of 
 this convention was to establL^di a government in the 
 valley of the Cormecticut, the centre and seat of 
 Avhich should be some wIuut upon that stream. The 
 convention met at Cornish, New llami)sl]ire, on the 
 9th of December, and a union was agreed upon by 
 a majority of the delegates, witliout any regard to 
 former limits, and a proposal wr.s made to New 
 Hani])shire, either to agree \^ith that state upon a 
 division line, or to submit it to Congress, or to ar- 
 bitrators mutually chosen. In case neither of^thcse 
 pro[)Osals was accepted, they proposed tltat the}'^ 
 would consent that all the grants should b.e united 
 with New Hampshire and altogether become one 
 entn-e stato, coextensive w'ith the claims of New 
 Ilampsliire ])revious to the royal decision in ]7()4. 
 Till one of tljese proposals was acceded to, they " re- 
 solved to trust in providence and defend them- 
 selves." 
 
 10. Only eight towns on tlie west side of Connec- 
 ticut river were represented in this convention, and 
 tlie delegates from some of these declined taking any 
 part in making the foregoing y)roj)(!saIs to New 
 Hampshire. From the })roceedings of this conven- 
 tion it became obvious that the whole aim of the 
 leading njen in the vicinity of Connecticut river, was 
 to establish such a government as to bring thenjselves 
 in the centre, and itdiil not appear to be mateiial with 
 them whether this was efii.ctcd by a union of a 
 part of New Hampshire with Vermont, or by bring- 
 
132 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 iiig the whole of Vermont under the jurisdiction of 
 New Hamjjshire. The people of Vernjoiit were now 
 fully seiisil.'le of the itnpiOiicy, as well as injustice, of 
 aiding in the disnieniherniejit of New Hampshire, 
 and they were wise enough to embrace the first 
 opportunity to retrace their steps and dissolve a con- 
 nexion which threatened their iiiin. 
 
 11. The Legislature of Vermont met at Benning- 
 ton, according to adjournment, on the 11th of Febru- 
 ary, 1779, and the next day they voted to dissolve 
 the luiion v>hich had subsisted between them and 
 the towns in New Hampshire. This determination 
 of the Legislature of Vermont, was immediately 
 couHnmiicated to the government of New Hamp- 
 shire by Ira Allen, and was received while efforts 
 were making to gain the assent of that govermnent 
 to the proposals njade by the Cornish convention. 
 Encouraged \)y these divisions, the Legislature of- 
 New Hampsiiire now resolved to lay claim, not only 
 to the sixteen towns, which had united with Ver- 
 mont, but to the v.hole state of Vermont, as grants 
 original!} n^ade by that j)iovince. Application 
 \vas made to Congress for a conlirmation of this 
 claiu), and at the same tiiue New Yojk applied to 
 that body for a confirmation of her title to the teri- 
 tory in (piestion. 
 
 12. Circumstances connecrted with these applica- 
 tions convinced the people of Vermont, that tJiey 
 were the result of the intrigues of the leading men in 
 those states, and were designed to effect a division 
 of Vermont between them, by a line alojig the sum- 
 mit of the Green Mountains. As the other states in 
 general took but little interest in these controversies, 
 and as the adjusmn nt of them was embarrassing to 
 Congress, it wasthouglit that, if New Hampshire and 
 New York should agree, it would be left y>retty 
 much to those two states to settle the afJairs of Ver- 
 mont between them, in wiiich case Vermont must 
 certainly lose her separate existence as a state. But 
 
CONTROVERSY WITH N. K. AND N. Y. 133 
 
 either to disappoint t]ie parties, which appeared to 
 be resohed on the annihilation of V^erniont, or for 
 some other cause, Massachusetts now interj)osed and 
 claimed a portion ot"tlie (lis|)uted territory, as vvitiiin 
 her jurisdiction. Thus was V^u'mont struggHii£^ to 
 maintain her indej)eudtMice against the three adjoin- 
 ing states wliich were all clainiing her territory and 
 the right of jurisdiction, nor had her proceedings yet 
 received any countenai.ee of encouragment from the 
 continental Congress. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Controversy ivith J\^civ YorI{, J^eiv Hampshire and 
 Massachusetts, in 1778 — 1779, aiid 1780. 
 
 1. During their troubles, resulting from thcirunion 
 with a part of New Hampshire, and which have been 
 mentioned in the preceding section, Vermont was 
 still as deeply as ever involved hi the controversy 
 with New York ; but now, events transpired in the 
 southeastern part of the county of Cumberland, which 
 gave to that controversy a much more alarming as- 
 ])ect On the 7th of July, 1778, Governor Clinton 
 wrote to his friends in Vermont, reconimendinff, that 
 wherever the partizans of New York were suificient- 
 ly powerful, firm resistance should be made to the 
 draughting of men, the raising of taxes and to all the 
 acts oftiie "ideal Vermont State ;" and albO "that 
 associations be Ibrmed for nuitual defence against 
 this usurpation." At the same titne he wrote to 
 Congress, urging their decision of the controversy, 
 and blaming the people of Vermont for the violence 
 of their proceedings. 
 
 Q. In conformity to the recommendation of Governor 
 Clinton, the friends of N(!vv York met in cojivention 
 at Brattleborougli on the 4th of May, 1779, and, hav- 
 12 
 
134 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 ing org-anizod, drew iij) a [)etition to the Governor of 
 New York, in wli'ch, ,ifhr sratinjj the suniiuary man- 
 ner in which the pniended State of Veriiioiit was 
 proceeding- to confiscate tlieir property, and various 
 otiier grievances, they " entreat his Excellency to take 
 iniine(hate measures for protecting the loyal subjects 
 of that part of the state, and for convincing Congress 
 of the imj)ropriety of delaying a decision in a matter^ 
 Avhich so nearly concerned the peace, welfare and 
 lives of many of theji* firm adherents:" About the 
 same time a military association was formed for the 
 pur|)ose of opposing the authority of Vermont. 
 
 3. In c<)nsrqu;;nce of representing that they had a 
 regiment of 5G0 men, and of making some other false 
 assertions, several conunissif)ns had been o!)tained 
 from Governor Clinton ; and the government of Ver- 
 mont, therefore, found it necessary to take measiu't^s to 
 put a stop to these mililary movements. Ethan Allen 
 was accordingly ordered by the governor to call out 
 the militia for that pnrj)0se. V/Iien the adheients ©f 
 New York v.'f>re informed of tljese transactions on 
 the part ofVrrinont, Col Fatti-r.-on, who held a com- 
 mission in the county of Cumberland Under the au- 
 thority of New York, wrote to Governor Clinton, May 
 5th, for directions how to proceed, and suggesting the 
 necessity of sending the militia of Albany county to 
 his assistajice. This letter and the foregoing petition 
 were answ^-red hy the governor with assurances of 
 protection ; and he reconun 'nded tliat the antli<nity 
 of Vermont should not be acknowledged, except in 
 the alternative of submission or inevitaiile ru.in. 
 
 4. On th ^ 18th of 3iay, Governor Clinton wrote to 
 the president of Congress, " that matters were fast 
 approaching to a very serioiis crisis, which nothing 
 but the imujediate interposition of Congress could 
 ])ossibly ])rcvent ; that he daily expectetl he should 
 be obliged to oriler out a force for the defence of 
 those who adhered to New York ; that the wisdom 
 of Congress v/ouki suggest to them, what would be 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF CO>"GRESS ON THE SUi?JKCT. 135 
 
 ihc conscqiioncc of submitting the coiitroveiw, espe- 
 cial!}' at tins jiuicturc, to the; decisioii of the sword ; 
 but that justice, th':: fliilh of governuiont, the peace and 
 safety of society would not {sei-niit tliein to coniinue any 
 longer passive spectators of the violence comriiitted 
 on their fellow citizens." This letter and sundry oth- 
 er ])apers relating to the dispnies, Vv^ere laid before 
 Congress on the 29ih of May, J 779, and were referred 
 to a conjuiittee of the whole; and on the 1st day of 
 Jiuie, Congress resolved "that a conniiittce be ap- 
 ])ointcd to rej)air to the inhabitants of a certain dis- 
 trict, known by the name of the New Han]j)shire 
 grants, and enquire into the reasons why they refuse 
 to continue citizens of the respective states, which 
 have claimed jurisdiction over the said district. 
 And that tliey take every prudent measure to p)*omote 
 an amicable settlement; and to prevent divisions and 
 animosities, so prejudicial to the United States". 
 
 5. While Congress was engaged in passing these 
 resolutions, Allen marched with an armed force and 
 made prisoners of the Colonel and other officers who 
 were acting under the authority of New York. Com- 
 plaint was immediately made to Governor Chnton, 
 with an earnest request that he would take speedy 
 measures for their riilief. Governor Clinton wrote 
 again to Congress on the^7th of June stating what 
 had taken place, disap])roving of the resohuions of 
 Congress befoi'e mentioned, and reque?ting that the 
 couunittee, appointed to rei)air to the New Hamp- 
 shire grants, njight postpone their visit till after the 
 next meeting of the New York Legislature. June 
 16th, Congress resolved that the officers captured by 
 Allen should be liberated, and that the comniittee 
 abov^e mentioned be directed to iuquirejinto tije cir- 
 ciunstances of that transaction. 
 
 6. Of the five commissioners" a])pointed to repair 
 to Vermont two only attended — Dr Withers])oon 
 andl^Ir Atlee. These gentlemen i-e paired to Ben- 
 nington in June, had several conferences with the 
 
136 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 friends of Vermont, and, also, with others, who were 
 in tlif^ interest of New Yoik. It seetiis to have been 
 the aim of these coiimiissioners to effect a reconcil- 
 iation between the parties ; but it appears from the 
 report, which they made to Congress on the 13th of 
 July, that the}? did not succeed in accomplishing the 
 ohject of their mission. Four parties were now 
 claiming the same tract of country, and each of these 
 parties had applied to Congress for a decision of the 
 controyersy. Under such circumstances Congress 
 could not well avoid taking up the matter and among 
 others, on the 24th of September, 1779, passed several 
 resolutions, the substance of which was as follows ; 
 
 7. Resolved that it be earnestly reconnnended, that 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts and New York ex- 
 pressly authorize Congress to determine their disputes 
 relative to their respective boundaries — anfl that on 
 the first of February next, Congress will proceed to 
 settle and determine the same, according to equity. 
 It was, moreover, declared to be the (hity of those in- 
 ha!)itants of the New Hampshire grants, who did not 
 acknowledge the jurisdiction of either of the above 
 named states, to refrain from 'exercising any power 
 over such of the inhabitants as did acknowledge such 
 jurisdiction, and it was likewise recommended to 
 the said states to refrain, in the mean time, from exe- 
 cuting their laws over such inhabitants as did not 
 acknowledge their respective jm-isdictions. 
 
 8. From the whole tenor of tliese resolutions, it 
 was evident that Congress wished for the present to 
 pacify the parties, without coming to any decision 
 ui)on the matter in dis|)ute ; and it was equally evi- 
 dent that she would ])refer sacrificing Vermont as a 
 separate jurisdiction, to a rupture at this time with 
 either of die states, wliicii laid claim to that territor\\ 
 Nor shall wo be sup})rised at this p;n-tlal and evasive 
 policy, when we consider that die successful termina- 
 tion of the war for independence, which was then 
 imdecided, and the fate of the colonies generally de- 
 
VERMONT APPEALS TO THE WORLD. 137 
 
 pended upon the integrity of their union in the com- 
 mon cause. 
 
 9. Those resoUitions socin to have quieted all 
 parties but Vermont. New Ilanip.^hire and New 
 York coni))lied with the reconiuieiidationKS and au- 
 thorized Congress to settle the dispute. Massachu- 
 setts dill not comply, and slie prohably neglected it 
 for the ))urj)ose of relieving Congress from the ne- 
 cessity of deciding l!ie matter at the time aj)])ointed 
 and of preventing the sacrifice of Vermont. A com- 
 pliance with these resolutions on the part of Vermont, 
 would have been to admit the existence of four sepa- 
 rate jurisdictions at the same time in the same terri- 
 tory, and in a t(n-ritory too, the inhabitants of which 
 had declared th!>ms( Ives to l)e free and independent, 
 and had assumed the powers of government and ex- 
 ercised them in all cases and in every part of the 
 territory. No alternative therefore remained to Ver- 
 mont. She had taken a decisive stand — declared her 
 independence— /orme<i a constitution — enacted laws, 
 and established courts of justice, and now nothing 
 remained for her but to go onward with fimness and 
 resolution ; and ha|)py was it for her that she possess- 
 ed statesmen endowed with courage and abilities 
 suited to the emergency of her condition ; statesmen 
 who well understood the rights and interests of the 
 community and were determined that they should not 
 be sacj-ificed by tiie neighboring states, or by the poli- 
 cy of Congress. 
 
 10. On the lOih day of December, 1779, the gov- 
 ernor and council of Vermont, in reference 1o the 
 foregoing resolutions of Congress, pul)!ished an ap- 
 peal to the candid and irnj)artial world, in which 
 they declared that tliey could not view themselves as 
 holden, eidier in the sight of God, or man, to sub- 
 mit to the execution of a ])lan, which they had reason 
 to believe was commeiK'ed by neighboring states; 
 that tlie liberties and privileges of the state of Ver- 
 mont, by said resolutions are to be suspended upon 
 
138 HISTORY OF VERMONT 
 
 the arbitrament and final determination of Congress, 
 when, in their opinion, they were things too sacred 
 ever to be arbitrated U|)on at all ; and what they 
 were bound to defend at every risk : that Con- 
 gress had no right to intermeddle in the internal 
 policy and government of Vermont; — that the state 
 existed independent of any of the thirteen United 
 States, and was not accountable to them, or to tlieir 
 representatives, for liberty, the gift of the benevolent 
 Creator ; — 
 
 11. That the state of Vermont was not represented 
 in Congress, and could not submit to resolutions 
 passed without their consent, or even knowledge, 
 and which put every thing which was valuable to 
 them at stake ; — that there appeared a manifest in- 
 equality, not to say predetcvniination, that Congress 
 should request of their constituents power to judge 
 and determine in the cause, and never ask the con- 
 sent of the thousands whose all was ai stake. They 
 also declared that they were, and ever had been, 
 ready to bear tJieir j)roportion of the burden and ex- 
 pense of the war with Great Britain from its com- 
 mencement, whenever they were admitted into the 
 union with the other states. But they were not so 
 lost to all sense, and honor, that, after lour years of war 
 with Britain, in which tli' y had ex])ended so nnich 
 blood and treasure, they sliould now give up every 
 thing worth figiiting lor, — the right of making their 
 own laws, and choosing their own foi-m of govern- 
 ment, — to the arbitrament and determination of any 
 man, or body of men, under heaven." 
 
 12. Congress, as already noticed, had appointed 
 the first day of February, 1780, lor considering and 
 determining the matters in question; but contrary to 
 the wishes and expectations of all the j)arties, the 
 subject was not called up. Congress, however, or- 
 dered, on the 21st of March, that, as there were not 
 nine states represented in that body, exclusive of the 
 parties concerned, the matter should be, for the pres 
 
REPLY OF VERMONT TO CONGRESS. 139 
 
 ent, postponed, but on the 2cl of June, resumed the 
 consideration ofi', and among other things resolved 
 "that the proiM ('lings of the peo])le on the New 
 Hampshire grants, were higlily unwarrantable and 
 subversive of the peace'and welfare of the United 
 States, and that thov iie strictly required to ahstain 
 from all acts ot authority, civil or militar}^, over those 
 inhal)itants who profess allegiance to other states." 
 The suhject was again called up on the 9Th of .lune, 
 and the further consideration of it postponed to the 
 second Tuesday of Se()t(Mifher following. 
 
 13. The foregoing resolutions and ])roceedings of 
 Congress were coniinmiicated to Governor Chitten- 
 den, who laid the same be lore his coun'_'il ; and on 
 the 25th of July, they rei)lied, in a communication ad- 
 dressed to the ])resi(ient of Congress, that " however 
 Congre^^s may view those resolntions, they are consid- 
 ered by the })eople of this state, as being in their na- 
 ture, subversiveM)f the natui-al rights which they had to 
 liberty and mde])endence, as well as incompatible 
 with the princij)Ies on which Congress grounded 
 their own right to independence, and had a natin-al 
 and direct tendency to endanger the liberties of 
 America; that Vermont, being a free and indepen- 
 dent state, had denied the authority of Congress to 
 judge o{ their jurisdiction ; — 
 
 14. That as they were not included in the thirteen 
 United States, if necessitated to it, they were at lib- 
 erty to offer or accept t(^rms of cessation oi hostilities 
 with Great Britain, without the ap})robation of any. 
 other man, or body of men." And they further de- 
 clared that if Congress and the neighboring states 
 ]:ersisted in the course they were pursuing, they 
 cotdd have no motives to continue hostilities with 
 Great Biitain, and maintain an important frontier for 
 the benefit of a country which treated them as slaves. 
 Yet, notwithstanding the injustice done them, they 
 were induced, by their attachment to the cause of 
 liberty, once more to offer union with the United 
 
140 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 States, of which Congress were the legal represen- 
 tative body." 
 
 15. All j)arties now anxiously a^^aited the decis- 
 ion of Congretss on the second Tuesday of Septem- 
 ber, and, although Vermont denied the authority of 
 Congress to fletermine the matter, she jucigect it pru- 
 dent to emj)loy Ira Alien and Stephen R. Bradley, 
 as her agents, to attend the deliberations upon the 
 subject. On the 19th of September', Congress took 
 up the subject of the controversy and the agents 
 from Vermont were permitted to be present, but 
 not as the r;'i)resentalivos of any state, or of a ])eo- 
 ple invested with legislative authority. New Hamp- 
 shire and New York now in-ged, and ench-avored to 
 prove, their re-spective claims to the disputed terri- 
 tory, and it soon became evident to the agents that 
 Congress did not regard Vermont as a party in the 
 coiitroversy, buit that, in attsMupting to decide the 
 disjjute between New Hampshire and New York, 
 she was adjudicating upon the very existence of Ver 
 mont without her consent. 
 
 16. Alarmed and indignant at these proceedings, 
 the agents withdrew their attendance, and on the 
 22d of September, transuiisted a remonstrance to 
 Congress, in which tlioy declare they can no longer 
 sit as idle sp-ectators, without betraying the trust re- 
 posed in them, and doing violence to their own feel- 
 ings ; that by the mode of trial which was adopted, 
 the state of Vermont could have no hearing without 
 deny'jig her own existence, and that thei) would not 
 take on themselv^es such Inunility and self abasement 
 as to lose their political life in order to find it. They 
 expressed the willing'iess of Vernjont to subniit the 
 dispute to the raediarion and settlement of the legis- 
 latui'os of disinterested states, but reprobated the idea 
 that Congress could sit as a comt of judicature and 
 determine the n.<atter by virtue of authority given 
 them by one only of the parties. They conclude by 
 observing, that, if the present policy be pursued by 
 
UNION. WITH PATIT OF N. 11. AND N. Y. 141 
 
 Conuress, they are ready to appeal to God and the 
 world, to say wlio must he accouiitahlo for the awful 
 coi]sr<juencc that may ensue. 
 
 17. On the27ih of Septemher, Congre:^s again re- 
 sumed the puhjeet of the controversy, and, liaving 
 heard the evidence on the part of New ilampshiie, 
 resolved, that the further consideration of the matter 
 be ])ostj)OMed ; and. this v/as doubtless the wisest 
 course of jjolicy which Congre.-G could })in-sue under 
 existing circumstances. The contest ^^\^h the moth- 
 er countr}'^ was yet undecided, and its issue doubtful, 
 and the grounds which the several parties in the 
 dispute had assmned were such, that Congress could 
 not hope to n)ake a deci:-ion, which would satisfy 
 them all ; and to irritate eiiher of the states concern- 
 ed, to such a degree as to drive thorn to an abandon- 
 ment of the common cause, nfiglit paralyze the 
 efforts of Congress and prevent the attaimnent of that 
 liberty and independence for which they were strug- 
 gling. 
 
 E C T I O N 
 
 Union of Vermont with apart of JYew Hampshire and 
 a part ofJVeiv York in 1781 . 
 
 1. The indefinite postponement of the decision of 
 the controversy by Congress, as mentioned in the 
 ])reced!iig section, was by no means agreeable to Ver- 
 mont. She well knew the ground on which she 
 stood, and althougli this ])Ostj)ouement evinced that 
 her claims to independence had made some impres- 
 sion on the n)iiid of Congress, yet it ibrl)ade the hoj)e 
 of an innn:*diate recognition of tliat ind('])^Midence, 
 and her admission into the union. And, moreover, 
 being irritated by the course |)ursned by ^-^ew Hamp- 
 shire and New York, in substantiating their claims, 
 and being wounded by the humihating treatment, 
 
149 HISTORY OF VERIMO.^T. 
 
 which her agents had received from Conofress, Ver- 
 mont now resolved upon a course of })olicy, vvhicli 
 would enal)le her toa?;sume a more imposin«>atitude, 
 and induce her ()j)])()nonts to yield to ])o\ver what had 
 been so long denied to the claiujs of justice. 
 
 2. Since the dissolution of the imion between Ver- 
 mont and the sixteen towns from Ne\y Iiam]>shire, 
 most of the inhahitants in the w^estern part of New 
 Hampshire were still anxis us to be annexed to \ er- 
 mont: there were however, some among- them who 
 wished New Hnn)))shire to sustain her claim and ex- 
 tend her juris<iiclion over the wljole of v ermont. 
 To facilitate the accomplishment of the object last 
 mentioned, a convention was proj)osed to be assem- 
 bled at Charlestown, and letters w-ere sent by sever- 
 al influential men, in the interest of New Hampshire, 
 into the western towns inviting them to send rejjre- 
 sentatives. Accordingly, representatives from forty 
 tln-ee towns assembled at Charlestown on the IGth 
 of Januarj^ 1781 ; l)ut, to the sur|)rise and disappoint- 
 ment of those who had ])roposed the measure, a 
 large majority of the convention were found to be 
 0})posed to the jurisdiction of New Hampshire and 
 in favor of a union with X ermont. ^ 
 
 3. A committee was therelbre a)ij)ointed by the 
 convention to confer with \ ern.'ont on the subject 
 of the union. This committee, on the 10th day of 
 February, informed the assembly of \'ermont, then 
 sitting at Windsor, that " the convention of the New 
 Hampshire towns, was desirous of being united with 
 Vermont, in one separate independent government, 
 upon such princi))les as should be mutually thought 
 the most equitable and beneficial to the state." This 
 a})plication was referred to a committee of the whole, 
 on the report of which it was resolved, February 14th, 
 that " in order to quiet the present disturbances 
 on the two sides of Connecticut river^ and the better 
 to enable the inhabitants to defend their frontier, the 
 legislature of this state do lay a jwisdictional claim to 
 
SECOND UNION WITH N. HAMPSHIRE. 143 
 
 all the lands east of Connectiout. river, north of Mas- 
 sachnsetts, west of Mason's line and south of latitude 
 45 degrees; hut that tliey will not for the time heing 
 exercise said jurisdiction." 
 
 4. The convention of the New Hampshire towns 
 was at this time sitting at Cornish on the O|)j)osite 
 side of the river, and, after repeated connnunications 
 heetween the committee of this convention, and a 
 committee of the Legislature of Vermont, the articles 
 of union W(;re finaily agreed upon. By these articles 
 it was vStipulated that the constitution of Vermont 
 should he adopted by the New Hanipshire towns — 
 that application should he made to Congress to be 
 adnfitted as one of the United States — that full act of 
 oblivion he passed for all former offenses against 
 Vermont hy persons denyhig her jurisdiction — and 
 that the towns in ^ ermont, and also the New Hamp- 
 shire towns, should be called upon to express their 
 Oj)inions of tlie proposed tniion ; and if, at the ad- 
 journed session of the assembly, in April next, it 
 should appear that two thirds of each were in favor of 
 the measure the union should then be consunnnated, 
 and representatives should be admitted to the assem- 
 bly from the New Hanrpshire towns. These articles, 
 agreed upon by the ccmnnttees, were confirmed by 
 the assemi)iy, which j)le(lgpd the faith of the state 
 tiiat the}' shoidd be held sacred. 
 
 5. The assembly of v ermont met again at Windsor 
 agreeable to adjournment, on the 4th of April, and 
 the convention of the New Hani'pshire to\vi]s also 
 re-assembled at Cornish. On the Sth ol* April, a 
 connnittee of the convention informed the assembly 
 that thirty five towns on tlie east side of Connecticut 
 river had consented to the union, being all the towns 
 from which returns had been received ; and that 
 the way was now clear on their ])art for the union 
 to take place. On examining the returns, which had 
 been forwarded from the towns in V'ermont, it ap- 
 peared that thirty six were in favor and seven oppos- 
 
144 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 ed to the union ; whereupon a committee was ap- 
 pointed to inform the convention that a major part 
 of the towns in \'ermont had agreed to the union, 
 and that the assembly wonid receive the members 
 returned from tbe New Hampshire towns, on the 
 mojTOW, at niuB o'clock in ihe morning. Accordinfj^ly, 
 on the next day, thirty five representatives from towns 
 on the east side of Connecticut river, took their seats 
 in the General Assembly of Vermont. 
 
 6. On account of the unjustifiable measures, by 
 which New York w^as endeavoring to embarrass and 
 overturn the government of Vermont, and in conse- 
 quence of re])eated solicitations from several towns 
 in New York, wbich liordered on Vermont, to be 
 taken into union with this state, the Legislature of 
 Vermont bad, on the 14ih of February, 178J, laid juris- 
 dictional claim to all tbe lands west of her i>resent 
 territory, and east of Hudson river to the head there- 
 of, and thence east of a nortb line extending to the 
 45th degree of north latitude ; witb the proviso, that 
 this jurisdiction sbonld not be exercised for the time 
 being. But Vermont, having now comj)leted her 
 eastern union, once more turned her attention to that 
 on the west. On tbe 11th of Aj)ril, 1781, a commit- 
 tee was appointed by the general assembly to attend 
 a convention of delegates from the towns in New 
 Yoi'k, which desired a union with Vermont, and 
 make the necessary arrangement for effecting it. This 
 conv^ention met at Cambridge, and on the 15th of 
 May, tjje articles of union were agreed to by the 
 committee from \ ermont and the delegates from 
 twelve districts in New York ; and on the Kith of 
 June following, they were confirmed by the Legis- 
 lature of Vermont, and representatives from those 
 districts were admitted to seats in the general assem- 
 bly. 
 
 7. By these ! old aiid decisive measun^s, Vermont 
 placed herself in an interesting attitude, and evinced 
 to the world the abilities and the peculiar genius, of 
 
NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 145 
 
 her statesmen. Than the racii.;.i;c3 whirli \vc have 
 just recorded, no course of policy couhl be better 
 cah^ulatcd to enable her to sustain her ind.'pciujence 
 and thwart the desii^tis of her eneinies. By the un- 
 ions, thus formed, she had doubled the extent of 
 territory within hnv jurisdiction and ad;led greatly to 
 her numbers and resources. She had quieted the 
 disaffection of her people at home, and restored con- 
 fidence to her friends abroad. She had placed the 
 territory in a condition to invite emigration from the 
 neighi)ortng states, and had laid the foundation for a 
 hirge and powerful community. In short she had 
 placed herself in a condition to command theresj)ect, 
 evenof hor enemies, and to draw from them, conces- 
 sions which justice alone had sought in vain. She 
 therefore wisely determined, so to manage her own 
 affinrs, as to secure her own safety and independence, 
 agriinst the arms of the British on he north, and the 
 wiles of her enemies in other quarters. The man- 
 ner in which this was effected will be related in the 
 following section, 
 
 SECTION YI. 
 
 JVegotiation with the British in Canada from 1780, to 
 1783. 
 
 1. From the commencement of hostilities at Lex- 
 ington, no people in America had espoused the cause 
 of liberty and of their country with greater alacrity, 
 or sustained it with more spirit and resolution, than 
 the ])eo|)Ie of \ ermont. Yet, after fdl their efforts 
 and sacrifices in the common cause, they liad the 
 mortification to find themselves denijMl a just j);n-tici- 
 patiou of the blessings which they had labored to 
 secure. Their claims to indepcjidenee wc^re not 
 acknowledged by Congress ; the diymem!)erment of 
 their territory and the annihilation of their sovereign- 
 ty were threatened by the intrigues, and the unjust 
 lo 
 
146 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 claims of the neighboring states, and, to crown the 
 whole, they were now ahanrioiied by the power which 
 ought to protect them, and lelt to contend single 
 handed with the common enemy. 
 
 2. But notwithstanding their attachment to the 
 cause of their country, the people of Vermont could 
 not fail to perceive that every step which they took 
 to support it, only rendered their own condition more 
 hopeless. They could hardly wish to lend their aid 
 for the purpose of bringing the struggle with a for- 
 eign enemy to a successful termination, \\ hen they 
 perceived that, by such an event, they should be sub- 
 jected to the domination of a more detesia!)le enemy 
 at home. In this state of things, Vermont wisely 
 consulted her own safety; and by the negotiation 
 with the enemj' in Canada, in which she now enga- 
 ged, she was as fortunate as to secure it. 
 
 3. The British generals in America had for some 
 time entertained hopes of turning the disputes in re- 
 lation to Vermont to their own account, by detaching 
 that district from the American c<iuse and making it 
 a British province. But the lirst intimation of their 
 views and wishes was conjmunicated in a letter from 
 Colonel Beverly Robinson to Ethan Allen ; dated New 
 York, March 30th, 1780. In July, this letter ^^as de- 
 livered to Allen in the street in Arlington, i)y a British 
 soldier in the habit of an American farmer. Allen 
 perused the letter, and then told the bearer that he 
 should consider it, and that he might return. 
 
 4. Colonel Robinson began his letter by expressing 
 a wish that his proposals might be received with the 
 same good intention with which they were niade. 
 He then proceeds : — "• I have often been informed 
 that you and most of the inhalntants of Vermont, are 
 opposed to the wild and chimerical scheme of the 
 Americans in attempting to separate fronj Great Brit- 
 ain and establish an indej)endent govermnent of their 
 own ; and that you would willingly assist in uniting 
 America to Great Britain, and in restoring that happy 
 
COL Robinson's letter to e. allbn. 147 
 
 constitution so wantonly and unadvisedly destroyed. 
 It'l have been ri^^litly informed, and these should be 
 your senlinients and inclination, 1 beg that you will 
 communicate to me without reserve, whatever pro- 
 posals 3^ou would wish to make to the commander- 
 in-chief"; and I hcreb}^ ])romise that I will faithfully 
 lay them before him according to your directions, 
 and flatter myself I can do with as good effect as any 
 person whatever. I can make no jiroposals to you 
 imtil I know your sentiments; but think, upon your 
 taking an active part and embodying the inhabitants 
 of Vermont, under tlie crown of England, you may 
 obtain a separate government under the king. — If you 
 should tliink proper to send a friend here with pro- 
 })osa]s to the general, he shall be ])rotected and allow- 
 ed to return whenever he pleases." 
 
 5. Allen immediately communicated the contents 
 of this letter to Governor Chit'enden and some other 
 confidential friends, who agreed in opinion, that no 
 answer should be returned. Robinson, not receiving 
 a reply to his letter and s!!j)posing it to have been mis- 
 carried, wrote again to Allen on the 2d of February, 
 1781, enclosinw' his former letter. In his second let- 
 ter, after saying he had received new assurances of 
 the inclination of \ ermont to join the king's cause, he 
 said that he could then write with more authority; 
 and assured Allen that he and the people of Vermont 
 could obtain the most favorable terms, provided they 
 woukl take a decisive and active part in favor of Great 
 Britain. He requested an answer ; and, that the way 
 might be pointed out for continuing the correspond- 
 ence ; and desired to be informed in what manner the 
 people of Vermont could be most serviceable to the 
 British cause. 
 
 6. Allen returned no answer to either of these let- 
 ters; but, on the 9th of March, 1781, inclosed them in 
 a lett 'r to Congress, informing them of all the circum- 
 stances, which had thus far attended the business. He 
 then proceeded to justify the conduct •f Vermont in 
 
148 HISTORY or VKRMONT. 
 
 assorting her liglit to independence, and expressed 
 Lis dcteiininate rc-oiutiou to do every lliing in his 
 power to establish it. Conscious ol' his own integ- 
 rity, and sensildc that his activity and snlferings in 
 tlic cause of his country were well known throughout 
 America, he expressed himself in the following inde- 
 pendent and decided language. 
 
 7. " I am confident," said he, "that Congress will 
 not dispute my sincere {tttachment to the cause of 
 my country, though J (!o not hesitate to say, 1 am ful'y 
 gnjunded in opinion, that Vermont has an indulntahie 
 riglit to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities 
 witli Great Britain, provided the United States persist 
 in rejecting her a]iplication for an union witli them. 
 For Vermont would he, of all ])eople, most njiserable, 
 were she obliged to defend the indt i)endence of the 
 United '^•hmning States, and they he, at the same 
 time, at full liberty to overturn and ruin the indepen- 
 dence of Vermont. When Congress consider the 
 circumstances of this state, they will, I am ])ersua- 
 ded, he more surprised that I have transmitted them 
 the inclosed letters, than that I have kept them in cus- 
 tody so long; fori am as resolutely determined to 
 defend the indc])eiidence of Vermont, as Congress 
 is that of the United States ; and rather than fail, / 
 will retire wilh the hardy Green Mountain Boys, into 
 the desolate caveyms of the Mountains, and ivage war 
 ivith human nature at largeP 
 
 8. During the sp,ring of 17S0, sonie of the scout- 
 ing imrties, belonging to Vermont, had been taken 
 ])y the Briiish and carried ])risoners to Canachi. On 
 the ap]>lication of their friends to Governor Chitten- 
 den, he, in the month of Julj^, sent a flag, with a 
 letter to the commanding officer in Canada, request- 
 ing their release or exchange. In the fall, the Britr 
 ish canie up lake Champlain in grc^at force, and a 
 ver}' fiivora'.de answer wiis returned by Gi.'uera! Hal- 
 diiiiand to Goveriicr Cliirtciiden's letter. A flag was 
 at the same time sent to Ethan Allen, then a hriga- 
 
NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 149 
 
 (lier goneial and commaiKling officer in Vermont, 
 ])ro})osiiig a cessarion of Ijostilities witli Vermont, 
 (luring negotiations for the exchange of prisoners. 
 This jn-oposal was accepted by Allen, on condition 
 tliat the adjacent frontier of New York should be 
 included with Vermont. The British officer at first 
 objected, but finally a.greed to every thing which Al- 
 len i)roposed. 
 
 9. Tlie governor appointed Colonel Ira Allen and 
 Major J(tsei>h Fay, connnissioiiers on the part of Ver- 
 mont, to negotiate the proposed exhcange of })rison- 
 ors ; who, soon after, had an interview with Captain 
 J. Sherwood and George Smith, agents on the part 
 of the Hritis/j. During this interview, tlie British 
 agents avail^^d thi?mselves of the opportunity to ex- 
 plain their views, and to make proposals for the es- 
 tablishment of Vermont imder the royal autlioriiy. 
 The commissioners from Vermont received these 
 })roposals with some attention ; and, although they 
 avoided expressing a decided opinion on tlie subject, 
 the British flattered themselves that they were in a 
 fair way to eflect their purposes. 
 
 10. The next year the British entered upon the 
 business with high expectations of success ; and as 
 the British army in Canada was 10,000 strong, and 
 tjje frontiers of \ ermont without any adequate 
 means of defence, it was evidently the interest of 
 ^ ermont not to undeceive thejn, but to endeavor to 
 effect that by policy, which they could not do by 
 povv'er. Anti as the cabinet council of Vermont be- 
 lieved, that the forces of the United States had been 
 vviih(hawn from her territory, for the purpose of 
 driving them to seek the protection of New York, 
 they felt that it was clearly their duty, by managing 
 the British attemi)ts to corrupt them to their own 
 advantage, to make the best ]>rovision, remaining in 
 their power, for the safety of the people. 
 
 11. In April, 1781, Col Ira Allen was appointed to 
 settle a cartel with the British for an exchange of 
 
 13^ 
 
150 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 prisoners. Taking \Yitli iiiai one subaltern, two ser- 
 geants, and sixteen privates, he started, with a fair 
 wind, on the 1st day of iilay, an(i soon arrived at the 
 Isle Anx Noix, where he was politely received by 
 Maj. Dundas, the Britisli connnander at that ])ost. 
 The cartel was soon agreed to, and the British agents, 
 Sherwood and Smith, noAV entered npon the sub- 
 ject of the armistice and the establishment of the 
 ix)y a I authority in \ ermont with high hopes ofac- 
 com])!ishing their o!)jcct. Allen acknowledged that 
 the ])sop]e of Vermont were growing remiss in the 
 pro.-(;c!iiion of the war, being alraid that its termina- 
 tion in favor of America, woiild suliject them to the 
 government of New York, which -they considered 
 the most detestable in the known '.vorld ; and that, 
 to such an event, they wouitl prefer to become a 
 sopnii'.te colony imder tiie crowi>, and that the Uni- 
 ted Slates shouki be again brought under the domin- 
 ion of ^'ue British government. 
 
 12. 'Ilie Bj'itish agents i>ave assurance on their 
 part, that Vermont could become a royal colony 
 with |)rivileges equal to those enjoyed by any 
 other colony ; and that they who assisted in ac- 
 complishing such an object, would be suitably hon- 
 ored an<i rewarded. With such consunnnate skill 
 did Allen manage this negotiation on the ])art of 
 Vermont, that without committing himself, he com- 
 pletely aiiected his own views; and by leading the 
 British agents to an agreement that hostilities should 
 not be commenced against Vermont, till afler the 
 next session of the assembly, he succeeded in keeping 
 an nnny of lOOCO of the enetny inactive upon the 
 frontieis. This business was accomplished after a 
 conference of 17 day/-, and the commissioners par- 
 ted in high friendship ; Allen and his suite being 
 furnishr'fl by Maj. Dundas with ample stores for 
 their return home. On his way Allen encouraged the 
 settlers, who ^vere abandoiiing the country, to re- 
 niaiu peaceably upon their farms, and trust to the 
 
IRA Allen's mission to Canada. ]51 
 
 governor and council to provide tlio means for their 
 detence ; and lie assured then:, that, if a removal be- 
 came necessary for the safety of their families, they 
 should have timely notice, and assistance in accom- 
 plishing it. 
 
 13. It ^vas generally known that Coloriel Ira Allen 
 had been sent to the enemy in Canada under a com- 
 mission from the Governor of Vermont, but the pre- 
 cise,object and extent of tlie negotiations, were known 
 only to eight individuals, viz. Thon.ias Chittenden, 
 Moses Robinson, Samuel Saiford, Ethan Alk'n, Ira 
 Allen, Timothy l*rovvnson, John Fassett, and Joseph 
 Fay. And wiien it was unilerstood that Colonel Al- 
 len was to report the residt of his mission at the 
 meeting of the Legislature at Bennington, in June, 
 ciu'iosity and a desire to know the true state of aifairs, 
 drew together a large number of spectators from Ver- 
 mont, the neighboring states, and Canada. The whigs 
 in \ ermont and the adjourning states were jealous 
 that the views of the cabinet council of Vermont ex- 
 tended to something farther than an exchange of ])ris- 
 oners ; tliey therefore sent their agents to watch 
 the Legislature and to discover whether this inter- 
 course tended to any thing treasonable on the j>art of 
 \ ermont, or injurious to the American cause. Vv bile, 
 on the otiier hand, cmisr^aries were sent from Canada 
 to see H'hetlier Colonel Allien reported any thing con- 
 trary to the views, interchanged between him and the 
 British agents at the Isie Aux Noix, with regard to 
 the establishment of Vermont as a British province. 
 
 14. x\ few days after the connnencement of the 
 session, t'le two Jiouses met in j( in' committee on the 
 subject of Colonel Allen's njission to Canada. Gov- 
 ernor Chittenden arose and stated, that Colonel Al- 
 len had been sent to Canada to obrain the release, or 
 exchange, of sundry persons belonging to this state, 
 who weie ])risonei's in t!:e liaiuis of the enenjy, and 
 that, with mu(di difficulty, he had completed the busi- 
 ness in behalf of V^ ermont, tJiough no such exchange 
 
152 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 had taken place with the United States, nor with 
 any other individual stat<\ He then informed the 
 committee that Colonel Allen was then present, and 
 that, if fmther information was wanted, he could 
 best give it. Colonel Allen then arose and, after re- 
 capitulating suhstantially what the governor had sea- 
 ted, informed tjie committee that his commission and 
 papers had been left at home, but that the;/ should 
 be submittcfl to their inspection the next day. 
 
 15. Accordingly, on the next day, he attended with 
 the papers, which, after a short verbal explanation, 
 were read. From these it api)eared that the British 
 had shown great generosity in the exchange of |)ris- 
 oners, but they contained nothing respt^cting an ar- 
 mistice, or the establishment of a I'oyal government in 
 '\'ermont ; the negotiations on the two latter subjects 
 having been ])nrposeiy conducted on the part of V^er- 
 iTiont by means of verbal corres|)ondence. Colonel 
 Allen than rose and stated, that if any member of the 
 connuittee, or auditor among the spectators, wished 
 any fm'ther information respecting the business, he 
 was ready to answer their questions. All seemed 
 satisfied. The friends of the United States compli- 
 mented Allen for his open and candid conduct and 
 the spectators from Canada returned fnlly satisfied 
 that nt)thing had trans[)ired inconsistent with their 
 view^s und designs. 
 
 16. At this session of the Legislature Major Joseph 
 Fay was appointed " commissioner of prisoners," and 
 in July, he went on board the Royal George on lake 
 Cliampiain, and obtained the exchange and a further 
 extension of the armistice. About this time a corres- 
 pondence was carried on between Ethan and Ira Al- 
 len on one ])art and the British on the other, by means 
 of a British guard of a sergeant and eight tnen. ^I'his 
 guard conveyed the communications from the British 
 officers to Sunderland, where they were received by 
 one of the Aliens personally iu the dusk of the eve- 
 ning, who, the next evening, returned an answer. 
 
LORD Germain's letter to sir it. clinton. 153 
 
 which was conveyed by them to lake Cliamplain. 
 Aiu! it is worthy of remark, tJiat coiuinunicatioiis were 
 frecnieiitly inrcrcJiaiig'Ml in this luaniier, during the 
 years 1781, and 178'2, without discovery, notwithstand- 
 ing Sunderland was more than GO miles trouj the fron- 
 tier. 
 
 17. While this friendly intercourse was tlius main- 
 tained between the British and a few of the leading 
 men in \'ermont, the people generally were very 
 inveterate in their liatrcd towards the British and to- 
 nes. A person in Arlington, being supposed to en- 
 tertain friendly feelings towards the BritisI), a party 
 collected in Manchester and were jsroceeding to tear 
 down his hous(\ In Sunderland tJiey were met by 
 the Messrs Brownsonsand Ira Allen wlio, with much 
 difficulty persuaded them to return. That very night 
 Colonel Allen received a packet from a British guard 
 upon the same ground where this party were per- 
 suaded to go back, and returned an answ er the next 
 eveiiing. 
 
 18. Jonas Fay, Bezalcel Woodward, and Ira Allen 
 were appointe<l agents to Congress by the Legisla- 
 ture at their session in June. About the time of their 
 arrival at Philadtdphia, a letter fi'om Lord Germain to 
 Sir Henry Clinton, commander of the British forces 
 in Ameri'-a, and which had l)een intercepted by the 
 French, was published in the Peiinsylvania Packet. 
 It was dated Whitehall, February 7lh, 1781, and 
 among other things co'irained the following para- 
 graph. "The returii of the people of Vermont to 
 their allegiance, is an event of the utmost importance 
 to the king's affairs; and at this time, if the French 
 and Washi]igton realy meditate an irruption ii^to 
 Canada, may be considered as opposing an insur- 
 mountable bar to the atten)j)t. General Haldimand, 
 who has the same instructions with you, to draw 
 over those peojde and give them suj)i)ort, will, I 
 doubt not, ])ush up a body of troops, to act in con- 
 junction with them and secure all the avenues 
 
154 mSTORT OF VERMONT. 
 
 tlirough their country into Canada ; and, when the 
 season adniits, Take possession of the upper parts of 
 the Hudson and Coniieeticut rivers, and cut off the 
 communication between Al'oany and the Moliawk 
 country. How far they may be able to extend 
 themselves southward, or eastward, must de])end on 
 their numbers and the disposition of the inhabi- 
 tants" 
 
 19. The information contained in this letter was 
 calculated to confirm the susj)icions which the 
 friends of American liberty had entertained with re- 
 gard to the rx^gotiations between v ermont and the 
 British, and did more towards disposing Congress to 
 recognize the independence of Vermont and to gain 
 her an admission into the union, than all her sacrifi- 
 ces and services in maintaining the war. This letter 
 also shows that not only the British generals in 
 America were deceiving themselves with the idea 
 that Vermont was about to return to her allegeance 
 to the king, but that the British ministry were also 
 deceived ; and supposed that the people of Vermont 
 were generally desirous that their state should be 
 made a British province, when perhaps not more 
 than a dozen individuals within the state had ever 
 thought or sj)oke of such an event; and these had 
 only countenanced the idea of it, when urged to 
 such a measure by the British agents, and then only 
 for the purpose of kee))ing the northern British army 
 inactive upon their fjontiers and affording the peo- 
 ple protection by their management when they could 
 not do it by force. 
 
 20. In September, 1781, Colonel Allen and Major 
 Fay, had another interview Vv^ith the Biitish agents, 
 at which a plan of govermnent for the colony of 
 Vermont was discussed and agreed upon by the par- 
 ties. It was to consist of a governor, appointed by 
 the king, but who should be a citizen of Vermont ; 
 a lieutenant governor and 12 councillors, who should 
 be chosen by the people; and ahouse of representa- 
 
ARRAJN^GEMENTS WITH BRITISH AGENTS. 155 
 
 tives, tlie mcmhers to be choson by the respective 
 towns. The British n^v^nts then iiisistPfl tluit Ver- 
 iriont shodM jmme(hate!y declare herself a British 
 province. The ■- erniont commissioners re])resented 
 that matters were not yet snffi(;iently matured for 
 such a declaration — that the inhabitants in some 
 parts of the territory were not yet sufficiently 
 brought over to tiie British interest?, and, until that 
 was effected, and means j)rovided for the ])ur})ose,it 
 would he extremely difficult to defend their exten- 
 sive frontiers against the Ujiited States. 
 
 21. The British agents yielded this poh)t with re- 
 luctance ; but suggested another pro|)Osition, which 
 they said must he complied w h, or 'he armistice 
 must be ended, whicli was, that a proclamation shotdd 
 be issued by the British general in Octol)er, during 
 the session of the Vermont Legislature, declaring 
 Vermont a colony under the crown, and confirming 
 the plan of government which they had agreed on ; 
 and that the Legisiatin'e of Vermont must accept 
 the same, and take suitabhi measures for carrying it 
 into effect. After some farther discussion, the \ er- 
 mont conunissioners judged it better to acceed to this 
 unpleasant proposition, than that the armistice shouht 
 be discontinued in the present defenceless state of 
 the frontiers ; after which, the con^missioners and 
 agents separated on friendly terms. 
 
 22. The Legislature of Venr.ioiit met at Charles- 
 town early in Octol)er, and aliotit the same time 
 Gen. St Leger ascended lake Cham})lain with a pow- 
 erful British arsny q,nd landed at Ticonderoga. The 
 ^'ermont trooj)s were then at Castleton, under the 
 command of Gen. Enos. Gen. Enos and Colonels 
 Fletcher and Walbridge were now well acquainted 
 with the negotiation with the British, but the anny 
 and the inhabitants of the country knew nothing of 
 it; and hence it was necessary to keep up a|)pear- 
 ances by frequently sending out scouts to observe 
 the movements of he enemy. One of these scouts, 
 cominanded by Sergeant Tupper, fell in with a 
 
15G HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 party of the British and some shots were exchanged. 
 Tiipj)er was killed on the spot, and his men retreat- 
 ed. Gen. St Leger ordered Tiippcr's hody to be 
 decently bnried, and sent his clothing- with an open 
 letter to Gen. Enos, in which he expressed his re- 
 gret for the death of the sergeant. This communi- 
 cation and the apparel were ])ublicly delivered to 
 Gen. Enos, and were the occasion of niuch nmr- 
 mnring among the troops. 
 
 23. Letters were immediately written by General 
 Enos and Colonels Fletcher and Walbridge, and for- 
 warded Iw ex|)ress to Governor Chittenden at Charles- 
 town. The bearer, IMr Hathaway, not being in the 
 secret of the negotiation with the British, j)roclaimed 
 the extraordinary message of General St Leger in the 
 streets of Charlestown, in consequence of which the 
 ])ecple followed him in crowds to the governor's 
 apartment to hear the news. In the room with the 
 governor were several persons, some of whom were 
 in the secret, and some, who were eager after infor- 
 mation that they might make an ill use of it. On 
 opening the letters, they w^re found, besides an- 
 nouncing the arrival of Gciieral St Leger, to contain 
 information resi)e(;ting the negotiation which it was 
 not deemed prudent to make pul.>lie. 
 
 24. While these letters were ]iassing round among 
 those who were in the secr(?t, Majoi- Runnels entered 
 the room and demanded of Colonel Allen why Gen- 
 eral St Leger should be sorry Topper was killed. 
 Allen said he' would not ell. Runnels repeated the 
 questioji ; and Allen repli'd that good men were sor- 
 ry when good men were killed, which might be the 
 case with St Leger. This answer enraged Rmniels, 
 and he again loudly demanded what reasons could 
 possibly induce a British general to be sorry when his 
 enemy was killed and to send his clothes to his wid- 
 ow. Colonel Allen then rcfiucsted Major Runnels to 
 go to his-regiment, and, at the head of that, demand of 
 St Leger the reasons of his sorrows ; and not stay 
 
NEGOTIATION WITH CANADA. 157 
 
 there asking impertiiuMit qnnstions and eating up the 
 country's provisions, when the iVonticrs were inv;uk)(l. 
 Some high words followed between tliern, wliicli 
 called the attention of tliose present from the letters, 
 and Runnels soon after left the room. 
 
 25. The governor then convened the hoard of war, 
 all of whom were in the vsecret, and Hathaway was 
 left to detail the news to the populace. New letters 
 wer(! then i^.iade out from those received, in which 
 every thing relating to the negotiation and armistice 
 was sui)pressed. These were substituted for the 
 original, and were ])ublicly read before the council 
 and assembly for the satisfaction of the people. In 
 the mean time Colonel Allen and Major Fay, wrote 
 to the British agents that matters were going on fa- 
 vora!)]y to their designs, hut as a report prevailed, 
 that Cornwallis and his army had surrendered to the 
 Americans, which was doubtless unfounded, they 
 thought it inexpedient to publish the proposed proc- 
 lamation till more favorable news should remove all 
 doubts with regard to the ability of the British to 
 sustain Vermont in the measures which she should 
 adoj)t. 
 
 26. About an hour after this communication was 
 delivered at Ticonderoga, an express arrived there 
 from the south, with the news of the ca])tuie of 
 Cornwallis and his whole arm}', and before night 
 the Britisli embarked all their troops and stores, and 
 returned to Canada. Thus were the negotiators in 
 Vermont relieved from their etiibarrasment and dan- 
 ger, which would have been mu(?h increased by the 
 ])ublication of the ])roposed proclamation ; and thus 
 was terminated the campaign of 1781, in which a 
 few sagacioiis and daring individuals, secured, by 
 their negotiations and management, the extensive 
 front-ier of Vermont, which was exposed to an army 
 often thousand of the enemy. 
 
 27. In the whiter of 1782, the British in Canada 
 were extremely anxious to ascertain how the people 
 
 14 
 
158 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 of Vermont were affected by the capture of Corn- 
 wallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of Feb. and 
 again on th:e 22*1 of x\j)ril, in the most pres.^ing terms for 
 informuiion, and stating tliat the commander in chief 
 had fidl powers to confirm every article which had 
 been agreed ii|)on at a former interview for the es- 
 tal)hshmeiit of Vermont as a royal government. Im- 
 patient at not receiving an answei', they wrote again 
 onthe80ih of April, making new offers and promises, 
 and designath]g several individuals in Vermont for 
 whom his excellency was authorized and disposed 
 to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and 
 in several cases assured them what commissions 
 they should receive. 
 
 28. In July, Colonel Ira Allen was again sent to 
 Canada with a letter from Governor Chittenden to 
 General Hahlimand, requesting the release of two 
 officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then pris- 
 oners in the hands of the j'ritish. The British agents 
 thought this a fivorable o])])ortunity lor bringing the 
 negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used 
 evejy art to persuade Vermont imuiediatily to decla- 
 re herself a British ])rovince. Allen employed every 
 argument to justify Vermont for delaying ti, and to 
 prevent the renewal of hostilities, llaldimand was 
 finally prevailed upon to continue the armistice and 
 to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then 
 wrote to Governrr Chittenden, announcing his pa- 
 cific dispositioji towards Vermont in the most une- 
 quivocal terms, and requesting the people of 
 Vermont, without ajjprehension, to encourage and 
 promote the settlement and cultivation of the coun- 
 try for the interest and happiness of themselves and 
 their [)osterity. 
 
 29. With this year terminated the war and the 
 negotiations, leaving favorable im])ressions on the 
 minds of the British towards Vermont. Of the ben- 
 eficial effects of the poUcy pursued, to Vermont and 
 to the union, there can be no doubt, but of the jus- 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE irCDIANS. ]59 
 
 tlce of tliis course there may be some question. On 
 the })art of the JJritish the ncgutiatiou consisted of 
 repeatid endeavors to j)ersua(le tlie leading men in 
 Vermont, to abandon the American cause and de- 
 clare the state a jJriiish province. To -these, the 
 leaders in Vtrmnnt rrinrnod evasive and ambiguous 
 answers, calculated indeed to keej) alive the liopes of 
 the IJritish, but not in any way to |)ledge the govern- 
 ment of Vermont. The leading men in Vermont 
 were known to be as firm friends of American inde- 
 pendence, as any individuals on the continent ; but, 
 abandoned as Vermont was by Congress, and ex])os- 
 ed to the overwhelming force of the enem^y, no other 
 means of security rensained but that artful policy, 
 which we liave just described ; and which kept a 
 powerful ])ritish army inactive on the northern 
 frontier of the union durino- three successive cam- 
 paigns. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 Indian depredations upon the^ settlements in Vermont. 
 
 1. Having now com])Ieted our account of the civil 
 policy of Vei"mont during the war for indej>endence, 
 excepting such jjarts as relate particularly to the 
 admi.-sion of Vermont into the federal union and 
 wliich are referred to the next cliaj)ter, we shall 
 here give a brief account of the depredations of the 
 Indians uj)on our settlements, and notice some other 
 things which have been omitted in the preceding 
 narrative. Previous to the conquest of Canada, in 
 1760, the French and Engilsh nations were enga- 
 ged in almost perpetual war, a!id in thesa wars their 
 colonies and Indian allies were alwa3's involved. 
 During their continuence the frontier English settle- 
 
1(^0 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 mcuts were freqiiciitl}^ broken up and the inhabitants 
 eitlier massacred or (;ani<?d into ca|)tivit3'. Some 
 account of these transactions in the vicinity of Ver- 
 mont, has ah-eady been given in the first (diapter. 
 But as very few setdements were made within our 
 limits while Canada was in [)ossession of the 
 French, the fii'st settlers of V^ermont snfFered less 
 from the incursions of the Indians than those of 
 some of the other states. 
 
 2. We have already mentioned that the inhabitants 
 of Vernon were attacked and several of them slain 
 by the Indians, in 174G, and that Bridgeman's fort 
 was taken and destroy<Hl by them the next year. 
 This]tlace again received a hostile visit in 1755. On 
 tlie 27th of July, of this year, Caleb llovve, Hilkiah 
 Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield were way-laid and fired 
 upon by a party of Inchans, as they were returning 
 from their labor in the field. Howe was killed, 
 Gaffield was drowned in attempting to ford the river 
 and Grout escaped unhurt. The Indians then pro- 
 ceeded to Bridgeman's fort, which had been re]>air- 
 ed, where they made prisoners of the faujilies of these 
 three men, consisting of their wives and eleven 
 children, being all the ])ersons in the fort. These 
 were all carried to Canada where they were doomed 
 to suff(;r a long and cruel caj)tivity. IMost of them, 
 liowever, were afterwards redeemed and returned to 
 their friends. 
 
 3. In 1756, as Ca})tain Melvin at the head of ai)ont 
 20 men, was marching through the wilderness from 
 Charlestown, New Hampshire, to Hoosuc fort, and 
 wdien in the southerly ])art of New Fane, which was 
 then uninhabited, he was fired upon by a large party 
 of Indians, who were lying in ambush. A severe 
 conflict ensued, in which both parties suffered con- 
 siderably in killed and wounded. Melvin's party 
 was at length overpowered by numbers and was obli- 
 ged to leave the field in possession of the enemy. 
 Melvin and several of his number made their escape 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS. IGl 
 
 and arrived safely at fort Dummcr. The next day 
 he rotiinietl to the battle ^roinul, with a party from 
 fort Diitmner. The Indians were not to he found, 
 but tlie ho(hes of tiiose who were slain, were collec- 
 ted and buried. 
 
 4. At the time of the American revolution the 
 number of Indians residing; in the vicinity of Ver- 
 mont, was greatly diminished ; and as the Americans, 
 at the conmienccmejit of that sirugi>lp, got possession 
 of the military |)osts along lake Champlain, these 
 few, had, for a while, no opj3ortunitj to molest our 
 settlements. But when the American army retreat- 
 ed from Canada in 1776, and the Biitish had attain- 
 ed he command of lake Champlain, our western 
 borders were wholiy at the mercy of the enemy, and 
 continued so during the remainder of the war. All 
 the settlements in the vicinity of the lake were bro- 
 ken up, and the settlers retii'ed with their families 
 to tlie southward. The frontier inihtary posts were 
 at Castleton and Pittsford, on the west side of the 
 mountains, and at Barnjird, Corinth, Newbury, and 
 Peacham, on the east siile. 
 
 5. During the last French war a military road had 
 been opened from Charlestown to Crown Point, 
 which was now very beneficial to the Americans, 
 and early in the sjtring of 1776, General Bailey was 
 ordered to open a road from Newbury, through the 
 wilderness, to St Johns, for the ])urpose of facilitating 
 the conveyance of troops and i)rovisions into Canada. 
 He had opened the road six miles above Peacham, 
 when the news arrived that our army had retreated 
 from Canada, and the undertaking was abandoned. 
 But in 1779, General Hazen was ordered to Peach- 
 am with part of a regiment, for tlie ])urpose, as was 
 said, of completing the road begun by Bailej^, so that 
 an army might be sent through for the reduction of 
 Canada. But this was probably only a feint for 
 dividing the enemy and prev^enting them from send- 
 ing their whole force up the lake. Hazen, however. 
 
162 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 contlniiefl the road fifty miles above Peacham, 
 tlirough the towns of Cabor, Walden, Mardwick, 
 Greoiisborough, Craftsl)iirv, Ali>aiiy and Lowel, and 
 erected block houses at several places along the 
 route. This was a great convenience to the settlers 
 who came into these parts after the war, and is 
 known at this day as the " Hazen Road.'" It termi- 
 nated near a remarkable notch in the monntain in 
 Weslfield, and which has since been called Hazen^s 
 J\'otch. 
 
 (i. During the continuance of the war, the frontier 
 towns were frequently alarmed l\y the appearance of 
 Indian scouting parties in ths^ir neighborhood, but the 
 inhabitants were seldom niolested. Their dwellings 
 were, however, occasionally plundered and some- 
 times men were taken prisoners nud a few, at differ- 
 ent times, were killed, but the women an(i children 
 were not usually injured, and never massacred as in 
 former wars. In 1777, the Indians killed two men in 
 Brandon, took several of ihe inha!.>itants ])risoners and 
 burnt their dwellings. On the 9th of August, 1780, 
 they took tliree men in Barnard, whom they carried 
 to Canada ; and in OctoliPr, of the same year, tliey 
 made a successful expedition against Royalton, a thri- 
 ving settlement on White river, which then consisted 
 of about 300 inhabitants. 
 
 7. This expedition was designed against Newbury 
 on Connecticut river, fortlie o])jecr, as was supj)osed, 
 of capturing a Lieutenant Whitcojub, who in July 
 1776, while on a scout, had wanton!}' shot General 
 Gordon, a Briiish officer, bet\veen Chamblee and St 
 Johns, and robbed him of liis watch and sword. The 
 British deei)Iy resented this attack as unworthy of an 
 officer, and were desirous of getting Whitcomlj into 
 then* power. Tiie party consisting of about 300 men, 
 mostly Indians, was commanded by Horton^ a British 
 Lieutenant. While proceeding up Winooski river, 
 they fell in with several hunters, by whom they were 
 told that the people of Newbury were expecting an 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 163 
 
 attack, and were well prepared for defence. This 
 iiifonuation induced theiti to turn their attention to- 
 >vards Royalton. 
 
 8. They accordingly proceed(Ml uj) Stevens' and 
 jail branch, and down thefirst branch of White river, 
 to Tunbridge, where they lay in their encainpuient 
 during the sabbath, and on Monday morning, it l)cing 
 the l(Jth of October, they connnenced their depreda- 
 tions, at the house of iNlr John Hutchinson who lived 
 near the line between Tunbridge and Royalton. Af- 
 ter making Mr Hufchinson and his brother Abijah, 
 prisoners, they i)roceeded to the house of Mr Robert 
 HavtMis, where they killed Thomas Pember and Elias 
 Button. They then went to the house of Joseph 
 Kneeland, took him and his father, and Simeon Belk- 
 nap, Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. Proceeding 
 thence to the house of Mr Elias Curtis, they made 
 him and John Kent and Peter Mason prisoners. 
 
 9. Thus far the business was conducted with the 
 greatest silence, and the prisoners were forbid making 
 any outcry upon pain of death. They at length ar- 
 rived at the mouth of the branch, where they made 
 a stand, while small parties proceeded in different di- 
 rections to plunder the dwellings and bring in prison- 
 ers. By this time the alarm had become general, the 
 inhabitants were flying for safety in everf direction 
 and the savages filled the air with their horrid yells. 
 One party extended its ravages uown the river mto 
 Sharon, took two prisoners and bmnt several houses 
 and barns. Another party proceeded up the river, 
 made prisoner of David Waller, a young lad who 
 lived with General Stevi>ns, plundered and set fire to 
 the General's house, and tulvanced in that direction 
 about three miles, killing the cattle, and plundering 
 and setting fire to the buildings as tliey passed. 
 
 10. After com{)leting their work of destruction, 
 they returned with their booty to the place where 
 they commenced their attack in the morning. From 
 this place they proceeded across the liili to Randolph, 
 
164 BISTORT OF VERMONT. 
 
 wliere they encamped for the night on the second 
 branch of White river. In the course of the day 
 they had killed two persons, taken 25 prisoners, burnt 
 upwards of 20 houses, and about the same niunberof 
 barns, and killed about 150 head of cattle, and all the 
 sheep and hogs that fell in their way ; having suffered 
 no loss themselves and scarcely met with any oppo- 
 sition. " Su}>prised, affrighted, and scattered from 
 one another, the inhabitants could take no steps for 
 their defence; the alaim however soon spread, 
 and a number of men immediately marched from 
 Connecticut river, and the adjacent towns By eve- 
 ning tliey amo\mted to several hundreds, and were 
 collected at the place where the attack was first 
 commenced. Here they organized themselves, and 
 chose for their conunander a cai)tain John House, 
 who had served several campaigns in tlie continenta 
 army. 
 
 12. Early in the evening, House began his march 
 with this undisciplined but brave corps, in pursuit of 
 the savages, who were at this time encamped seven 
 or eiglit miles ahead. The night was dark and he 
 was guided amidst the logs, rocks and hills with 
 which thr^ wilderness abounded only l>y a few marked 
 trees. When they supposed themselves near the In- 
 dians, they proceeded with caution, but as they were 
 passing over a stream which was crossed upon a 
 Jarge log they were fired u[)on by the enemy's rear 
 guard, which had been posted behind some trees 
 near the ])lace and one man was wounded. House's 
 party retm-ned the fire, killed one Indian and wound- 
 ed two others. The guard then retreated to the In- 
 dian camp and House advanced within about 300 
 yards of the same where he waited till day light with- 
 out commencing an attack. 
 
 13. Fatigued by the business of the preceding day, 
 and now suddenly awakened from j)rofoimd sleep, 
 the savages were at first filled with consternation and 
 thrown into the utmost disorder. They, however, 
 
ALARM IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 165 
 
 soon recovered from tlieir friglit, and were not long in 
 concerting measures for their own saftJty. They sent 
 out an aged jjrisoner to inform the Americans, that, if 
 they i)rocee(le(l to make an attack, thc^y should im- 
 nie(hat('ly put jdl the |)iisoM(M's to death. The pro- 
 ceedings thus far had caused two to he put to death ; 
 one to retahate the death of tiie Indian, wiio had 
 been slain and the other for reiiisiiigto march, in the 
 cx})ectation that the Americans would n^lieve them. 
 These were tomahawked asduy lay hound upon the 
 ground. Having placed their wai'iiors in the rear to 
 cover their retreat they silently left their eiicami)ment, 
 proceeded to Randolph, where they took one prison- 
 er, ]jassed through the west part of Brookfield, and, 
 by the way of Winooski river and lake Champlain, to 
 JMontrea!. 
 
 14. House and his men were waiting for the dawn 
 of day and deliberating upon the njessage brought 
 them by the prisoner, till the Indians had departed 
 and were far beyond their reach. They, however, 
 folio wetl upon their trail as far as Brookfield and then 
 returned, having lost the op|)ortunity of attacking the 
 enemy by their caution and delay. On their way to 
 Canada, the prisoners were well treated, and with 
 resj)ect to j)ro\'isions, fared as well as tlieir masters. 
 Of the twenty six who were carried away, one died 
 in captivity, and the rest were liberated the next sum- 
 mer and returned to their friends. 
 
 15. A few days after the burning of Royalton there 
 was one of the most extensive alarms in the County 
 of Windham, experienced in Vermont during the 
 war ; but it proved to be wholly groundless. It hap- 
 j)ened, that as several men were surveying lands in 
 Brookline, some of them undertook to imitate the In- 
 dian war-hoop. In this they succeeded to admira- 
 tion, and were heard ])y the inhabitants of Athens, 
 who, supj)osing thfMn to be real Incfians, took fright, 
 fled, -md rapidly spread the alarm ihrough the neigh- 
 boring towns. Immediately all was terror and con- 
 
166 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 fusion. To their bewildered imagination eveiy noise 
 became the yell cf the savage and every rock, and 
 every tree of the forest, a hirking place for the cruel 
 foe. With such precipitation (hd tlicy flee from their 
 farms and dwellings that the men leluheirteanjs har- 
 nessed in the field and women their ovens heating 
 and victuals cooking by the fire. 
 
 16. When the intelligence reached Colonel Ser- 
 geant at Brattlebornugh, he sent out orders into the 
 different towns requesting their militia to assemble 
 for the purpos:^ of stopj)ing the ])rogress of the Indians 
 who were laying waste the settlements. A snow 
 storm had commenced and before night was so se- 
 vere, as to render the flight of the inhabitants labori- 
 ous and distressing ; and, as evening come on, nu- 
 merous lights were seen along the horizon, which 
 it was not doubted, proceeded from the conflagration 
 of the dwellings of the inhabitants wantonly j)lunder- 
 ed and set on fire by the Indians. This alarm spread 
 over most of the country but was hapi)ily of short 
 continuance. The brave soldiery marched into the 
 deserted country, but they found nothing, but a deep 
 snow, to interrupt their jH'ogress. The original cause 
 of alarm was soon ascertained and the lights, by 
 which it had been heightened, were found to proceed 
 frcm the binning log and brush heaps, which had 
 been fired by the industrious inhabitants of New 
 Fane, and which had been set on fire as they saw 
 the storm apj)roaching. 
 
 17. On the 8th of March, 1781, a party of British 
 and Indians made jnisoners of Colonel Johnson, Ja- 
 cob Page and Jonathan Elkins, and carried them to 
 Canada. In the following summer, a scout consisting 
 of four men from Peacham, while proceeding up 
 Hazen's Road, were fired uj)ou by a ])arty of Indians. 
 Two of them were killed and scalped and the other 
 two made prisoners. In 1782, a party ol British and 
 Indians, after killing one man and taking one prisoner 
 at Newbury, proceeded to Corinth where they com- 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS. 1G7 
 
 pelled the inhabitants to swear allegiance to the Brit- 
 ish kin>2-. Other towns were also visited by stnall 
 parties of the tneiuy in the course of the war, but 
 dining tlie |)eri()d of tlie negotiation, mentioned in 
 the last section, and \>hile Vermont was wholly at 
 their mercy, the parties did v ry little injuiry and 
 probably liad orders from the British generals not to 
 molest tiie inhabitants. 
 
 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 C II3A P T E R V . 
 
 PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO THE ADMISSION OF 
 VERMONT INTO THE UNION. 
 
 E C T I O N I . 
 
 Extending from the completion of the eastern and 
 ivestern union with Vermont on the 22d of June, 
 1781 to the dissolution of the same on the 22d day 
 of February 1782. 
 
 1. Vermont, having com])leted her eastern and 
 western unions, as related in the preceding chapter, 
 ajjpointed Jonas Fay, Ira Allen, and Bezaleel Wood- 
 ward, delegates to the American Congress^to negoti- 
 
168 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 ate her admission into the federal union. Full 
 powers were given t;)eni to complete the arrange- 
 ment ; and, if they effected their ohject they were 
 authorized to take their seat in Congress as the 
 rej)resentatives of Vermont. These delegates arrived 
 at Philadelphia, in the hegimiing of August, and 
 ahout the time of the puhhcation of Lord Germain's 
 letter, as already mentioned. On the 7th of August, 
 1781, Congress took up tlie subject of their mission, 
 aud a|)pointed a connrnttee of five persons to con- 
 fer with tlje dehjgates from \ ermont, and agree with 
 them upon the terms of admission, ])rovided Congress 
 should see fit to recognize \ ermont as an indepen- 
 dent state. 
 
 2. On the 18ih of August, a conference took place 
 between this connnittee and tlje delegates from Ver- 
 mont, at which sundry questions were proj)osed to 
 the latter respecting the extent, popidation, and re- 
 sources of \ ermont, and the views and wisjies of 
 the inhai)itants ; to all of which answers were retur- 
 ned. On the 20th, the connnittee made their report 
 to Congress ; whereupon that body adopted the 
 following resolution. ^^ Resolved, That it bean in- 
 dispeiisible preliminary to the recognition of the 
 independence of the people inhabiting the territory 
 called \ ermont, and their admission into tlje federal 
 union, that they exj>licitly relinquish all demands of 
 lands or jurisdiction on the east side of tlie west 
 bank of Coimecticut river, and on tlie west side of a 
 line neginning at tlie north west corner of Massa- 
 chusetts, tiience running tvt'enty nnles east of Hud- 
 son river, so far as said river continues northeasterly 
 in its general coiu'se, then by the west bounds of 
 the townships granted by tlie late government of 
 New Hampshire, to the river runing into East Bay, 
 thence along said river and bay to lake Champlain, 
 thence along the waters of said lake to latitude 45 
 degrees north." 
 
 3. Vermont and New York were both dissatisfied 
 
RESOLUTIONS OP VERMONT LEGISLATURE. 169 
 
 with this resohition — Vermont, hecausc it required 
 as a couchtioii of licr achnission into the union, that 
 she should thssolve the a<:reeal)le connexions which 
 she ha(i just formed — New York, hecause it recog- 
 nized the claim, against which she had so long and 
 so earnestly contended; — the one, because it hereft 
 Vermont of one halt her present territory, resources 
 and im})ortance — the other, hecause it would allow 
 Vermont still to have something left, which she 
 could call her own. This appears from the i)roceed- 
 ings of their respective legislatures. 
 
 4. The legislature of Vermont met at Charlestown, 
 on the east side of Connecticut river, in October, and 
 on the IGth of that njonih, the foregoing resolutions 
 were laid before them. The resolution held out to 
 Vermont a faint prospect of an aflmission into the 
 federal union with her original territory, but having 
 lost much of her confidence in the assiu'ances of 
 Congress and having now consolidated her unions at 
 home, she feh herself in a condition to demand bet- 
 ter terms than the relinquishment of one half her 
 territory and ])()])ulation, to secure the independence 
 of tlie other half. After deliberating and debating 
 upon the subject for several days, the assembly, on 
 the 19th of October, voted that they could not com- 
 ply with the foregoing resolution of Congress. 
 
 5. They declared that a compliance wouhi destroy 
 the foundation of the harmony which then subsisted 
 in the state, and be a violation of the solemn com- 
 ])act entered into by the articles of union and 
 confederation — that thej' would remain firm in the 
 ])rinciples on which tiiey had assumed the powers 
 of government — that they would hold inviolate the 
 articles of union, which connected the parts of the 
 state togetluT — and that they would submit the ques- 
 tion of iheir independence to the arbitration of no 
 ])ower under heaven. They however declared their 
 willingnet>s to submit any questions, which might 
 arise, witli regard to jurisdictional limits between 
 
 15 
 
170 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 them and the neighboring states, to arbitrators mutu- 
 a]l\'^ chosen ; and, when achnitted into the American 
 union, they would not object to submitting such dis- 
 putes to Congress. 
 
 6. The Legislature of New York, on the other 
 hand, regarding the resolution of Congress as a vir- 
 tual determination of the controversy between that 
 state and Vermont, passed a number of resolutions, 
 and a solemn protest against the proceedings of Con- 
 gress. Havmg stated tlieir claims, and some former 
 proceedings of Congress on the subject, they went 
 on to express their disai)probation and alarm at the 
 evident intention of Congress, from political expedi- 
 ence, to establish an arbitrary boundary, which ex- 
 cluded from that state a great part of its territory. 
 They declared that, in the 0!)iiiion of the legislature, 
 Congress had no authority, by the articles of confed- 
 eration, to intermeddle with the t(Miitorial extent, 
 or jurisdiction, of eitlier of the United States, except 
 in case of dispute between two or more states in the 
 union, — that to carry into execution said resolution 
 of Congress, would be an assumption of power and 
 an infraction of the articles of confederation, and that 
 they therefore solemnly })rotested against the same. 
 
 7. With the above nientioned resolution of Con- 
 gress, a verbal message had been sent by General 
 Washington to Governor Chittenden, desiring to 
 know what were the real designs, wishes and inten- 
 tions of the people of Vermont; — whether they 
 would be satisfied with the independence |)ro})osed 
 in said resolution, or seriously thouiiht of joining the 
 enemy and becoming a British ])rovince. On the 
 14th of November, Governor Chitteiiden returned an 
 unequivocal and decisive answer to the above com- 
 munication, in which he said that no people on the 
 continent were more attaclied to the cause of Amer- 
 ica tban tbe peo|)le of Vermont; but, that they would 
 sooner join the British in Canada, than submit to the 
 government of New York — that, driven to des- 
 
DIFFICULTIF.S T^T HER UNIONS. 171 
 
 peration by tlic injustice of those, who should have 
 been h(M- fi'icnds, Verniont was now obliifed to adopt 
 policy in the rooiri of j)ower. He ascribud the late 
 resolution of Congress, not to the influence of li-iends, 
 but the })ower of enemies, believing that Lord Ger- 
 main's letter had procured that, which the public 
 virtue of the jx-ople could not obtain. 
 
 8. Dnring these proceedings, new difficulties were 
 opening to Vermont in her eastern and western un- 
 ions. A conununication was received by Governor 
 Chittenden from one of the sheriffs in the eastern 
 union, informing him that the governnient of New 
 Hampshire, were about taking coercive measures to 
 bring those citizens of that state, who had joined 
 Vernmnt, again under their laws and authority. The 
 governor, on the ]4ih of December, directed Gene- 
 ral Paine, then lieutenant governor of the state, to 
 call out the militia on the east side of the mountains, 
 for the assistance of the sheriffs and the defence of 
 the citizens ; and, if armed force should be employ- 
 ed by New Hampshire, that he slionld repel it by 
 the same. Mr Panie forwarded a copy of this order 
 to the council of New Hampshire, and informed 
 them, that, if hostilities were commenced, he should 
 execute his orders, and that New Hampshire must be 
 accountable for the consequences. With these com- 
 mimications, connnissioners were also sent to New 
 Hami)shire, to endeavor to accommodate matters, 
 and j)revent the effiision of blood. 
 
 9. On the other hand a military force was called 
 out in New York, to prevent Vermont from execu- 
 ting her lasvs over the inhabitants of her western 
 union, and to aid the sheriff' of New York in appre- 
 hending several persons in the territory who had 
 rendered themselves particularly obnoxious to the 
 government of that state. This force was command- 
 ed by General Gnnesvoort, wno, being informed that 
 Colonel Walbridge was advancing with a large body 
 of troops from the grants, wrote to him on the 18th 
 
17^ HISTORY OF VERMOJTT 
 
 of December, to be informed of the object of his 
 movement, Walhrirlge replied tliut it was to pro- 
 tect the inhabitants, who, in conspqnence of the 
 union, professed allegiance to the state of Vermont; - 
 that he wished concihatory measures might be adopt- 
 ed, but, if those persons who j)rofessed to be citizens 
 of Vermont, should be imprisoned and their ])mi)erty 
 destroyed, he would not be accountable for the con- 
 sequerices. 
 
 10. Affairs seemed now to have reached an alarm- 
 ing crisis, and all parties trembled at the prospect of 
 a civil war. Happy was it that hostilities were not 
 commenced before the paities had taken time to re- 
 flect upon the consequences of such a measure ; for 
 when they looked at the momentous struggle in which 
 their country was engaged, every philanthropist was 
 fully convinced that no differences between the states 
 should, on any account, be ])ermitted to endanger 
 the cause of American liberty and independence. 
 Fortunately, about this time, Gevornor Chittenden 
 received a letter from General Washington, dictated 
 by his paternal solicitude for the good of his country, 
 and for a happy termination of the troid)les in rela- 
 tion to Vermont. This letter is dated January 1st, 
 1782, and from it we extract the following paragraph. 
 
 11. "It is not my business, nor do I think it necessary, 
 now to discuss tlie origin of the right of a number of 
 inhabitants, to that tract of country, formerly distin- 
 guished by the name of the New Hampshire grants, 
 and now by that of Vermont. I will take it for 
 granted that their right was good because Congress, 
 by heir resolve of the 7th of August, imply it; and 
 by that of the 20th are willing fully to confirm it, 
 provided the new state is confined to certain de- 
 scribed bounds. It appears therefore to me, that the 
 dispute of boundary, is the only one that exists ; 
 and, that being removed, all other difficidties would 
 be removed also, and tlie matter terminate to the 
 satisfaction of all parties. You have nothing to do, 
 
Washington's letter to gov. chittenden. 173 
 
 but to withdraw your jurisdiction to tlie confines of 
 your own limits, and olitain an acknowlodgenient 
 of independence and sovereignty under the resolve 
 of the 20th of August, for so much territory as does 
 not int^'rfere with the ainnent estahlished hounds of 
 New Hampshire, New York and Massachusetts. In 
 iny private opinion, whil(3 it Ixdioves the delegates 
 to do ample justice to a i)i'opl(>, snfficientl}^ respecta- 
 ble by their numbers and entith^d, by other claims, 
 to he admitted into the confederation, it becomes 
 them also, to attend to the interests of their constit- 
 uents, and see, that imder the appearance of justice 
 to one, they do not materially injure the othei's. 'I 
 am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion of 
 Congress." 
 
 12. Behig endeared to all the friends of liberty by 
 his integrity and virtue and by his disinterested ex- 
 ertions and sacrifices for the good of his country, 
 such a communication from General Washinjiton 
 might reasonably l)e expected to exert a powerful 
 influence Uj)on the minds of the leading men in 
 Veriuont, and the event showed that it did. At the 
 next meeting of the legislature, which was held at 
 Bennington, this letter was laid before them. It 
 served to open their eyes to the forf)ier errors of 
 government, and, knowing it to have come from a man, 
 who had only the interests of his whole country at 
 heart, his advice was received with the greatest defer- 
 ence, and after mature delil)eration upon the subject, 
 the assenjl)Iy on the 22d of February, 1782, resol- 
 ved to comply with the })reliminary required b}' the 
 resolution of Congress on the 20rh of August, and 
 relinquisli all claims to jurisdiction beyond the 
 bounds therein mentioned. 
 
 13 Thus was dissolved a union which had greatly 
 increased the power and consequence of Vermont, 
 and which, it was believed, had preveisted the divis- 
 ion of \ ermont, between New Hampshire and New 
 York. But this union was not dissolved without a 
 *15 
 
174 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Struggle and much dissatisfaction in those parts 
 which were cut off from ■ ermonr, hy the prescribed 
 boundaries. The inhabitants of those parts had 
 eagerly sought the uiiiou with \ criuont, and they 
 were too well satisfied witii it wiUiugly to return to 
 their allegiance to those states from which they had 
 withdrawn. 
 
 14. \ ermont, having complied with the requirements 
 of Congress, now confidently expected an immedi- 
 ate recognition of her independence, and an admis- 
 sion into the federal union ; and with it a termina- 
 tion of the disagreeable controversy with New 
 York. The legislature therefore proceeded to 
 choose four agents to arrange the terms of admis- 
 sion, and then take their seats in Congress as rep- 
 resentatives of Vermontx But in their ex])ectati()ns 
 the peoj>Ie of Vermont were again doomed to dis- 
 appointment ; a disajjpointment, the pain and mor- 
 tification of which coidd onl}'^ be exceeded by the 
 impolicy and injustice of the neglect which occa- 
 sioned it. Congress slill rt^fused to admit \ ermont 
 into tlie union and again reverted to her policy of 
 evasion and delaj'. 
 
 [SECTION II. 
 
 Proceedings of Congress — Disturbances in Vermont — 
 Ji'om the Dissolutioyis of the unions in Vermont Feb. 
 22//, 1782, to the Treaty of Peace between the United 
 States and Great Britain, January 20th, 1783. 
 
 1. The refusal of Vermont on die 18th of October, 
 1781, to comply with the resolution of the 20th of 
 August, had been communicated to Congress, and 
 while the assembly of \ ermont, in February 1782, 
 was rec^onsidering the subject and effecting a com- 
 
AGENTS REPAIR TO CONGRESS. 175 
 
 pTiance with said resolution, Conji^ross was engaged 
 in warm (iobj'.to upon their preceding n^fiisal. On 
 the first (hiy of Mairh, several spirited resolutions 
 were proposed and discussed in Congress. Tliese 
 resolutions declared that, if V' erniont did not, with- 
 in one month from the time these resolutions were 
 conununicated to Governor Chittenden, comply with 
 the resolution of the 20th of August, and reliiupiisli 
 her jurisdiction beyond the bounds therein named, 
 such neglect and refusal would he regarded as an 
 indication of hostility to the United States. 
 
 2. In that case Congress would regard the pre- 
 tensions of Vermont for admission into the union as 
 fallacious and tlelusive, and, would thereafter consid- 
 er the lands in Vermont to tlie eastward if the ridge 
 of the Green Mountains, as granted to New Hamp- 
 shire, and the lands to the westward of said line as 
 granted to New York ; and that the commander in 
 chief of the American armies he directed to em])loy 
 the military forces of the United States to carry 
 these rosolutions into full execution. After a long 
 debate and several trials, it was found that a vote 
 could not be obtained to pass these resolutions, 
 and a few days after, as the excitement was begin- 
 ning to subside, the agents from Vermont arrived at 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 3. These agents were Jonas Fay, Moses Robinson, 
 Paul Spooner, and Isaac Tichenor, and they were 
 instructed " to negotiate and complete on the part 
 of Vermont, the admission thereof into the federal 
 union, and to subscribe articles o( perpetual confed- 
 eration thereunto." On tlie 31st of March, 1782, 
 they officially laid before Congress the proceedings 
 of the legislature of Vermont on the 22d ef Februa- 
 ry, by which they had fully comi)lied with the re- 
 quirement of the resolution of the 20 h of August. 
 Congress now again took up the subject and refer- 
 red it to a committee of five members, who, on the 
 17th of April, reported; — That in the opinion of the 
 
176 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 committee, Vermont liad fully com})lied with the 
 resolution of the 20th of August as prelimhiary to 
 the recognition of her sovereignty and independence 
 and admission into the federal union ; and that the^ 
 conditional promise of such recognition and achnis- 
 sion liy Congress, is tiierehy become absolute and 
 necessary to he performed. 
 
 4. The committee tlien proposed a resolution 
 declaring " That the district, or territory called \ er- 
 mont, as defined and limited in the resolution of 
 Congress of the 20th of August, 1781, he, f^nd it 
 hereby is. recognized an 1 acknowledged, by the 
 name of the state of Vermont, as free, sovereign and 
 independc-nt ; and that a committee be appointed to 
 treat and confer with the agents and delegates 
 from said state, upon the terms aiid mode of the ad- 
 mission of said state into the federal union." When 
 this report was read, motions wcn^ successively made 
 that its consideration be assigned to the first Tues- 
 day in October, the first Tuesday in June, and to 
 Monday next, all of which were decided in the nega- 
 tive. 
 
 5. By these votes it became evident that Congress 
 did not intend to come to aiiy decision upon the 
 affairs of A ermont, and the agents, of Vermont disap- 
 pointed at the result, addressed a letter to tlie presi- 
 dent of Congress on the 19ih of April, and immedi- 
 ately left PI iladelphia. In this communication they 
 say, that in consequence of the jjlighted faith of Con- 
 gress, and the advice of gentlemen ot the first charac- 
 ter in America^ V crmoiit had been induced to 
 comply in the most ample manner with the resolu- 
 tion of the 20lh of August, and that they had 
 officially commmiicat(>d said coni])Iiance to Congress 
 They (expressed their disap])ointuient at the delay o 
 Congress to execute, on their i)art, the sj)irit of said 
 resolution, and pointed out the ci-itical situation, to 
 which Vermont was reduced by casting off a 
 considerable portion of her strength, — by being ex- 
 
\ 
 
 INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF VERMONT. 177 
 
 posed to the main force of the enemy in Canada, 
 and by receiving no aid from t!ie United States, in 
 whoso cause she had ircely fought and suffered. 
 
 6. When tlicsc jiroceediDgs of Congress became 
 known hi Vermont tlu-y produced universal dissatis- 
 faction. It was th(^ general opinion that the resolution 
 of the 20th of August, had been designed to dupe the 
 assembly to a compliance for the jiurpose of weak- 
 ening Vermont aud rendering it less dangerous to 
 contravene her designs aud wishes. Faith in the 
 virtue and integrity of Congress was nearly destroy- 
 ed ; and by these measures of that body, the j)eople, 
 and tlie assembly of Vermont, were determined to 
 adhere to the boundaries, to wliich they had agreed, 
 and rely upon their own strength, resources, and 
 management for defence and saf(!ty and urge no 
 fmther upon Congress their right to a co federa- 
 tion with the United States. Still, that it might 
 appear to the world that Vermont was not in fault, 
 the assembly at their session in October, again 
 appointed agents with full [)owers to complete 
 arrangements for her admission into the union. 
 
 7. Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing 
 state of her relations to Congress and the neighbor- 
 ing states, the internal tranciuility of Vermont had 
 been for some time, but little disturbed. Her polit- 
 ical institutions had been grachially maturing, and the 
 organization of her government had assumed a 
 regularity and efficiency which commanded the 
 obedience and respect of the great body of the cit- 
 izens. New York had not relinquished her claim to 
 jurisdiction over the territory, but she had not, of late, 
 made any serious effort to exercise it ; and had con- 
 tented herself with opposing the admission of 
 Vermont into the union. Still there were some 
 among tlie citizens of Vermont, whose submission 
 was reluctant, and who were ready to embrace any 
 favorable opportunity to renounce their allegiance 
 and support the claims of New York, 
 
178 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 8. As the continental troops had been withdrawn 
 from the nonhenn frontier, and aa Vermont was 
 exposed to invasion by the enemy from Canada, she 
 fonnd it necessary to order a draft ol miUtia for the 
 pnrpose of defence. Those citizens of Vermont, 
 wljo were (hsaffected toward the govermnent, resol- 
 ved to take this 0|)portimity to resist its authority. 
 They were encouraged in this measure by the 
 governor of New York, who gave commissions to 
 sundry persons in the southeastern part of the coun- 
 ty of Windham, and had reconmiended the organi- 
 zation of a military force for the puri)ose of opposing 
 Vermont, and enforcing the laws of New York. 
 Vermont became alarmed at these proceedings, and, 
 having employed lenient measures in vain, ordered 
 out the militia to suppress them. The leaders in 
 the rebellion were taken, five of the most obnoxious 
 of whom were banished from the state, and the oth- 
 ers fined cr otherwise punished. 
 
 9. Disappointed in their attempts to resist the 
 authority of Vermont, the insurgents applied to the 
 government of New York, under which they preten- 
 ded to have acted, for support and remuneration for 
 their sacrifices and losses in consequence of their re- 
 bellion. But the desired support New York was not 
 able to aflfbrd. Vermont feared not her power, and 
 therefore her promises and her threatenings were 
 alike disregarded. A remonstrance was then for- 
 warded to Congress setting forth that Vermont had 
 proceeded to exercise jurisdiction over the ])ersons 
 and properties of sundry persons, who professed 
 themselves to be subject to the state of New York; 
 This remonstrance was seconded by a letter from 
 the governor of New York, and on the 14th day of 
 November, 1782, the committee in Congress to 
 whom the subject was referred, reported " that the 
 measures conn)Iained of were probably occasioned by 
 the state of New York having given commissions 
 both civil and military, to persons residing in Ver- 
 
RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS. 179 
 
 mont." They also rocommendcd, that said com- 
 r.iissions be revoked, and that Vermont shoidd make 
 satisfaction to the persons, who had been l)dnished, 
 or wlio had snstained (hiinages. But Congress re- 
 fused to adopt the resolutions recommended. 
 
 10. On the 5th of December, Congress again took 
 up the matter, but instead of fulfilling their engage- 
 ment to Vermont made by the resolution of the 20th 
 of August, 178.1, their proceedings were full of cen- 
 sure and tlireatening against Vermont, for liaving ex- 
 ercised authority ov(^r persons, who professed allegi- 
 ance to the state of New York, in violation of the 
 resolutions of Congress, ])assed on the 24th of Sep- 
 tember, 1779, and on the 2d of June, 1780. Among 
 other things they resolved, that Vermont be requir- 
 ed to make full restitution to the j)ersons condem- 
 ned to banishment or confiscation of !)ro{)erty, and 
 that they be not molested on their return to said dis- 
 trict. They close by resolving "that the United 
 States wjII take efFeciual measures to enforce a com- 
 pliance with the aforesaid resolutions, in case the 
 same shall be disobeyed by the people of the said 
 district." 
 
 11. The faith of t'le people of Vermont in the 
 wisdoin and integrity of Congress, weakened by 
 several of their former acts, was by the foregoing 
 nearly destroyed, and with it t!ie reverence and res- 
 pect of the ])eople for that body. The governor and 
 council of \ ermont returned a spirited remonstrance 
 to the above resolutions, in which Congress was re- 
 minded of their solemn (3ngagement to the state of 
 Verinont, in the resolution of the 20th of August, 
 and which, after the fullest comi)liance on the |)art 
 ol said state with the requirement of Congress, Con- 
 gress had refused or neglected to fulfill. Coniiress 
 were told, that, by their own articles of confederation, 
 they had no right to int'-M-meddl;.' wish the internal 
 polic}' of any of the United States; and least ol all 
 with that of Vermont, fiorn which she had received 
 
180 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 no delegated authority whatever. It asserted that 
 Vermont had as much authority to prescribe meas- 
 ures to Congress, as Congress liad to revoke the le- 
 gal decisions of Vermont in the case of the criminals 
 already mentioned. 
 
 The remonstrance went on to assert that Vermont 
 had had an independent jurisdiction since the royal 
 decision in 1764, and that they did not intend to be 
 resolved out of it by the influence, which their old 
 adversari/, New York, possessed in Congress : — tliat 
 Vermont had no controversy with tlie United States, 
 as a whole ; but that she was at all times, ready and 
 able, to vindicate her rights and liberties against the 
 usurpations of New York. It declares that Congress 
 has been so mutable in their resolutions respecting 
 Vermont, that it is impossible to know on what 
 grounds to find them. At one time they guarantee 
 a part of her lands to New Hampshire and New 
 York, still leaving a place for the existence of Ver- 
 mont though much diminished in extent. At another 
 time they are controlling the intfn-nal government of 
 Vermont. And again, at another time prescribing 
 terms of confederation, with the United States and 
 when these are com})lied witii on the part of Vermont, 
 Congress will not ratify the union. 
 
 14. After giving a full reply to all the topics con- 
 tained in the resolutions of Congress, the remon- 
 strance concludes with a request to be immediately 
 admitted into the unicn, and with an assurance that 
 she will not recede from her compliance with the 
 resolution of the 20th of August 1780. The assem- 
 bly met at Windsor in February 1783, and on the 
 26th, a remonstrance, like the ])rece<ling, spirited and 
 decisive, was forwarded by that body to Congress. 
 It announced in the plainest terms that Congress had 
 no business to intermeddle in the internal affairs of 
 Vermont, and ihat \ ermont was fidly determined to 
 maintain her independence and jurisdiction within 
 her own limits. She therefore continued, unawed 
 
DISTURRANCES IN WINDIIAM COUNTY. 181 
 
 by the tbreateniiigs of Congress, to enforce tlio decis- 
 ions of her courts of jiisiice and in tlio adtnini.slratioa 
 of the atfairs of government, and Congress, itapp«;ars, 
 did not judge it|)ru(lent to attempt, by force to carry 
 into effect her resokitioiis of the 5lh of December 1782. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Disturhances in Vermont growing out of the controversy 
 with JVeiv York, 
 
 1. The disturbances in tlie county of Windham, 
 to which we alluded in the ])rece(hng section, per- 
 haps deserve a more particuhu* notice than was thero 
 given. At the first organization of the government 
 of \ ermont in 1778, tht;re were many people in the 
 southeastern part of the state, who were in favor of 
 New York and of course opposed to the indepen- 
 dence of Vermont. These persons embraced every 
 opi)ortunity to embarrass the newly organized gov- 
 ermnenr, and ac several times resisted the authority 
 of Vermont by force. The centre of this opposition 
 seems to have been at Guilford, at that time the most 
 populous town in the state numbering nearly 3000 
 sonls. JJuring most of the revolutionar}'^ war a ma- 
 jority of the inhabitants of this town were friendly to 
 New Vorkand were therefore denominated "York- 
 ers ;" and at their town meetings it was nsually a 
 part of their business to appoint "a connnittee to de- 
 fend the town against the pretended state of Ver- 
 mont." 
 
 2. In several of the neighboring towns, particularly 
 in Brattleborough, the disaffected towards the govern- 
 ment of Vermont were considerably numerous, and 
 there was in these towns an organized opposition 
 to the government of the state, and conventions of 
 
 16 
 
182 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 delegates from them occasionally assembled for the 
 purpose of adopting an uniform ])lan of resistance 
 throughout the whole. The measures of the gov- 
 ernment, most vigorously op])osed, were the collec- 
 tion of taxes and the drafting of men for the defence 
 of the state ; and it was a customary ])art of their bu- 
 siness at their town meeting in Guilford, whi e the 
 Yorkers were a majority, to aj)point a sjjecial "com- 
 mittee to forbid the constable acting." And to secure 
 a majority at thtir meetings the new state ])eople 
 were frequently excluded liom tht; polls by an arm- 
 ed force, collected from the ncigh])oring towns. 
 
 3. It appears that in Guilford and in some of the 
 other towns, the two parties had each a town organi- 
 zation of their own, and that, in some cases there 
 were two sets of town officers, one professing alle- 
 giance to Vermont and the other to New York. Be- 
 tween these, and their partizans on each side, there 
 were frequent skirmishes, some of which were not 
 terminated without the shedding of blood. During 
 the years 1783, and 1784, the enmity of the ])arties 
 was carried to an alarming extent. Social order was 
 at an end ; Physicians were not allowed to vif-it the 
 sick without a ])ass from the several committees. 
 Handbills from various quarters inflamed the minds 
 of the people. Relatives and neighbors were arraj^ed 
 against each other. The laws of Vermont were dis- 
 regarded by the partisans of New York and her ex- 
 ecutive officers were o|)enly resisted. 
 
 4. In this state of things, in the summer of 1783, 
 General Ethan Allen was directed to call out tlie 
 militia for enforcing the laws of Vermont, and for 
 suppressing insurrection and disturbances in the 
 county of Windham. Allen proceeded from Ben- 
 nington at the head of ICO Green Mountain Boys, 
 and on his arrival at Guilford, he issued the follow- 
 ing proclamation. "/, Ethan JIUen, declare that un- 
 less the people of Guilford peaceably submit to the au~ 
 thjoriiy of Vermont^ the town shall be made as deso- 
 
DISTURBANCES IN WINDHAM COUNTY. 183 
 
 late as ivere the cities of Sodom and GomorraL'^^ The 
 Yorkers bavinji fired u])on Allen and Iiis nieii, were 
 pursued, and all either taken i)riooners or dispersed. 
 'J'hose, taken, Avere put under lionds for their good 
 behavior and were conij)elle(l to furnish supplies and 
 quarters for the troops. Under Allen's martial law 
 the constable foimd no difficidty in the collection of 
 taxes: nor was he very scrupulous about the sum 
 assessed in the tax bill Produce, horses, cattle 
 and sheep, and v>hatever else could be found belong- 
 mg to the most violent Yorkers were taken and sold 
 for the benefit of the state. 
 
 5. During the following winter the disturbances 
 became still more soriotis. On the night of the 17th 
 of January, 1784, a party of Yorkers from Guilford 
 attacked the iim of Josiah Arms in Brattleborough, 
 which was the quarters of General Farnsworth, Ma- 
 jor Boyden, Constable Waters, and soine others 
 holding offices imder the government of V^erniont, 
 and demanded the immediate surrender of Waters, 
 who had been guilty of extorting taxes from persons 
 professing alk giance to New York. Not being in a 
 condition to make an effectual resistance to an ar- 
 med force, Waters voluntarily siu'rendered himself 
 into the hands of the Yorkers, but not till after they 
 had fired about 30 balls through the house, and 
 wounded Major Hoyden in the leg, and shot a travel- 
 ler througli tlie thigh. Waters was carried into Mas- 
 sachusetts, but the party being ])uisued by a few 
 Vermonters, he was released the next day and 
 returned. 
 
 6. The legislature of Vermont had, at their session 
 in October, " voted to raise 2C0 men for the defence 
 of W^indham comity against the Yorkers." After 
 the aftliir at Brattleborough, fiiiding the i)eople of 
 Guilford determined to o|)pose the collection of tax- 
 es. Colonel S. R. Brarlley, at the head of this force, 
 proceeded, January IHrh, to that town for the purpose 
 of enforcing the collections. The parties of Yorkers 
 
184 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 were all dispersed without opposition, excepting one 
 which had collected near the line of Massachusetts. 
 This party consisting- of 25 men, fired uj)on the 
 \ ermonters as they advanced, hy wliich one man 
 was severely wounded. The Yorkers then retreated 
 with all possible speed, over the line into jMassaclm- 
 setts. Several of the leaders were, however, taken 
 and brouiflit to merited ]:)unishnient by whipping, 
 fine, and ])illory. Another skirmish occurred on the 
 5th of r^Iarch, between a coni})any of Vermonters 
 under Captain KnigliLs, and a ])arty oi Yorkers near 
 the south j)art of Guilford, in whicli the latter had 
 one man killed and several wounded. 
 
 7. These disturbances continued during most of 
 tbe year 1784; but before the close of the year, the 
 Yorkers, found their property rao^:tly confiscated, 
 and themselves so harshly handled, by the civil and 
 military authority of Vermont, that they either sub- 
 mitted and took the oath of allegiance to tlie state, 
 or abar.doned the country, and settled in other pla- 
 ces. The greater part of tliem fled into the state of 
 New York, and settled upon lauds especially granted 
 by that state for the banefit of these sufferers. This 
 dispersion of her partisans from the coimty of Wind- 
 ham terminated the attempts: of New York, to main- 
 tain her authority in Vermont by means of a military 
 force ; and although she did not readily acknowledge 
 the independence of Vermont, she prol)ab]y, from 
 this period, relinquished all hope of overthrowing the 
 government of Vermont, or of preventing the final 
 acknowledgement of her independence by Congress. 
 
CONDITION OF VERMONT AFTER TUE WAR. 185 
 
 § E c T 1 o i^f I y . 
 
 Settlement of the Controversj/ with A'ew York, and the 
 Admission of Vermont into the Union. 
 
 1. On the 20tli of Janiiaiy, 1783, the preliminary 
 articics of peac-c. were signed, which terminated tlie 
 war with Great Britain, and estahhshed the inde- 
 pendenee of the united colonies. By this event, 
 Congress was freed froni their emharrassments with 
 regard to Vermont, and Vermont was released from 
 all her fears. The j>ritish arm}' upon the northern 
 frontiers of Vermont, \vhose efforts had heen so 
 long palsied by the artfui [)oliey of ihw individuals, 
 was now withdrawn, and the people of \ enuont, 
 having now no external foes to dread, ceased to he 
 solicitous for an innnediate union with the confeder- 
 ated states. ^^hey observed that the Congress of 
 the United States v/as becoming embarrassed in 
 their ])roceedings — that their currency had failed — 
 their reveinie was dried up — tlieir armies unpaid 
 and dissatisfied — their credit gone — and the confi- 
 dence of the peoi)le in their wisdom and ability, 
 nearly destroyed. 
 
 2. \ ermont, on the other hand, in consequence of 
 being refused admission into the union, found her- 
 self freed from all these dificulties. The United 
 States had incurred an immense debt m the prose- 
 cution of the war, but the calls of Congress upon the 
 peoi)Ie for money to pay this debt, could not reach 
 into \ ermont. \ ermont, it is true, was obliged to 
 pay the forces, which she had raised for her own 
 defence, but these liad been few, as she had, during 
 much of the war relied for safety more upon her 
 policy, than her power. As much of the territory of 
 Vermont was at this time uiigranted, and at the dis- 
 posal of the government, and as numerous applica- 
 tions were now made for these lands by settlers, who 
 
 16* 
 
186 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 were flocking in from other states ; Vermont was 
 thereby enabled to supply her own treasury and to 
 pay her debts without imposing oppressive taxes 
 upon the people. 
 
 3. Thus, by one of tliose sudden transactions, 
 which are not uncommon in human affairs, was 
 Vermont brought from a condition the most difficult 
 and embarrassed, to a state of safety and happiness 
 exceeding that of any of her neighbors. Invited by 
 the mildness of the government, the comparative ex- 
 emption from taxes, the fertility and chea[)ness of 
 the lands, large additions were annually made to the 
 population, and resources of Vermont by emigrants 
 from other states. Tlie government had attained an 
 efficient organization— had learned wisdom from 
 past experience — the })eople were contented and 
 liap])y under it — and as they felt that their own situ- 
 ation was better than that of the people of the neigh- 
 boring states, they felt no longer any solicitude to be 
 admitted into the confederation. 
 
 4. The affairs of Vermont remained in this situa- 
 tion for several years after the close of the war. Dur- 
 ing this period the leading statesmen and philanthro- 
 pists in the United States became alarmed at the 
 oj)eration and tendency of ])ublie affairs. They per- 
 ceived that the powers, \vith which Congress was 
 invested, were wholly inadequate to the purposes of 
 goveinment and that a more solid and etficient or- 
 ganization was indispensable in order to secure that 
 hberty azid inde])endence, which they had purchased 
 with so much blood, and toil, and treasure. There- 
 fore at the suggestion of .Tames JMadison of Virginia 
 and in conformitj^ with a resolution of Congress, a 
 convention of delegates, from the several states as- 
 sembled at Philadelphia in 1787, and after mature 
 deliberation ado])ted a constitution, by which Con- 
 gress should afterwards be funiished with powers 
 adequate to the exigencies of the government. This 
 constitution was ratified by the states and the first 
 
RECOGNITION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 187 
 
 Congress assembled under it on the 3d of March, 
 1789. 
 
 5. After the adoption of the federal constitution 
 the policy and proceedings of the new Congress 
 were carefully ol)served hy the people of Vermont. 
 During two sessions they found the government la- 
 boring to restore ])id)li(: confideiice by ])roviding for 
 the pavment of tlu; jxiblic debts and by the establish- 
 ment of equal law and justice in every de])artment 
 of the federal government. Their measures a|)pear- 
 ed to be marked with so much wisdom and i)rudence, 
 as, in a great degree, to restore to the people of Ver- 
 mont that confidence in the federal goveriunent, 
 which had been destroyed by the evasive and vacil- 
 lating })olicy of the old Cojigress, and to remove the 
 aversion, which they had sometime felt, to a confed- 
 eracy with the United States. 
 
 6. The ancient difficulty with New York, however, 
 remained unsettled. That state well knew that Ver- 
 mont would now remain a free and independent 
 state, and she probably felt but little anxiety that it 
 should be otlunnvise. But (he former governors of 
 New York had made grants of large tracts in Vermont 
 the validity of which, the govermnent of Vermont 
 refused to admit, and the grantees were constantly 
 complaining to the government of New York, of the 
 injuries done then) in not being pertnitted to take 
 possession of their projjerty. New York did not 
 conceive that slje was under very strong obligation 
 to refund what had been extorted for these grants by 
 the cupidity of the royal governors of that province 
 before the war, yet she manifested a disposition to 
 compromise the matter and have the difficulties ad- 
 justed on amicable terms. 
 
 7. Events also occurred in relation to the federal 
 government, which disposed New York still more, to 
 admit the independence of Vermont, and to wish her 
 confederation with the United States. It was per- 
 ceived that by the exclusion of Vermont, the eastern 
 
188 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 States were deprived of their just representation in 
 Congress, and New York could not but see, that, if 
 tlieir old difficulties could be settled, the interests and 
 influence of \ erniont would in almost every instance 
 coincide with her own. It therefore soon became ap- 
 parent that ])ul>lic sentiment in N. Y. was in favor of 
 a reconciliation. \ erinont, it was said, is in full pos- 
 session of iiulependence ; her government is as well 
 organized and adniinisiered, as that of the otlier 
 states; and sliall a controversy, which originated in 
 the cupidity and op])i-ession of royal governors and 
 coinicils, whose authority has long been extinct, be 
 permitted to mar the con.stellation of America and 
 deprive the north of its just weight in the council of 
 the nation ? 
 
 8. In accordance with these conciliatory views, the 
 legislature of New York, on the 15th of July, 1789, 
 passed an act, appointing commissioners with tidl pow- 
 ers to acknowledge the sovereignty of Vermont, and 
 adjust all matters of controversy with that state, On 
 the 23d of October following, the legislature of Ver- 
 mont appointed connnissiontrs on their part to treat 
 with those of New York, and to remove all obstruc- 
 tions to the admission of Vermont into the union. 
 The commissioners on both parts were very anxious 
 that an adjustment sliould be effected, and the only 
 point, which occasioned any debate, was the amount 
 of compensation, which claiman*^s under New York 
 grants sliould receive from Vermont, an account of her 
 having regranted the same lands and excluded the 
 New York grantees from their possession. But the 
 settlement of this jjoint, afler two or three meetings, 
 was amicably agreed upon by tiie commissioners. 
 
 9. On the 7th of October, 1790, " the connnission- 
 ers for New York, by virtue of the powers to them 
 granted for that purpose, declared the consent of the 
 legislature of New York, that the state of Vermont 
 be admitted into the union of the United States of 
 America ; and that immediately upon such admission, 
 
SETTLEMENT WITH NEW YORK. 189 
 
 all claims of jurisdiction of the state of New York, 
 within the state of \ erinont, shall cease ; and thence- 
 forth the ])erj)etunl boundary line between the state 
 of \ erniont shall he as was then holden and ])os- 
 sessed Uy Voiniont," that is, the west hues of the most 
 western towns which had heen granted by New 
 Hampshire, and the middle channel of Lake Cham- 
 l)lain. 
 
 10. With regard to the lands which had been gran- 
 ted hy New York. " the said connnissioners by virtue 
 of the powers to them granted, declare the will of 
 the legislature of New York, that if the legislature of 
 the state of \ ermont should, on or before the first day 
 of January, 1792, declare that on or before the first 
 day of June, 1794, the state of \ ermont would pay 
 the state of New York, the sum of thirty thousand 
 dollars, that iuimediately from such declaration by the 
 legislature of the state of Veimont, all rights and ti- 
 tles to lands wihin the uVdte of Vermont, under grants 
 from the government of the colony of New York, or 
 from the state of New York, should cease," those ex- 
 cej)ted, which had been made in confirmation of the 
 grants of New Hampshire. 
 
 11. This proposal and declaration being laid before 
 the legislature of Vermont, they very readily agreed 
 to the jjlan, which had been concerted by the com- 
 missioners from both states ; and on October 28, 
 1790, passed an act directing the treasurer of the state, 
 to ])ay the sum of thirty thousand dollars to the state 
 of N. Y. at the time })roposed ; adopting the west line 
 above mentioned as the pcipetual boimdary between 
 the two states ; and declaring all the grants, charters 
 and patents of land, lying within the state of Vermont, 
 made l)y or under the late colony of New York, to 
 be null and void, those only excepted which had been 
 made in coniirmation of the grants from New Hamp- 
 shire. 
 
 12. Thus was terminated a controversy which had 
 
190 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 been carried on with great spirit and 'animosity for 
 twenty six years; and wliirii, had, on the pfirt of 
 Vermont called into exert-ise native courage and tal- 
 ents, which have few parrallels in ancient or modern 
 times. The defficulties with New York, being ad- 
 justed, the legislature of \ erniont, proceeded to call 
 a convention for the purpo^^e of ascertaining the 
 views of the people with regard to an union with the 
 United States. This convention assi'nil)led at Ben- 
 nington on the 6th day of January, 1791, and after 
 deliherating and debating the subject for four days, it 
 was tinaly voted, yeas J 05, and nays 2, that applica- 
 tion be made for admission into the federal union ; 
 and the convention was theii dissolved. 
 
 13. On the 10th of January, 1791, the legislature 
 of Vermont, met at Bennington, and on the 18th, 
 they chose the Hon. Nathaniel Chapman, and Lew- 
 is R. Morris Esq. connnissioners to attend Congress 
 and negotiate the admission of Vermont, into the un- 
 ion. These commissioners immediately repaired to 
 Philadelphia, and laid before the president die pro- 
 ceedinfjs of the convention and lejrislature of Ver- 
 mont ; and on the 18th of February, 1791, Congress 
 passed an act which declared "that on the 4th day 
 of March, 1791, the said state by the name and style 
 of" the state of \ ermont," shall be received and ad- 
 mitted into their union, as a new and entire member 
 of the United States of Ai^.ierica." 'This act was 
 passed without debate, and without a dissenting vote, 
 and by it were terminated all the controversies with 
 regard to Vermont. 
 
HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CIVIL POLICY OF VERMONT AFTER HER ADMISSION INTO 
 THE UNION. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Extending from the admissio7i of Vermont into the Un- 
 ion in 1791, to the resignation and death of Governor 
 Chittenden in 1 797. 
 
 1. We have now traced the history of Vermont 
 from the rariiest si^tlcmeiits down to the time of her 
 admission into the federal union. Thus far her his- 
 tory lias been pecuhar to Jierself, and has been tilled 
 with incidents of uncommon interest ; the more so on 
 account of their nnlikeness to what happened in any 
 other individual state. Pr< vtoi;^^ to the revohition ah 
 the original states of the union were provinces under 
 the crown of Eiigland, each having an organized 
 ])roviiicial government. But not so with N erniont. 
 She had never been recognized by the crown as a 
 separate jurisdiction ; nor liad she herself, after the 
 royal decision in 1764, by which she was |)laced un- 
 der New York, ever recognized the authority of that 
 province, or of any other external power. She had 
 
192 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 found herself in a state of nature, and her citi- 
 zens had formed themselves into a body politic — 
 into a little independent republic, for their mutual 
 benefit and defence, and by the wisdom and prudence 
 of her statesmen, slie had succeeded in organizinff an 
 efficient government for the regulation of her internal 
 affair, and had adopted a system of jurisprudence ful- 
 ly adequate to the wants of the people. 
 
 2. But from the time of the adujission of Vermont 
 into the federal union, her history loases in a great 
 measure, its se])arate and peculiar character, and be- 
 comes, either a part of the liistory of the United 
 States, or resenjbles, in its leading features, that of 
 the other individual states. We have therefore re- 
 served oidy a small ])ortion of our little volume for 
 this period of our history, and, consequently, we shall 
 not hereafter attempt to trace the course of})olitical 
 events with that ujinuteness which we have hitherto 
 observed. At the time \ ermont became a member 
 of the confederacy, her own government had become 
 systematic and stal)Ie by the ])ractical experience of 
 thirteen years and that of the United States had been 
 placed upon the foundation of its present constitution. 
 At the head of these governments were two men, 
 who were endeared to the people by their long and 
 disinterested ])nblic services, and in whose abilities 
 and virtues the tulkst confidence was reposed. These 
 men were Thomas Chittenden, governor of X'ermont, 
 and George Washington president of the United 
 States. 
 
 3. From this era in the history of Vermont and in 
 that of the United States, the two governments, 
 though occasionally slightly agitated by the becker- 
 ings of paity, have gone steadily onward in the ca- 
 reer of prosj)erity, difl^iising their blessings through 
 every portion of community. The tranqnility of 
 Vermont was, for several j^ears, scarcely effected 
 by the policy and intrigues of demagogues and 
 aspirants after office. The attachment of the pec- 
 
«RiaiN or PARTIES m yiRMOWT, 193 
 
 pie to their old governor was so general, that the pol- 
 iiiciniis scnrceh' artempted to bring forward any other 
 candidate lor the first office in the gift of the people, 
 and neidier the honors, rior the emoluments of the 
 other state ofncrs, werl~SLieh as to render them ob- 
 jects of general contest or ambition. The legislature 
 met ariiinaHy in the beginning of October, and 
 during tl)e first week of the session they usually pro- 
 ceeded to make the a])pointtnents of the civil offi- 
 cers for the succeeding year, and this was done for 
 several seasons without any considerable electioneer- 
 ing or management. After this business was dispo- 
 sed of, they proceeded to enact such laws, as were 
 required by the exigc nicies of the people ; and they 
 usually completed the whole business of legislation 
 in about four weeks, affording to artful demagogues 
 but little opportunity to acquire power, influence, or 
 popularity. 
 
 4. During this period of tranquility and union the 
 legislature of Vermont adopted a digested and judi- 
 cious code of laws ; and for a while nothing seemed 
 to mar the general harmony. But subseqijent events 
 proved this tranquility to be like those calms which 
 ])recede the convuisioiis of nature. Causes were 
 then in ojjcration, wbicsi were destined to pro- 
 duce fearful divisions and anitnosities among the 
 people of the United States. The French nation, 
 urged onward by their infidel philosophy, and by the 
 example of America, had overthrown their establish- 
 ed governnjent, abolished the ancient restraints of law 
 and religion ; and they vainly imagined that they 
 were on the high road to a state of perfectilnlitj, 
 such as the world had nrver yet seen. 
 
 5. The American people, grateful for the aid which 
 they had received from France, and anxious that the 
 blessings of liberty should be more generally diffused, 
 had watched the progress of the French revolution 
 with deep interest, and for a while it was generally 
 believed, that Franre would become a republie %a ith 
 
194 HISTORY OF TERMONT. 
 
 a government much more perfect than that of the 
 United States. But when she abandoned the princi- 
 ples of common sense, and discarded morah'.y and 
 virtue, many of the people of thy United t*tates, 
 became convinced that, itjstead of ])rornotinuf rational 
 liberty, they had opened the flood-gates of anarchy, 
 to be closed only by a despotism more severe than 
 that under which they had previously groaned. 
 Thus while a part of the people wislied to go 
 forward and follow the French in pursuit of their 
 ehimerical scheme of perfectibility ; another ])arty 
 was fearful for the consequences, and chose rather 
 to remain within the bounds of reason and experi- 
 ence. 
 
 6. In this manner the people of the United States, 
 and of Vermont as a portion of the Union, gradual- 
 ly became divided into two distinct parties, both of 
 ■which avowed their attachment to the constitution of 
 the country and both desired alterations in that instru- 
 ment. While one party wished to improve the consti- 
 tution by increasing the powers of the government, the 
 other wished to do it by rendering the govermnent 
 more democratic, and thus increasing the power of the 
 people. These ])arties by degrees increased in 
 strength and violence, but were for several years 
 much restrained in their proceedings by the virtae 
 and influence of Washington, and; in Vermont, 
 by the judicious administration of Governor Chit- 
 tenden. 
 
 7. The extreme simplicity which characterized 
 the legislative proceedings of \'ermont, dining the 
 administration of Governor Chittenden, left but little 
 room for the intrigues of politicians, or for the pro- 
 gress of party and faction. It was not then the cus- 
 tom of the governor to make a speech at the opening 
 of the legislature, and consequently the ditierent 
 parties had not then a bone of corjtention about 
 which to wrangle, as they had, during subsequent 
 admini.strations ; and, previous to the resignation 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF GOV. CHITTENDKW. 195 
 
 and death of Governor Chittenden, in 1797, ])arty 
 spirit in \ eniiont cannot be said to have assutned a 
 very serious aspect. As through the instni mentality 
 of GoveniDr Chiltendn;, Vennont was chiefly ena- 
 bled to establish her independence as a state, and as 
 lie for many years held the first office in the gift of 
 the peoj)le, we shall close this section with a short 
 sketch of his biography. 
 
 8. It has so happcnjed, that almost every age of 
 tlie world has produced individuals, who seem to 
 have been moulded, by nature, particularly for the 
 exigencies of the times in which they lived. There 
 have always been some master sj)irits, who were 
 peculiarly fitted to control the agitated waters ^f 
 public opinion, and either to soothe them into a 
 calm, or else to mount upon the wind and direct the 
 waves ; and the results attained under their guidance 
 have usually been happy to community, or o:her- 
 wise, according as the ruling motives of the leaders 
 have been patriotic or selfish. These results, it is 
 true, are materially affected b}^ the amount of virtue 
 and intelligence among the people ; but virtue and 
 intelligence do not, alone, fit an individual for 
 becoming a popular and successful leader in trouble- 
 some times. There is necessary, in addition to these, 
 a certain indescribable tact and native energy, which 
 few individuals have possessed, and which, perhaps, 
 no one in our State, has manifested in a more emi- 
 nent degree than Governor Chittenden. 
 
 9. Governor Thomas Chittenden was born at 
 Guilford, in Connecticut, on the 6th day of January, 
 in the year 1729. At the age of about 20 years, he 
 was married to Miss Elizabeth Meigs, and soon after 
 removed to Salisbur}^, where, by his industry, and 
 economy, be acquired a handsome landed property. 
 While he resided at Salisbury he represented that 
 town seven years in the Connecticut assembly, be- 
 came a civil magistrate, and a colonel of the militia 
 of that state. Early in the spring of 1774, he re- 
 
19€ BISTORT OF T.r.aMOIVT. 
 
 ipfloved with his family to the New Hampshire grant*, 
 as Vermont was then called, having purch;'s;'fl a 
 tract of land on the Winooski, or Union river, in 
 the township of Williston. Here he arrived in the 
 month of April or May, not knowing the spot on 
 which he was to locate himself, and withont having 
 any habitation provided for the shelter of his family. 
 At this time there were scarcely any inhabitants in 
 Vermont to the northward of Rutland, and none 
 within the limits of the County of Chittenden, ex- 
 cepting those who had come on the })resent year. 
 These were locating themselves at Burlington, Col- 
 chester, and some other places. 
 
 10. Seated upon the beautiful and fertile banks of 
 the Winooski, labor, well directed in the cultivation 
 of his new farm, had procured to Mr Chittenden the 
 necessaiy provisions for the comfortable sustenance 
 of his family, and had opened to him the prospect 
 of many of the conveniences of life ; and nothing 
 could be more flattering than the prospect of rural 
 wealth, abundance and independence, as the natural 
 and certain consequence of the labor of his hands 
 and the fertility of the soil. It was in the midst of 
 these improvements, and pleasing anticipations, that 
 the war of the Revolution commenced, and tlie 
 frontier settlements became exposed to the depreda- 
 tions of the enemy — to the merciless inroads of their 
 e&^mge allies. In this state of things, in 1775, Mr Chit- 
 tenden was employed, with four others, as a commit- 
 tee to repair to Philadelphia, and procure intelligence 
 with regard to the measures which Congress was 
 pursuing, and to receive advice respecting the politi- 
 cal measures proper to be adopted by the j^eople of 
 the New Hampshire grants. 
 
 11. The retreat of the American army from Cana- 
 da, in the spring of 1776, and the advanite of the 
 British upon Lake Champlain, ren<lering it unsafe 
 for the few settlers, scattered along the western bor- 
 der of Vermont, te ipemain U})on their lands, this 
 
BtOGRAPHY OF GOV. CHITTEJSCEN. 197 
 
 section of tho country was wholy abondoncd by the 
 inl abitants, who rctii'ed into tlie southern part of the 
 tiistiict, or into Massachusetts and Connecticut. Mr 
 Chitteiuk^n removed his family to Arhngton, in June 
 of this year, was aj)pointed President of the Council 
 of Safety and soon became a leading man in the 
 consultations of the inhabitants. Entering with deep 
 interest into the controversy with New York res- 
 pecting the titles of the lands in the New Ham})shire 
 grants, and being more acquainted with public busi- 
 ness than any of the settlers, in consequence of the 
 offices, which he had held in his native state, he 
 was universally regarded as the man most suitable to 
 be placed at the head of their operations. Mr Chit- 
 tenden perceived that the general struggle for inde- 
 pendence, in which the colonies were now engaged, 
 l)resented a favorable opportunity for terminating the 
 controversy with New York, by erecting the disputed 
 territory into a new state, and establishing a separate 
 government; and having adopted this decisive plan 
 of sound policy, he steadily pursued it, till he saw 
 the independence of Vermont acknowledged by the 
 neighboring states and by the general government. 
 12. He wds a member of the first convention of 
 delegates from the several townships, which met at 
 Dorset, September 25, 1776, for the purpose of tak- 
 ing into consideration the expediency of declaring 
 Vermont an independent state, and at the subsequent 
 meeting of the convention at Westminster, January 
 15, 1777, he was one of the committee, who draught- 
 ed the declaration of independence, which was 
 there adopted, and also a member of another com- 
 mittee, who, at that time, petitioned Congress, pray- 
 ing that body to acknowledge Vermont, a free and 
 hidependent state. He assisted in forming the first 
 Constitution of Vermont, which was adopted by a 
 Convention, July 2d, 1777, and in 1778 he was elected 
 the first governor of V^ermont, which office he held 
 with the exception of one year till his death. He 
 17* 
 
198 msTORT or vv.iimosjt. 
 
 was one of the eight persons who se©retly managed 
 the negotiations with the British in Canada in 1780, 
 and the three following years, with such consurvimate 
 adroitness and skill as to deceive alike the British 
 and the people of the United States, and effectually 
 to secure Vermont from the hostilities of the enemy, 
 whose forces were all this time in possession of 
 Lake Champlain, and Vermont without any other 
 means of defence. After the close of the war, 
 Governor Chittenden again removed his family to 
 Wiliiston, where he spent the r^^mainder of his ac- 
 tive and useful life. Advanced in years and declining 
 in health, in the sutnmer of 1797 ho resigned the 
 office of governor, which he had held for 18 years, 
 and died the same season, August the 25th, in the 
 ("j9th year of his age, heloved hy his family and friends 
 and sincerely esteemed and lamented hy the people 
 of Vermont. 
 
 13. As already remarked, Governor Chittenden 
 possessed in an eminent (le-gn^e, precisely those 
 qualifications, which fitted him for the sphere in 
 which he was caiicd upon to net. He had not, 
 indeed, en}03^ed many of the advantages of educa- 
 tion, but his want of education was amply compen- 
 sated by the possession of a strong and active mind, 
 which, at the tiuiC he emigrated to Vermont, was 
 matured hy age, practised to JtHisiness, and enriched 
 by a careful observance of' men and things. His 
 knowledge was pracucal rather than theoretic. He 
 was regular in his habits — plain and simple in his 
 maimers — averse to ostentation of equij)age,and dress, 
 and he cared httle for the luxuries, the blandishments 
 or the etiquette of refined society. In short, though 
 he was destitute of many of the qualifications now 
 deemed essential in a statesman, he possessed all that 
 were necessary, and none that wfM-e superflnou.'', in 
 the times in which he lived, and was probably far 
 better fitted to be the leader and governor of the 
 independent, dauntless and hardy, but uncultivated 
 
I/EGISLATIVE PROQEEDINOS. 199 
 
 Rctllers of Vermont, than would have been a man of 
 more theoretic knowledge, or polite accomplish- 
 ments. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 JLef^slative. proceedings in Vermont from the year 
 1797 to 1812 
 
 1. The jiopularit}' of Governor Chittenden and the 
 certainty of his re-election, had hitherto prevented 
 any serious efforts heinj": niatle to brin^ forward oth- 
 er candidates for that office. IJut hy his resignation 
 and death the political parties in Vermont were re- 
 lieved from the restraints of his influence and new 
 motives were laid before them to arouse their activi- 
 ty and exertions. 'J he two great ])arties had already 
 adopted the terms yec/eroZ and republican as the inot- 
 tos of their respective standards, and from this period 
 no means were leit unen)|)loyed which were sup- 
 posed to be calculated to increase their respective 
 influence and numbers. 
 
 2. The re|)ublican party were believed to favor the 
 principles of the French revolution, and to be desir- 
 ous of rendering the govei'nment of the Union more 
 democratic, while the federalists were accused of 
 partiality to Groat Britain and of a wish to make the 
 governujent of the United States more independent 
 of the people and monarchi al in its principles. The 
 great mass of both these political parties undoubted- 
 ly had the good of their country at heart and differed 
 but little in their views of the })roper m:,'ans of pro- 
 moting it. IJut, by the influence and arts of design- 
 ing politicians and demagogues these slight differ- 
 ences were in time so magnified and distorted as to 
 produce the most violent animosities among friends 
 and neighbors. 
 
200 HISTORY OF VERMOjyT. 
 
 3. At the meeting of the Vermont assembly in 
 October 1797, it was found that no governor had 
 been elected by the people, but that Isaac Tichenor, 
 then chief justice of the state had received the lar- 
 gest nmnber of votes. The choice ihen devolving 
 upon the general assembly, Mr Tichenor was elect- 
 ed by a large majority. He entered upon the duties 
 of his office by making a speech to the legislature, 
 and thus introducing into Vermont tlie custom of 
 the other states. In his speech he applauded the 
 state and federal coMStitutions,lully ap])roved of the 
 measures of VVashinijton's administiution, and ex- 
 I)ressed his entire confidence in the abilities and in- 
 tegrity of Mr Adams, who was then President of the 
 United States. The sentiments of the speech were 
 decidedly what was called federalism. 
 
 4. To this speech the legislature returned a re- 
 spectful answer in which they say " we are not dis- 
 posed to call in question the wisdom or integrity of 
 those, who have been concerned in the a<lministra- 
 tion of the general govermnent, nor to withhold con- 
 fidence where it ought to be inspired ; but give sup- 
 port and energy to every measure, which, in our 
 opinion, will secure, or promote the national i)ros- 
 perity." The two ])olitical parties were distinctly 
 formed, but they had not yet reached that state of 
 insolence and acrimony, which they were afterwards 
 to exhibit, and in the transaction of the public busi- 
 ness, the public good was yet obviousl}' paramount to 
 the promotion of party influence and ])ovver. 
 
 5. In October, 1798, the legislature met at Ver- 
 gennes. Mr Tichenor was re-elected governor by a 
 large majority. The country was now much agitated 
 on account of the insolent and lawless proceed- 
 ing of the French — their refusal to receive American 
 embassadors and their demand of tribute imder the 
 name of a loan , and the governor, in his speech, 
 expressed the strongest disapprohation of their policy 
 and proceedings. The house returned an answer, 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCKEDINGB. 201 
 
 imbued with the same spint of hostility to the 
 French ; and both were in the highest tone of what 
 was called federaSisni. 
 
 6. Early in the session a committee was api)ointed 
 to draw up an address to the President of the United 
 States, which was soon after adopted hy a vote of 
 yeas 129, and nays 23. In this address the principles 
 and proceedings of the Fri;nch were treated with 
 much asperity. It expressed the entire confidence 
 of the legislature in the j)resident, and the fullest ap- 
 probation of the measures of his administration, and 
 declared the willingness of Vermont to take up arms, 
 if necessary, for the defence of the country against 
 the raj)acity of the French. To this address, Mr 
 Adams afterwards returned a very polite and respect- 
 ful answer, in which he complimented the people of 
 Vermont for their ])atriotism and virtues, and express- 
 ed the high satisfaction derived from the assurance 
 of their approhation. 
 
 7. It was during this session, that proscription, on 
 account of political opinion, was first practised in 
 the distribution of the civil offices in Vermont. Isra- 
 el Smith, who had held the office of chief justice of 
 the state, and who was a man of uncorrnpted integ- 
 rity and virtue, was dropped on account of his 
 attachment to the rej)ubjican party, and another per- 
 son chosen chief justice in his stead. For all the 
 important offices, the selections were made from 
 those who were of the most decided federal princi- 
 ples, and with the avowed design of encouraging 
 the supporters of Mr Adams, and of checking the 
 [)rogress of democracy. 
 
 8. After the ap])ointmr?nt of the various officers 
 for the current year, the ])oliticaI inflamation sub- 
 sided, and the a.^sembly f)roceeded in the remaining 
 business of the session vvirh their usual industry and 
 good sense. It was during this session that applica- 
 tion was made by some Indian chiefs in Canada, for 
 compensation for lands which they claimed in Ver- 
 
202 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 mont. Their claim embraced nearly the whole of 
 the present counties of Addison, Chittenden, Frank- 
 lin and Grand Isle. The subject was referred to a 
 committee, who reported that the lands claimed liad, 
 in their opinion, formerly belonged to said Indians, 
 but whether their title had ever been extingui.><hed 
 by purchase, conquest, dereliction of occupancy, or 
 in any other way they could not ascertain. The 
 legislature supported the Indian agents during tlieir 
 attendance, gave them a hundred dollars in token 
 of friendship, and they returned to their tribes well 
 j)leased with their present success and ho])ing to 
 succeed still better another season. 
 
 9. A i)roposal came before the legislature at this 
 session from the state of Massachusetts for an 
 amendment of the constitution of the United States, 
 providing that no person, who was not a natural 
 born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the 
 time of tJie declaration of independe ce, should be 
 eligible to the office of president, or vice president, 
 or of senator or representative in Congress. This 
 proposal was perfectly agreeable to the .sentiments 
 of the assend>]y, and was adopted by a vote of 152 
 } eas, and only five in th enegative. 
 
 10. In October, 1799, the legislature met at Wind- 
 sor. The spirit of opposition to French principles 
 and measures, continued to run high. The speech of 
 Governor Tichenor highly a))plauded the energetic 
 nieasm-es of Mr. Adams for putting a stop to the 
 aggressions of the French upon our commerce, and 
 expressed the fullest ap|)rol)aiion of the measures of 
 his administration. The assembly in their answer 
 to this speech, reciprocated the same sentiments, and 
 congratulated his excellency on account of the ])ros- 
 perity and felicity of the state under his administra- 
 tion. In the appointment of civil officers, the as- 
 senibl}^ proceeded with more moderation than they 
 had done the preceding year ; they did not however 
 see fit to replace those, who had been dropped on 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 203 
 
 account of their attachment to the republican party. 
 11. At this session the governor communica- 
 ted to the assembly the r«esiilt of his inquiries 
 respecting the claims of the Indians to lands in 
 Vermont ; which was that said claims have been 
 fully extinguished. A resolution to that effect was 
 accordingly adopted by the assembly and comrnimi- 
 cated to the chiefs of the six nations of Indians in- 
 habiting Lower Canachi. Tlie questions which 
 occasioned the most excitement and debate, related 
 to sundry resolutions, which had been passed by the 
 assemblies of \ irginia and Kentucky, condemning 
 the proceedings of Congress in passing the alien 
 and sedition laws, and declaring individual states to 
 be the legal judges of the constitutionahty of the 
 acts of Congress, and of the obligation ol the state 
 to yield obedience to them. 
 
 12. Resolutions were passed by the assembly of 
 Vermont, expressing the most decided disapproba- 
 tion of the sentiments contained in the resolutions 
 from Virginia and Kejitucky. They declared that 
 " it belongs not to state legislatures to decide on the 
 constitutionality of the laws, made by tlie general 
 government ; this pow('r being exclusively vested in 
 the judiciary courts of the union." On the passage 
 of these resolutions the yeas were 1(J4, and nays 52, 
 which clearly shows the strength of the two ])olitical 
 parties in Vermont, the federalists all being in favor 
 of their adoption, and the republicans all in the 
 opposition. The minority on this occasion entered 
 a formal protest upon the journals of the assembly, 
 assigning twelve reasons for their dissent from the 
 majority. This protest was signed by thirty-three 
 of those who had voted in the negative. 
 
 13. In October, 1800, the legislature met at Mid- 
 dle bury. The political excitement had apparently 
 nnich subsided. In his speech. Governor Tichenor 
 urged the attention of the assembly to the particular 
 affairs of the state, but alluded to the administrations 
 
204 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 of Washington and Adams, in terms of the highest 
 approbation. The answer wJiich the assembly re- 
 turned was mild, moral and sentimental ; expressive 
 of the difficulties of legislation, and the danger of 
 being governed b}'^ passion or prejudice. The com- 
 mon business of the state was transacted without 
 the violence of party spirit, and several of the officers 
 who were displaced on account of their republican- 
 ism in 1798, were now reapi)ointed. 
 
 14. x\nother election of president of the United 
 States was soon to take place. It was known 
 that a considerable majority of the Vermont ass^nibly 
 were in favor of the re-election of Mr Adams; the 
 republican members therefore introduced a bill provid- 
 ing for the choice of electors by districts, thinking 
 that method might prove more favorable to Mr 
 Jeffi^rson, the republican candidate, than their ap- 
 pointment in the usual way by the coimcil and 
 assembly, or by any general ticket. After a long 
 discussion this bill was finally rejected by a vote of 
 95 to 73. By this vote it a})f)eared that the republi- 
 can party had considerably increased during the past 
 year and that the majority on the side of the feder- 
 alists amounted to only twenty two. 
 
 15. The Indians, having been so well supported 
 and paid at their former attendance upon the legis- 
 lature, again attended and urged their claims to 
 lands in Vertnont. The governor informed them 
 that the assetnbly had decided that they had no 
 title or just claim to any lands in Vermont — that 
 the assembly had voted to give them $50 to defray 
 their expenses on their return to their own nations — 
 but that no niore money would be given them either 
 to purchase their claiujs, or to defray their expenses. 
 These decided measures brought the affair with the 
 Indians to a close. During this session was also 
 passed an act incorporating and estaiilishing a college 
 at Middlebury by a vote gf 117 to 51. 
 
 16. The events of 180], gave a new aspect to 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 205 
 
 political affairs. Mr A' lams lost the election, and 
 after repeated trials, Mr Jefferson was elected presi- 
 dent of the United States, by a majority of one 
 vote. He entered upon the duties of the office on 
 the 4th of March, and in liis inaugural address, he 
 disclaimed tiie principles of political intolerance, 
 nrged those of candor and magnanimity, and de- 
 clared that the difference of political opinions was 
 not a ditference of principles. Notwithstanding the 
 apparent diversity of sentiment with regard to the 
 federal constitution and government " we are," said 
 he, " all federalists, we are all republicans." 
 
 17. By so frank an avowal of his political opinions 
 an<l intentions, the candid of all parties were led 
 to believe that party factions and animosities were 
 about to come to an end, and that ail would now 
 unite in support of the federal government. This 
 was the case in Vermont. But a short time how- 
 ever, elapsed before the United States attorney and 
 marshall, for the district of Vermont, were removed 
 from office, and their places filled by persons of de- 
 cided re})ublican sentiments. Similar changes were 
 made in other states, and it was now believed that 
 Mr Jefferson, notwithstanding his professions, would 
 make his own political sentiments a necessaiy 
 qualification for office. 
 
 18. In this state of }>ublic affairs the legislature of 
 Vermont met at Newbury in Octol)er. 1801. In the 
 house of representatives, the republican party now 
 had a majority of about twenty, antl it was now 
 generally supposed that they would adopt the same 
 course pursued by the federalists in 1798, and make 
 all the appointments to office from their own politi- 
 cal party. But this was not the case. Three new 
 judges were aj)pointed for the supreme court ; but 
 they were not selected on account of their political 
 opinions, but on account of their supposed qualifica- 
 tions for the office. In the other appointments they 
 followed the customary method of regarding the 
 
 IS 
 
206 HISTORY OF TERMONT. 
 
 county nomination, and looked rather to the qualifi- 
 cations of the candidate tlian to his political opinions. 
 The customary husiness of legislation was pursued 
 with diligence, cahnne.ss and iinpartiahty. 
 
 19. In 17ii8, the federalists had introduced the 
 custom of addressing the president of the United 
 States, and the repuhlican party, having now gained 
 the ascendency, thought it necessary to imitate the 
 example, hy a res})ectfid address to Mr Jefferson. 
 A conjmitlee wasa])pointed,and jm address reported, 
 expressive of strong attachment to the constitution, 
 and to the person and political opinions of tlie presi- 
 dent, but containing no reflections upon the fornjer 
 administration. \Vhen this address was brought 
 before the house for their adoption, the federalists 
 proposed a trifling alteration in some of the exf)res- 
 sions, which the opjjosite party supposed was design- 
 ed to prevent any addrcv^^s being njade. A debate 
 now arose about words and phrat^cs, which gratlualiy 
 increased in power and violence, till the sj>irit of 
 party was wrought almost to phn nsy and ruadness. 
 This debate was continued on three successive days, 
 and ten times were votes taken ui)on it by yeas and 
 nays. At length after some slight alterations the ad- 
 dress was finally adopted by a vote of 86 yeas to 59 
 nays. 
 
 20. In October 1802, the legislature n)et at Bur- 
 lington, and Mr Tichenor vv^as found to be re-elected 
 governor by a respectable majority. In his speech 
 he adverted to the alan:iing progress of party spirit, 
 and to the dangers to be a])prehen(ied from it to our 
 political institutions. The house, as usual, appoint- 
 ed a conimittee who re})orted an answer to the 
 speech. This answer was intended not only as an 
 answer to the governor but a declaration of the sen- 
 timents of the house with regard to the present and 
 preceding administrations of the general govern- 
 ment It was written in a peculiar style, abounding 
 in sly insinuations, fulsome adulation, and ambigu- 
 
iroiSLATlVK PROCEEDINGS. 207 
 
 ous paragraphs. The debate upon this answer was 
 warm and spirited, but if was finally adoptcsj with- 
 out alteration by a vote or' 93 to 85. The minority 
 entered upon the journals of the house, a protest 
 against this answer signed by 59 members. 
 
 21. After this business was disposed of, and to 
 prevent similar occasious of e.\f'item(Mit, one of the 
 members gra\ ely introduced a motion to recommend 
 that the governor sJioidd not hereafter make a formal 
 speech. This motion was however deei<led in the 
 negative, and happily no other business was brought 
 forward wliicli was calculated to arouse the prejudi- 
 ces, or inflanie the minds of the members. The 
 republican majority was evidently less than it was 
 the pn^ceding year, and did not venture to hazard 
 the adoption of violent or yjroscriptive measures. 
 The appointments were mostly made from the ref)ub- 
 lican party, but the business of the session gene- 
 rally was nianaged with [)rudence and moderation. 
 
 22. In 1803, the legislature met at Westminster. 
 Every part of the country was now agitated liy po- 
 litical intrigues and debates. Tlic governor operted 
 the session as usual with a speech ; but he carefully 
 avoided political questions, and called the attention 
 of the legislature immediately to the business of the 
 state. A committee was appointed, who re})orted an 
 answer to his excellency's speech, which was adop- 
 ted without debate, and nothing occiuTed to call up 
 the feelings of [)arty, till the apj)ointment of civil 
 officers came on. Tlie republicans had a small ma- 
 jority in the house, and they now resolved to employ 
 it in weakening their oj)i)onents. Several ot the 
 judges were displaced, and men of more apj)roved 
 republican principles appointed in their places, and 
 the work of proscription oji account of political 
 opinions was now carried ftirther than it was by the 
 federalists in 1798. 
 
 23. The subject of banks first came before the 
 legislature at this session. Petitions were received 
 
208 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 from Windsor and Burlington to be allowed to estab- 
 li«!h haiiks ti) ilioso io\v;,o ; Li;: iLo Icglsiauire was 
 so little acquainted with the nature and tendency of 
 such institutions, that they judgful it prudent to refer 
 the subjct to the next session of the legislature. It 
 was expected that proposals would be received from 
 Congress during this session to amend the constitu- 
 tion of the United States, so as to oblige the electors 
 to distinguish, on the votes given in, the person 
 intended for president from the one intended for 
 vice president. As it was supposed that the adop- 
 tion of this amendment would secure the re-election 
 of Mr Jefferson, the republican members were ex- 
 tremely anxious to act upon it before they adjourned. 
 But, finding that it would require the session to be 
 protracted to an unreasonable length, they decided 
 upon an adjourned meeting, to be held at Windsor, 
 on the last Tuesday of January. 
 
 24. In January, 1804, the legislature met at Wind- 
 sor according to adjoiu'iiment, and the pro{)osed 
 amendment was laid before them. After sonje de- 
 bate the amendment was adopted by the asseml)ly ; 
 yeas 93, nays 64. This same question was before 
 the legislature in 1799, and was |)asse(l in the affir- 
 mative by a vote of 94 to 42. In this case all the 
 federalists voted in favor of the proposed alteration, 
 and all the republicans against it ; but in 1804, all 
 the republicans were in favor of the amendment, and 
 all tlie federalists opposed to it. Thus it appears 
 that both parties had totally changed their votes in 
 the course of four years, and that they had either 
 charged their principles, or that they acted without 
 principle. 
 
 25. In October, 1804, the legislature held their 
 annual session at Rutland. At this session another 
 pro])osal for amending the constitution of the United 
 States came before the assenibly. This originated in 
 Massachusetts, and its object was to apportion the 
 representatives from the several states according to 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 209 
 
 the number of free wliite inhabitants, to the exclusion 
 of those elected on account of the slaves in any 
 state : This |)ro|)osal was rejected hy a vote of 106 
 to 76. The cu8tc>iiiary l)iisiness of liie sessi(,n was 
 transacted vvilh exjjeditiou and ])roj>riety. Coni}t]aiiJt 
 havino' been made, that the judjiics of the supreme 
 court had taken ilh'jrai fees, a committee was appoint- 
 ed towards the close of the session to inquire into 
 the subject. The connnitlee reported the facts, and 
 that in iheir opinion, f(;es had been taken agrcM-ably 
 to tiie fee bill. The house acce{)ted the n^port so 
 far as it related to the facts, but not as to the opinion 
 ^iven of the legality of the proceedingsof the judges. 
 The legislature then adjourned, leaving the matter in 
 this state of indecision. 
 
 26. In October, 18C5, the assembly met at Dan- 
 ville. The governor's speech related ])rincipal!y to 
 the internal affairs of the state, and, neither that nor 
 the answei', which was returned by the assembly, 
 was calculated to arouse party feelings, or afford sub- 
 jects of controversy, tlie com})Iaints against the 
 judges for taking illegal fees was again taken up and 
 occupied the asseml)ly for several days, and gave rise 
 to much warm <lebate. It was, liowever, finally 
 ^^ Resolved, That it is the sense of tliis house, that the 
 fees taken by the judges of the supreme court, were 
 taken with upright views, and that no further order 
 ought to be taken on the subject." This resolution 
 was passed by a vote of 100 to 82. 
 
 27. At this session two more proposals for amend- 
 ing the constitution of the United States, came before 
 the legislature. One from North Carolina, having 
 for its object to em))Ower Cougress to pass a law to 
 prevent the further imj>oriation of slaves into the 
 United States, and the other Iroin Kentucky, the 
 object of which was to diminish the powers of the 
 United State's courts. The former proposal was 
 adopted by the assembly without debate or opposition, 
 and the latter was referred to the next session of the 
 
 18* 
 
210 HISTORY or VEtlMONT. 
 
 legislature. An act was passed at this session em- 
 powering die governor to take measures for ascertain- 
 ing the true north line of the state, and another act 
 fixing upon Montpelier as the permanent seat of the 
 government of the state, from and after the year 1808. 
 
 29. The next session of the legislature was held 
 at Middlehury in Octoi;er, 1806. Mr Tichenor was 
 again re-elected governor by a respectable majority, 
 notwithstanding the eflbrts made bj"^ the republican 
 party to prevent it. His opponents, however, had 
 a considerable niajority in the ast5erDl)ly, and in their 
 answer to the governor's s])eech, they did not attempt 
 to conceal their hostility to the measures, which he 
 had rectommended. When the resolutions from 
 Kentucky, which had been laid over by the former 
 assemiJy, came up, the house resolved itself into a 
 committee of the whole, and after some debate adop- 
 ted tlie proposed amendment by a vote of 148, to 
 34; thus manifesting their desire to increase their 
 own powers by diminishing those of the general 
 government. It being reported that Mr Jefferson in- 
 tended to retire to private life at the close of his first 
 term of office, the assembly drew up a respectful 
 address to hiin, which was intended to induce him 
 to become a condidate for re-election. An act was 
 also passed at this session establishing a state bank 
 consisdng of two brandies, one at Woodstock and 
 the other at Middlehury. 
 
 30. In October, 1807, the legislature met at Wood- 
 stock, and, on counting the votes, Israel Smitfi, the 
 republican candidate, was found to be elected gover- 
 nor in opposition to Mr Tichenor. In ins spee.'h, 
 the governor confined his remarks to the internal 
 affairs of the state, and particular'y suggested such 
 alterations in the criminal jurisj)rudence of the state, 
 a^ to substitute confinement to hard labor in the place 
 of corporeal punishment. In conformity to these 
 suggestions an act was passed during the session 
 establishing a state penitentiary at Windsor and 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS, 211 
 
 niakinf!' the necessary appropriations for carrying it 
 into effect. 
 
 31. The legislature assembled for tho first time at 
 Montpelier, the established capital of the state, in 
 October J 808. Mr 'i'ichenor was elected governor, 
 in opposition to Mr Snjitl), who had held the office 
 the preceding year. In his speech he expressed a 
 decided disapprobation of the leading measures of 
 Mr Jefferson's administration. The republicans 
 having a niajority in the asseml)!y returned an an- 
 swer, in which they expressed the fullest confidence 
 in the president, and a lioarty aj)prova! of his meas- 
 ures. No subject of unconinion interest was brought 
 forward at this session, and the ordinajy business was 
 disposed of in the usual manner. 
 
 32. In 1809, the republican party succeeded in 
 electing Jonas Galusha governor, in opposition to 
 Mr Tichenor, who had filled that office with fidelity 
 for eleven years. The governor's speech and the 
 reply to it by the assembly, were expressive of the 
 political oj)inions entertained by the republican party 
 generally throughout the union. At this session an 
 address was adopted congratulating James Madison 
 upon his elevation to the presid^"ncy. A j)roposed 
 amendment to the federal constitution from ^ irginia 
 also came before the assembly, the object of which 
 was to enable state legislatures to remove theii- sena- 
 tors in Congress from office, when they should deem 
 it expedient. The amendment was however rejec- 
 ted by a majority of the house. 
 
 33. In 1810, 1811 and 1812, Mr Galusha was 
 successively re-elected governor of the state, and the 
 republican party had each year a majority in the 
 assembly. The spirit of {)arty now run extremely 
 high, but the usual business of the state continued to 
 be transacted with fidelity. In 1811, another propo- 
 sal for anjending the constitution of the United 
 States came before the assembly. This amendment 
 eclared th at any citizen, who should accept any 
 
212 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 title of nobility or honor, or any ])ension or emolu- 
 ment, from any foreign })ower, wirliout the consent 
 of Connress, such person shall cease to he a citizen 
 of the United States. The amendment was adopted 
 by the assenjbly. Tlie year 1812 is memorable 
 on account of the declaration of war, by the United 
 States against Great Britian. We shall not attempt 
 to give the particulars of this war, and still it will 
 probably he expected that we sliould at least give a 
 sketch of the tiansactions within our own borders 
 and in which our own citizens were more particularly 
 concerned ; and this we shall attempt to do in the 
 following section. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Legislative proceedings from 1812 to 1815 — War 
 With Great Britain — Events on Lcik.e Champtain 
 Battle at Plattsburgh. 
 
 1. On.r limits will by no means permit us to inves- 
 tigate the causes by which the United States were 
 led to engage in the second war with Great Britian, 
 nor to mention any of the events of that war except 
 such as transpired in our innnediate vicinity. Caus- 
 es of comi>laint had existed for several yenrs, which, 
 as early as 1809, led to the passage of a law by 
 Congress, interdicting all commercial intercourse 
 wi^h Great Britian. On the 3d of Aj>ril, 1812, Con- 
 gress laid an embargo upon all the shipping within 
 the jurisdiction of the United States for 90 days, and 
 on the ]8th of June following, an act v/as passed 
 declaring war with Great Britain. On the passage 
 of this act the vote stood as follows ; iti the house of 
 representatives yeas 79, nays 49, and in the senate 
 yeas 19, nays 1.3. The princi[)al causes which led 
 to the adoption of this measure were declared to be 
 the impressment of American seamen by the Britisli- 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDIiNGS. 213 
 
 the plundering of American commerce, and the 
 British onlers in connril." 
 
 2. In October, 1812, the lefrislature of Vermont 
 assembled at M( ntpelier. In his speech Governor 
 Gahisha urged the assembly to second the measures 
 of the j»eneral government — provide the means for 
 the defence of our own citizens, and for sustaining 
 our national righis and honor. The assembly return- 
 ed an answer lully concinring in the sentiments of 
 the governor; but thinking the exigencies of the 
 times demanded a more explicit avowal, they resol- 
 ved that since war had been declared l)y the consti- 
 tuted authority of the country "we })ledge ourselves 
 to each other and to our government, that with our 
 individual exeitions, our example and influence, we 
 will support our government and country in the 
 present contest, and rely upon the great Arbiter of 
 events for a favorable result." 
 
 8. The above resoltuion was passed by a vote of 
 128 to 79. But the muiorit}' were not silent. Tiiey 
 entered a protest u[)on the journaiS of the house in 
 which they declared the resolution to be subversive 
 of the true principles of a i.repul)lican govern?nent, 
 and also expressed their d(;cided disapprobation 
 of the leading measures of the administration, pro- 
 nouncing the declaration of war to be premature 
 and impolitic. The majority, however, i)roceeded 
 to act up to the sjiirit of their resolve, and passed a 
 law, prohibiting all intercourse between the people 
 of Vermont and Canada, without a permit from the 
 governor, under a penalty of $1000 fine, and seven 
 years confinement at hard labor in the state's prison. 
 They also passed an act exempting the person and 
 property of fhe militia while in actual service, from 
 attachment — an act, laying a tax of one cent per 
 acre on the lanils in the state, in addition to the usual 
 assessments, and other acts relating to the detaching 
 and paying of the militia. 
 
 4, These legislative regulations proving oppres- 
 
214 HISTOilY or VERMONT. 
 
 sive to the people, many of the supporters of the 
 war abandoned the republican ranks and went over 
 totlie opposition. As the elections in 1813 approach- 
 ed botl) parties exerted to the utmost every means in 
 their power to gain or preserve the ascendency. 
 When the assembly came together in October, it 
 was foimd that neitner candidate for governor had 
 been elected by the people. On atietnpting a choice 
 by the assembly, they were found to i)e divided into 
 two parties exactly equal. After much manoeuvreing 
 and several trials, Martin Chittenden, the federal can- 
 didate was elected by a small majority. The senti- 
 ments of the governor's speech and of the answer to 
 it, were in the highest tone of federalism and conse- 
 quently in direct opposition to the war and the 
 measures of the general government. The minority, 
 75 in number however, protested against these senti- 
 ments and entered their reasons upon the journals 
 of the house. 
 
 5. The federalists having now the ascendency, 
 nearly all the appointments to office were made 
 from that party: after whicli the legislature proceed- 
 ed to repeal the several laws betbre mention(Hl which 
 had been enacted the preceding year. The spirit 
 of ])arty was now wrought up to the highest pitch, 
 and the parties did not hesitate to brand each other 
 with the op))robrious names of tories, traitors and 
 enemies to their country. The enmity was such as 
 to destroy the harmony and intercourse of families 
 and neighbors and at times they seemed to be on 
 the eve of proceeding to open hostilities. 
 
 6. The smuggling Ijusiness led to frequent encoun- 
 ters between the smugglers and custom-house-ofRcers, 
 during the war and the non intercourse which preced- 
 ed it, in some of which blood was shed and lives lost. 
 The first serious afij-ay of this kind took place on Win- 
 ooski river, at Burlington in 1808, between a party in 
 the employ of the custom department and a smuggling 
 vessel called the Black Snake. In this encounter 
 
LOSS or THE GROWLER AND EAGLE. 215 
 
 two men were killed by the smugglers. The smug- 
 glers were, however, taken and tried by a special 
 court at Burlington. Dean, one of them, was execu- 
 ted and the others, excey)ting Day who was dischar- 
 ged, were sentenced to the State's prison. Franklin 
 county was the scene of frequent skirmishes. The 
 smugglers usnally travelled in the night and went in 
 so large con)j>anies and so wedl armed as to make it 
 very dangorous business for the custom-house offi- 
 cers to interrupt them. Similar disturbances were 
 couunon all along our northern frontier. 
 
 7. About the fiist of September, J 813, Samuel 
 Beach of Canaan in the nortlieast corner of the state 
 had a permit from the governor to go into Canada to 
 re[)air a mill dam. He sent forward his workmen 
 with a team, which was taken from them l>y John 
 Dennett and others, and driven back. Beach in at- 
 tempting to recover his team was fired upon by Den- 
 nett aisd killed. Dennett and his associates were ta- 
 ken and confined in jail, from which he escaped in 
 January following to the neighboring forests, where 
 he continued till the next August, when lie was re- 
 taken, but not till after he was mortally wounded by 
 liis j)ursuers. It appeared that Dennett resisted and 
 was shot while attempting to kill Mr Morgan, by a 
 Mr. Sperry another of^the pursuers. 
 
 8. In the smnmer of 1812 some preparations were 
 made on lake Champlain to oj)})osc the naval force of 
 the British. Nothing, however, occurred on the lake 
 worthy of notice till the 2(1 of June 1813. On that 
 day the Growler and Eagle sailed from Plattsburgh un- 
 der the command of Lieut Smith in y)ursuit of some 
 British gun boats which had made thf^ir appeal ance 
 on the lake. On the following morning, when near 
 Canada line, they were led in pursuit of the boats, in- 
 to shoal water near the shore, where the Eagle ground- 
 ed and became unmanageable, and after four hours 
 hard fighting they were obliged to surrender to the 
 British. Or the 36th of July, a detachment of the Brit- 
 
216 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 ish about 1400 strong landed at Platfsbnr^h, where 
 they destroyed the American barracks, esrirncited to be 
 worth $25,000, and niucli other property, both j)Libnc 
 and private. The public stores having been i)revions- 
 ly removed to Burhngton the enemy proceeded thith- 
 er and fired a few shot upon the town, but as soon as 
 the cannon began to play upon them from the shore 
 they retired. 
 
 9. On the 20th of August the Americans had equip- 
 ped a naval force upon lake Champlain consisting of 
 the President, carrying 12 guns, Com. Prehle 11, 
 Montgojnery, 11, Frances, 6, and two gun boats and 
 six scows carrying one gun each, n)akingin the whole 
 48 guns. With this force Com. Macdonougli sailed 
 from Burlington to the lines in Se|)temb r and offered 
 battle to the enemy, but they declined and retired in- 
 to Canada. The northen arujy was assemi)led at Bur- 
 lington under the commatid of Gen. Hampton and 
 consisted of about 4000 men. Early in Se})tember 
 this army was embarked at Burlington and landed at 
 Cumberland head near Plattsburgh. OntheOtn they 
 proceeded to Chazy and attacked the enemy's advan- 
 ed post at Odietown. 
 
 10. Finding it impracticable to make his way into 
 Canada by that route, Hampton returned to Cham- 
 plain and took the route to Chatagnay, where he ar- 
 rived on the 25th. Col Clark was in the mean time 
 detached and ordered to attack a small British force 
 at St Armand on Mssisco bay! He found the enemy 
 drawn u[) under Maj. Powel, but wholly unexpecting 
 an attack by land, and, after an action often minutes 
 they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The 
 American force engaged was 102, and the number 
 of prisoners taken and sent to Burlington was 101. 
 Nine of the enemy were killed and 14 wounded. 
 The army under Gen. Hampton engaged with the 
 enemy at Chataguay on the 26th of October, but be- 
 ing unsuccessful and the season far advanced, he soon 
 after returned into winter quarters at Plattsburgh. 
 
EVENTS ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 217 
 
 11. A hrifrnde of Vermont militia, wliich had been 
 (Iraficd into tli ' service of the United States and 
 niarcliod to PlattsbiirjN^I), were on tije lOth of Novem- 
 ber discliarged from service by a proclamation of 
 Governor Ciiittendon and onlered to return home. 
 To this order the officers of said brigade refused obe- 
 dience and returned a written protest against it. The 
 niir-in, !'r>vvovt;r. r.'friiiCii \y-'{\>vi rhjir tune of ser- 
 vic<' «'.\pir«-d, and no Uirihi r notice was taken of the 
 transaction. Commodore Macoonough went into win- 
 ter qiiariers at Octer creek with his flotilla on the 
 19th of Decem!)er. Thus terminated the northern 
 campaign for 1813. 
 
 1*?. In the spring of 1814, the northern army, hav- 
 ing been p'ac; (i imdcM- (r ji ral Wilkinson, advanced 
 from Platrs[)nrgh along the west side of the lake and 
 entered Cana-'a. After an unsuccessful attack upon 
 the stone mills at La Cole, and some other skirmish- 
 es, in which the Americans lost about 100 in killed 
 and wounrled, they found it necessary to retreat. In 
 the mean time Connnodore Macdonough was making 
 every effort to get in readiness in Otter creek, a suf 
 ticient naval force to match that of the enemy upon 
 the lake. On the 14tli of May the enemy's fleet, con- 
 sisting of a brig, three sloo|)s and 13 gallies passed 
 up the lake and opened a spirited fire upon the bat- 
 tery at the mouth of Otter creek, with a view of forc- 
 ing their way up the creek and destroying the Ameri- 
 can shipping before it should be ready for service. 
 But in this they were unsuccessful. They were re- 
 j)ulsed by the garrison and Vermont militia, and soon 
 after returned to the northward, 
 
 13. About the last of May, Commodore Macdonough 
 entered the lake with his flotilla and proceeded to 
 Plattsburgh, and afterwards advanced nearer the lines, 
 but nothing of consequence occured on the lake till 
 the latter part of the season. About the first of Sep- 
 tember Governor Prevost entered the territory of th« 
 United States at the head of 14000 men and ad van- 
 19 
 
1818 HISTORY or VERMONT. 
 
 ce3 towards Plattsburgh, which was garrisoned by 
 only one brigade untler General Macomb ; the main 
 northern army having rrjarched to the wesiward. On 
 the 7th of September the enemy a})peared before 
 Plattsburgh, and were employed in getting on their 
 battering train, erecting l)atteries, and in skirmishes 
 with the Americans, but did not make a general as- 
 sault till the arrival of their flotilla. 
 
 14. In the mean time every effort was made to call 
 in the neighboring militia. Expresses were sent into 
 Vermont; and the Green Mountain Boys, without dis- 
 tinction of party, shouldered their guns and hastened 
 forward to repel invasion ; and in the y)art which they 
 took in the subsequent conflict they nobly sustained 
 their high character for firmness and bravery. The 
 American land force however continued much infe- 
 rior to that of the British. Tlie British force u})on 
 the lake was also supei'ior to the American. It was 
 commanded by Commodore Downie and consisted of 
 a iHgate of 39 guns, a brig of ]6, tv/o sloops of II 
 each and 13 gun boats carrying 18 guns, amounting 
 in the whole to 95 guns, and manned l\v 1050 men. 
 The American force under Commodore Macdonough 
 consisted of the Saratoga of 26 guns, the eagle, of 20, 
 Ticonderoga of 17, the Preble of 7 and 10 gun boats 
 carrying 16 guns, amounting in iliu whole to 86, and 
 manned by 820 men. 
 
 15. x\s it was generally understood to be the in- 
 tention of the British to make an attack l>oth by land 
 and water at the same time, Comujodore Macdonough 
 determined to await the approach of the enemy's 
 squadron at anchor in Plattsburgh bay. Early in the 
 morning of the 11th of September the lookout boat 
 announced the approach of the enenw, and about 9 
 o'clock they anchored in a line about 300 yards from 
 the American squadron. In this situation the whole 
 force on both sides became engaged. The conflict 
 was exceedingly obstinate ; the enemy fought with 
 great bravery, but the superiority of the American 
 
BATTLK AT PLATTt BUR&U. «X£> 
 
 gunnery prevailed over the enemy's superior force. 
 Alter an action of two lionia and twenty minutes the 
 fire of the enemy was silenced, and J>er frigate, hrig 
 and two sloops wore surrendered to the Americana. 
 Some of their gnllies were sunk and the others made 
 their escape. The British lost in this action 84 kill- 
 ed and 110 wounded. Amongt he killed were Commo- 
 dore Dowuie and three Lieutenants. The American 
 loss was 52 killed and 58 wounded. Among the 
 former were Lic^utejiants Gamble and Stansbury. 
 
 16. The commencement rf the naval action seem- 
 ed to be the signal ior a general assault by land. The 
 enemy opened their batteries upon the American 
 works and at the same time attempted to cross the 
 Saranac atid f^ain the rear of the Americans. The 
 Americans ke})t up a destructive fire from their forts 
 and met the enemy at every point with the most de- 
 termined bravery. As soon as it was known that 
 their fleet had surrendered the enemy relinquished 
 all their hopes and began making arrangements for 
 a retreat. During the afternoon and night all the 
 eneufv's forces were witjjdrawn and they retired 
 with such precipitation, and were so closely pursued 
 by the Americans, that they were obliged to leave 
 behind their vi^ounded, and large quantities of provi- 
 sions, amunition and military stores. The whole 
 loss of the enemy upon land, in killed, wounded, pris- 
 oners and deserters, exceeded 2500 men. The aggre- 
 gate loss of the Americans did not exceed 150. 
 
 17. After the battle at Plattsburgh nothing further 
 occured upon lake Champlain worthy of notice dur- 
 ing the war. The legislature of Vermont assembled 
 as usual in October, and it again appeared that no 
 governor had been elected by the sufFiages of the 
 people. The legislature then proceeded to the choice 
 of a governor and Martin Chittenden was elected by 
 a majority of 29 votes. Much complaint having been 
 made because the governor did not order out the 
 mihtia for the defence of Plattsburgh, instead of call- 
 
920 mSTOHT or ^ERMOItT. 
 
 ing upon them as volunteers, he adverted to that sub- 
 ject in his speech by saying, that, as no portion of 
 our mihtia had been detaclied by tlie Piesident for 
 the service of the United States, a call upon onr pa- 
 triotic citizens for their volinitary services was, in this 
 case, considered to be the only mode by which effi- 
 cient and timely aid could be afforded. 
 
 16. He spoke in the highest term of the officers 
 and men employed in repelling the enemy and in 
 teaching them the " mortifying lesson, that the soil of 
 freedom will not bear the tread of hostile feet with 
 impunity ;" and declared their "achievements were 
 not surpassed in the records of naval and military 
 warfare." But while he acknowledged with giatitude, 
 the interposition of Providence for preventing the de- 
 signs of the enemy and saving our borders from the 
 desolations of war, he declared that his opinion of the 
 propriety of the war remained unaltered — that he 
 " conscientiously disapproved of it as imnecessary, 
 ■;:nwise and hopeless in all its offensive operations." 
 To this speech the house retinned a dignified and 
 respectful answer, reciprocating the sentiments of 
 his excellency with regard to the transactions at 
 Platte I urgh, and pledging to him their cordial co- 
 operation in measures calculated to promote the pub- 
 lic good, 
 
 17. At this session a resolution was adopted express- 
 ing th^ thanks of the legislature to General Macomb 
 and his compatriots in arms — to General Strong and 
 the patriotic volunteers from Vermont under his com- 
 mand, and to Commodore Macdonough and the offi- 
 cers and crew of his squadron, in testimony of their 
 high sense of their bravery and good conduct on the 
 memorable 11th of September, 1814, by which the 
 enemy were repulsed bv land, and their squadron 
 captured upon the lake. In the furtlier consideration 
 of his services, the legislature passed an art granting 
 t3 Commodore Macdonough a farm belonging to Ver- 
 mont, and lying upon Cumberland head, and in full 
 
iniCA'ry of peack wfiH orea.t brita.I'H. 251 
 
 x\G\v of flie late naval engagement in which he had 
 acquiivii so much honor. A communication was re- 
 ceived (luring this session fron) the legislature of Mas- 
 sachusetis juviting Vermont to appoint delegates to 
 meet delegates from the other New England States 
 at Hartford, Connecticut, to take into consideration 
 the state of the Union. But, by a vote of the assem- 
 bly, this invitation was unanimously declined. 
 
 20. From this period the violence of ])arty spirit 
 in Vermont began rapidly to ahate. The invasion of 
 our territory by the fleets and armies of the enemy, had 
 imited the feelings of parties in the common defence, 
 and many, who were at first opi)osed to the war, were 
 now convinced that the good of their country demand- 
 ed the luiited efforts of all our citizens in prosecuting 
 it ro an honorable and successful termination. On the 
 24!h of December, 1814, a treaty of peace was signed 
 at Ghent between Great Britain and America by their 
 respective plenipotentiaries. The tumults of war now 
 ceased — the gloom which overhung our land was 
 dispersed, and all were rejoiced to see our soldiers re- 
 converted into citizens — our implements of war into 
 instruments of husbandry and to hear the peaceful 
 hum of business instead of the roar of cannon and the 
 trumpet of 'war. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Lefrislai^-'? proceedings from 1814 to Vm close of the 
 year 1832. 
 
 1. Before the meeting of the assembly in 1815, 
 peace had been restored to the country, and many of 
 the causes wh'ch had agitated the conmiunity had- 
 disai)[)eared. The republican party had now gained 
 the ascendency in the state, and Mr Gahjsha was 
 again elected governor by the people, by a haudiome 
 
223 
 
 HISTOftT or rSftMOHT. 
 
 majority. The governor's speech contained nothing 
 to revive the violence of party. He alluded to the storm 
 of war which had just j)assed over their heads and 
 was now succeeded bj'^ the calm and sunshine of 
 peace, and then invited the attention of the legisla- 
 ture to the immediate business of the state. Among 
 the acts passed at this session was one granting to a 
 company the exclusive right of navigating lake 
 Champlain by steam for 23 years. This act was af- 
 terwards found to be unconstitutional and void. 
 
 2. The spring and summer of 1816, were remark- 
 ably cold. Snow fell to the depth of several inches 
 in all parts of Vermont on the 8th of June, and from 
 the general failure of the crops there was an uncom- 
 mon scarcity of provision. Mr Galusha was this 
 year re-elected governor, and, in his speech, he cal- 
 led the attention of the legislature to the encourage- 
 ment of manufactures. The customary answer to 
 his excellency's speech this year gave rise to a sj)irit- 
 ed debate, in which the federal party were treated 
 with great asperity, on account of the vote of the 
 representatives in Congress, from Vermont, who were 
 federalists, by which the pay of the representatives 
 was increased contrary to the wishes of the freemen 
 of Vermont. With this session terminated the prac- 
 tice of returning an answer to the governor's speech, 
 which had, from the first election of Mr Ticiienor in 
 1797, every year consumed nnich time, and often 
 given rise to the most violent contentions 
 
 3. At the three following elections in 1817, 1818. 
 and 1819, Mr Galusha was successively chosen gov- 
 ernor of the state, and nothing occurred to excite 
 the violence of party, or to interrupt the general 
 prosperity. Bountiful harvests rewarded the toil of 
 the husbandman, and the blessings arising from tlie 
 diifiision of knowledge, the success of the mechanic 
 ai*ts, and the influence of good government were 
 generally diffused. In 1817, the president of the 
 United States, Mr Monroe, in his tour through the 
 
LEGISLATIVK PROCEEDINGS. 223 
 
 middle and eastern states, passed through Vermont, 
 and every wliere received tlie respect due to his 
 dignified office, and the gratitude merited by a life 
 devoted to the service of his country. 
 
 4. In lftl9, the usual business of the legislature 
 was transacted with imanimity, and, among other 
 things, a resolution was adopted approving in the 
 highest terms of the measures and objects of the 
 American Colonization Society. 3IrGalusha having 
 signified his intention to retire from public life, the 
 house adopted a respectful address to him on 
 the occasion, in which they say that, "on a re- 
 view of the events of the memorable struggle of our 
 fathers for independence, we find you in early life 
 on the banks of the Walloomsuc, with your patriotic 
 hand teaching thi'in boldly to defend their country. 
 In discharging the dutiiis of councillor, judge and 
 governor, you have ever merited and received the 
 ap!)robation of your fellow citizens." 
 
 5. In 1820, Richard Skinner, formerly chief justice 
 of the state, was elected governor. In his speech, 
 he presented a clear view of the evils resulting from 
 the frequent alterations in the public statutes, and 
 he expressed as his opinion, tbat the present organi- 
 zation of the Vermont judiciary, was calculated for 
 the despatch of business and to jirevent the multipli- 
 cation of lawsuits. At this session a resolution was 
 passed remonstrating against the admission of Mis- 
 souri into the union with a constitution legalizing 
 slav- ry, and the cruel and unnatural traffic in human 
 blood, and instructing their senators and representa- 
 tives in Congress, to exert their influence and use all 
 legal measin-es to prevent it. 
 
 6. In 1821, Mr Skinner was again elected gover- 
 nor. In his s|)eech, the governor informed the as- 
 seml)ly that he had received communications from 
 Maryland and New Hampshire, respecting the ap- 
 propriation of the public lands belonging to the 
 United States, to the several states for the benefit of 
 
224 msTORT or TsiajviONT. 
 
 education, and said that the j)eop]e of Vermont " could 
 feel no delicacy in ?nakin^- a claim of this kind, for 
 no one of tiie UnitHd States, in proportion to their 
 ability, co)itribnte(] more to the acquisition of tjjose 
 rights, wjiich were purchased by tlie toil, distresses 
 and sacrifices of the revolutionary war. Situated on 
 the frontier, they constituted the barrier between the 
 enemy and the confederated states. Not having 
 been acknowledged as a member of the confedera- 
 tion, no part of the expense they incurred in the war 
 has been assumed by the general government, while 
 they have participatt;d in the burden of tin; public 
 debt." In conformity with these suggestions, reso- 
 lutions were passed declaring the right of each of 
 the states to a participation in the benefits of the 
 public lands and requesting our delegation in Con- 
 gress to use their endeavors to ])rocnre the passage 
 of an act appropriating to the use of the state of 
 Vermont, for the pur(>oses of ethication, such por- 
 tion of the public lands as should be equitable and 
 just. 
 
 7. Mr Skinner was again elected governor in 1822. 
 In his speech he called the attention of the legislature 
 particular!)^ to the subject of manuf'actures. The com- 
 mittee on manufactures to whom this part of his ex- 
 cellency's speech was referred, made a repoit, in 
 which they say " Vermont can raise as fine wool as 
 any quarter of the globe, and her mountains roll 
 down their thousand streams to aid us in its manu- 
 facture. It also abounds in ores, and minerals, and for- 
 ests upon which the industry and ingenuity of our citi- 
 zens might operate to great advantage, could suffi- 
 cient capital be allured to these objects by the pat- 
 ronage of our laws." In compliance with a recom- 
 mendation of the governor att act was passed de- 
 claring all contracts void where interest should be 
 taken, or secured, at a higher rate than six per cent 
 per annum. 
 
 8. Mr Skinner having signified his wish no longer 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 225 
 
 to be considered a candidate for the office of govern- 
 or, at the meeting of the legislature in 1823, Mr Van 
 Ne.«s was found to he elected in his stead. In his 
 speech he invited the attention of the legislature to 
 the immediate concerns of the state, hut was not sen- 
 sii)le that any material alteration in the laws were at 
 that time demanded. He discouraged all change 
 which was not particularly necessary, as producing 
 imcertainty in law, and thereby occasioning perplex- 
 ing and e\{)ensive law suits. An act was passed at 
 this session prohihiting horse-racing, under a penalty 
 of the forfeiture of the horses and money staked ; 
 but ffw alterations were made in the existing laws. 
 
 9. In 1824 Mr Van Ness was re-elected governor 
 without opposition. In compliance with the recom- 
 mendation of the governor, an act was passed at this 
 session, giving tho choice, of electors of president 
 and vice president to the people by a general ticket. 
 General La Fayette having arrived in this country 
 on the 17th of August, a committee of the legisla- 
 ture reported that " as a nation we owed to him a 
 debt of gratitude, and that Vermont, in common with 
 her sister states, would rejoice in an opportunity of 
 manifesting it." A resolution was accord ingl}^ passed 
 requesting the governor, in behalf of the people of 
 this state, to invite General La Fayette to extend, his 
 tour into \ eiinont and hojior its citizens with his 
 presence. On the 4th of July 1825, La Fayette 
 entered Vermont for the first tinie at Windsor, where 
 he was joyfidiy received by the governor, and a nu- 
 merous body of citizens assembled to welcome the 
 early benefactor of their country. From Windsor 
 he })roceeded by the way of Montpelier to Burling- 
 ton, and was everywhere received with the warmest 
 affection and giatitude, and wnh the most enthusi- 
 astic deiiKjMstrations of admiration and applause. 
 
 10. Mr Van Ness was again chosen governor in 
 1825, and in his communication to the assembly he 
 invited their attention particularly to the subject of 
 
BISTORr or VERMONT. 
 
 internal improvements. A board of canal commis- 
 sioners was aj)i)ointed and five luin(i^el^(ioIla^ri were 
 appropriated to dofray their expenses. It was made 
 tlte duty of tln^se commissioners to assist any en- 
 gineers, who might be em})]oyed by the general gov- 
 ernment to ascertain the most practicable routes for 
 canals within this state. The great objects contem- 
 plated were, the improvement of the navigation of 
 Connecticnt river and the connexion of that river 
 with lake Champlain and lake Memphremagog by 
 means of canals. Tiie law setting forth the prin- 
 ciples npon which the grand list for the assessment 
 of taxes in this state, shall be made out, was repeal- 
 ed at this session, and a new law upon this subject 
 enacted. By this act it is provided that there shall 
 be an appraisal of real estate once in 5 years, and 
 that it shall be set in the list at the rate of fom- per 
 cent for buildings and village lots and six per cent 
 for other real estate, on its a[)j)raised value, and to 
 this the rates of rviionui property are calculated to 
 correspond. 
 
 11. Mr Van Ness hf»ving signified his wish no lon- 
 ger to receive the suffrages of his fellow citizens, Mr 
 Butler was, in 1826, elected governor of the state. 
 In his speech he called the attention of the assembly 
 to the subject of lotteries and the sale of lottery tick- 
 ets in this state. In (consideration of which, an act 
 was passed, prohibiting the sale of tickets without a 
 licence under the penalty of a heavy fine.^ Mr But- 
 ler was again elected governor in 1827. He now 
 invited the attention of the legislature to the existing 
 laws on the subject of education, and recommended 
 the appointment, in each town or county, ®f commis- 
 sioners for the examination of teachers and for the 
 general superintendence of schools. In consequence 
 of these suggestions, a general pl;ui of education was 
 adopted, designed for the improvement of schools 
 and for producing uniformity in the methods of in- 
 struction. It provided that a superintending commit- 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 227 
 
 tee should be apj)ointed annually in en' h town, and 
 tbat no t<'acliers gliould be employed in tlie public 
 scbools, who had not been examined by said com- 
 rnittee, and who bad not received from them a c<;r- 
 titicate of their qualifications for teficiiinjr. It also 
 provided for the a])pointment of five school com- 
 missioners, whose business it should be to have a 
 general supejvision of the business of education in 
 the state, procure and circulate information on the 
 subject, recommend suitable books to be used in 
 schools, ascertain if any alteiation in the law be 
 necessary, and make an annual rei)ort to the legisia- 
 tiu'e. 
 
 12, In 1828, Mj- Crafts was elected governor. In 
 his speech he con^rratulated his fellow citizens upon 
 the unrivalled prosperity of the country — declared 
 their advance in population and resources to be un- 
 precedented in the history of man — and the means of 
 happiness within their ])ower to be more abundant 
 than .ever fell to the lot of any other peo[>!e. The 
 legislature this year |)assed a resolution requiring 
 their senators and representatives in Congress to use 
 all justifiable means to prociu-e the passage of an 
 act granting pensions to'ull American citizens with- 
 out regard to their present circumstances, who serv- 
 ed during the war of the revolution. In JSSO^ Mr 
 Crafts was again chosen governor i>y the votes of 
 the freemen. Among. the subjects which came be- 
 fore the assembly was a resolution of the legislature 
 of South Carolina, declaring that Congress had no 
 constitutional p(jwer to lay duties on impoi'ts for the 
 encouragement of domestic manufactures, or for 
 internal improvements ; and also conununications 
 from Georgia, Virginia and Missouri, sanctioning the 
 same principles. The legislature disposed of this 
 matter liy resolving that they would not concur with 
 the South Carolina resolution. 
 
 13. As already observed, on the return of peace 
 in 1815, party spirit rapidly subsided, and for B©ver- 
 
U28 msTORT or Vermont 
 
 al years a remarkable unanimity of sentiment with 
 regard to men and measures prevailed. After the 
 election of Mr Adams to the presiden'-y in 1825, an 
 organized opposition was formed to his administra- 
 tion by the friends of the rival candidates, who suc- 
 ceeded in 3829, in elevating General Jackson to 
 that office in opposition to the incunjbent. These 
 two great divisions of the })eople, were founded 
 chieflv in a prpforonce of j)articulannen, and nor ni 
 a difference of ))olitical principles. Tiie ai)duction 
 of William Mcrgan in 1826, for divulging the se- 
 crets of masonry, gave rise to another party, founded 
 in o|)position to the principles of niasonry, and 
 which is hence called the anti-masonic pariy. And 
 thinking it to be the most effectual way to put 
 down an institution, which they believe to be dan- 
 gerous to community, they have made it a ])art of 
 their political creed that no adhering mason shall 
 receive their support for office. 
 
 14. This |)arty was not distinctly organized in Ver- 
 mont till tlie year 1 29. In 1830, it was found that 
 three canflhlates for governor bad been siipported and 
 that no election bad been made by the people. Mr 
 Crafts, the national republican and masonic candidate, 
 received 13486 votes, Mr Palmer the anti-masoj)ic 
 candidate had 10925 and MrMeech,the administration 
 candidate, had 6285. The choice devolving upon the 
 legislature, after 32 ballottings, Mr Crafts was elected 
 by a small majority. The abolition of imprisonment 
 for debt had in former ye<fts frequently engaged the 
 attention of the legislature and, in his speech, the gov- 
 ernor again invited attention to the subject. Afler 
 much debate a law was passed declaring that on all 
 judgments obtained upon de!)ts contracted after the 1st 
 day ot January, 1831, the debtor may within two hours 
 after the rendition of such judgment, before a court 
 of justice submit himself to an examinaton on oath 
 ])y such court or creditor, or his attorney, touching his 
 situation, circumstances, or property, and may be en- 
 
LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS. 221) 
 
 titled to the benefit of the oath, which shall be admin- 
 istered to such debtor by said court of justice, and 
 a record made thereof, and no execution shall be is- 
 sued thereon. 
 
 15. In 1831, eacli of the throe parties supported 
 its candidate for governor, in consequence of which, 
 no election was made by the people. The choice 
 again devolving upon-the legislature, "Mr Palmer, the 
 antimasonic candidate, was elected at the ninth bal- 
 lotting by a majority of one vote. In his speech he 
 says that " the general condition of our country is 
 that of peace, prosperity and happiness. Compared 
 with any other people we have the most abundant 
 cause for grateful acknowledgment to the Author of 
 all good that our lot has been cast here." After ma- 
 king the customary ap})ointments of civil officers, the 
 house proceeded with diligence in discharge of their 
 remaining duties. Few subjects of general interest 
 were brought up, and most of the acts passed this 
 session were of a local or private nature. Among 
 the bills passed was one taxing foreign bank stock, 
 one incorporating the Bennington and Brattleborough 
 rail road company and one incorporating the Rutland 
 and Whitehall rail road company. Several new 
 banks were also granted. 
 
 16. In 1832, there was again no election of gov- 
 ernor, by the people, and at the 43d ballotting, Mr 
 Palmer was re-elected by the legislature. In com- 
 pliance with the vsuggestions in the governor's mes- 
 sage, a law was passed at this session for regulating 
 and governing the militia, and resolutions were adopt- 
 ed, approving of the existing taritF law of Congress, 
 of appropriations for internal improvement, and of re- 
 chartering the bank of the United States. A bill was 
 also passed providing for the erection of a new state 
 house in Montpeher and appropriating $30,000 for 
 that purpose, the [)eople of Montpeiier pledging them- 
 selves to pay one half that sum into the State treasury. 
 
 17. We have now brought down our sketch of the 
 
 20 
 
230 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 legislative proceeding in Vermont to the present time. 
 We ai'e aware that it is too brief to be fully satisfac- 
 tory ; and, in our selection from the mass of materials, 
 we are not sure that we have always taken those 
 things, which are most interesting and valuable. A 
 lack of room, on account of the prescribed limits of 
 our volume, must be our excuse for brevity, and a 
 lack of judgment and leisure for research, for the in- 
 judicious selection of materials. The deficiencies of 
 our narrative will, however, we trust, be made up in 
 a ood degree by the following summaries and tables. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 The Frame of Government— Legislative Power — Ex- 
 ecutive Power — Council of Censors — Judiciary — Laws 
 — Education — Diseases, ^r. 
 
 1. Vermont declared her independence and her 
 right to organize a government of her own on the 
 15th of January, 1777. On the 2d of July following 
 a convention of delegates from the several towns 
 met at Windsor and adopted the first constitution. 
 This constitution was revised by the same conven- 
 tion in the following December, and went into ef- 
 fect without ever being submitted to the people for 
 their ratification. The constitution was again revis- 
 ed in 1786, and in 1792, and was adopted in its pres- 
 ent form by a convention, assembled at Windsor, on 
 the 4th of July, 1793. The following are the most 
 important provisions of this instrument. 
 
 2. The supreme Legislative power is vested in a 
 House of Representatives, chosen annually by the 
 freemen, on the first Tuesday of September. Each 
 organized town has a right to choose one representa- 
 tive. The representatives meet on the 2d Thursday 
 
r^ FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. S31 
 
 of the October succeeding their election, and aro 
 styled " The General A^ssembly of the state op 
 Vermont." They have power to choose their own 
 officers ; to sit on their own adjournments ; prepare 
 bills and enact them into laws ; they may expel 
 members, but not for causes known to their constitu- 
 ents antecedent to their election ; impeach state 
 criminals ; grant charters of incorporation ; consti- 
 tute towns, boroughs, cities, and counties. In con- 
 junction with the council, they are annually to elect 
 judges of the supreme, county and probate courts, 
 sheriffs and justices of the peace, and also, as often 
 as there shall be occasion, elect major generals and 
 brigadier generals. The General Assembly have all 
 the powers necessary for the legislature of a free and 
 sovereign state ; but can neither add to, alter, abolish 
 or inhinge any part of the constitution. 
 
 3. The supreme Executive power is vested in a 
 governor, lieutenant governor, and a council of 
 twelve persons, who are also chosen annually by the 
 freemen on the first Tuesday of S-M>tcniber, and 
 meet with the general assembly ia October. They 
 are to commission all officers ; prepare and lay be- 
 fore the assembly such business as shall appear to 
 them necessary ; sit as judges to hear and determine 
 on impeachments. They have power to grant par- 
 dons and remit fines, excej)t in cases of treason and 
 murder, in which they have power to grant reprieves, 
 but not pardon, till after the next session of the leg- 
 islature ; and in cases of impeachment, in which 
 there is no remission, or mitigation, of punishment, 
 but by act of legislation. In the recess of the 
 house of representatives, they may lay embargoes, 
 or prohibit exportation for any time not exceeding 
 30 days, and may call a special meeting of the gen- 
 eral assembly, whenever they shall deem it necessa- 
 ry. The governor is captain- general and command- 
 er in chief of all the forces of the state, but cannot 
 command in person unless advised thc4'eto by the 
 
S32 HI6T0KT or TERMO?fT. 
 
 council, and then only so long as they shall approve ; 
 and the lieutenant governor is, b}"^ virtue of his office, 
 lieutenant general of all the forces of the state. To 
 prevent the evil consequences, which might result 
 from hasty determinations, all bills which originate 
 in the assembly, are laid before the governor and 
 council, for their revision and concurrence, or pro- 
 posals of amendment. The governor and council 
 have no 'negative upon the house ; but they have 
 power to suspend the passing of any bill until the 
 next session of the legislature. 
 
 4. The constitution provides for the appointment 
 of a council of censors, consisting of thirteen persons, 
 to be chosen by the people every 7th year on the last 
 Wednesday in March, and who are to meet on the 
 first Wednesday of the June following. It is their 
 business to inquire whether the constitution has been 
 preserved inviolate ; whether the legislative and ex- 
 ecutive branches of government have performed 
 their duty ; whether public taxes have been justly 
 laid and collected ; and whether the laws have been 
 duly executed. They also have power to pass pub- 
 lic censures, order impeachments and recommend 
 the repeal of such laws as they may deem contrary 
 to the principles of the constitution ; and, should 
 they judge it necessary, they may pro])ose amend- 
 ments to the constitution and call a convention to 
 act upon them. These powers they may exercise 
 for the space of one year from the day of their 
 election and no longer. 
 
 5. The constitution of Vermont difFersin some re- 
 spects from that of every other state in the union. 
 The whole legislative power is vested in a house of 
 representatives, but the council, though not a co-or- 
 dinate branch, has power to suspend the acts of the 
 legislature, and prevent their becoming laws, for the 
 period of one year. Thus every law which is not 
 approved by the council, is in effect, submitted di- 
 rectlyto tlie people. If the people approve it, they 
 
JUDICIARY POWERS. !©3 
 
 will manifest it through their rnprosoiitativos, tho 
 following year. If the legislature re-enacts this 
 suspended bill at the next session, it then becomes a 
 law without the concurrence of the governor and 
 council; from which it will be seen that the govern- 
 ment of Vermont approaches very nearly to a pure 
 democracy. 
 
 6. The successive councils of censors have fre- 
 quently proposed so to alter the constitution, as to 
 establish a senate, instead of the executive council, 
 and make it a co-ordinate branch of the legislature, 
 but these proposals have allways been rejected by the 
 conventions, which have been called to consider 
 them. Only one amendment to the constitution has 
 been made during the last forty years, and that only 
 provided for the naturalization of foreigners, who 
 should settle in this state, agreeably to the laws of 
 congress. 
 
 7. The Judiciary powers are vested in a supreme 
 court and court of chancery, consisting at present of 
 five judges and a county court in each county, con- 
 sisting of one of the su})remo court judges, as chief 
 justice and two assistant justices ; a probate court in 
 each probate district, of which there are nineteen : 
 and justices of the j)eace in each town, all appoint- 
 ed annually by the legislature. The supreme cowt 
 and court of chancery holds one session in each 
 county ainiually, and have original and conclusive 
 jurisdiction in all suits of chancery and petitions not 
 triable by jury. Ap{)eals may be had to this court 
 from the county courts, only for the determination 
 of questions of law. The county courts hold res- 
 pectively two sessions annually in ea^h county. 
 They have original jurisdiction of all criminal mat- 
 ters, excepting such as are made cognizable before 
 justices of the peace. Justices of the peace may tiy 
 actions of a criminal nature where the fine, or for- 
 feiture, does not exceed $7. They have original and 
 exclusive jurisdiction in civil cases, where the matter 
 
 20* 
 
234 HlSTOllT OF VERMONT. 
 
 in demand does not exceed $100, except for slander- 
 ous words, replevin above $7, and trespass upon 
 freehold above the sum of $20. 
 
 8. Crimes and punishments. — Treason, murder, 
 perjury, in consequence of which some person's life 
 is taken awaj', and arson, by means of which some 
 person's life is destroyed, or his, or her body, or 
 members, injured, are at present the only crimes 
 punished with death by our laws. Manslaughter, 
 and the second conviction for burglar}, are punished 
 by imprisonment at hard labor in the state ])rison for 
 life, or for a term of years, in no case less than seven, 
 and in that of manslaughter not less than ten. The 
 punishment for perjury, where hfe is not taken in 
 consequence, may be the same as for manslaughter. 
 Arson, without death, burglary, raj)e, robbery, purju- 
 ry, forgery, theft, adultery, polygamy, incest, coun- 
 terfeiting, and swindhng, are jnunshed by imprison- 
 ment at hard labor, and by fine, in no case exceeding 
 $1,000, or either of said {)unishinents, in the discre- 
 tion of the court. Only three executions have taken 
 place in this state, by sentence of a court of law, 
 since the assumption of the government in 1778. 
 The first was Dean, who was executed at Burlington 
 in 1808, the second was Godfrey, executed at Wood- 
 stock in 181S, and the thiid was Virginia, a man of 
 color, executed at St Albans in 1820. David Reding 
 was executed at Bennington before the present form of 
 government was established, and several have suf- 
 fered, in time of war, by sentence of court martials. 
 Since the establishment of the state prison at Wind- 
 sor, the average number of convits confined there, 
 has been about 100. These have been sentenced for 
 various crimes, and for different terms of service, 
 but the greatest part for theft and counterfeiting. 
 
 9. The laws of Vermont consist of the acts of the 
 legislature, whicli are published at tiie close of the 
 session, making an annual pam})hlet of from 50 to 
 100 pages. The first attempts at legislation in Ver- 
 
EDUCATION. 235 
 
 mont are not preserved. The laws i)asse(l previous 
 to February 1779, are not on record in the office of 
 tlie secretary of state. The most important acts 
 from tliat time down to the close of the year 178G, are 
 to be found in the valuable work entitled " Vermont 
 State Paper,^^ compiled by the Honorable William 
 Slade, Junior. In 1787, there was a general revision 
 of the laws, and those then in force were collected 
 and published in a single voliune. They were again 
 revised, digested and published in a single octavo 
 volume in the year 1825. By our present laws every 
 organized town is obliged to support all the poor, 
 who have a legal settlement in the same. A legal 
 settlement is acquired in several ways; as by a res- 
 idence of seven years in the town, without expense 
 to the town, or of five years if their rateable proper- 
 ty has been set in the list of the town during that 
 time at $60, or upwards. Persons sworn into town 
 office two years, gain a residence thereby. Married 
 women always have the settlement of their husbands. 
 Legitimate children have the settlement of their pa- 
 rents, and illegitimate children the settlement of 
 their mothers. Children cannot gain a settlement in 
 a town by birth where their parents have not a legal 
 settlement. 
 
 10. Education. — There are few states in the Union 
 in which useful knowledge is more generally diffus- 
 ed than in Vermont. The first settlers were not gen- 
 erally well educated men, but the trying circumstan- 
 ces in which they were placed, led them to form a 
 true estimate of the importance of education, and 
 we accordingly find them, very soon after assuming 
 the powers^of government, providing for the establish- 
 ment of sclijols and seminaries of learning. Each 
 organized town is divided into school districts, and 
 in each district a school is maintained during a part 
 of the year. A part, and in some places, all of the 
 money for the support of these schools is raised up- 
 on the Grand List, in consequence of which our 
 
236 IHSTORY OF VERMO^'^. 
 
 schools are open to the poor os well as tho rich, and, 
 if any children in Vermont grow up without a com- 
 petent knowledge of the common useful branches 
 of education, the fault is wholly chargeable upon 
 themselves, or their parents. Besides our common 
 schools, academies are established in most of the 
 counties, wliere instruction may be had in the higher 
 branches of education. There are hkewise two col- 
 leges and three medical institutions in Vermont. 
 
 11. The first printing office was established in Ver- 
 mont at Westminster in the year 1778, by Judah Pad- 
 dock, Spooncr and Timothy Green. The same 
 year Judah Paddock and Alden Spooner were ap- 
 pointed state printers by the General Assembly. In 
 April 1781, the first News Paper printed in Vermont, 
 was ])ub]islied at Westminster by Judah P. Spooner 
 and Tinjothy Green. It was called the Vermont Ga- 
 zette or Green Mountain Post Boy, and its motto was 
 characteristic of the inhabitants of the Green Moun- 
 tain state. 
 
 "Pliant as roeds, whoro Ptreams of freedom glide, 
 Firm as the hills, to stem oppression's tide." 
 
 This paper was issued weekly on Monday, on a 
 sheet of pot size, but was continued only one or two 
 years. 
 
 12. The second paper published in Vt. was the Ver- 
 mont Gazette, or Freeman^ s Depository. It was ccmmen 
 ced by Anthony Haswell and David Russell, June 5th 
 1783, and has been continued to the present time. 
 The press and types which were at Westminster hav- 
 ing been purchased by George Hough he removeed 
 them to Windsor in 1783, and in partnership with 
 Alden Spooner comnienced ])ublishing the Vermont 
 Journal and Universal. Advertiser on the 7th of August 
 of that year. This was the tbird paper published in 
 Vermont and the second which continued any con 
 siderable length of time. It is still continued in con- 
 nection with the Republican and Yeoman. There are 
 at this time in Vermont no less than twenty four pa- 
 
DISEASES. 237 
 
 pers piiblished'weekly, besides three or foi\r period- 
 icals whieli are issued less frequently. 
 
 13. Religion. — The constitution of Vermont secures 
 to every person freedom of religious opinion and wor- 
 ship, and declares, " that no man can be compelled 
 to erect or support any place of worship, or to main- 
 tain any minister, contrary to the dictates of his own 
 concience." No person can be deprvied of his civil 
 rights, as a citizen, on account of his religious senti- 
 ments, or his peculiar mode of vvorsliip. Yet all de- 
 nominations are enjoined by the constitution to ob- 
 serve the Sabbath, and to keep up some sort of re- 
 ligious worship, which to them shall seem most 
 agreeable to the revealed will of God." The whole 
 number of clergymen in this state is about 350, 
 and they are of the following denominations, viz. 
 Congregationalists, Methodists, Baptists, Freewill 
 Baptists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Christians, 
 Universalists, Unitarians and Friends. Some new 
 sects have occasionally sprung up in this state, but 
 they soon came to nought. 
 
 14. Diseases. — Vermont enjoys a \yai-Q and whole- 
 some air. The diseases most common to our cli- 
 mate, are fevers, dysentery, consumption and other 
 inflammatory complaints, arising from colds, induced 
 by the sudden changes in the weather to which this 
 state is subject. The typhus or slow fever, has been the 
 most common in Vermont, though it has not generally 
 been very fatal. It has prevailed more or less in almost 
 every year since the settlement of the state was com- 
 menced. The spotted fever commenced its ravages in 
 this state about the beginning of the year 1811, and 
 continued its devastations for about two years. This 
 was the most alarming disease ever known in Ver- 
 mont. It usually attacked persons of the most ro- 
 bust and hardy constitutions and often proved fatal 
 in the course of a few hours. It was not uncommon 
 that the patient was a corpse before a physician 
 could be brought to his assistance. 
 
938 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 15. The lung fever followed the spotted fever, and 
 was the most fatal epidemic disease ever experienced 
 in this part of the country. This disease resembled 
 the spotted fever, except in having its principal loca- 
 tion upon the lungs, and being slower in coming to 
 a crisis. It commenced in this state in the autumn 
 of 1812, at the northwestern part. It proved very 
 mortal in the United States' army at Burlington, 
 carrying oflf from 10 to 12 in a |day, before it spread 
 among the inhabitants : It was, however, but a short 
 time before it became general throughout the state 
 In the course of the succeeding winter it swept off 
 from 20 to 60 of the most respectable and useful cit- 
 izens in almost every town. Intermittent fevers were 
 formerly common in many places along the shores 
 of lake Champlain, but cases of this disease at pres- 
 ent very rarely occur. The dysentery has ever been 
 one of the most fatal disorders to children, and has 
 frequently prevailed in different sections of the state 
 to an alarming degree. This disease is seldom known, 
 except in the months of July, August and Septem- 
 ber. Some cases of dysentery have occurred almost 
 every year since the state has been settled ; but they 
 have been for some years less numerous than formerly. 
 In the autumn of 1822 and 1823, the dysentery ap- 
 peared in a much more malignant form than usual, 
 and was very fatal in some places. 
 
 16. But of all the diseases, which continue from 
 year to year to make their inroads upon our popula- 
 tion, the pulmonary consumption is the most fatal 
 and deplorable. Slow in its advances, it almost im- 
 perceptibly undermines the constitution — exhausts 
 the vital energies, and, annually, brings down hun- 
 dreds within this state to an untimely grave. The 
 consumption seems to have its origin in the sudden 
 changes to which our climate is subject, and as the 
 weather has become more variable in consequence 
 of clearing and cultivating the country, we have an 
 obvious cause for tlio increasing ravages of tho dis- 
 
SEASONS. 239 
 
 ease ; and this cause is not a little aided by the pro- 
 pensity, which' prevails, to indulge the caprices of 
 of the fickle goddess, fashion. Too much pains 
 cannot be taken by those, who prize their health, 
 to guard themselves against the effects of sudden 
 changes of temperature. The measles, canker rash, 
 influenza, &c. ha\e frequently been epidemic in 
 this state. To the Epidemic Cholera which was so 
 fetal in many parts of the United States during the 
 summer of 1839, there were only ten or twelve vic- 
 tims in Vermont ; and it may be safely affirmed that 
 Vermont enjoys as pure an atmosphere, as good and 
 wholesome water, and as healthy a climate as almc^t 
 any part of the world,. 
 
 17. Seasons. — The Climate of Vermont is cold and 
 the weather is subject to sudden changes. The ex- 
 tremes of heat and cold are about 100 degrees above, 
 and 27 degi*ees below, the zero in the scale of Far- 
 enhert's thermometer. But few observations have 
 hitherto been made for determining the mean annual 
 temperature. Snow usually falls about the first of 
 December and covers the ground till April, and du- 
 ring this time the cold is often severe. The win- 
 ters in Vermont are, however, milder and more 
 variable, and the quar,tity of snow less,,, than at 
 the time this state was first settled. Frost commoidys 
 cease about the 10th of May and commences again 
 about the first of October, but they have been known 
 every month in the year. Apple-Trees put forth 
 their leaves about the 5th of May, and their blossoms 
 about the 15th. Indian corn is planted between the 
 10th and 25th of May, l)lossonjs in July and is ripe 
 in September. Vegetation is about eight or ten days 
 later on the high lands than it is along the lake and 
 rivers. 
 
 18. Vegetation has sometimes suffered for the want 
 of rain, but much more frequently from two great an 
 abundance ; and the crops along our rivers are fre- 
 quently destroyed by sudden freshets. The most re- 
 
240 HISTORY OF VERMONT. " 
 
 markable and destructive freshets which have occur 
 red since the settlement of the state, were those of 
 1783, 1811 and 1830. In addition to the vast amount 
 of property destroyed by these floods, n^iany hves 
 were also lost. During the freshet of 1830, no less 
 than 14 persons, were drowned in the town of New 
 Haven in this state. 
 
 19. »S'oi7 and productions, — The soil of Vermont is in 
 general, rich and loamy, producing an abundance of 
 those kinds of vegetables, which are common in our 
 latitude. Still the variety of soil in the different 
 parts of the state, is very considerable. Bordering 
 our numerous rivers, are beautiful tracts of interval 
 land, which consists of a dark, deep and fertile allu- 
 vial deposit, very productive in corn, grain, grass and 
 garden vegetables. Back from the intervals, the land 
 rises in some places gradually, in others abruptly, 
 into hills, and further back into mountains. These 
 are intersected by numerous streams, and in general, 
 l)resent a broken and diversified aspect. The up- 
 lands in many places are, however, scarcely inferior 
 to the intervals. They are generally sufficiently free 
 from stone to admit of easy cultivation, and produce 
 good crops of corn, grain and grass. Farmers, who 
 are industrious, seldom fail of having their barns 
 filled with hay and flax, their granaries with corn, 
 wheat, rye, oats, barley, peas and beans, and their 
 cellars with the best of cider, potatoes, turnips, beets, 
 onions, and other esculent vegetables. Those hills 
 and mountains which are not arable, on account of 
 their steepness or rocks, afford the best of pasturage 
 for cattle and sheep. The principal articles of ex- 
 port are lumber, marble, copperas, horses, beef, pork, 
 mutton, pot and pearl ashes, butter, cheese and wool. 
 No part of the world is better adapted to the pro- 
 duction and fattening of horses, cattle and sheep, 
 than the hills and mountains of Vermont. The rai- 
 sing of wool constitutes an important branch of em- 
 ployment. 
 
APPEISDIX. 
 
 /.- .Gcvernnrs and TAeutenant Governors. 
 
 
 Gorier nor s. 
 
 Lieut. Governors. 
 
 1778 
 
 Thomas Chittenden. 
 
 Joseph Marsh. 
 
 1779 
 
 (1 i( 
 
 Benjamin Carpenter. 
 
 1781-5« 
 
 (( u 
 
 El.sha Payne. 
 
 1782 
 
 (( (I 
 
 Paul Spooner. 
 
 1786 
 
 <( (( 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1787 
 
 (i <( 
 
 Joseph Marsh. 
 
 1789 
 
 Moses Robinson. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1790 
 
 Thomas Chittenden. 
 
 Peter Olcut. 
 
 1794 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Jonathan Hunt. 
 
 1796 
 
 (( (< 
 
 Paul Brigham. 
 
 1797 
 
 Isaac Tichenor. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1801 
 
 (( (( 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1807 
 
 Israel Smith. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1808 
 
 Isaac Tichenor. 
 
 (I (( 
 
 1809 
 
 Jonas Gahisha. 
 
 (( (« 
 
 1813 
 
 Martin Chittenden. 
 
 William Cliamberlain. 
 
 1815 
 
 Jonas Galusha. 
 
 Paul Brigham. 
 
 1820 
 
 Richard Skinner. 
 
 V/illiam Cahoon. 
 
 1822 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Aaron Leland. 
 
 1823 
 
 C. P. Van Ness. 
 
 <( (( 
 
 1825 
 
 Ezra Butler. 
 
 " (( 
 
 1827 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Henry Olin, 
 
 1828 
 
 Samuel C. Craf.s. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1830 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Mark Richards. 
 
 1831 
 
 William A. Palmer. 
 
 Lehbeus Egerton. 
 
 1832 
 
 (< (i 
 
 (( (( 
 
 * In those years which are omitted as from 1779, &( 
 the incumbents were continued in office. 
 21 
 
g42 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No8. H.— Treasiirers and Secretaries. 
 
 
 Treasurers. 
 
 Secretaries of State. 
 
 1778 
 
 Ira Allen. 
 
 Thomas Chandler. 
 
 1778* 
 
 t( (( 
 
 Joseph Fay. 
 
 1781 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Micah Townscnd- 
 
 1786 
 
 Samuel Mattocks. 
 
 (( <( 
 
 1788 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Roswell Hopkins. 
 
 1801 
 
 Benjamin Swan. 
 
 (( t( 
 
 1802 
 
 (( <( 
 
 David Wing Jr. 
 
 1806 
 
 t( i« 
 
 Thomas Leverett. 
 
 1813 
 
 ({ (( 
 
 Josiah Dunham. 
 
 1815 
 
 {( (( 
 
 William Slade Jr. -m 
 
 1823 
 
 (( (t 
 
 Norman Williams. W 
 
 1831 
 
 CI (t 
 
 Timothy Merrill. 
 
 No. Ill.—Speakers and Clerks, 
 
 
 Speakers. 
 
 Clearks. 
 
 1778 
 
 Nathan Clark. 
 
 Benjamin Baldwin. 
 
 1778 
 
 Thomas Chandler. 
 
 Bezaleel Woodward. 
 
 1779 
 
 (( (( 
 
 Roswell Hopkms. 
 
 1781 
 
 Thomas Porter. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1782 
 
 Increase Mosely. 
 
 (t (i 
 
 1783 
 
 Isaac Tichenor. 
 
 ({ (t 
 
 1784 
 
 Nathan Niles. 
 
 (t (( 
 
 1785 
 
 S. R. Bradley. 
 
 (t (( 
 
 1786 
 
 Gideon Olin. 
 
 (t (( 
 
 1788 
 
 (( ii 
 
 Stephen Jacobs. 
 
 1790 
 
 (t (< 
 
 Lewis R. Morris. 
 
 1791 
 
 (( (( 
 
 William Eaton. 
 
 1793 
 
 Daniel Buck. 
 
 Richard Whitney. 
 
 1795 
 
 Lewis R. Morris. 
 
 (C ({ 
 
 1797 
 
 Abel Spencer. 
 
 (( (( 
 
 1798 
 
 Daniel Farrand. 
 
 Samuel C. Crafts. 
 
 1799 
 
 Amos Marsh. 
 
 C( (( 
 
 1800 
 
 {( u 
 
 Nathan Osgood. 
 
 1801 
 
 <( (t 
 
 James Elliot. 
 
 1802 
 
 Abel Spencer. 
 
 (t ii 
 
 • When the date is repeated 
 the assembly in a year. 
 
 ther-e were two sessions o 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL I5DEX. 251 
 
 TEAR. J-AGf. 
 
 1492 America Discovovoii I)y Christ,op}icr Coliimhus - lo 
 
 1534 Rivur St Lawiciico discovered by J. Cartior - 14 
 
 35 Ciulicr visited [lochelaga — named it Montreal - 14 
 
 1G03 Cluunplain first visited Canada - - - 14 
 
 07 Jamostowii, Va. f-cttlod by the English - . 17 
 
 08 Quebec settled by the French _ . _ 15 
 
 09 Lake Clinmiiiain ami linkc George Discovered - - 15 
 09 Hudson river discovered by Henry Hudson 17 
 14 Cajitain iSiiiilii cxidurod llie coast of New England - 17 
 14 New York Settled by the Dutcii - - - 17 
 20 Plymouth settled by the Englisii _ . - 17 
 
 23 Settlements begun at J)over and Portsmouth N. H. 18 
 
 30 Indians plot llic extermination of the English - 19 
 33 Windsor, Connecticut settled - - - 18 
 35 Springtield, ftlassachusetts settled - - - 18 
 37 War with the Petjuod Indians _ . . 19 
 
 90 Indians destroyed t'clicnectady and Salmon F. Fort 20 
 
 91 Colonel Schuyler attacked the French settlements - 22 
 1704 Deerheld destroyed by the Indians - - - 23 
 
 24 First Settlement made in the territory of Vermont 25 
 
 31 French built Crown Point — Settled in Addison 26, 53 
 41 South line of Vermont surveyed _ _ _ - 55 
 46 Hoosuc Fort taken by the French and Indians - 27 
 
 46 Bridgeman's Fort defended against the Indians - 27 
 
 47 Charlostown defended by Captain Stevens - - 27 
 49 First townsliip granted in Vermont - - - 55 
 52 English attempted to settle at Coos - - - 52 
 54 General Colonial Convention _ - - - 29 
 54 Settlements made on Connecticut River - - - 53 
 54 Whole nundier of grants in Vermont 16 - - 55 
 
 54 Gen. Braddock defeated by French and Indians - 30 
 
 55 The French Defeated at Lake George - - 32 
 55 Fort William Henry built - - - 34 
 
 55 Bridgeman's fort taken by the Indians - 160 
 
 56 Oswego taken by the French _ - . - 35 
 
 57 Unsuccessful Exj)edilion against Louisburg - 35 
 
 57 Massacre of the English at Fort William Henry - 37 
 
 58 Abercrombie defeated at Ticonderoga - - 41 
 58 Louisburg taken ___-_- 41 
 
 58 Forts Frontonac and Du Quesne taken . - - 43 
 
 59 Quebec taken by Wolf ------ 45 
 
 59 French retire on Lake Champlain . - - - 46 
 
 59 Rogers' Expedition against the St Francis Indians - 47 
 
 60 All Canada Surrendered to the Engligh - - 50 
 
 61 Sixty townships granted in Vermont _ _ - 55 
 
 63 Controversy began between N. Hampshire and N. York 56 
 
 64 Decided by the King in favor of New York - - 57 
 
 64 Newbury Settled ------- 75 
 
 65 Vermont first divided into counties - - - - 75 
 71 Population of Vermont 7000 - - , - - 76 
 74 New York passes an act of outlawry - - - 68 
 
 74 Remonstrance against said act - ... _ 70 
 
 75 Massacre at Westminster March 13 - . - 73 
 
 75 Battle at Lexington April 19 74 
 
 73 Ticonderoga taken by Ethan Allen May, 10, - 77 
 
252 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 
 
 ^^^^' rASE. 
 
 1775 Ethan Allen taken at Montreal, September 25, - 83 
 
 75 Colonel S. Warner defeated General Carlton - 84 
 
 75 St Johns taken by General Montgomery November 3, 84 
 
 75 Montreal taken NoAember 13 - - - - -85 
 
 75 Montgomery defeated and slain at duebec December 31 86 
 . 76 Americans retreat from Canada - - - - 88 
 
 76 Naval Rattle on Lake Champlain October II, - 91 
 76 Convention met at Dorset January 16 and july 24 117 
 
 76 Independence of the United States declared july 4 118 
 
 77 General Burgoyne's council v/ilh the^ Indians June 21 97 
 " The Americans abandon Ticonderoga July 6 - 100 
 " Battle at Hubbardton july 7 - - ' - - - lOF 
 " Battle at Bennington August 16 - - - - 107 
 
 " Bargoyne crossed the Hudson September 13 - - 111 
 
 " Battle of September 19 - - - - - -113 
 
 " Burgoyne Surrendered Oct. 17 - _ . _ 114 
 
 " Vermont declared her own Independence January 15 119 
 
 " Convention to form a Constitution met july 2 - 124 
 
 78 First meeting of the Vermont Legislature March 12 128 
 " Sixteen towns from N, H. united with Vt. june 11 128 
 
 79 Union with N. H. dissolved, February II - - i:^ 
 " Vermont appealed to the world, December 10 - 137 
 
 80 Negotiation with Canada begun, March 30 - - 146 
 80 Royalton Destroyed by the Indians . _ _ 162 
 
 80 Alarm in Windham County _ _ . _ 166 
 
 81 Second Union with part of N. H. April - - 143 
 " A part of N. Y. received into Union with Vt. June 16 144 
 " Colonel I. Allen sent to Canada, May I - - l^D 
 " Allen's Report to the assembly june - - 151 
 " Letter from Lord Germain to Sir H. Clinton intercepted 153 
 " Allen has another interview with the British in Sept. 154 
 " The Birtish army advanced up the lake October - 155 
 " Vermont applies for admission into the Union - 167 
 " Preliminary requisition of Congress, August 20 - 1C5 
 
 82 Gen. Washington wrote to Gov. Chittenden Jan. 1 172 
 82 Vt. Resolved to comply with the resolution of Aug. 20 173 
 82 Vt. dissolved her Unions February 22 - - 173 
 84 Disturbances in Windham County - - - 182 
 88 Peace between G. Britain and the United States 185 
 
 90 Controversy with New York Settled - - 188 
 
 91 Vermont admitted into the Union March 4 - 190 
 97 Resignation and death of Governor Chittenden - 194 
 97 Parties first distinctly formed in Ferment - 199 
 97 Mr. Tichenor elected Governor _ - - - 200 
 
 1800 Middlebury College incorporated _ - - 204 
 
 06 State Bank established ----- 210 
 
 07 Israel Smith elected governor _ - - - 210 
 
 08 Black Snake affair - - - - - 214 
 
 09 Jonas Galasha first elected governor - - - 211 
 
 10 I. Smith 4th Governor of Vermont died 
 
 U Embargo laid for 90 days April 3 - - - 212 
 
 12 War declared with G. Britain June 18 - - 212 
 
 13 Capture of the Growler and Eagle - - - 215 
 
 14 Battle at La Cole Mills 217 
 
 14 Battle at Plattsburgh September 11 - - - 217 
 
 J - 
 
I