Book iJ2 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES AT HOME AND ABROAD HENRY W. HILLIARD, LL.D. "The whole earth is a sepulchre of illustrious men." Pericles. ■';MGTn G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS j;^'7i7 '^ NEW YORK LONDON »7 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND j €ht ^nitkcrborkev j^rtss 1S92 /^ /.//.f Copyright, 1892 BY HENRY W. HILLIARD Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by "Cbc Iknichcrbocljcr ipccss, IRcvc Botfc G. P. Putnam's Sons INTRODUCTORY NOTE. After an extended observation of public affairs in the United States, and in other countries, I purpose to write a history of some of the most important events that I have witnessed, and to sketch some of the most conspicu- ous. actors in the great drama of this nineteenth century now drawing towards its close. Having been engaged in the service of my country at home and abroad, it has been my fortune to meet many eminent men, and to observe the actual working of the political systems that have so rapidly developed the re- sources and advanced the power of the United States where free government is established, and those of other countries where monarchical forms exist with all the accessories of pomp and splendor and state. I have seen the rise and fall of parties, the overthrow of reigning dynasties, and the setting up on the ruins of fallen thrones other establishments. Of these events and the men who took part in them I shall write freely ; in the hope that the following pages recording the struggles, the disasters, and the triumphs which have occurred in our time may contribute something towards the advance- ment of the liberty of mankind all over the world. Henry W. Hilliard. Atlanta, Ga,, January, 1891. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE National Whig Convention at Harrisburg — General Harrison — Hon- orable Henry Clay — General Scott — John Tyler — James Barbour — Benjamin Watkins Leigh — Judge Burnet — Horace Greeley . . i CHAPTER II. The Canvass of 1840 — Mr. Van Buren's Administration — Financial Policy — Personal Qualities — General William Henry Harrison — John Tyler — The Whig Plan of the Canvass — Great Popular Meetings — Leading Statesmen on the Hustings — Unparalleled Enthusiasm ........... 12 CHAPTER III. Inauguration of President Harrison — Death — Accession of Mr. Tyler — Mission to Belgium — Washington — New York — The Ocean — The Voyage — Arrival at Liverpool — High-Sheriff's Coach — Judge Maule 23 CHAPTER IV. London — Edward Everett — Sir Robert Peel — An Evening in the House of Lords — The Duke of Wellington — Lord Lyndhurst — Lord Brougham — Mr. Bates, of Baring Bros. — Mr. Van der Weyer, Belgian Ambassador — Rothschild — Departure . . . -33 CHAPTER V. Antwerp — Brussels — Honorable Virgil Maxcy — Hotel de France — Great Military Review on the Banks of the Rhine — Cologne — Aix- la-Chapelle Splendid Reception by the King of Prussia — Baron Humboldt — Return to Brussels 40 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. PAGE King Leopold and the Queen — Diplomatic Representatives at the Court — Dinner at the Palace at Laeken — My Residence near the Park — Arrangements for Living ........ 47 CHAPTER VII. The Government of Belgium — The Royal Palace — The Chamber of Representatives, or Palais de la Nation — The Burgundian Library — The Hotel de Ville — The Forest of Soignies — Excursion to Waterloo — The Battle — Napoleon ...... 53 CHAPTER VIII. A Visit of the French Ambassador, Marquis de Rumigny — Sir Hamilton Seymour, English Minister — Visit to Paris — Louis Philippe — Mr. Ledyard, United States Charge d' Affaires — Chamber of Deputies — M. Guizot — Reception by M. Guizot — Lord Cowley, English Am- bassador — Dinner at the Palace — Baron Humboldt . . .64 CHAPTER IX. Return to Brussels — Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Interview with the King — Leave for Home via England — Steam- ship Columbia — Arrival at Boston — Visit to Alabama — Montgomery — Return to Brussels from the United States — Reception — Visits . 73 CHAPTER X. Visit of the Queen of England and Prince Albert to Brussels — Popular Reception — Dinner at the Palace — Prince Albert — Lord Aberdeen — Lord Liverpool — Interview with Count de Briey, Minister of Foreign Affairs .......... 80 CHAPTER XL Excursion to the Rhine — Liege — Cologne — On the Rhine — Worms — Luther before the Great Diet — Luther's Elm — Heidelberg — The University — Return to Brussels 85 CHAPTER XII. Change in the Belgian Ministry — General Goblet d'Alviella — Arrival of Mr. Dangerfield, Minister of the Republic of Texas — Excursion to Holland — Mr. William Norris, of Philadelphia — Honorable Chris- topher Hughes, of Maryland, Minister to Holland -90 CO AT TENTS. vii CHAPTER XIII. Brussels — Mr. Norris — Military Display — Relations of Belgium to the Great Powers of Europe — Visit to Paris — The Tuileries — The King's Fete Day — Splendid Reception — Royal Family — Cabinet Ministers — Guizot — Marshal Soult — Diplomatic Corps — Hotel des Invalides — Notre Dame — Versailles ...... lOO CHAPTER XIV. Brussels — Official Duties — Announcement from Washington of the Appointment of Mr. Calhoun as Secretary of State — Dinner at the Palace of Laeken — Dinner at Mr. Waller's, English Secretary of Legation — Evening Reception at the Palace — Letters from Home — Resignation — Departure from Brussels ..... 109 CHAPTER XV. Arrival at Washington City — Interview with the President — State of the Country — Canvass for the Presidency — Mr. Clay — Mr. Polk — Arrival at Montgomery — Mass-Meeting of the Whigs — Honorable Alexander H. Stephens — Honorable Arthur F. Hopkins — Defeat of Mr. Clay — Nomination for a Seat in Congress — Canvass — Election . 115 CHAPTER XVI. Opening of Congress, December, 1845 — The Senate — The House of Representatives — Sketches of Members — President's Message — Texas — Oregon — Debate on the Oregon Question — Negotiation and Settlement ........... 126 CHAPTER XVII. Relations with Mexico — Measures Adopted by the President — War — Battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma — Supplies Voted — Views of the Two Houses of Congress — Archibald Yell — Jefferson Davis — Smithsonian Institution — Honorable Charles J. IngersoU's Attack on Mr. Webster — Honorable William L. Yancey . . 145 CHAPTER XVIII. Second Session of the Twenty-ninth Congress — President's Message — Vigorous Prosecution of the War Recommended — General Taylor's Victories — Monterey — General Scott, Commander-in-Chief — The Battle of Buena Vista — General Scott's Expedition against Vera Cruz and the Capture of that City — The President Recommends to Congress the Appointment of a Lieutenant-General — Action of the House and of the Senate in Regard to this Recommendation — General Proceedings of Congress ....... 162 Viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIX. PACK Re-election to Congress — Opening of the Session — Organization of the House of Representatives — Mr. Winthrop Elected Speaker — Abraham Lincoln Takes his Seat in the House — New Members of the Senate — President's Message — Death of Mr. Adams — Circum- stances Attending it — Marks of Respect to his Memory — Treaty of Peace with Mexico — General Taylor's Return Home — Nomination to the Presidency .......... tSi CHAPTER XX. Closing Scenes of Mr. Polk's Administration — Meeting of the Southern Members — Visit to Boston — Adjournment of Congress — Inaugura- tion of President Taylor — Members of his Cabinet — Renomination for Congress — Canvass — Election — Triumph of the Whig Party . 198 CHAPTER XXI. Opening Session of the New Congress — President's Message — Angry Aspect of the Slavery Question in Congress — Mr. Clay — Mr. Webster — Mr. Calhoun's Last Speech — His Last Appearance in the Senate — Mr. Calhoun's Death — President Taylor's Plan of Settlement of the Slavery Question under Discussion — President's Death — Mr. Fillmore's Accession to the Presidency — Interview with Mr. Webster — Success of the Compromise Measures — Scenes in Washington . . . . . . . . .212 CHAPTER XXII. Interval between the Two Sessions of Congress — Visit to New York — Speech at Castle Garden, October 14, 1850 — Jenny Lind — Great Concert in Philadelphia — Opening of the December Session of Congress — State of the Country — Social Life in Washington — Sir Henry L. Bulwer — Mr. Corcoran — Mr. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe — Adjournment of Congress ........ 235 CHAPTER XXIII. Return to Montgomery — Decline a Re-election to Congress — Discus- sions with Hon. William L. Yancey — Democratic Convention at Baltimore, June i, 1852 — Whig Convention at Baltimore, June i6th — Death of Henry Clay, June 2gth — Death of Daniel Webster, October 24th — Presidential Election, November 2d — Administra- tion of President Pierce — New Acquisition of Territory from Mexico — Organization of Two New Territories, Kansas and Nebraska — Repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act ..... 249 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XXIV. PAGE Political Movements in 1856 — American National Convention, February 22d — Democratic National Convention, June 2d — Republican National Convention, June 17th — Canvass for Mr. Fillmore — Reception at Huntsville — Debates vi^ith Hon. L. P. Walker — Speech at Huntsville — Mass-Meeting at Atlanta — Hon. B. H. Hill — Presidential Election — President Buchanan's Administration — Oration at the University of Virginia Commencement, 1859 — Hon. William C. Preston 268 CHAPTER XXV. Political Events of i860 — Democratic National Convention at Charles- ton ; at Baltimore — Democratic National Convention at Richmond ; at Baltimore — Constitutional Union Convention at Baltimore — Republican National Convention at Chicago — Canvass — Great Meeting in Cooper Institute, New York — Speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston — Edvv'ard Everett — Speech at Utica — Governor Seymour — Speech at Buffalo — Mr, Fillmore — Presidential Election, Novem- ber 6th — Abraham Lincoln ........ 285 CHAPTER XXVI. Effect of Mr. Lincoln's Election upon the Country — Secession of South Carolina — Mississippi — Florida — Alabama — Speech against Seces- sion — Georgia — Speech of Mr. Stephens — Louisiana — Texas — Efforts Made to Arrest the Revolution — Opening of Congress — Mr. Buchanan's Message — Confederate Congress at Montgomery, Alabama, February 4, 1861 — Provisional Government Organized — Jefferson Davis of Mississippi Elected President — Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, Vice-President — Mr. Davis Inaugurated Feb- ruary 1 8th — His Cabinet — Mr. Lincoln Inaugurated March 4th — Mr. Stephens' Speech, March 21st — Fort Sumter — Virginia — Tennessee ........... 306 CHAPTER XXVII. State of the Country — Session of Congress at Montgomery, April 29, 1861 — President Davis' Message — Patriotic Ardor in Support of the Government — North Carolina — Arkansas — Robert E. Lee — Albert Sidney Johnston — Removal of the Seat of Government to Richmond — Visit to Richmond — Battle of Manassas — War — Presi- dent Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation — General Lee's Sur- render — General Grant — General Joseph E. Johnston's Surrender — General Sherman — Fall of the Confederate Government — Principles Involved in the Struggle 33i X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVIII. PAGE Assassination of President Lincoln — A National Calamity — The North and the South both Mourned his Death, and Paid Tributes to his Memory — His Character — His Place in History — Accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presidency — Reconstruction Measures — Mr. Seward — Chief-Justice Chase ....... 343 CHAPTER XXIX. President Hayes — Honorable Richard W. Thompson — Honorable Wil- liam M. Evarts — Mission to Brazil — Steamer Rtissia — London — Paris — Stuttgart — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio de Janeiro — Arrival — First Impressions . . . . . . . . .356 CHAPTER XXX. Palace of San Cristovao — Emperor and Empress — Col. Richard Cutts Shannon — Imperial Family — Count Koskul, Russian Minister — Season in Rio — Tijuca — Mr. Gillett, Navy Agent — Mr. Midwood — Apartments in Rio — Mr. Wilson ....... 364 CHAPTER XXXI. Trade-Mark Treaty — Botanical Garden Railroad — Mr. Greenough — Evening at Mr. Wilson's — Madame Durand — Tamagno — Leave of Absence — Visit to Stuttgart — Return to Rio ..... 373 CHAPTER XXXII. Petropolis — The Emperor — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Mr. Goschen, Secretary of Legation — Baron vSchreiner, Austrian Minister — Mr. Nabuco — Return to Rio — Statesmen of Brazil — The Press . . 379 CHAPTER XXXIII. Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Meet Mrs. Hilliard and Daughters in Paris — London — Sunday — Mr. Spurgeon — Evening Service in St. Paul's Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New York — Washington — President Hayes — Georgia ..... 383 CHAPTER XXXIV. Return to Brazil via England and France — London — House of Lords — — Lord Granville — Paris — Chamber of Deputies — Gambetta — Gen- eral Grant — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio — Count Koskul — Arrival at Rio 388 CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER XXXV. PAGE Aspect of Political Affairs — Slavery Agitation — Mr. Nabuco, President of the Anti-Slavery Society — His Appeal to me to State the Result of Emancipation in the United States — Correspondence on the Subject — Excitement Produced by it — Interview with the Emperor, 393 CHAPTER XXXVI. Banquet Given to me "by the Anti-Slavery Society — Discussion in the Chamber of Deputies — Interpellation to the Premier, Mr. Sariava — Public Interest as to the Result — Reply of Mr. Saraiva in the Chamber of Deputies — The Scene — Public Sentiment in the Empire — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Lord Granville of the Gladstone Cabinet — " Blue Book" of the British Parliament — Petropolis . 398 CHAPTER XXXVII. Close of President Hayes' Administration — Accession of General Gar- field to the Presidency — Resignation Forwarded — Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State — Interview with the Emperor and Empress — Departure from Rio — Voyage — Beautiful Views — Teneriffe — Madeira — Arrival at Bordeaux — Paris — Anniversary of the Repub- lic — London — Dean Stanley — Westminster Abbey — Canon Farrar — Voyage to New York — Washington — Mr. Blaine . . . 403 Conclusion ............ 409 APPENDIX. Mr. HilHard's Participation in the Emancipation Measure in Brazil as Published in the British Parliamentary " Blue Book " . . -411 Index 437 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES AT HOME AND ABROAD CHAPTER I. National Whig Convention at Harrisburg — General Harrison — Honorable Henry Clay — General Scott — John Tyler — James Barbour — Benjamin Watkins Leigh — Judge Burnet — Horace Greely. When the National Whig Convention assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, December 4, 1839, it ^^'^ before it three eminent aspirants to the presidency — General Wil- liam Henry Harrison, Henry Clay, and General Winfield Scott. Twenty-two States were represented, and many of the delegates were men of distinction. Virginia was represented by several of her most eminent men— John Tyler, Governor James Barbour, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh, who would have been recognized as illustrious in any assembly. The venerable Judge Burnet led the delegation from Ohio. Among the conspicuous men from New York was Horace Greeley. I was one of the youngest men in the Convention, taking my seat as a delegate from Alabama. Leaving Montgomery in mid-winter, I travelled to Harrisburg with the ardor of youth to take part, for the first time, in national politics. Taking Washington in my way, I made a brief stay there, and saw for the 2 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. first time Congress in session. Honorable William C. Preston, a senator from South Carolina, received me with marked kindness and consideration. I had read law in his office in Columbia, after graduating at the renowned College of South Carolina, and I enjoyed a life-long, per- sonal friendship with him. Mrs. Preston, the lovely and accomplished Miss Penelope Davis, was with the dis- tinguished senator, giving an indescribable charm to their home in Washington. I met for the first time many of the public men of the country. Mr. Preston asked if I had ever seen Mr. Webster, and learning that I had not, said : " You must see Webster ; he looks the great man more than any of us." Entering the gallery of the Senate-chamber, next day, I looked down upon that assemblage of illustrious men. Mr. Webster was in his seat, and his appearance justified Mr. Preston's remark. He recalled to me the idea of classic grandeur; there was in him a blended dignity and power, most impressive; his head was magnificent, the arch of imagination rising above the brows, surmounted by a development of ven- eration resembling that of the bust of Plato ; and as he sat in his place, surrounded by his peers, it seemed as if the whole weight of the government might rest securely on his broad shoulders. His large, dark eyes were full of expression, even in repose ; the cheeks were square and strong ; his dark hair and swarthy complexion heightened the impression of strength which his whole person made upon me as I saw him for the first time, an impression that was deepened when he rose to his feet, and walked the floor of the Senate-chamber. There was in his appearance something leonine. He was in full dress ; he never neglected this. When he delivered his great speech in reply to Hayne, it is known that he wore a dress-coat of dark blue cloth with gilt buttons, buS^ vest, and white cravat, so that, some one has said, he displayed the colors of the Revolution. CLA y AND CALHOUN. 3 I saw Mr. Clay for the first time, and his commanding and striking person attracted and impressed me. He was unlike Mr. Webster ; his light complexion, blue eyes, and animated manner displayed an ardent nature — I at once recognized a leader among men. His appearance was not less intellectual than that of the other great states- man ; his forehead was high and finely proportioned, and his features expressed intellect, ardor, and courage ; his nose and mouth were large, and of the Roman cast. If Mr. Webster reminded one of the majestic aspect of the lion, Mr. Clay's face suggested that of the eagle — his eyes were brilliant and attractive. When he rose to speak, standing over six feet in height, spare and vigor- ous, his appearance was most commanding ; and certainly with his singularly clear, sonorous, and musical voice, that rose and fell with perfect cadence, one felt that never in ancient or modern assemblies had a greater master of popular thought and passion stood in the midst of men. He was a man of heroic mould, grand in every way, of vast energy, bold plans, comprehensive views, full of decision, and swaying men by the qualities of a great, generous, fearless nature. He was attentive to dress, and when I saw him for the first time he wore a dress-coat of brown broadcloth, a heavy black cravat, and the collar of his shirt was of the largest style, touching his ears. There, too, seated in the midst of his peers, was Mr. Calhoun. I had seen him some years previously ; when he was Vice-President he made a visit to the South Carolina College at Columbia, while I was a student in that renowned institution. I had observed him with youthful ardor, regarding him as the impersonation of statesmanship of the highest order. His appearance was not less impressive than that of the two eminent men just described : all were recognized as giants in that body where they contended for the mastery. He stood quite six feet in height, spare, but vigorous and erect, the imper- 4 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. sonation of intellectual grandeur; his face was Grecian, the brow square, and the forehead finely developed, from which the thick hair was brushed upward ; the mouth resolute ; and the chin, in its shape and firmness giving an expression of purpose and determination, recalled the bust of Caesar ; his eyes, dark gray, were full of fire, and when he was animated blazed with the ardor of his great soul. The whole aspect of the man was that of regnant power. A sculptor, seeking a model for a statue rep- resenting dignity, intellectual power, and high purpose, would, without doubt, have chosen Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Calhoun was habitually dressed in black, and in the Sen- ate-chamber, at all times, wore a morning costume. His colleague, Mr. Preston, had barely touched the Hne of mature manhood ; his ruddy complexion, blue eyes, and auburn hair gave him the appearance of an English gentleman. His face beamed with animation, and there was an unusual grace in his attitudes ; his voice and dic- tion were surpassingly fine ; and, surrounded as he was in that body with so many men of culture and power, he was without a peer as an orator. His orations, like those of Pericles, were so brilliant that they deserved to be called Olympian. A fine portrait of Mr. Preston, by Healey, is in the Corcoran Gallery, in Washington. There were other senators whose appearance attracted my attention, as I was seated in the chamber. I give here only the sketch of some of the great leaders, but I wish in these pages to describe many of them as I became personally acquainted with them in later years. In con- versation with Mr. Preston, I found that he was quite as ardent in support of Mr. Clay's claims for the presidency as myself. It so happened that I travelled to Harrisburg in com- pany with Mr. Tyler, and I was honored by his attentions to me. There was an indescribable charm in his manners, and his conversation was fascinating. He seemed to think THE NATIONAL WHIG CONVENTION. 5 that the call of the Convention was premature ; that it should have awaited the action of the session of Congress that had just opened, before selecting a candidate for the presidency. Mr. Tyler was confident that Mr. Calhoun might be induced to act with the Whigs, his hostility to Mr. Van Buren being well known. The task of unseating Mr. Van Buren and expelling his partisans from their intrenched position was a formidable one — but, said Mr. Tyler, " We must give no audience to our fears." The journey from York, where we took the railroad train to Harrisburg, was interesting ; the scenery along the banks of the Susquehanna was beautiful, and a bright winter day imparted a charm to the varied landscape. I found a large number of delegates assembled upon my arrival at Harrisburg. The morning of the next day, Wednesday, opened auspiciously, and the Convention assembled at noon in a large Presbyterian church, which had been ten- dered for the use of the body. The Convention organized by electing as its permanent president, Governor James Barbour, of Virginia, with several gentlemen from other States as vice-presidents. The choice of Governor Bar- bour as president was felicitous in every way, personally, geographically, and politically. As a presiding officer he was transcendently fine. In the whole course of a long public service I have never seen a man who could rival him as a presiding officer of a public assembly. His per- son was commanding, his presence distinguished, his bearing dignified and stately ; and his sonorous voice controlled the large body, representing such a vast and varied constituency, with resistless effect. He had filled great places, having been Governor of his State, Secretary of War in the Cabinet of John Quincy Adams, a senator from Virginia, and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to England. The plan adopted by the Convention for the choice of a candidate for President and for Vice-President was original, and has been the sub- 6 POLITICS AMD PEN PICTURES. ject of criticism by so eminent a statesman as Honorable Thomas H. Benton. But it seemed to me to possess great advantages, and in my judgment it might well be adopted for the guidance of national conventions in our day. Instead of proceeding to ballot in open convention, it was decided to refer the selection of candidates to a committee composed of delegates from the States repre- sented, not to exceed three from each State. It was the duty of the committee to withdraw to another hall, and sit as an independent body, to consider the claims of the several candidates, and when a satisfactory result was reached, to rise and report their action to the Convention for approval. A majority of all the delegations from the several States was required to secure a nomination. The following order was adopted by the Convention : " Ordered, that the delegates from each State be required to assemble as a delegation and appoint a committee, not ex- ceeding three in number, to receive the views and opinions of such delegation, and communicate the same to the assembled committees of all the delegations, to be by them respectively reported to their principals ; and thereupon the delegates from each State be required to assemble as a delegation and ballot for candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, and having done so, to commit the ballot, designating the votes of each candidate, and by whom given, to its committee, and thereupon all the committees shall assemble and compare the several ballots, and report the result of the same to their several delegations, together with such facts as may bear upon the nomination ; and said delegation shall forthwith reassem- ble and ballot again for candidates for the above offices, and again commit the result to the above committees ; and if it shall appear that a majority of the ballots are for any one man, for candidate for President, said committee shall report the result to the Convention for its consideration ; but if there shall be no such majority, then the delegates shall repeat the balloting until such a majority shall be obtained, and then NOMINEES FOR THE PRESIDENCY. J report the same to the Convention for its consideration. The vote of a majority of each delegation shall be reported as the vote of that State ; and each State represented here shall vote its full electoral vote by said delegation in the Convention." The Committee of States raised by the above order was chosen, and immediately repaired to a large apartment pre- pared for their accommodation. They met in the after- noon of Wednesday and organized, adopting such rules as would enable the body to conform to the plan adopted by the Convention. I was chosen as one of the three to represent the State of Alabama. Soon after organizing, the Convention adjourned to meet at an early hour the next morning. I was an ardent supporter of Mr. Clay, and with his other friends anticipated his early nomina- tion. But the friends of General Harrison, led by Judge Burnet, of Ohio, urged his claims with great earnestness. The delegates from the great State of New York advo- cated a nomination of General Scott. After a free inter- change of views, we proceeded to ballot for a candidate for the presidency, and found ourselves unable to reach a result. When the hour of adjournment arrived in the evening neither candidate had received a majority of the whole number of votes cast. Upon reassembling the next morning, it was seen that the several delegations adhered to their first choice. Neither the friends of Mr. Clay, of General Harrison, nor of General Scott would yield anything. Each successive ballot disclosed the unswerving loyalty of the delegates to their favorite candidate. Toward the evening of the second day, it was plain that we should not be able to agree upon any candidate without some concession on the part of the friends of Mr. Clay. General Harrison developed great strength. Then the delegates from the State of New York came to the friends of Mr. Clay, and said to us that the nomination of that eentleman was 8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. hopeless, that he was supported mainly by the Southern representatives, who were not strong enough to achieve a triumph over the combined North and West ; and they invited us to join them in the support of General Scott. We declined to abandon Mr. Clay, whose qualities, we insisted, entitled him to the nomination. Finally, they said to us : " Well, we now give you Southern gentlemen notice that after the next ballot, if you still adhere to Mr. Clay, we shall give our entire vote to General Harrison, and end this contest." The next ballot disclosed the purpose of the Southern delegates to stand firmly by Mr. Clay. Another ballot was ordered, and it resulted in the choice of General Harrison, the New York delegation having gone over to him in a body. The result was : for General Scott, i6 votes; for Mr. Clay, 90 votes; for General Harrison, 148 votes. We immediately proceeded to ballot for a candidate for Vice-President. Some votes had been cast for a candidate while the previous bal- lotings were going on ; but the interest in the choice of a candidate for President had been so intense, as to leave the delegates largely uncommitted to any one for the second ofifice. I had, from the first, cast a vote for candi- dates for both offices, and had voted uniformly for Mr. Clay, and for Mr. Tyler, respectively. From time to time others had joined me in indicating our preference for Mr. Tyler, so that when the committee came to ballot for a candidate for the vice-presidency, after the choice of General Harrison for the presidency had been made, that gentleman had developed considerable strength. On the second ballot for Vice-President, Mr. Tyler was chosen by a large majority, to my great gratification, for I had given him his first vote. Some of the delegations had expressed a wish to give the nomination for Vice-President to Benjamin Watkins Leigh, who was one of the three gentlemen representing Virginia in our Committee, but he promptly declined GENERAL HARRISON NOMINATED. 9 to be considered an aspirant, in a speech of so much beauty and earnestness that it charmed us all. He was a splendid representative of that class of Virginia gentle- men, who illustrated the grand commonwealth at that period ; a statesman of rich culture, of large attainments, of exalted character, of winning eloquence, and fasci- nating manners. The committee rose, and proceeding to the hall, where the Convention was in session, reported the result ; nam- ing as candidate for President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio ; for Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia. There was an outburst of applause ; the sonorous voice of Governor Barbour, as he uttered the word " Order," instantly stilled the assemblage. A motion was imme- diately made to adjourn until 9 o'clock the next morning, which was carried unanimously, and the Convention rose with enthusiastic cheers. The adjournment was timely ; it enabled us to consider, outside of the body, the report of the Committee of States, before a single remark in regard to it had been made in the Convention. The greatest excitement pre- vailed ; the delegates from the Southern States were not only disappointed at the defeat of Mr. Clay, but they believed that the nomination of General Harrison would result in the rout of the Whig party ; that not a single Southern State would give its support to the ticket. General Harrison's sentiments were understood to be hos- tile to slavery ; he had not taken an active part in public affairs for some years ; but while his eminent services as a soldier were well known, and the greatest respect was felt for his character throughout the country, it was supposed that he had sympathized with those who favored emanci- pation in Virginia, his native State, some years previously. Of illustrious revolutionary lineage, he belonged to a .school of statesmen who, while loyal to the South, enter- tained views of the government that were called National, lO POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. in contradistinction to those of others who advocated the doctrine of State-rights. He had been for years a resident of Ohio, a State that already exhibited a ten- dency to encourage the growth of free-soil ideas. In the course of the night the policy of adopting the report of the Committee of States was warmly discussed : some of the Southern delegates were ready to reject the nomi- nation of General Harrison, and to give the vote of the Convention to General Scott. It was understood that the New York delegation would co-operate in that plan, and it found supporters elsewhere. The discussion awakened the deepest interest, and I heard the views of the friends of the several candidates expressed with the strongest desire to discover some course that would relieve the party from the disaster that seemed to threaten it. Before breakfast the next morning I called on Governor Barbour, and conversed with him on the subject. He ad- vised that we should adopt the report of the committee, and give the unanimous vote of the Convention to Gen- eral Harrison and Mr. Tyler. He believed that we should be defeated in the coming contest, and our only hope of success was to adhere with courage to the candidates pre- sented to the Convention by the Committee of States. " No," said Governor Barbour, '' it will not do, Mr. Hilliard, to reject General Harrison now; the people would not understand how he failed to be nominated after he had been chosen upon full deliberation by the States in the Convention ; just as they did not understand why General Jackson failed to be elected by the House of Representatives, after having obtained the highest vote in the electoral college. We shall be defeated, in all proba- bility, but we must stand it. It reminds me of what occurred in the course of my practice : one day a fellow came to me when I was standing with a group of lawyers, in the court-house, and said he wished to speak with me. I walked off with him, and he asked me if I remembered ENTHUSIASM FOR GENERAL HARRISON. II that some years before he had employed me to defend him when he was charged with stealing a pair of shoes, and upon my replying that I did, he went on to say, that the taking of that pair of shoes was the worst job of his life ; that he did not keep them a week ; they put him in jail ; he had given me the only horse he had to defend him ; lost his crop ; and, ' By George, squire,' he said, ' they gave me nine and thirty lashes at last ; I tell you, squire, it was a bad speculation.' There is not much hope for us ; we shall have to take the thrashing after all our trouble." Greatly amused and instructed, I was convinced by Gov- ernor Barbour's counsel. Upon the assembling of the Convention, a motion to adopt the report of the Committee of States was imme- diately made. It was supported by delegates from State after State ; eloquent speeches were delivered in behalf of the candidates, a flame of enthusiasm spread through the vast assemblage, and I was in full sympathy with it, and speaking for Alabama I pledged the Whigs of the State to an unqualified support of the ticket. In the evening Harrisburg was illuminated ; crowds of enthusiastic people filled the streets cheering, while a band of music played the national airs in front of a public building, where a flag was displayed bearing a portrait of General Harrison, in full uniform, surrounded by the insignia of war. As I stood and saw the flag floating in the evening breeze, I caught the inspiration of coming victory ; I recognized in the heroic face of General Harrison a leader who would be followed by a great and generous people, who would bear his standard with resistless ardor to a splendid triumph. From that hour, throughout the wonderful canvass that followed, I never swerved from his support, and never lost heart. Young, ardent, and fearless, with full faith in the Whig cause, I did not believe defeat pos- sible. It seemed to me that the opening campaign would be like that of Napoleon's, when he led his resistless troops from the summit of the Alps into the plains of Italy. CHAPTER II. The canvass of 1840 — Mr. Van Buren's administration — Financial policy — Personal qualities — General William Henry Harrison — John Tyler — The Whig plan of the canvass — Great popular meetings — Leading states- men on the hustings — Unparalleled enthusiasm. Leaving Harrisburg, I returned to Washington. I found the leading Whigs, not only expressing in strong terms their regret at Mr. Clay's defeat, but, like Governor Barbour, looking for defeat under the lead of General Harrison. Mr. Clay was indignant ; I explained to him the efforts that had been made by his friends to give him the nomination at Harrisburg, but he did not attempt to repress his deep chagrin ; this was but a natural outburst of his ardent temperament, at what seemed to him the disloyalty of his friends. Later, however, his nobler quali- ties triumphed, and he expressed his purpose to give his energetic support to the Whig cause. Mr. Preston gener- ously decided promptly to accept the nomination ; he thought well of General Harrison, and he entertained a warm regard for Mr. Tyler. Mr. Preston took me to call on General Scott ; he had known him for years, and felt for him a sincere friendship, and he wished me to know him too, as a coming man. General Scott spoke of affairs without reserve, and felt that we had committed a great blunder, but his temper was admirable. We were much amused when, on taking leave. General Scott conducted us to the hall of his house, and said, rising to the full height of his majestic person, " I could have been elected VAN BU REN'S ADMINISTRATION. 1 3 as easily as I could walk down these stairs." Mr. Preston laughed heartily, and we descended the stairs. Mr. Van Buren's administration had not given satisfac- tion to the country ; it was beset with troubles. The successor of General Jackson, he found himself sur- rounded by difficult and perilous problems, which the late President, with all his heroic qualities, with the aid of friends as loyal as ever followed a leader, had not been able to solve. The great battle with the Bank of the United States had shaken the foundations of the busi- ness of the country, and recalled the truth of the remark of the Duke of Wellington — " Next to a great defeat, the greatest disaster is a great victory." Arrayed against Mr. Van Buren were the most formidable enemies : the Bank of the United States, making a powerful struggle for a new national charter in the effort to elect a president friendly to it ; aided by the suspended banks in all the States ; and the large and influential merchants who be- lieved that the sub-treasury scheme and the hard-money policy of the administration would destroy the commer- cial prosperity of the country. A battle-cry in contests under constitutional governments where an appeal is made to the people is of the utmost importance, and, unhappily for Mr. Van Buren, he had given one to the Whigs, which was easily comprehended and uttered by leading Whig statesmen, and reproduced by the press of the party throughout the country. He had said in one of his messages to Congress that it was the duty of the govern- ment to provide a special currency for its own use, and the people of the country must supply a financial system for carrying on their business. He insisted that there should be a clear separation between the money of the government and the money of the people. That was enough ; it ranged the friends of a liberal commercial system, which required an ample currency, against an ad- ministration that proposed to lock the revenue of the 14 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. government in its own vaults, giving it no circulation for the benefit of the people. The plan was denounced as unsound as a financial policy, and as an attempt to inaugu- rate a system which conducted the government for its own advantage in the spirit of a monarchy, without sym- pathy for the people or regard for their interests. From the Senate-chamber to every platform in the land the policy of Mr. Van Buren was denounced with the utmost vehemence. The idea of providing a currency for the use of the government, and leaving the people to supply one for themselves, was declared to be an abandonment of one of the most important functions of an administra- tion ; it was insisted that the ruin of the business of the country was inevitable. For once capital and labor co- operated in their energetic and powerful effort to avert an impending disaster. Mr. Webster, in Wall Street, on the 28th of September, 1840, spoke at the merchants' meeting in behalf of the Whig policy, in contrast to that of Mr. Van Buren's administration, and said : " I hold the opinion that a mixed currency, composed partly of gold and silver and partly of good paper redeemable, and steadily redeemed in specie on demand, is the most useful and convenient for such a country as we inhabit, and is sure to continue to be used to a greater or less extent in these United States ; the idea of an exclusive, metallic currency, being either the mere fancy of theorists, or, what is nearer the truth, being employed as a means of popular delusion." This authentic utterance from the great statesman, who was the grandest representative of the Whig party, was received throughout the country as a clear and compre- hensive proposition in regard to the financial system of the United States, entitled to as much consideration as if it had been pronounced by Alexander Hamilton. It sometimes happens in great political contests that a single phrase, indiscreetly uttered, decides the fortunes of a party. Unhappily for Mr. Van Buren, the editor of a GENERAL HARRISON AND HIS LOG-CABIN. 15 Democratic paper, soon after the nomination of General Harrison, ventured to ridicule the leader chosen by the Whig party to conduct it to victory. He said that Gen- eral Harrison was harmless, and that, " if supplied with a barrel of hard cider and a good sea-coal fire, he would be content to pass the remainder of his days in his log-cabin, without aspiring to the presidency." Never in the history of political parties was a more momentous paragraph writ- ten ; it was caught up instantly by the leaders of the Whig party all over the country. Mr. Van Buren was repre- sented as rolling in splendor and luxury, enjoying the emoluments of his great office, while his partisans dared to ridicule the grand old soldier, who lived in retirement upon his humble means. All over the country log-cabins were constructed, and they were to be seen in villages, towns, and cities, adorned with the emblems of pioneer life — coon-skins, strings of red pepper, the simple gourd, and the rude door with the latch-string on the outside. Some of these structures were ample enough to accom- modate large numbers of people, and were the head- quarters for party gatherings ; others were small, and, placed on wheels, were driven from place to place, some- times to distant points to suit the exigencies of party tactics. The conspicuous object of all was a raccoon, living, active, a recognized member of the party, often placed on the platform where the speaker stood to address the people. I remember on one occasion, at a Whig meeting in Montgomery, Alabama, a most felicitous ap- peal was made by a gentleman addressing a listening crowd, when a large raccoon was thrown on the table in front of the speaker. He said : " That was an object to strike terror into the Democratic ranks ; a leader of that party, if present, would have exclaimed with Macbeth : " ' What man dare, I dare : Approach thou like the rugged Russian bear, The arm'd rhinoceros, or the Hyrcan tiger ; Take any shape but that, and my firm nerves Shall never tremble. ' " l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. The personal qualities of Mr. Van Buren were not such as to endear him to the people ; his great abilities and large attainments fitted him for the successful administra- tion of public affairs, his fine presence and engaging man- ners gave him a controlling influence ; but the people never warmed towards him, they distrusted his earnest- ness, and there was a general belief that he was given to intrigue. He owed his elevation to the presidency to the commanding influence of General Jackson. It was under- stood that he had broken the friendly relations, previously existing, between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Van Buren was a friend of Mr. William Henry Crawford, of Georgia, who had been a member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, while Mr. Calhoun was Secretary of War. An estrangement had long existed between General Jackson and Mr. Crawford, but through the intervention of Mr. Van Buren a reconciliation was brought about, and the hostility of General Jackson was transferred to Mr. Cal- houn. General Jackson's friendships were warm, and his resentments unrelenting ; this extraordinary man exerted a more powerful influence over the political affairs of the country than any one had acquired since the organization of the government. He had ended his official career and retired to the " Hermitage " before my visit to Washing- ton, but I had seen him at an earlier period. While a student of law, in Columbia, South Carolina, not yet of age, I had been engaged to take charge of important law papers, and travelled to Nashville, Tenn., to place them in the hands of trustworthy counsel for adjustment. I made the journey alone, over mountains and through wildernesses, with my good horse and sulky, and reached Nashville safely. I took letters of introduction to General Jackson, and other eminent men. The day after my arrival I was standing in front of the Nashville Inn, where I lodged, and I observed in the door of a wing of the hotel a gentleman whose person arrested my attention ; A VISIT TO GENERAL JACKSON. 1/ he was stately and erect, handsomely dressed in black, without his hat, a pair of gold-framed glasses thrown up on his stiff, grayish hair, and a similar pair resting upon his nose, I felt at once that I stood in the presence of General Jackson. Advancing, I made myself known to him ; he received me with a frank cordiality that charmed me ; I had expected to meet a blunt soldier, but I found in General Jackson a gentleman of courtly manners, whose bearing I had never seen excelled in my whole intercourse with public men at home or abroad. During my stay in Nashville, General Jackson treated me with consideration and kindness, and I passed a night at the " Hermitage." This occurred but a few months before his elevation to the presidency. To this man Mr. Van Buren was indebted for his elevation to the envied office to which he had so long aspired, and which many believed he had won by arts better suited to the talents of Richelieu than to the frank and manly qualities of an American statesman. Against this able, adroit, and accomplished statesman, intrenched in power, the Whigs brought into the field General William Henry Harrison, a gentleman of spotless integrity, unaccustomed to the stratagems of politicians, who had won his laurels in the open field many years previously, and was now living in honorable retirement in his humble home on the banks of the Ohio. The con- trast between the men was very striking ; it was almost dramatic. As the canvass advanced, a sentiment lying deep in the heart of the American people was roused, which flamed up into enthusiasm, in behalf of the self- exiled hero who, like Cincinnatus, cultivated the soil, away from the pomp and emoluments of imperial power. The name of John Tyler had a charm for the Southern people. He had sat as a senator, representing Virginia, when General Jackson ruled at Washington. Confronting the imposing authority of that imperious man, stood Mr. Calhoun, speaking for South Carolina. That illustrious 1 8 POLiriCS AND PEN PICTURES. Statesman rose into proportions of the highest grandeur in resisting a national pohcy which he regarded as uncon- stitutional, and meeting the threatening display of the power of the government wielded by General Jackson. When the " Force Bill " was before the Senate, the meas- ure was opposed by Southern senators, who denounced it in vehement terms. Mr. Tyler displayed the highest patriotic ardor and statesman-like courage in his efforts to defeat it. His single vote stands recorded against the measure, other Southern senators having withdrawn from the Senate-chamber. I have already described Mr, Tyler, and have recorded the impression which he made on me at our first meeting ; but it is proper to say something more at length of him as he stood before the country, a chosen candidate of the Whig party for the vice-presi- dency. Mr. Tyler's high rank among statesmen of Vir- ginia gave him consideration before the meeting of the Harrisburg Convention, and after his nomination he advanced rapidly in public favor. His personal appear- ance was very attractive : six feet in height, spare and active, his movements displayed a natural grace, and his manner was cordial but dignified. His head was fine, the forehead high and well developed, the aquiline nose and brilliant eyes giving to his expression the eagle aspect, which distinguished him at all times, and especially in conversation. His frankness imparted an indescribable charm to his manners, and the rich treasure of his culti- vated mind displayed itself without effort or ostentation in the Senate-chamber, and in conversation he surpassed even Mr. Calhoun. His loyalty to his friends was as true as that of General Jackson's ; his integrity and his courage were conspicuous qualities, often exhibited in the course of his public career. In his freedom from stratagem, and the unreserve of his expressions in regard to political questions, he was as open as the day. It was understood that Mr. Van Buren had said to a friend he would any THE CONVENTION AT TUSCALOOSA. 1 9 day ride one hundred miles to meet a person with whom he desired to confer on politics, rather than communicate with him by a letter. Mr. Tyler was as bold as Mr. Clay in making his opinions known in regard to measures affecting the administration of the government. The Whigs opened the campaign by a vigorous assault upon Mr. Van Buren's administration ; public meetings were held throughout the country to ratify the nomina- tions made at Harrisburg. Upon my return to Alabama the Whig leaders decided to call a convention to assemble at Tuscaloosa, at that time the capital of the State. It was largely attended, and the ardor of the people was dis- played as it never had been before in Alabama. Delegations came from the remote counties, some of them bringing with them log-cabins on wheels drawn by fine horses, and displaying the symbols of pioneer structures : the gourd, the string of red pepper, a barrel of cider, the latch-string of the door conspicuously hung on the outside, and the raccoon. A committee was chosen to receive the delega- tion from Dallas County ; and the chairman, drawing up his escort in front of the log-cabin, welcomed the new arrivals, saying : " We rejoice to see you ; we stand in the Pass of Thermopylae." The eloquent Murphy, a man of the highest order of intellect and character, a leading law- yer in the State, replying for the delegation, said : " We know that we hold the Pass of Thermopylae, and we have brought you Spartans to defend it." An address was prepared and issued to the people of the State. An elec- toral ticket was appointed, upon which my name was placed for the Montgomery Congressional district. Judge Hopkins, of Mobile, ex-Governor Gayle, General George W. Crabb, and other leading men were named as electors for other parts of the State. The convention, after a session of several days, adjourned, the delegates bearing with them the ardor awakened at the meeting to all parts of the State. 20 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. One of the greatest popular assemblages ever known in the South was held at Macon, Georgia ; it was attended by many thousands, a large number coming from other States to take part in the grand Whig demonstration. Senator Berrien of Georgia presided, and Senator Pres- ton of South Carolina with others addressed the vast multitude. Mr. Preston at that time was absolutely unrivalled as an orator ; as he stood on the hustings, in the presence of the people, in his majestic proportions, denouncing an administration intrenched in power, his voice rising, at times, into tones of vehement passion, he recalled the description of Demosthenes : "Who Shook the arsenal, And fuhnin'd o'er Greece." The political excitement pervaded the Union, and im- mense meetings were held throughout the country. They were animated beyond description, and were addressed by the ablest men. Mr. Webster, in August, addressed a vast assemblage at Saratoga ; crowded vehicles from the neighboring towns and surrounding country arrived at an early hour, and the railway trains brought vast multitudes. In a grove of pines, without undergrowth, some ten thousand persons were collected, and near the platform where Mr. Webster stood seats were provided for as many more ; ladies were out in great numbers. A great meeting was held on Bunker Hill, in Novem- ber, 1840; the enthusiasm was unparalleled ; a procession four miles in length, with banners and music, marched to the appointed place. Fifty barouches and carriages moved in the line containing Revolutionary soldiers, gentlemen of distinction from other States, and invited guests. Mr. Webster delivered a great speech, setting forth at length Whig principles and purposes. WEBSTER'S GREAT SPEECH AT RICHMOND. 21 Mr. Webster addressed a Whig convention at Rich- mond, on the 5th of October, standing in the Capitol Square, and delivered one of the greatest speeches of his life. There on that spot, standing under an " October sun," he vindicated the principles of free government. " It is an era in my life," he said, *' to find myself on the soil of Virginia, addressing such an assemblage as is now before me ; I feel it to be such, I deeply feel the responsi- bility of the part which has this day been thrown upon me. Although it is the first time I have addressed an assembly of my fellow-citizens upon the soil of Vir- ginia, I hope I am not altogether unacquainted with the history, character, and sentiments of this venerable State. The topics which are now agitating the country, and which have brought us all here to-day, have no relation whatever with those on which I differ from the opinions she has ever entertained. The grievances and misgovern- ments which have roused the country pertain to that class of subjects which especially and peculiarly belong to Vir- ginia, and have from the beginning of our history." A pleasing incident of Mr. Webster's visit to Richmond, and which illustrates the spirit of the canvass of 1840, was an assemblage of the ladies of the city in the " Log- Cabin " where he addressed them collectively, in a brief and appropriate speech. Mr. Legare of South Carolina, Mr. Wise of Virginia, and other eminent men addressed vast multitudes assembled at different points in the sev- eral States, In reply to the invitation to address a meeting in Montgomery, Alabama, in the fall of 1840, Honorable Henry A. Wise, excusing himself from per- sonal attendance, wrote a characteristic letter, giving as a toast for the occasion " The Light of the Log-Cabin." As the canvass advanced, the enthusiasm of the people rose still higher, and the light of a coming victory for the Whig party began to illumine their banners. At one of the great assemblages, addressing the people, I 22 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ventured to assure them of our complete triumph, and said : " We are on the eve of victory ; throughout the whole field we hear the sound of preparation for to-morrow's battle ; armorers are busy closing rivets up ; if we could look in upon the tent of the leader of the opposing host, we should see him tossed upon a restless couch, disturbed with dreams of impending defeat ; he sees the lights burn blue, and on the stricken field we shall hear him exclaim like Richard, at Bosworth, " ' A horse ! a horse ! my kingdom for a horse ! ' " The result was a splendid fulfilment of our ardent an- ticipations. Out of two hundred and ninety-four electoral votes, Mr. Van Buren received but sixty; out of twenty- six States he received the votes of only seven. General Harrison and Mr. Tyler, nominated at Harris- burg for President and Vice-President, were triumphantly elected. CHAPTER III. Inauguration of President Harrison — Death — Accession of Mr. Tyler — Mis- sion to Belgium — Washington — New York — The Ocean — The Voyage — Arrival at Liverpool — High-Sheriff's Coach — Judge Maule. General Harrison's inauguration was most impres- sive. Standing on the grand eastern portico of the Capitol, in front of which an immense concourse of the people, from all parts of the country, awaited the appearance of the new President, he delivered his inaugural address with animation, the tones of his voice reaching the farthest limits of the audience. In the language of an eminent senator : " It breathed a spirit of patriotism, which ad- versaries, as well as friends, admitted to be sincere and to come from the heart." Then the Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Mr. Taney, admin- istered the oath prescribed by the Constitution, and the new administration was opened. The President promptly sent to the Senate the names of the gentlemen chosen for his Cabinet, and the nominations were all unanimously confirmed. They were : Daniel Webster, Secretary of State ; Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury ; John Bell, Secretary at War ; George E. Badger, Secretary of the Navy ; Francis Granger, Postmaster-General ; John J. Crittenden, Attorney-General. This organi- zation of the Cabinet, composed of illustrious statesmen, was received by the country with the greatest satisfac- tion ; it seemed that the light of a new day had risen upon the nation. On the 17th of March the President 23 24 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. issued a proclamation convoking the Congress in extra- ordinary session for the 31st of May. Towards the close of March the President was suddenly taken ill. There had been no decline in his health or strength, but on the 4th of April, one month from the day of his accession to power, General Harrison expired. He had not yet attained the age of seventy years ; but within a month from the day when he stood in strength on the eastern portico of the Capitol before assembled thousands, the President lay dead in the White House. The old eagle had soared to the sun to die. The assembled Cabinet announced the death of the President to Mr. Tyler, the Vice-President, who was at his residence in Virginia, and invited him to come to Washington and enter upon his new duties. Mr. Tyler immediately proceeded to Wash- ington, and upon his arrival was invested with the author- ity of President of the United States, in accordance with the forms of the Constitution. He assumed the high of^ce with manly dignity, and the government proceeded on its course without the slightest disturbance in any of its departments. The event was impressive ; it was the first time of its occurrence since the organization of that great and complex system — the Government of the United States. Visiting Washington in June, I found Congress in session ; the signs of anarchy in the Whig party were clearly visible. Mr. Clay, the real leader of the party, disclosed his purpose to compel the President to accept the measures which, as a senator, he dictated, without the slightest regard to Mr. Tyler's antecedents as a statesman. Imperious, unsparing in his denunciation of any one who faltered in support of his plans for the gov- ernment of the country, he presented a grand spectacle. But Mr. Tyler, with equal firmness, declined to submit to the dictation of the illustrious senator. My friend, Mr. Preston, knew that I desired to fill a diplomatic TENDERED THE MISSION TO PORTUGAL. 25 position in Europe ; before Mr. Tyler's accession to the presidency he had expressed his wish to see me appointed to the mission to Belgium. The Honorable Virgil Maxcy of Maryland had held the place under the administration of Mr. Van Buren, and was regarded with favor by Mr. Webster. It was understood that he was to come home, but the precise date of his resignation had not been fixed. So, during my stay in Washington, observing public affairs, Mr. Preston said to me that the Whig party, as represented in Congress, was about to go to pieces, and that he was authorized by the Secretary of State to tender to me the mission to Portugal ; Mr. Preston said that Mr. Webster had assured him that if I would consent to accept the mission to Portugal, my nomination should be made the next day, and he added that if I desired to go to Europe he felt it to be his duty as my friend to advise me to accept that mission. I replied, that while I desired to go abroad, I was not willing to go to any place not perfectly agreeable to me, and if I accepted ofifice under the administration it must be upon terms that would not, to any extent, lessen my sense of self-respect. Mr. Preston commended my senti- ments, but still advised me to have an interview with Mr, Webster. The next day I made a call on Mr. Webster at the Department of State, and was received by the Secretary with marked kindness. He stated his reasons for speaking to my friend, Mr. Preston, in regard to me, and said that General Barrow of Tennessee wished to be appointed to the mission to Portugal, but that he would inform him of the purpose of the administration to send me to Lisbon, if I would consent to take the place, I replied to Mr. Webster as I had to Mr. Preston, and said that, while I was sensible of the honor conferred on me by this mark of confidence, I was not willing to accept the mission to Portugal. Mr, Webster advised me to see the President, and leaving the Department of State, I 26 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. walked to the Executive Mansion, and was promptly received by Mr. Tyler. I stated what had been said to me by Mr. Preston, and later by Mr. Webster. The President assured me with perfect frankness that if I would consent to go to Portugal, my name should be sent to the Senate immediately ; but, he added : " If you are willing to wait, Mr. Milliard, for a short time, you shall be appointed to the mission to Belgium." I repHed, thanking the President in warm terms for his confidence and kindness, and added : " I will wait, Mr. President, for the mission to Belgium." Returning to Montgomery, I gave attention to my law practice, which was remunerative. Some time after the opening of the session of the Congress in December the President, in a friendly letter, proposed, if it should be agreeable to me, to nominate me to the mission to Holland. I replied promptly, and stated to the President that I adhered to the purpose, previously made known to him, to wait for the appointment to Belgium, and that the mission to Holland would not be agreeable to me. Mr. Maxcy continued to reside in Brussels, awaiting the appointment of his successor. Early in May the Presi- dent sent to the Senate a message, communicating my appointment to the mission to Belgium. I have before me a letter from my friend, Mr. Preston, informing me of the result of my nomination, received by due course of mail. I transcribe it verbatim : " Senate Chamber, ' ' Monday 9, May 42. " 1-2 3 o'clock. " Dear Milliard : — " You are this moment confirmed. " Yours, " Wm. C. Preston. " Mr. HlLLIARD." ACCEPTANCE OF MISSION TO BELGIUM. 2/ My appointment was officially announced in The Na- tional Intelligencer, but I did not receive a formal notifica- tion of it from the Department of State. I was engaged in a large law practice, and did not suspend it while I set about making ready for my departure for Europe ; some weeks elapsed before I completed my preparations for leaving home. I decided to go to Brussels unaccompanied by my family and make arrangements for their reception. It was not before the last days of June that I found myself ready to leave Montgomery and proceed to Washington. Meanwhile I received letters from gentlemen in Washing- ton informing me that it was rumored I did not intend to accept my appointment to Belgium, and asking to be satisfied as to that question by some direct assurance from myself. I replied, stating that I had never hesitated as to my acceptance of the mission, but that some delay had occurred in completing my home arrangements. I received a letter from the President, of the kindest tone, referring to the rumor of my purpose to decline the appointment, urging its acceptance, and assuring me that the mission to Belgium had been from the first at my " unqualified disposal." I replied promptly, assuring the President of my appreciation of his confidence, and in- forming him of my purpose to proceed immediately to Washington. I was received at Washington by the Presi- dent with great cordiality ; I arrived on Saturday, and in the afternoon walked in the gardens surrounding the White House. I found a great number of visitors enjoy- ing the fine day and attracted by the music rendered by the marine band. As I passed near the portico in the rear of the mansion I observed the President seated there with a group of gentlemen ; he recognized me and, rising, invited me to join him, saying, as he extended his hand to me : " I began to fear that I should never see you again." I explained that some delay had occurred in my leaving home, and assured the President of the happiness 28 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. it afforded me to meet him once more. The President presented me to the gentlemen about him, and I passed a half hour in delightful conversation. Mr. Preston was unremitting in his attentions, and taking me in his carriage, we drove to several places where he thought it proper that I should call. Lord Ashburton had recently come from England on a special mission to the United States and had taken the splendid mansion of Mr. Matthew St. Clair Clarke, one of the finest residences in Washington, opposite the White House, where he lived in a style suited to his rank. We drove to his resi- dence, and Mr. Preston presented me to Lord Ashburton, saying that I was about to proceed to Brussels, having been appointed to the mission to Belgium by the Presi- dent. Lord Ashburton treated me with consideration, and spoke of the King of the Belgians in a way that in- terested me, saying that, after having been invited to ac- cept the crown, he had vindicated the choice of the Belgian people by maintaining his claim to power on the battle- field. Lord Ashburton's manners Avere engaging, and he made himself very agreeable to me, evidently disposed to show marked kindness to one so much younger than him- self just about to enter the diplomatic service. We then called on Mr. Webster ; he had taken the house near that of Lord Ashburton's, the splendid residence of that noble philanthropist, Mr. Corcoran, and which had been fitted up for the Secretary of State in a style of elegance suited to the position and tastes of that eminent states- man. We were shown into Mr. Webster's library, where we found him surrounded with books and papers, which attested that he was engaged in some great task. He looked careworn ; not only did his face bear traces of deep and anxious thought, but his frame seemed bowed down under a weight of responsibility that would have crushed the shoulders of Saturn. He received Mr. Pres- ton and myself in the most gracious way, and heightened PRESENTED TO MRS. MADISON. 29 my interest in him by the display of his great powers, with rare frankness in speaking of the negotiations in which he was then engaged with Lord Ashburton. We took leave of Mr. Webster, and, as we descended the stair- way, Mr. Preston said to me: " He will not live to see the 1st of January." " Now," said Mr. Preston, " I wish to present you to Mrs. Madison ; she is a glory." Mrs. Madison resided in a house fronting Lafayette Square, in the immediate neighborhood of the White House, and, as the widow of President Madison, attracted the regards of every one, while in her person and style of living she brought to us the memories of that period when, as Mistress of the White House, she reigned supreme in the realm of the society of the capital. She honored me with her kindest regards, and I felt in taking leave of her that I should bear with me to Europe the vivid memory of the best days of the republic. Mr. Preston had given me a letter of introduction to Mr. Curtis, Collector of the Port of New York, and when I presented it he politely suggested that it might be interesting to me to visit the Brooklyn Navy Yard. I was accompanied by a young relative, Mr. Marcellus Stanley of Georgia, who had just graduated at the Randolph Macon College, Virginia, and at his request I arranged that he should accompany me to Europe. Mr. Curtis put his boat at my service, and sent a young gentleman with us with a note of introduction to Com- modore Perry, who was at that time in command of the station. After a brief visit the Commodore suggested that I should visit the North Carolina and the Mississippi, then at anchor in the bay, and said that it might interest me to visit the Warspite, of the British navy, which had brought over Lord Ashburton. I found that the Com- modore had dismissed Mr. Curtis' boat, and he put his own gig at my service, in command of a young officer of 30 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. the navy. I was received on board of the North Carolina with consideration, and after a short visit the ofificer in command dismissed the boat which had brought me to the ship and put his own gig at my service, instructing the young Heutenant in command to escort me to the Warspitc and to the Mississippi. Sir John Hay, a distin- guished ofificer of the British navy, and who had lost an arm in the service, received me on board the Warspite ; he had brought Lord Ashburton to our country, and was awaiting his commands. Sir John, with marked courtesy, showed me through the ship, and when I had taken leave paid me the compliment of a salute from his guns. My visit to the Mississippi interested me ; it was the first steamship built for our navy that I had seen, and upon leaving it also I was honored with a salute. Returning to the North Carolina I found a number of visitors on board, among them Honorable Walter T. Colquitt, a senator from Georgia, and a party of ladies, attracted to the ship to see one of our largest armed vessels ; the evening was beautiful, and the view was charming. Thanking the Commodore for his courtesy, I took leave, and, to my surprise, was saluted by his guns as my boat drew away from the grand ship. When I set out to visit the several ships, I did not anticipate anything more than an interesting inspection of them, but the young officer sent with me by Com- modore Perry had made known my diplomatic rank, and I was honored accordingly. I had taken rooms at the American Hotel, presided over in magnificent style by Cozzens, who afterwards established a fine house at West Point. The next day was Sunday, and I attended divine service at the Episcopal Church of the Rev. Dr. Hawks, so distinguished for his eloquence and for the beauty and richness of his discourses. I was accompanied by Mr. Stanley, and we were both impressed by hearing read a request for the prayers of the church in behalf of two THE VOYAGE TO LIVERPOOL. 3 1 gentlemen " about to go to sea." We were about to sail the next day, and the coincidence, while it was a surprise to us, was very pleasing. We sailed for Liverpool the next day, Monday, July 25th, in the noble packet-ship, Roscius of the Collins line. Washington Irving, in writing of a voyage to Europe before the day of ocean steamships, and when the sails were spread that the winds might drive the good ship through the waves, describes the sensations that a pas- senger leaving home experiences. " To an American visiting Europe, the long voyage that he has to make is an excellent preparative. The temporary ab- sence of worldly scenes and employments produces a state of mind peculiarly fitted to receive nQVf and vivid impressions. The vast space of waters that separates the hemispheres is like a blank page in existence. There is no gradual transition by which, as in Europe, the features and population of one country blend almost imperceptibly with those of another. From the moment you lose sight of the land you have left, all is vacancy, until you step on the opposite shore and are launched at once into the bustle and novelties of another world." The ocean was to me an object of unfailing interest ; its vastness, its solitude, its ever heaving bosom recalled Byron's lines : " Thou glorious mirror, where the Almighty's form Glasses itself in tempests ; in all time, Calm or convulsed — in breeze, or gale, or storm. Icing the pole, or in the torrid clime Dark -heaving ; — boundless, endless, and sublime — The image of Eternity — the throne Of the invisible." The voyage was remarkable ; we had neither storm nor calm, but a favoring wind bore us on our way so prosper- ously that the topmast sails were never furled from the hour of our departure to that of our artival. We made 32 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. the passage in less then seventeen days. As we caught the first sight of land, the coast of Ireland, we were all delighted ; we could trace on the hills, back of the bold cliffs the outlines of buildings, some of them resembling the ruins of old castles. When we entered the Mersey a fine breeze bore us to Liverpool, and we landed with grateful hearts and congratulations to the Roscius, that had borne us so bravely over the wide sea to old England, the land of our fathers, almost as dear to us as our own great country, which inherited its blood, its language, its laws, and its religion. The morning was fine and we drove to the " Adelphi " with light hearts. Soon after my arrival I observed a coach drawn by four horses and with coachman and two footmen in rich livery stop in front of the hotel. Upon inquiring at the ofifice I was informed that it was the coach of the High SherifT, who had called to conduct the Judge, Sir J. Maule, to the court-house. I lost no time in making my way to the court-room, where for the first time I saw an English court of law in session. His Honor, Judge Maule, was in full state, with gown and wig, and the members of the bar wore the gown and smaller wigs. The High Sheriff seemed to be most formidable in the full display of ofificial dignity. The spectacle was full of interest ; the contrast was strik- ing between this impressive display of royal authority and the republican simplicity which I had so lately wit- nessed at home. ^^-j i^^ ^ ^^ ^^3®Jv^ -^:^)(f CHAPTER XXVII. State of the Country — Session of Congress at Montgomery, April 2g, i86l^ President Davis' Message — Patriotic Ardor in Support of the Govern- ment — North Carolina — Arkansas — Robert E. Lee — Albert Sidney Johnston — Removal of the Seat of Government to Richmond — Visit to Richmond — Battle of Manassas — War — President Lincoln's Eman- cipation Proclamation — General Lee's Surrender — General Grant — General Joseph E. Johnston's Surrender — General Sherman — Fall of the Confederate Government — Principles Involved in the Struggle. The government of the United States and the govern- ment of the Confederate States confronted each other. In response to the call of President Lincoln for troops, active military preparations were made for an invasion of the Southern States. President Davis called a meeting of Congress at Mont- gomery on April 29, 1861. In his message he called attention to the proclamation of the President of the United States, saying: " Apparently contradictory as are the terms of this singular document, one point is unmistakably evident. The President of the United States calls for an army of seventy-five thou- sand men, whose first service is to be the capture of our forts. It is a plain declaration of war which I am not at liberty to disregard because of my knowledge that under the Consti- tution of the United States the President is usurping a power granted exclusively to Congress." 331 332 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. After bringing to view the state of the country, he said in conclusion : " We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we de- sire peace at any sacrifice save that of honor. In independence we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no concession of any kind from the States from which we have lately been con- federated." He declared that the purpose of the Confederate government was to resist an attempt at its subjugation by arms : " The moment that this pretension is abandoned the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commerce that cannot but be mutually beneficial. So long as this pretension is maintained, with a firm reliance on that Divine Power which covers with its protection the just cause, we must continue to struggle for our inherent right to freedom, independence, and self-govern- ment." Congress passed acts authorizing the President to use the whole land and naval forces to meet the necessities of the war thus commenced ; to issue to private armed ves- sels letters of marque, in addition to the volunteer force authorized to be raised ; to accept services of volunteers to serve during the war ; to receive into the service various companies of the different arms ; to make a loan of fifty millions of dollars in bonds and notes ; and to hold an election for officers of the permanent government under the new constitution. An act was passed to complete the internal organization of the government and to estab- lish the administration of public affairs. Patriotic ardor in support of the new government was everywhere exhibited ; a greater number of troops than had been called for offered their services ; and arms could not at that time be supplied to them ; but the most active measures were adopted to obtain them. PREPARATION AGAINST INVASION. 333 The attempt to coerce the States into obedience to the federal government by an invading army resulted in bringing many of the friends of the Union to the support of the Confederate government. Virginia and Tennessee had already taken steps to withdraw from the Union. North Carolina and Arkansas declared their independence and joined the Confederate States. Men of the highest order throughout the country, distinguished for their loyalty and their patriotic services, came to the aid of the government which had just been organized in defence of their principles and the doctrines of the Declaration of In- dependence. Like Hampden, who loved the government and cherished its glorious history — the greatest and freest in the world — but who took up arms to defend the liberties of the people of England against the perversion of its pow- ers by the reigning monarch, they came to the support of the Confederate government in its resistance to the threat- ened invasion. They felt as Lord Chatham did — that to resist the usurpation of powers of the government was a duty, and to aid those who had ranged themselves for the defence of the liberties of the people was a patriotic act. Robert E. Lee resigned his commission in the United States army and tendered his services to Virginia ; he was made commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of the commonwealth. General Albert Sidney Johnston, whose services had won for him great distinction in the United States army, and whose qualities made him the peer of any military commander in the world, then in command of the De- partment of California, resigned his commission and travelled by land from San Francisco to Richmond to tender his services to the Confederate States. The Confederate Congress in session at Montgomery, on the 2ist of May, 1861, resolved "That this Congress will adjourn on Tuesday next to meet again on the 20th day of July at Richmond, Virginia." 334 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. About this time I was called to Richmond to visit my youngest son, Camillus B. Hilliard, who had a short time before returned from Europe, and had been appointed assistant surgeon in the Confederate army. He had attended three courses of lectures, and had received his degree at Philadelphia, but wishing to pursue his studies in Paris he had gone to that city in i860, where he remained until the early part of 1861. Mrs. Hilliard accompanied me, and we found our son extremely ill ; it was several weeks before he recovered. He entered again upon his duties, and soon advanced to the rank of surgeon, a post which he held until the end of the war. In pursuance of its resolutions Congress assembled at Richmond on the day appointed, and President Davis delivered a message in which he stated that the aggressive movement of the enemy required prompt and energetic action. I passed some months in Richmond, and was deeply interested in the important events which occurred at that time. The first great battle between the army of the United States and that of the Confederate States occurred at Manassas, July 21, 1861. The United States forces were under the command of General McDowell, and those of the Confederate army under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston and General Beauregard. The battle began before daybreak on the morning of the 21st, and continued until the afternoon of that day ; great gallantry being displayed by officers and men on both sides. A writer, whose account seems authentic, says: *' At four o'clock the advantage seemed clearly on the Union side ; McDowell ordered an attack upon the centre, which he hoped would decide the day. But at the very moment his whole right came rushing down in confusion. The Confeder- ates had struck a blow upon an unexpected quarter. Ever THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE OF THE WAR. 335 since noon Beauregard had commanded on the plateau, while Johnston took a post in the rear, from which he could over- look the whole field, and direct the reinforcements as they came up. At two o'clock Kirby Smith's brigade, which had been left behind the previous day, came in sight. Johnston hurried up every regiment ; some were sent to strengthen Beauregard's line, which began to advance ; others, with Smith's brigade, were hurled upon the flank and rear of the Union right, which was driven in upon the centre, now moving to attack. In a quarter of an hour all was over. The plateau was swept clear, and the whole Union army streamed wildly back towards the bridge and fords. The eight companies of regulars alone kept anything like military order. In retreating they presented a firm front, and checked the pursuit until the fugitives had gained a fair start. The Confederate infantry was in no condition to make a vigorous pursuit ; half of them had been engaged for hours, and the rest were exhausted by long marches. Some regiments pursued for a mile and were then recalled ; only a few hundred cavalry and a light battery keeping up the chase. By one route or another the fugitives crossed Bull Run and reached the turnpike leading to Centre- ville. This was crossed by a brook over which was a narrow wooden bridge. A crowd of sightseers from Washington had come thus far in carriages and on horseback, to look upon a battle which they had been told was already a victory. A cannon shot overturned a caisson which was crossing the bridge and blocked the way. The artillery horses were cut from their traces, and the drivers, mounting, rode from the throng. Finally the crowd got over the stream, some by the bridge, others by wading, and hurried to Centreville, where Miles' division had remained all day. The pursuing horsemen were checked by the sight of a regiment of these drawn up across the road. It was now evening. A hurried council of war was held and it was determined to fall back to Washing- ton, but the routed regiments were already on their way, and reached the capital before daylight next morning. In six hours of darkness they had traversed the distance which it had taken them forty hours to accomplish in their advance." 336 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. There was great exultation in Richmond when the news of this battle was received. Couriers came, and cavalry officers, giving full accounts of the engagement. The next day the body of General Bernard Bee, of South Carolina — that fine officer who, observing the steadiness of General Jackson's regiment in the battle, said to his aides : " Look at Jackson ; his command stands like a stone wall," giving that commander a name which will never perish — was brought in. The body of Colonel Bartow, of Savannah, who had commanded a Georgia regiment, also was brought in. They were both placed in the Capitol at Richmond, where for some time they lay in state. I do not propose to give an account of the military events which occurred from the victory at Manassas to the surrender at Appomattox. For years a storm of war swept over the country, in which great forms appeared struggling for the mastery — heroic men whose faces were lighted with patriotic ardor and high courage ; they will go down in history with brows encircled with laurel wreaths to meet the coming generations. They bore their part in the greatest civil war that the world ever saw ; and true men of all sections and all countries will unite in paying a tribute to their memory. America honors them as her sons, and the seasons as they pass in their ceaseless visits to our land shed their night dews and kindle their sun- beams upon the graves where they sleep. " How sleep the brave who sink to rest, By all their country's wishes blest ! There honor comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; And freedom shall awhile repair, To dwell a weeping hermit there ! " Collins. On the 1st of January, 1863, President Lincoln issued the emancipation proclamation that had been previously foreshadowed. It proclaimed that : THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 337 " All persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof should then be in rebellion, should be then, thenceforward, and forever free, and the execu- tive government, including the military and naval authority thereof, would maintain such freedom." This paper was as momentous as a great battle. It startled the country — it attracted the attention of the civilized world. It was a bold usurpation of power that gave a shock to our system of free government. It is understood that Mr. Lincoln had repeatedly declared that he had no rightful authority to issue such an order. He resisted the importunities of impatient anti-slavery men for months. But when he looked out upon great con- tending armies struggling with each other, he believed that the existence of the Union was imperilled, and he decided to issue that important paper as a war measure. He undertook to annul valid laws of States regulating the domestic relations of their people — States which he declared to be still within the Union. Light is shed upon his motives by the statements which he made both before and after he issued the proclamation. In a public tele- graphic dispatch addressed to Horace Greeley — a great force in the anti-slavery movement, — on August 22, 1862, he said : " My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save this Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it will help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause ; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause." 338 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. In February, 1865, at Hampton Roads conference, where he appeared with Mr. Seward to meet the com- missioners appointed by the Confederate government, he spoke freely in regard to this subject. Honorable Alex- ander H. Stephens says : " He (the President) went into a prolonged course of re- marks about the proclamation. He said it was not his inten- tion in the beginning to interfere with slavery in the States ; that he never would have done it, if he had not been compelled by necessity to do it, to maintain the Union ; that he had hesitated for some time, and had resorted to this measure only when driven to it by public necessity ; that he had been in favor of the general government prohibiting the extension of slavery into the Territories, but did not think that the govern- ment possessed power over it as a war measure ; and that he had always himself been in favor of emancipation, but not immediate emancipation even by the States. Many evils attending this appeared to him." Mr. Stephens continued : ** After pausing for some time, his head rather bent down, as if in deep reflection while all were seated, he rose up and used these words, almost if not quite identical : * Stephens, if I were in Georgia and entertained the sentiments I do, though I sup- pose I should not be permitted to stay there long with them ; but if I resided in Georgia with my present sentiments, I tell you what I would do if I were in your place ; I would go home, and get the governor of the State to call the legislature together, and get them to recall all the State troops from the war ; elect senators and members to Congress, and ratify this constitutional amendment prospectively, so as to take effect — say in five years. Such a ratification would be valid in my opinion. I have looked into the subject, and think such a prospective ratification would be valid. Whatever may have been the views of your people before the war, they must be convinced now, that slavery is doomed. It cannot last long MR. LINCOLN'S VIEWS. 339 in any event, and the best course, it seems to me, would be to adopt such a policy as would avoid, so far as possible, the evils of immediate emancipation. This would be my course if I were in your place.' " We comprehend, then, Mr. Lincoln's views when, from his standpoint, he issued the emancipation proclamation, he overrode the Constitution, annulled the laws of States, and undertook to set free immediately the slaves, notwith- standing the danger of a servile war in States of common origin, and occupied by kindred people. He asserted that he issued the proclamation as a war measure. In an interesting notice of Mr. Lincoln, by Honorable Joshua F. Speed, written December 6, 1866, he says: " My own opinion of the history of the emancipation proc- lamation is, that Mr. Lincoln foresaw the necessity for it long before he issued it. He was anxious to avoid it, and came to it only when he saw that the measure would subtract from its labor, and add to our army quite a number of good fighting men. I have heard of the charge of duplicity against him by certain Western members of Congress ; I never believed the charge, because he has told me from his own lips that the charge was false. I, who knew him so well, could never after that credit the report. At first I was opposed to the procla- mation, and so told him. I remember well our conversation on the subject. He seemed to treat it as certain, that I would recognize the wisdom of the act, when I should see the har- vest of good which we would ere long glean from it. In that conversation, he alluded to the incident in his life, long past, when he was so much depressed, that he almost contemplated suicide. At the time of his deep depression, he said to me, that he had done nothing to make any human being remember he had lived, and that to connect his name with the events transpiring in his own day and generation, and so impress himself upon them, as to link his name with something that would redound to the interest of his fellow-man, was what he desired to live for. He reminded me of that conversation, 340 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. and said with earnest emphasis, ' I believe that in this measure [meaning his proclamation] my fondest hope will be realized.' Over twenty years had passed between the two conversations." The end of the great conflict was at hand. The Southern army after a long and heroic defence against overwhelming numbers could resist no longer. Its great leader, General Robert E. Lee, whose career shed new lustre upon the name of Virginia, and recalled memories of the glorious Revolutionary struggle, who had long been a conspicuous figure in the sight of the world, and who, though of our times, takes rank with the great cap- tains of antiquity, felt that it was due to his people and to the remnant of the gallant army that still surrounded him, to surrender the cause. On Sunday, the 2d of April, 1865, he sent a telegram to President Davis that he was about to withdraw from Petersburg. He had some time previously in an interview with Mr. Davis stated that his extended line of defence could not be much longer maintained. The President was in Saint Paul's Church in Richmond when General Lee's telegram was delivered to him ; he rose and quietly walked out of the church. He immediately proceeded to make preparation for the evacuation of Richmond. Gen- eral Lee withdrew his army from Petersburg and retired before General Grant's massive column, until he reached Appomattox Court House. On the evening of the 8th General Lee decided, after conference with his corps commanders, that he would make a stand if the state of his army was in a condition to do so. The reports brought in to him satisfied him that the time had come to surrender his army to General Grant. A communication, under a white flag, was made by General Lee to General Grant, inviting him to come to Appomattox where terms of surrender could be agreed upon. General Grant came promptly, and entering a room which had been prepared THE SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX. 34I for their conference, the two Generals took their seats at a small table. General Lee opened the interview thus : " General, I deem it due to proper candor and frankness to say from the beginning of this interview that I am not willing even to discuss any terms of surrender inconsistent with the honor of my army which I am determined to maintain to the last." General Grant, appreciating the character of General Lee, replied : " I have no idea of proposing dishonorable terms. General, and I would be glad if you would state what you consider honorable terms." After a brief statement of the terms by General Lee upon which he was willing to surrender. General Grant expressed himself as satisfied with them, and they were formally reduced to writing. The terms agreed upon were honor- able to both parties, and illustrate the great qualities of the two commanders who arranged them. General Lee was firm ; General Grant was magnani- mous. They were representative men, and as they sat face to face they constituted a picture that will be his- toric ; they comprehended each other. General Grant addressed his communication, submitting the terms of settlement, to " General R. E. Lee, Com- manding Confederate States Army " ; and signed it " Very respectfully, U. S. Grant, Lt.-General," General Lee sent a prompt reply accepting the proposed terms. On April 18, 1865, near Durham Station in North Caro- lina a memorandum of agreement between General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding the Confederate army, and Major-General W. T. Sherman, commanding the army of the United States in North Carolina, was made, — liberal in its terms, and honorable to its great commanders. A patriotic spirit prompted these two important settle- 342 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ments ; they were characterized by an American tone, and they were worthy of the great commanders who had confronted each other in a gigantic civil war. The Confederate States government had fallen. The principles involved in the conflict were, on the one side the preservation of the Union ; and, on the other, the vin- dication of the right of the people of co-ordinate States to a full participation in the benefits of a common govern- ment. Questions affecting the interests, and exciting the passions of the people engaged on either side affected the conflict, but the great controlling principle asserted by the Southern States which had formed an independent gov- ernment was, that a State had the right under the Con- stitution to withdraw from the Union when, in the course of events, its people solemnly declared in convention that its interests demanded a separation. A strong anti-slavery sentiment prevailed at the North. In the South the peo- ple felt that the subordination of the negro race to the white race was absolutely essential for the maintenance of their system of civilization, — a system which existed pre- vious to the formation of the government, and recognized in the Constitution, which provided for a basis of repre- sentation of that servile class. We have emerged from a great civil war ; our political system is still a federal government composed of co-ordi- nate States ; the Union is to stand, and the Constitution is supreme. One flag known and honored by all nations under the whole heavens floats as our national ensign, from the Atlantic gilded with the morning beams of the sun, to the Pacific where he sheds his evening splendors upon that broad ocean. CHAPTER XXVIII. Assassination of President Lincoln — A National Calamity — The North and the South both Mourned his Death, and Paid Tributes to his INIemory — His Character — His Place in History — Accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presidency — Reconstruction Measures — Mr. Seward — Chief-Jus- tice Chase. The war was over. Peace returned to our land. President Lincoln made a brief visit to Richmond. The torch of the incendiary had done its work, and a great part of the beautiful city was in ruins. Returning to Washington, he received the gratulations of the nation. In the supreme hour of his triumph he fell by the hand of an assassin. He attended, by invita- tion, a performance in Ford's Theatre on the evening of April 14th, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln and two guests. He entered the crowded theatre at 9.20 ; the audience rose and cheered enthusiastically as the presi- dential party passed to the " state box " reserved for them. At 10 o'clock John Wilkes Booth swiftly entered the box, and drawing a pistol, fired. The shot was fatal — the ball entered just behind Mr. Lincoln's left ear, and imme- diately produced complete unconsciousness. Springing upon the stage, he rushed across it, and escaped through a back door. The President was in his chair unconscious when Miss Laura Keene and others entered the box with water and stimulants. Medical aid soon came ; it was too late. The dying President was immediately carried 343 344 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. to a house opposite the theatre, where at 7.22 the next morning, the 15th of April, he expired. The event was tragic beyond description. It is stated that Mr. Lincoln had often said that he had a presenti- ment that he would rise to a high position and be sud- denly cut off ; but on this evening no cloud seemed to rest upon him. The heart of the nation was moved. The President, who only a few weeks before, on March 4th, standing in front of the Capitol, and for the second time inaugurated for his great ofifice, uttering words of kind- ness which will be ever memorable : " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans ; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and all nations," — had been suddenly stricken down by the hand of an assassin. It was a national calamity. The North and the South mourned his death ; both paid tributes to his memory. Assassination never advances civilization ; it sometimes inflicts an irreparable injury upon public liberty. In the case of President Lincoln the country lost by his death the only man who could restore to it tranquillity. Many of the leaders of his party who surrounded him were inflamed with resentment against the South ; they dis- played neither statesmanship nor magnanimity. He alone could control his party ; he had their confidence, and they respected his views of public affairs. If he had lived the South would have found in him a statesman of broad views and a friendly spirit in the adjustment of the great questions which affected her relations to the government at the close of the war. No occurrence in our time had so affected the nation as the death of the President. TRIBUTE TO MR. LINCOLN. 345 Among the tributes paid to him as he was borne from the capital to Springfield, where he was to be interred, was an eloquent discourse by Henry Ward Beecher, from which I quote a paragraph : "And now the martyr is moving in triumphal march, mightier than when living. The nation rises up at every stage of his coming. Cities and States are his pall-bearers, and the cannon speaks the hours with solemn progression. Dead, dead, dead, he yet speaketh. Is Washington dead ? Is Hampden dead ? Is any man who was ever fit to live dead ? Disenthralled of flesh, risen to the unobstructed sphere where passion never comes, he begins his illimitable work. His life is now grafted upon the Infinite, and will be fruitful, as no earthly life can be. Pass on, thou that hast overcome." Mr. Lincoln's character was not generally understood. Unfortunately for his fame his measures at the very be- ginning of his administration displayed a rash purpose to maintain the government by the usurpation of powers not granted in the Constitution. In the place of forbearance there was a call for an army of invasion. In the course of the great events that followed he seemed to have but one purpose — to overrun the South by powerful armies. That was his highest idea of statesmanship. Those who were nearest to him, some of his early friends, knew the kindliness of his nature. I knew him in Congress, where he served two sessions. We were both Whigs, and we occupied seats near each other. In our intercourse I found him agreeable and entertaining, exhibiting fine sense, his conversation sparkling with wit and his genial nature unfailing. In a contribution to a biography of Mr. Lincoln, which has recently been published. Honorable Joshua L. Speed gives an interesting notice of him. Mr. Speed states that after having done an act of marked kindness to two women who had come to him in the 346 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. Executive Mansion with an entreaty for clemency he said : " That old lady was no counterfeit ; the mother spoke out in every feature in her face. It is more than one can often say that in doing right one has made two people happy in one day. Speed, die when I may, I want it said of me by those who know me best that I always plucked a thistle and planted a flower when I thought a flower would grow." The place which he will fill in history can be seen to- day ; twenty-five years have gone by since his death ; we can speak of him with calm frankness and perfect fairness. Egypt never judged her kings while they reigned, but passed upon them after death, giving them their true place in their successive dynasties. Mr. Lincoln _was an extraordinary man ; not educated in the schools where statesmen were taught, but in the walks where men are sometimes trained by the influences of actual life, by the law of natural development, until they attain a strength that fits them for the grandest achievements in the con- duct of human affairs. Such a man was Mr. Lincoln. The world is now acquainted with him. The emancipa- tion proclamation of President Lincoln was the act of his administration that won for him the applause of the world ; it made his name immortal. Disregarding the Constitution, annulling the laws of States, looking out upon the storm of war that raged about him, he stood up, and, in the presence of the nation, issued a decree giving liberty to millions of slaves. Andrew Johnson, the Vice-President, came to the presi- dency ; a great opportunity was before him, but he did not comprehend it. The times required statesmanship of the highest order. The States lately at war might have been reconciled upon terms that would have strengthened the Union, and have awakened the sentiments of loyalty RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. 347 to the government in the hearts of the people throughout the nation. The existing State governments should have been promptly recognized, and senators and representa- tives chosen by them should have been admitted in both houses of Congress. This policy had been foreshadowed by President Lincoln. The war was at an end ; the sev- eral ordinances of secession were declarations of inde- pendence to be upheld, if need be, upon the field of battle. The Confederate States had lost the great battle, and the States were still within the Union. They were treated as conquered provinces, and terms were named upon which they should be re-admitted to the Union. Never in the history of free governments had such a mis- take been made. Mr. Johnson's first blunder was his rejection of the settlement made between General Joseph E. Johnston and General Sherman. It verified the French proverb. A series of measures adopted by the new administration served to hinder the great work of national reconciliation. President Johnson made known the terms upon which he would grant a pardon to those who had resisted the gov- ernment ; and constructed a plan which was so full of the spirit of distrust and resentment as to make it similar to an act of pardon from Charles II. upon his restoration — that was offensive to Englishmen. Mr. Johnson's plan was unworthy of a President confronting the American people. Mr. Lincoln would have avoided all this and have controlled his party. Mr. Johnson had no influence with his party, and a great quarrel followed which came near unseating him. There were men like myself in the South who earnestly desired a restoration of the Union. Having known Mr. Seward in Congress, a Whig as I was, and in friendly in- tercourse with him, I wrote him in regard to that subject, and received the following reply : 348 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. " Department of State, "Washington, io August, 1865. " To the Honorable Henry W. Hilliard. " My Dear Sir : " I have received your letter of the first of August, and I desire to lose no time in expressing my cordial agreement with you in the opinions you have expressed concerning the true policy of the hour and the ultimate destiny of the nation. What is now urgently wanted is the reorganization of society in the insurgent States upon such principles as will enable them to win back the confidence of the people who made the sacrifices required for the preservation of the national life. The country has indeed suffered much. It has suffered deeply in every part. But its life and its integrity of heart and even limb remains. It has escaped not only the evils of foreign intervention, but even the demoralization of foreign influence, and therefore it may well be believed to have been really strengthened rather than enfeebled by the trials through which it has passed. I am glad to learn that we are to have your co-operation in the work of reorganization and harmo- nizing, and I shall be happy to see you when you come to the capital. " With great regard and esteem, " Your obedient servant, "William H. Seward." Some few weeks later I visited Washington. A num- ber of Southern gentlemen were at the capital interview- ing the President, and submitting their applications for the pardon promised in his proclamation. The morning after my arrival I called at the White House, and found a large number awaiting a reception by the President. When his doors were thrown open he entered the large reception room and I advanced to a place near where the President was standing. He looked around, recognized me, and extended his hand, saying : " I am glad to see you." We entered into conversation and I informed him AN EVENING WITH MR. SEWARD. 349 of the object of my visit. He suggested that I should leave my papers in the office of Mr. Speed, Attorney-Gen- eral, when, in due time, they would be submitted to him. I had served in Congress for some years with Mr. John- son, but had not met him since, and I was gratified at his cordial reception. Acting upon his suggestion I called at the office of the Attorney-General and left my applica- tion to be presented to the President. I called on the President next day, and he inquired if I intended to go farther North, and being informed that I wished to pass some few weeks in New York, he said that upon my return he would act on my case. I called on Mr. Seward at the State Department and was received with friendly warmth. Before taking leave he invited me to pass the evening with him. I found Miss Seward when I entered, and she continued to sit with us for some time after tea was served. The surroundings were familiar ; Mr. Seward occupied the house where I had my apartments when in Congress, — a handsome building near the White House. Mr. Seward entered into an extended conversation with me in regard to public affairs, and we both spoke with frankness of the state of the country. He spoke of Mr. Stephens, and seemed to distrust the authenticity of his speech at Savan- nah as to slavery being the corner-stone of the Confeder- ate government. There was not a word uttered during the evening which expressed an unfriendly feeling towards the South. He gave me an account of the assault made upon him by Payne on the night of Mr. Lincoln's assassi- nation. He had some days before been injured by a fall from his carriage and was in bed ; his son and one or two friends were seated in the room. Visitors were strictly excluded, and when Payne entered the resistance to him by his son disturbed him, but he did not change his posi- tion ; the bed was a very wide one and he was on the side farthest from the door. As Payne, raising his arm over 35© POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. him laid the blade of his weapon on the side of his face, he saw that the sleeve of his coat was of Confederate gray ; the blade seemed cold, and then it rained, the blood from the wound producing that sensation. He was saved from assassination by the width of the bed and the exertions of those who held Payne, and who finally forced him out of the door. I was deeply interested in this vivid account of the escape of the great statesman from the murderous assault of an armed athlete. Upon my return to Washington from my visit to New York I found my friend, ex-Governor Herschel V. John- son, of Georgia, at Willard's Hotel, where I also stayed. The next day he called with me on the President. He informed me on the way that a new rule had been adopted, — a card placed on the table of the secretary by the visitor would bring prompt attention to the applica- tion by the President. A large party entered the reception room with us, and after placing my card on the secretary's table we waited for some time before we could speak with the President. He received me as before, and spoke of my visit to New York in terms of friendly interest. I said that in con- formity to his rule I had placed my card on the secre- tary's table, and hoped that it would receive early attention. Governor Johnson expressed his interest in me ; the Presi- dent smiled and said : " I was rather partial to Hilliard in Congress." I said : "Yes, we were good friends." Gov- ernor Johnson then remarked : " You had better pardon him ; I don't think he has done much harm." " Now," replied the President, " I know all about him." We took leave, impressed by the President's friendly disposition. Still the President would not allow my papers to be delivered to me. He held me responsible for my mission from the Confederate government to Tennessee, his own State. For weeks I waited his action ; I saw the applica- tion of others acted on favorably ; even General L. P. AT THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 35 1 Walker's, ex-Confederate Secretary of War, received early attention ; but while I was uniformly received cordially, the important document was withheld from me. At length I decided to wait no longer. At the expiration of some three weeks, on Saturday morning I called as usual at the Executive Mansion, but did not enter the reception room ; I sent in a note to the President, stating that I was about to return home, and requested immediate attention to my application. In about thirty minutes the President's secretary walked into the corridor where I was seated, and, coming to me, informed me that I would find the paper which I wished to receive at the Department of State. I called at the department and obtained it immediately. It was Saturday, and I proposed to leave Washington on Monday, to avoid travelling on Sunday. At the breakfast table Sunday morning a lady accompanied by her daughter took a seat near me. I recognized her as Mrs. Bayley, formerly the wife of Honorable Thomas H. Bayley, of Virginia ; she presented me to Miss Bayley, her daughter, and immediately requested me to accom- pany her the next morning on a visit to the President. She was now Mrs. Perkins, wife of a distinguished mem- ber of the Confederate Congress from Louisiana, a planter of great wealth, who, at the close of the war, had gone to Mexico to await the results. I could not decline her request. I recalled the time when I had intervened in behalf of General Bayley. On Monday morning I accompanied Mrs. Perkins to the Executive Mansion, and we had an interview with the President. Mrs. Perkins stated the object of her visit — to obtain a pardon for Mr, Perkins. The President asked : " Where is Mr. Perkins ? " " In Mexico," replied Mrs. Perkins. " Well," said the President, " he must come back to his flag." She then inquired if the President would grant him a pardon upon his return. He said, 352 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. smiling : " You see what is going on here ; you must draw your own inferences." I then said to Mrs. Perkins that she could not expect the President to do more. We took leave, Mrs. Perkins much cheered with the President's words. The emancipation of the slave was the inevitable result of the war between the States. It was a great step in the march of civilization ; slavery was an anachronism in the nineteenth century ; its abolition was in harmony with the spirit of the age. The South is relieved of an incubus, and has advanced with the stride of a giant in the progress of the nations — in the development of a grander, truer, happier civiHzation. The emancipated slaves are secured, too, in the enjoy- ments of their rights under the law which grants them equal protection. It is yet to be seen how the measure granting them the ballot will work. It seemed to me that they should have been trained by a gradual method for the exercise of this great function. So far, it has disturbed the harmony of the races. No man is more sincerely the friend of the negro than myself ; my life has shown it ; but I firmly believe that the supremacy of the white race is absolutely essential to the existence of our social system in these Southern States. The framers of our government never provided for the admission of the negro race into any participation in its administration. I stated my objection to the measure, when it was projected, in a public letter. Chief-Justice Chase, my personal friend, undertook to convince me that my distrust of the measure was unfounded, and addressed a letter to me, which is published in his in- teresting biography. It expresses his views in a states- manlike manner, and, as he attached importance to the letter, I give it a place. LETTER FROM CHIEF-JUSTICE CHASE. 353 ** To Honorable Henry W. Milliard, etc., etc., etc. " Washington, April 27, 1868. "... Some days since I received, from an unknown hand, a paper containing a letter of yours, which I read with great interest. " My acquaintance with you when we were both in Congress — you in the House and I in the Senate — was very slight ; but, slight as it was, I take occasion from it to write you a few lines, suggested by your letter. " Ever since the war closed I have been very anxious for the earliest practicable ' restoration ' of the States of the South, to their proper relations to the other States of the Union. I adopt your own statement of the problem to be worked out, because I agree with you in the opinion, that these * States have never been other than States within the Union since they became parties to the federal government, and that the failure to maintain their assertions of indepen- dence in the conflict of arms which followed, left them States still within the Union.' " The point on which I probably differ from you is this : the people for whom and through whom these States were to be organized at the close of the war was not, as I think, the same people as that which existed in them when the war began. " In my judgment the refusal of the proprietary class, if it may be so called, to recognize this fact and its legitimate and indeed logical consequences, and the convictions of large majorities in the States which adhered to the national gov- ernment in respect to it, caused most of the trouble of the last three years. " I have not time to go at large into this subject, but I may say briefly, that emancipation came to be regarded by these majorities as a military necessity ; that the faith of the nation was pledged, by the proclamation of emancipation, to maintain the emancipated people in the possession and enjoyment of the freedom it conferred ; that to this end the amendment of the Constitution prohibiting slavery throughout the United States 354 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. was proposed and ratified ; that, becoming freemen, the eman- cipated people became necessarily citizens ; and that as citi- zens they were entitled to be consulted in respect to reorgani- zation, and to the means of self-protection by suffrage. This is a very brief, but I think a perfectly correct statement of what may be called, for the sake of brevity, the Northern view of this matter. It would, perhaps, be more correct to call it the loyal view North and South, using the word loyal as dis- tinguishing the masses who support the national government from the masses who opposed it during the war. " Now the particular matter to which I wish to draw your attention is, whether policy and duty do not require the class which I have called proprietary, meaning thereby the educated and cultivated men of the South — whether property holders or not — to accept this view fully and act upon it. Is it possible to doubt that, had this view been accepted and acted upon three years ago, after the surrender of Lee and Johnston, the Southern States would have been richer to-day by hundreds of millions than they are, and that long ago, universal amnesty, and the removal of all disabilities would have prepared the hearts of men on both sides for a real Union ? Can it be a matter of question that the colored voters, finding in the edu- cated classes true friendship, evidenced by full recognition of their rights and practical acts of good-will, would have gladly given to those classes, substantially, their old lead in affairs, directed now, however, to union and not to disunion ; to the benefit of all, and not exclusively to the benefit of a class ? " I observe you say that the attempt to carry on the govern- ment with the privilege of universal suffrage incorporated as one of its elements, is full of danger. Danger is the condition of all governments ; because no form of government ensures wise and beneficent administration. But I beg you to con- sider, is there not a greater danger without than with universal suffrage ? You cannot make suffrage less than universal for the whites, and will not the attempt to discriminate excite such jealousies and ill-feeling as will postpone to the distant future what seems so essential, namely, the restoration of general good will, and bringing into lead the educated men and the THE STATUS OF THE NEGRO. 355 men of property, and so securing the best and most beneficial administration of affairs for all classes ? take universal suffrage and universal amnesty, and all will be well. Can you, my dear sir, devote your fine powers to a better work than com- plete restoration on this basis ? . . . " Of course I do not look for any change in the status of the negro ; his right to the ballot will never be revoked, and he should be allowed to exercise the privilege con- ferred on him freely. The future of our country is full of promise ; the tone of our people is American, and the enlightening and elevating power of Christianity will exert still greater influence over our national life in the cycles that open before us. CHAPTER XXIX. President Hayes — Hon. Richard W. Thompson — Hon. William M. Evarts — Mission to Brazil — Steamer J?iissta — London — Paris — Stuttgart — Voy- age from Bordeaux to Rio de Janeiro — Arrival — First Impressions. President Hayes was inaugurated on Monday, March 5, 1877. His address on the occasion was of a high order ; it was distinguished for its breadth of view and patriotic tone. It prepared the country for his statesmanHke course at the outset of his administration. He promptly removed the United States troops from the States where they had been in antagonism with the civil authority ; he recognized the right of local govern- ment ; and he adopted measures for the promotion of a speedy reconciliation between all sections of the Union. The supremacy of the Constitution was restored. He organized a Cabinet composed of statesmen of ability, character, and well-earned reputation. I made a visit to Washington shortly after Mr. Hayes entered upon his administration. I met him for the first time at a reception given by Mrs. Hayes, and was treated with consideration. Calling at the White House at an informal evening reception, I enjoyed a conversation with Mrs Hayes, and appreciated the manners and the qualities which already distinguished her, and which won for her, while she presided at the social entertainments given at the Executive Mansion, friends from all parts of the country, who then admired her, and who still revere her memory. 356 THE MISSION TO BRAZIL. 357 Hon. Richard W. Thompson, Secretary of the Navy, was a friend whom I had known intimately when we served in Congress. We were Whigs, and attracted to each other by our strong sympathy upon other subjects. His abiHties won for him distinction, and his exalted character gave him a high rank in the country. Soon after my arrival in Washington, I passed an evening at Mr. Thompson's residence, and he informed me that the President would offer me a place in the diplomatic ser- vice. I had not said anything to the President in regard to an appointment under his administration, and was grateful for this unsolicited mark of his favor. Mr. Thompson made known to me the President's views, and proposed to accompany me to the Department of State, and introduce me to Mr. Evarts. The next morning we called on Mr. Evarts, and I was presented to him. The great reputation of the Secretary of State was of course well known to me, but I had not met him before. I appreciated the cordial recep- tion which he gave me. I had two interviews with him in regard to the mission which might be offered for my acceptance. After an extended conversation upon the sub- ject, it was understood that upon the return of the Hon. J. C. Bancroft Davis from Germany, I should be ap- pointed to succeed him ; he had given notice of his purpose to come home, but had not stated at what time he would relinquish his post. On a visit to Washington some time later, I was informed by Mr. Evarts that the mission to Germany was not yet vacant. He stated that the Minister to Brazil had forwarded his resignation, and suggested that I could be appointed to it, if I would accept it ; but that my ideas, he knew, were all European, and that the place might not be agreeable to me. He proposed that I should see the President. I called on the President immediately and made known to him what had occurred at the Department of State. He said he did not 358 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. know when the mission to Berlin would be vacant ; but that my appointment to Brazil would be made immedi- ately if I would accept it. I said : '' Mr. President, ought I to accept it? " He replied that he did not like to speak for another man, but as a large number of Southern men had gone to Brazil at the close of the war, I might ren- der important service to the country by accepting the mission to Rio. I said that after having heard the ex- pression of his views in regard to the mission to Brazil, I could not hesitate to accept it. The appointment was promptly made, and returning home I made my arrangements for an early departure. I sailed with my family from New York in the steam- ship Russia of the Cunard Line, on a bright morning for Liverpool. It was not a new ship, but possessed certain advantages, and excluded steerage passengers. The captain had long experience in conducting a ship across the Atlantic ; he was second in command of the Columbia, on which I had made a voyage years before with Captain Judkins. Everything was auspicious ; the weather was fine ; we were on a summer sea ; and the passengers were agreeable people. Our two daugh- ters had never before been on the sea, but they were not much disturbed by the waves. The daily walk on the deck of the ship, and the cheerful surroundings, relieved the monotony of the voyage. A bright day welcomed us upon our arrival at Liver- pool, and we passed a few hours there in looking at some objects of interest. Our travel to London on the railway was pleasant ; the glimpses we caught of scenery — the fields rich with grain, the whole aspect of a country under fine cultivation — were enjoyed by us. As we approached London everything interested us ; and when we entered the great metropolis we felt that we were in a city full of attractions for us. We took apartments at the Charing Cross Hotel, and FROM LONDON TO PARIS. 359 found it good. It was thoroughly English in all its appointments, and the ladies enjoyed it. I called at the banking-house of Messrs. Morton, Rose, & Co., the bankers of the United States in London, and had a most agree- able interview with them. Our sight-seeing in London was limited by the short time which we gave to it. To an American, Westminster Abbey is the most interesting place in London ; its his- toric glory, its mementos of monarchs, of the mighty dead who served the Church and the State, its scholars, its poets — all awaken emotions which no other spot in Europe can excite. Fine weather still favored us ; the travel to Dover, the brief run over the Channel, and the stepping on the soil of France were all enjoyed by us. As I landed at Calais an ofificial person in handsome uniform addressed me as "General," and asked if I were "English." I replied: " No, American ! " He gave me a military salute. It was an unexpected tribute to my soldierly appearance, and amused us as a mark of French politeness. The travel to Paris from Calais was delightful ; we saw France under its most pleasing aspect, and were much charmed by the expanding view of that beautiful country. Eng- land awakens in me emotions which no other country in the world can excite, outside of my own native land. I feel that I can claim a part in its glorious history ; its lan- guage, religion, law, are mine ; but I love France, and I find an unfailing interest in looking upon its sunny plains, and seeing its bright, cheerful people. To heighten the charm of the view an afternoon shower came up, and a resplendent rainbow spanned the fair fields through which we were passing. We reached Paris before sunset, and caught the first view of that beautiful city under a clear sky. We drove to the Hotel Meurice, and took apartments. This charming hotel is in the Rue de Rivoli, opposite the Gardens of the Tuileries, and I preferred it 360 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. to any hotel in Europe. I was a guest there upon my first visit to Paris. We could not linger in that most attractive of all cities, proposing to make a later visit, and pass some time there. The view which the ladies caught of it was delightful. It was my purpose before leaving home to take my family to Stuttgart and arrange for a year's residence for them while I proceeded to Rio. In Paris I met Mr. Partridge, my predecessor at the court of Brazil ; he ex- pected me, and called on me promptly. He devoted his time to me and rendered important service in posting me as to affairs in Brazil, and in other ways. I informed him of my purpose to leave my family in Stuttgart ; he thoroughly approved it, and said that it would be well to arrange for their residence there during my stay at Rio. He informed me that several members of the Diplomatic Corps left their families in Europe. The climate at Rio at certain seasons of the year was such as to make it un- desirable as a residence. A leave of absence obtained from time to time would enable me to visit my family, who would in the meanwhile enjoy advantages which could not be secured in Brazil. After a brief but a very pleasant stay in Paris we pro- ceeded to Stuttgart. The travel from Paris to Stuttgart interested us. We had a view of Strasbourg, its grand cathedral rising before us with its lofty spire higher than the Great Pyramid of Egypt, and we crossed the Rhine. Stuttgart makes a fine impression on the visitor from the first hour of his arrival. Its railway station is mag- nificent, and it has one of the best hotels in Europe. This charming place, seated in the midst of vine-clad hills, possessed every advantage as a residence for Mrs. Hilliard and our daughters. As a school for music it is not excelled in Europe. I succeeded in making satisfactory arrangements for my family. Mr. Potter, our Consul, gave us his best services, and I found in Mr. Schulz, an ARRIVAL IN BRAZIL. 361 eminent banker, a gentleman who undertook to provide facilities for meeting the requirements of Mrs. Hilliard during her stay. Returning to Paris, I found that I was too late to secure a passage in the French steamer for Rio. I engaged a passage in one of the ships of the Pacific Line of Royal Mail Steamers, which, leaving Liverpool, called at Bor- deaux for passengers. The voyage from Bordeaux to Rio was delightful. We called at Lisbon, and I was impressed by the magnificence of the view Avhich the city presented. It is a grand amphitheatre, spreading over hills, which are covered with palaces, churches, and private residences, constituting a beautiful picture. The ocean was tranquil, and day after day we enjoyed the voyage, which revealed to us, as we approached the coast of South America, scenery which was new to us, and in the full verdure of tropical luxuriance. At night the heavens were magnificent ; the constellations shone with a splendor that we had never before witnessed, and the unclouded firmament revealed to us its full beauty. Pernambuco was the first place we saw on the coast of Brazil ; its towers, and the domes of its public buildings, rising to view out of the water as we approached it. We did not enter the city ; it was inaccessible to our large ship. We had a view, far to the right, of Olinda, a beau- tiful suburb seated on a hill in the midst of palm trees and bananeiros. Its once famous law school, with its three hundred students, no longer exists. A natural reef pro- tects the harbor of Pernambuco, and those who visit it are taken in small boats through the rough sea to the city. Pernambuco is a place of commercial importance, and is the greatest sugar mart in Brazil. When we arrived at Bahia, a great city, the second in importance in the empire, we found that the French steamer, in which I so much desired to secure a passage, 362 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. was a wreck. It had foundered on a rock near the en- trance of the harbor and sank so rapidly that the passen- gers barely escaped with their lives, losing not only their trunks, but their satchels — not even saving their jewelry. It was an impressive illustration of the truth so often shown us in life, that it is better to submit ourselves to the guidance of a Divine Providence than to undertake to shape our own ends. If I had been on board the French steamer I should have lost not only my valuables but the papers from my government which accredited me to the Imperial Government of Brazil. As we approached Rio de Janeiro the scenery which rose to view was surpassingly beautiful ; not only was the tropical verdure in perfection, but the whole aspect of the coast far transcended anything in sublimity that I had seen in any country. The morning was bright ; not a cloud shut out of view any point of the unrivalled picture that opened before us. There was a blended majesty and beauty — an expanding stretch of water, a range of moun- tains towering to great heights, on some sides precipitous and bare, and on others robed in the green verdure of the tropics. The Bay of Rio de Janeiro is the most beautiful in the world. The harbor is entered through a deep and narrow passage between two granite mountains, and yet the en- trance is so safe that the presence of a pilot is not re- quired. Gardner, an English botanist, gives a description of it: " It is quite impossible to express the feelings which arise in the mind while the eye surveys the beautiful, varied scenery which was disclosed on reaching the harbor — scenery which is perhaps unequalled on the face of the earth, and in the pro- duction of which nature seems to have exerted all her energies. Since then I have visited many places celebrated for their beauty and grandeur, but none of them have left a like im- pression on my mind. As far as the eye can reach lovely WELCOME AT RIO. 363 little verdant and palm-clad islands were to be seen rising out of its dark bosom, while the hills and lofty mountains which surround it on all sides, gilded by the rays of the setting sun, formed a befitting frame for such a picture. Looking about you, after passing the narrow entrance, you see on the left the Sugar Loaf towering up twelve hundred feet in height, while the Corcavado, seen on the other side of the city, rises twenty-three hundred feet. In the distance, through an opening in the bay, the peaks of the Organ mountains rise into view. While our steamer awaited the visit of the officers whose business it is to inspect it, a number of Ameri- can residents at Rio engaged a boat, and decorating it with the United States flag, came on board to welcome me ; I was cheered by this warm welcome from my coun- trymen, and expressed my deep sense of their kind consideration. As I ascended the steps at the landing I was met by two gentlemen, Mr. Greenough and Colonel Shannon, who awaited me and gave me a reception, which was the begin- ning of a life-long friendship. When I entered the apartments reserved for me at the Hotel des Etrang^res I was surprised to see on the walls three portraits which interested me. One of General Wash- ington, one of King Leopold L of Belgium, and one of the Queen. The pictures seemed to welcome me. CHAPTER XXX. Palace of San Cristovao — Emperor and Empress — Colonel Richard Cutts Shannon — Imperial Family — Count Koskul, Russian Minister — Season in Rio — Tijuca — Mr. Gillett, Navy Agent — Mr. Midwood — Apartments in Rio — Mr. Wilson. The imperial palace of San Cristovdo is situated so beautifully that the spot where it stands is named Boa Vista. It is an impressive structure, and the views from it are charming. The approach to it reveals the mountain range of Tijuca behind it, crowned with the unchanging verdure of tropical scenery. Soon after my arrival in Rio I had an interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and a day was appointed for my presentation to the Emperor. The evening was fine, and I drove to the palace accom- panied by Colonel Shannon, who had been Secretary of Legation under my predecessor, Mr. Partridge, but who had before my arrival resigned his post. He still resided in Rio, and was associated with Mr. Greenough, the founder of the Botanical Garden Railroad. I was so fortunate as to induce him to resume his functions in the absence of a secretary ; and his acquaintance with the court enabled him to render me important services. A scholarly, accomplished gentleman, no one could be better qualified for the place. Upon reaching the palace we were conducted to a large reception room, and awaited the time when I was to be presented to his Majesty. About the same time Mr. 364 PRESENTATION TO THE EMPEROR. 365 Potestad, the newly appointed Spanish Minister, entered the room and awaited his presentation. I was soon in- formed that the Emperor would receive me, and we entered the Throne Room, where I was presented to his Majesty by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Emperor stood in front of the throne, and, accompanied by Colonel Shannon, I advanced, and being announced as the Minister of the United States of America, I addressed his Majesty, delivering a speech prepared for the occasion, without notes. I said : " Honored in having been chosen to represent the United States of America near the Imperial Government of Brazil, I come to give assurances to your Majesty of the warm friend- ship which the President entertains for you personally, and the earnest desire which he feels to draw still closer the ties which already bind the two great nations to each other. " The recent visit of your Majesty to our country has made you well known to our government and to our people, and it has heightened their respect and strengthened their regard for the ruler of this great Empire. Coming to us at a time when we were celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of our ex- istence as an independent government, we appreciated your in- terest in our growth as a nation, and the success of our free political institutions. " A deeper interest was given to your Majesty's visit by the presence of the Empress, who, when she left our shores, bore with her the warm regards of our whole people. *' The magnificent display, too, of the products and industry of Brazil, at the International Exhibition, has increased our desire to strengthen the commercial relations between the two countries, and we hope soon to witness an improvement in the means for the accomplishment of that object. Greater facili- ties for a rapid transit between the principal ports of the United States and those of Brazil are so important to the travel and trade of the two countries that they must soon be pro- vided. 366 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ' It shall be my aim, while I have the honor to represent my country here, to contribute all that I can to strengthen the friendship that already exists between the United States and Brazil, and to promote the interests of both by encouraging a more active commercial intercourse between them. " There are considerations which make it most important to cultivate relations of perfect friendship. Occupying a large part of this American continent, we are charged with the grand interests of those who to-day live under the protection of the two governments, and with the destinies of coming generations. Separated from Europe by an ocean, we shall not be disturbed by the conflicting interests of their govern- ments, and we shall be able to co-operate with each other in the peaceful development of the vast resources which our countries contain. In the order of Providence, we are neigh- bors, and holding such relations, neither country can be indifferent to the growth, prosperity, and happiness of the other. Spreading out the map of the world, it is impossible to overlook the important relations which must ever exist between the United States and Brazil ; there can be no con- flict between their interests, and there should be as little restriction as possible on their trade. " I hope the coming centuries will witness the growth of both nations, not only in wealth and power, but in Christian civilization, and in the development of the principles of good government. " I have the honor to deliver to your Majesty a letter from the President of the United States, accrediting me as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pienipotentiary near your Majesty's Government." His Majesty replied in a brief speech of welcome, expressing his deep interest in the United States, and his consideration for me personally as the representative of its government. I bowed and left the Throne Room, going into the adjoining reception room. THE IMPERIAL FAMILY. 367 The Minister of Spain was then presented to the Emperor, and deHvered his credentials. Presently his Majesty entered the reception room, and, coming to me, engaged for some time in friendly conver- sation. The appearance of the Emperor was impressive: his physique was magnificent, — upwards of six feet in height, and finely proportioned ; his head well developed, and his intellectual face expressive of generous qualities, gave him an air of distinction. Taking leave of me, he advanced to Mr. Potestad, the Spanish Minister. I was then conducted to the Empress, whose reception room was at the other end of the palace. Her Majesty received me graciously, standing and attended by two or three ladies of her court. Her appearance was pre- possessing, the face expressing amiable qualities, and her manner animated and pleasing. After a brief conversation with the Empress, I took leave. The imperial family was of great distinction on both sides. The Emperor's lineage embraces the Braganzas, the Bourbons, and the Hapsburgs. He is the son of Dom Pedro I., whose brilliant career displayed great qualities, and illustrated the history of Brazil and Por- tugal. He gave up two thrones, and was only in the forty-third year of his age at the time of his death. There were some striking incidents that preceded his abdication of the imperial throne in favor of his son. A violent, popular outbreak occurred ; a demand was made upon him for the reinstatement of a Cabinet he had dismissed ; he refused to yield, and exclaimed : " I will do everything for the people, but nothing by the people." The insurgent populace grew impatient ; the Emperor stood up firmly ; he was full of courage and dignity in vindicating his imperial authority under the constitution. At last, finding himself unsupported, at a late hour of the night, all alone, he wrote his abdica- 368 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. tion, full of dignity, and delivered it to the messenger from the people. " Availing myself of the right which the Constitution con- cedes to me, I declare that I have voluntarily abdicated in favor of my dearly beloved and esteemed son, Dom Pedro de Alcantaro. "Boa Vista, 7th of April, 1831 ; tenth year of the Inde- pendence of the Empire." Soon after he embarked for Lisbon in the Warspite, an English line-of-battle ship, accompanied by the ladies of his family, the Empress — his second wife — daughter of Prince Eugene Beauharnais, and his eldest daughter, lately Queen of Portugal. The mother of Dom Pedro 11. was Leopold Dina, Arch- Duchess of Austria and sister of Maria Louisa, who mar- ried the Emperor Napoleon after his separation from Josephine. She was greatly beloved in Rio. The Empress, Donna Theresa, too, was of a family greatly distinguished. She was a daughter of his Majesty Francis L, King of the Two Sicilies. One of her sisters married a son of Charles X. of France, and another was the Queen of Spain. Dom Pedro IL was but five years of age at the time of his father's abdication, and a regency took charge of the government. In 1840 the regency was abolished, and the accession of Dom Pedro H. to the full exercise of his prerogative as an emperor was declared. His coronation took place with great splendor on July 18, 1841. The marriage of the young Emperor and the Princess Donna Theresa was solemnized at Naples in the spring of 1843, ^^d a Brazilian squadron, fitted up to conduct the Empress to her new home, arrived at Rio in Sep- tember. The Imperial Prince, Dom Affonso, was born in 1844, but died the next year. RESIDENCE IN RIO. 369 The Princess Isabella was born in 1846, and in 1864 was married to Prince Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Count d'Eu, the eldest son of the Duke de Nemours. The Princess Leopold Dina was born in 1847, ^^^^i married the Prince Auguste de Saxe-Coburg in 1864 ; she died in 1871, leaving four sons. The Princess Isabella was the presumptive heir to the throne, and was regent during the Emperor's absence from Brazil. At the time of my residence in Rio, Princess Isabella was the mother of two sons. She was recognized as a superior woman, handsome, accomplished, and full of character. Count Koskul, the Russian Minister, occupied apart- ments in the Hotel des Etrangers near my own. I was pleased with him at our first meeting, and our inter, course grew into friendly interest. A superior man, of fine attainments, agreeable manners, and a large acquaint- ance with the world, he always attracted me. We both felt that there could be no rivalry between us as the representatives of two great nations whose traditional friendship was well known. Like myself, the Count was alone, having left his wife in Europe, and we found our- selves constantly brought together. Our walks were cheered by each other's presence and conversation. I had arrived at Rio in October, and felt the heat even then oppressive. The seasons south of the equator are the reverse of ours in Europe and in the United States. The heated term in Rio begins in November and con- tinues until April, and at some seasons longer. It is not an agreeable or a safe residence during that term ; the yellow fever prevails. The imperial family pass the time in Petropolis, a beautiful place some thirty miles from the city in the midst of the mountains. The Diplomatic Corps and many of the wealthy citizens seek retreats either at Tijuca or Petropolis. I had made a visit to the family of Mr. Gillett at Tijuca, and found the place most 370 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. attractive. The scenery is beautiful beyond description, the air fine, and the families, who live in tasteful and sometimes elegant homes, are people of culture and re- finement. I decided, therefore, to take apartments in an English hotel some two miles distant from Mr. Gillett's residence. Tijuca, though situated in the mountains, is only some ten miles distant from Rio, and is not regarded as a perfectly safe retreat. There is daily intercourse with the city, and one unconsciously loses his sense of danger by visits to a place where the deadly fever prevails. Still I was controlled by my inclinations rather than by my apprehension, and became a guest at the Estabelecimento White, as it was called. Mr. Francis Gillett was the United States Navy agent at Rio, where he had his ofifice, and which his clerks at- tended daily. But his residence was at Tijuca, and a more attractive place I do not know in Brazil. He was from Indiana, young, accomplished, with every good quality. His wife was a lovely woman and an admirable representative of our countrywomen, with the most pleasing manners, bright, hospitable, and true as a woman ever was. She had two daughters — one about seventeen, at home with her, and a younger one absent at school. It would not be too much to say that Mr. Gillett's home reminded me of Blennerhassett's described by Wirt in his splendid speech delivered on the trial of Burr. There was a young Englishman, Mr. Midwood, con- nected with one of the great commercial houses in Rio, in which his father, who resided in Birmingham, had a large interest, and he was engaged to Miss Gillett. At a dinner, given at Mr. Gillett's residence, where I was one of the invited guests, the engagement of the young people was announced. Everything was propitious. Week after week went by, and the coming wedding was delayed, awaiting the arrival of the Bishop of the Falk- SAD DEATHS FROM YELLOW FEVER. 37 1 land Islands, whose diocese embraces Rio, and who was to solemnize the marriage. A sudden change came over this bright scene. About the middle of February, Mr, Gillett returned from a business meeting with an officer of the United States Navy in the evening, and was somewhat indisposed. His illness soon disclosed an attack of yellow fever, and in the course of two or three days he died. Mrs. Gillett, with her daughters, came to the hotel where I was residing, and passed some two weeks there. Mr. Midwood was already a guest there. Mrs. Gillett conferred with me in regard to the immediate marriage of Miss Gillett to Mr. Midwood ; and in view of the circumstances, I advised it. Her home had been thoroughly disinfected, and she returned to it. The day for the marriage at the English Church in Rio had been agreed on, and I was to give the bride away. I was pre- paring to take a carriage and call for the ladies at an early hour, when a gentleman called on me to say that Mr. Midwood was too ill to go to Rio that day. I went instantly to the apartment of Mr. Midwood, and found him much indisposed, and distressed at being unable to keep his engagement that morning. I said that I would call at once at Mrs. Gillett's, and arrange for a postpone- ment of the marriage until his convalescence. Miss Gillett, during our interview, controlled her emotions, and said that she would write a note to Mr. Midwood to cheer him, and hoped that he was not distressed by the temporary postponement. Her bearing was admirable, and height- ened my regard for her. Upon my return to the hotel, I called on Mr. Midwood to deliver the note, but he was too languid to read it. In the course of a day or two he died of yellow fever. Two days later, Mrs. Gillett followed Mr. Gillett and Mr. Midwood, all victims of that fatal fever which pre- vailed in Rio. 372 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. This illustrates what occurs at some seasons in that great city, so rich in everything, and clothed with un- changing tropical verdure. There was an incident that heightened the dramatic effect of this scene. A brother of Mr. Midwood, who had come from England to be present at the marriage, was informed of his death before leaving the ship, and he de- clined to come ashore, but returned home in the ship that brought him over. Friends surrounded Miss Gillett and her sister, and did everything that they could to cheer them, — took them to their homes, and arrangements were made for their early return to the United States. In the course of a few weeks I returned to Rio, and engaged a suite of apartments in one of the most elegant and pleasant houses in the city, near the Hotel des Etrangers. Soon after my first arrival in Rio, I made the acquaint- ance of a gentleman to whom I was afterwards indebted for constant attentions during my residence there, and who entertained with unsurpassed elegance — Mr. Wilson. He called on me early, and I found in his beautiful home a place where, from time to time, I met some of the most agreeable people in the city. He was distinguished for his wealth and the elegant style in which he lived, and Mrs. Wilson and her daughters, who were greatly admired, made their home very attractive to their visitors. CHAPTER XXXI. Trade-Mark Treaty — Botanical Garden Railroad — Mr. Greenough — Even- ing at Mr. Wilson's — Madame Durand — Tamagno — Leave of Absence — Visit to Stuttgart — Return to Rio. At the time of my appointment to the mission of Brazil the importance of adopting measures for the encourage- ment of commercial relations between the United States and that country had engaged the attention of our gov- ernment. The great disproportion between the amount of our importations from Brazil and our exports to that country attracted the attention of the business men of the United States. They brought the subject to the notice of the administration, and an inquiry was set on foot to ascertain the causes which produced it. We purchased much the larger part of the coffee crop of Brazil, and an immense quantity of her india-rubber ; and yet England, through her great commercial establishments in the empire, supplied the people with products to an amount far in excess of those sent from the United States. It is stated that in 1878 the United States purchased one third of all the exports of Brazil, while our exports to that country did not amount to a seventh part of her imports. The cause which had injured the sale of our products in Brazil was clearly understood to be the counterfeit of American trade-marks by foreigners. Inferior goods in imitation of those of good quality produced in the United States were sent to Brazil, bearing the trade-marks of 373 374 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. American producers. So great had been the increase of the balance of trade with Brazil against the United States, resulting from this cause, that our government decided to take measures for the protection of our commerce. Early in the summer of 1878 I received instructions from Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State, to ascertain if a treaty could be negotiated with the imperial govern- ment for the protection of American trade-marks, and stating that if I could obtain an expression from the gov- ernment favorable to such a convention between the two countries, I should be invested with the proper power to negotiate it. I had an interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and discussed the subject with him. He assented to my proposition, and said he was satisfied that the conclusion of such a treaty would benefit the com- merce of both countries. Upon the receipt of my despatch to Mr. Evarts inform- ing him of the result of my interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he brought the subject to the attention of the President. He sent me a commission investing me with full power and authority in the name of the United States, to confer with any person invested with like authority by his Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, and to negotiate with him a treaty for the protection of our trade-marks. Soon after being invested with this power I negotiated a treaty with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and we both signed it, representing our governments. I forwarded the treaty to Mr. Evarts, and he submitted it to the Presi- dent, who sent it to the Senate with a message recom- mending its ratification. The Senate acted promptly in accordance with the President's message, and ratified the treaty. The importance of the treaty was appreciated at home. The following reference is made to it in a recent edition of that interesting and valuable book " Brazil and the Brazilians " : THE BOTANICAL GARDEN RAILROAD. 375 " A third cause which has stood in the way of American commerce in Brazil has been the counterfeit of American trade- marks by unscrupulous foreigners. But the trade-mark treaty, or convention, recently effected by the United States Minister Plenipotentiary, the Honorable Mr. Hilliard, will, it is to be hoped, do away with this hindrance to American manufactures. A recent letter from Rio de Janeiro to New York says : * The moral and material advantages secured by this convention will be of inestimable service in our commercial relations with Brazil, and through it I shall hope to see in good time a great part of the fraudulently called American goods driven out of this market.' " There are several street-car lines in Rio, which con- tribute much to the comfort of the people of that great city. From the central part of the city the suburbs ex- tend for miles in several directions, and its five hundred thousand inhabitants enjoy the increased facilities for travelling. Of these the Botanical Garden Railroad is by far the finest and the most important. Through the central part of the city, beginning at the Ouvidor, its finest street, it extends through the aristocratic quarter, Botafoga, to the magnificent Botanical Gardens, and to the suburb beyond them. This great tramway, one of the finest in the world, was constructed by a company organ- ized by Mr. C. B. Greenough, of the State of New York, who possessed both capital and enterprise. His plan, when first submitted to the wealthy men of Rio, seemed to be impracticable, and he was able to enlist but few capitalists in its support. But soon after the completion of the road its success was such as to place its stock high in the market ; and in the course of a year or two it was quoted at such a rate as to make its holders unwilling to part with it. It was a great American enterprise, and its charter obtained from the imperial government secured the stockholders against any trespass on their right of way. 3/6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. Another charter for a similar road had been obtained from the government, and its projectors from time to time seemed determined to push their hne into contact with that of the Botanical Garden Railroad. I was fre- quently appealed to in behalf of those who held this great American property to intervene for its protection ; and I never failed to do so successfully. The administra- tion always vindicated the good faith of the government. Mr. Greenough was an extraordinary man ; his person, manners, and intellect were all fine, and his integrity was perfect. Unfortunately, the climate of Rio was not favorable to his health, and he said to me : " I must quit breathing this hot air." Mrs. Greenough, a noble woman, of engaging manners, and full of character, cheered him, and shared all the dangers of a residence at Rio with him to the last. Mr. Greenough returned to the United States, leaving Colonel Shannon, in every way competent for the place, in charge of the road, and he conducted its affairs with great ability and fidelity. Mr. Greenough resided for a time in Colorado, and hoped that its fine climate would restore his health, but not recovering his strength, he decided to go to Europe. Accompanied by Mrs. Greenough, he went to Paris, and took a house in the Boulevard Haussmann, fitting it up in accordance with their tastes. He was for a time benefited by this agreeable residence, but did not recover his failing strength. Returning from an evening drive he was fatigued, and, reclining on a sofa, died suddenly and painlessly. It was the peaceful close of a noble life. I recall an evening passed at Mr. Wilson's ; it was a very bright one, and illustrates life in Rio. Madame Marie Durand, an American prima-donna, a native of Charleston, South Carolina, was present. She was much admired at that season, and heightened the reputation MADAME DURAND AND M. TAMAGNO. 2)77 which she had won in Europe. She was a very hand- some woman, her person full, and her bearing graceful ; her dark hair and eyes, and a complexion that harmonized with them, gave her a look of Southeri splendor that was very attractive. Her voice was rich, clear, and strong, and its tones were singularly sweet. She was intensely American. M. Tamagno, the celebrated tenor, was also a guest of the evening ; even then he had a great reputa- tion, which has been heightened by his success in Europe and the United States. His appearance was impressive — tall, erect, and finely proportioned. In the course of the evening both Madame Durand and M. Tamagno consented to sing. Miss Wilson, who was a superb performer, seated herself at the piano, and ren- dered the instrumental music, while the two great singers sang a passage from the opera, Ruy Bias, in the highest style of their art. Those of us who were present enjoyed it very greatly. Having obtained leave of absence I sailed for Europe in one of the Liverpool and Pacific Royal Mail steamers. As we approached Lisbon the sea became rough, and some of the passengers hoped that the steamer would not leave the port before morning ; but the captain bravely took us out to sea. The view of Lisbon by night was splendid. The city seemed to be illuminated, and I enjoyed the brilliant spectacle until it was lost to sight. When we reached the Bay of Biscay we observed that a great storm had swept it, and its billows were still running high. We passed near two ships that had been wrecked. I enjoyed a brief stay in Bordeaux. Leaving by an early train for Paris, I found the country covered with snow. After leaving that city the next day for Stutt- gart, I observed that the snow extended to the Rhine. My visit to Stuttgart was limited to a few days, but was a most agreeable one. My family were delightfully surrounded ; several English residents were in Stuttgart, 378 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. who gave great interest to the society of the place. Mr. Gordon and his family were agreeable people, and gave me a reception during my stay. Mr. Schulz, the banker, and his family had been un- remitting in their attentions to Mrs. Hilliard and our daughters, and while I was there we were their guests at a splendid entertainment. A friendship grew up with that interesting family which still survives, and we con- tinue to interchange letters. We receive from them from time to time marks of sincere regard. I met, too, one of our own countrywomen, who was a most agreeable lady, Mrs. Swann, a member of the family of Governor Swann, of Maryland. We were projecting a visit to Italy when I received a cablegram from Mr. Evarts, stating that my leave of absence could not be extended. I therefore abandoned the proposed visit to that land so full of interest to me, and soon after took leave, and returned to Rio. CHAPTER XXXII. Petropolis — The Emperor — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Mr. Goschen, Secretary of Legation — Baron Schreiner, Austrian Minister — Mr. Na- buco — Return to Rio — Statesmen of Brazil — The Press. Petropolis, the summer residence of the imperial family, is in the midst of the mountains, about three thousand feet above the level of the sea. It is reached by an interesting line of travel. A short run across the bay, in a steamboat, brings the passengers to Maua, named for the baron who constructed the line of railroad, ten miles in length, which reaches the foot of the moun- tains. Here an animated scene is witnessed ; carriages, from ten to thirty in number, drawn each by four mules, are in waiting to take the passengers to Petropolis. The Emperor's coach, too, is there for the service of his Ma- jesty and family. A magnificent road is constructed over the mountains, at an immense outlay of money by the government, which rivals any of the passes across the Alps. Some parts of this winding road over the steep ascent are brought in some places so near to other parts that the carriages pass- ing in the other direction seem almost within reach of the hand. On reaching the summit, which is attained before sunset, one of the finest views in the world is spread out before you. The bay with its matchless beauty, the city of Rio, and the picturesque plain below present a picture which cannot be rivalled in the world. Here a large num- ber of the residents of Petropolis drive out in their car- 379 380 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. riages to witness the arrival of the coaches and to welcome friends. I often witnessed this scene, and it never lost its interest for me. Petropolis is in a valley, and the mountain sides are covered with the residences of the wealthy class of Rio, who make it a summer resort. Bright, clear streams, with walled banks run through the streets, and are crossed by ornamental bridges. The palace of the Emperor, sur- rounded by gardens, is beautifully situated near the centre of the place. Fine roads are seen stretching away in the distance, affording delightful walks and drives. Finer views of mountain stretches, of scenery surrounding the town, I have never seen. I have walked for hours through the enchanting country that meets the view in every direction. The Emperor enjoys his summer sojourn here. He has his books, and takes short excursions, driving or walking. There are settlements in the neighborhood where colonists from Germany and Switzerland live in contentment. I have met the Emperor walking in the streets of Pe- tropolis as a private gentleman from time to time, when he would stand and converse with me in a pleasant social way. His ministers came from Rio to confer with him, and he made regular visits to the capital. The presence of several members of the Diplomatic Corps in Petropolis heightened the interest of this fine summer residence. Mr. Ford, the English Minister, had a residence of rare attractions, where his daughter welcomed guests and gave brightness to the hospitable home. My intercourse with Mr. Ford was full of interest to me ; his fine attainments, his sympathy with the people of my country, his scholarly tastes, and his genial disposition attracted me from the first hour of our meeting. Mr. Goschen, Secretary of Legation, had married an American lady, a bright, beautiful woman, who still loved her country ; and I always found his house one of the A SUMMER AT PETROPOLIS. 38 1 most attractive places in Petropolis. He was a brother of Honorable Mr. Goschen, member of the House of Com- mons, who was so distinguished for his financial ability. Baron Schreiner, the Austrian Minister, had a house there, and I found him an interesting man, a statesman of large experience and liberal views. He had served in the United States, and felt a warm regard for our country. The Baroness, a lady of culture and pleasing manners, still retained pleasant remembrances of Washington. At that time a gentleman was passing the summer at Petropolis whom I had met in Rio, and of whom I had formed a high estimate — Mr. Nabuco. Young, thor- oughly educated, already acquainted with Europe, having been attached to the Brazilian Embassy at London ; of splendid physique and captivating manners, a member of the Chamber of Deputies, and a statesman of high promise, he bestowed attentions upon me which were ap- preciated. In the whole course of my life I had met no one whose future seemed brighter. He was the son of an eminent man — a learned jurist and a great statesman, whose splendid career was cut short by death. The son promised to fulfil the destiny of his distinguished father. We were much together, meeting in society, and walking and driving day after day. He glittered in the firmament of his country like a morning star, and his subsequent career has fulfilled the promise of his youth. He already gave his support to measures for the advancement of his country in the march of nations. Ambitious, but unself- ish, he devoted his fine powers to the cause of humanity. Foremost among those who desired the emancipation of the slaves, he had been elected president of the Anti- slavery Society of Brazil. At the close of the summer we returned to Rio — the Emperor, the Diplomatic Corps, and those who had sought a retreat from the discomfort and the danger of a residence at the capital during that season. 382 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. The opening of the session of the parHament gave ani- mation and interest to the city. The statesmen of Brazil exhibited great interest in pubHc affairs. Some of them were men of culture, and had enjoyed the advantages of European travel. From an early period the statesmen of the empire had been distinguished for ability and learning. They had guided the political affairs of the country successfully. While some of the other states of South America had been dis- turbed by revolutions, the imperial government, under its liberal constitution, had exhibited a stability that won for it the respect and the confidence of other nations. Those who controlled public affairs during my resi- dence there were men of a high order, conservative and yet progressive, extending the protection of the govern- ment to the most remote part of the vast country which it embraced. Its foreign representatives were recognized as men of ability and character, and illustrated the diplomatic ser- vice ; they maintained the dignity of the imperial government. The financial affairs of the nation were conducted with great success, and the public credit was high in the great commercial centres of Europe. The press is as free and independent in Rio as it is in London and New York. The papers published there display enterprise and great ability ; they are in full sym- pathy with the best journals of the great cities in Europe and the United States. The circulation of some of them is very large, and their influence is powerful over public sentiment. CHAPTER XXXIII. Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Meet Mrs. Hilliard and Daughters in Paris — London — Sunday — Mr. Spurgeon — Evening Service in St. Paul's Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New York — Washington — President Hayes — Georgia. Leave of absence was granted me to visit home. Mrs. Hilliard and daughters had passed some three years in Stuttgart, and had greatly enjoyed their residence there. No place in Europe could have been more agreeable to them or offered greater advantages. They had made excur- sions to the Rhine, to Switzerland, and other attractive resorts. They now desired to return home. Having obtained leave of absence from Rio to visit the United States, I arranged that my family should meet me in Paris. Anticipating my coming, they took leave of Stuttgart, and had been in Paris some time before I reached there. They met some agreeable people from our country in that city, and had with them already en- joyed some sight-seeing. Upon my arrival we passed some days in looking through picture galleries, and visiting places of interest in the city and its environs. We enjoyed a visit to Ver- sailles greatly. The magnificence of the palaces, the his- toric associations, the works of art — statues and pictures, — the gardens and fountains were objects of attraction to us for hours. Two works of art specially interested the ladies. One was David's picture of the coronation of Napoleon, which I had seen before. The Emperor, self- 383 384 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. crowned, heroic, in robes which recalled the glory of antiquity, placed the diadem upon the head of Josephine, who knelt before him ; the surrounding objects were re- minders of unparalleled triumphs. The other — the statue which represents Napoleon at St. Helena in his declining days, seated, the grand head, the open drapery revealing the frame wasting under the touch of disease, the map of Europe spread before him, his right hand resting upon France, his eyes expressing the depth of a shadow that was upon his soul — constituted the most impressive work of the sculptor that I had ever seen. We took leave of Paris with regret ; when we reached Calais and embarked for Dover we found the channel rough, but the day was bright, and we bore up cheerfully through our short run to Dover. Once more in London we took apartments at the Charing Cross Hotel. We waited over until after Sun- day, which is a day of real interest to me in London. Sunday morning opened brightly, and we made our way to Spurgeon's Tabernacle. The doors were not yet opened, and a large number of people stood waiting to be admitted ; we were so fortunate as to find a friendly usher as we entered, who conducted us to the first gal- lery, and found places for us near the pulpit, where we had a good view of the preacher and the audience. There must have been upwards of six thousand people present, many of them standing, and a large number filling the doorways. Mr. Spurgeon had not yet entered. I studied with interest the picture before me. The auditorium was immense, and in the form of an amphitheatre, with galleries rising one above the other. The pulpit was a desk placed on a wide platform, upon which several gentlemen — ofBcial persons — were seated. I had never seen the great preacher who had awakened such a won- derful religious interest in London, and who had already SPUR GEO jV. 385 brought thousands to make a public profession of faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. When he came in and took a seat on the platform, his appearance was so unlike the ideal picture of him I had drawn, that I supposed for a moment that another minister had come to take his place for the occasion, and felt something of resentment against him. There was nothing of intellectual force in his ex- pression, his bearing was quiet, and there was no promise of oratorical power in his appearance. But when he rose and advanced to the desk to open the services, all this was changed. He read the hymn impressively, and the opening prayer was most impressive. His voice, clear, rich, and sympathetic, was heard uttering an earnest appeal to the throne of grace. I was touched by his supplication, which he offered for the great English- speaking nation beyond the sea. When the prayer was ended, my impression of the man was strangely altered ; I could not see where his power lay, but there was a latent force in him which might be expressed, when he came to rouse himself, in a way to bring the whole audi- ence under his influence. There was no instrumental music, but a precentor rose and led the singing, while the vast audience joined in it, swelling it into a great volume of praise. The passage of Scripture upon which he proceeded to deliver his discourse was taken from ist Samuel, 12th chapter, embracing the first five verses. As he proceeded to describe the scene, Samuel standing up before all Israel and calling upon the people to say, now that he was about to retire from the great ofifice which he had so long filled, a king having been appointed, according to their request, if he had wronged any man, or taken a bribe out of any man's hand, or oppressed any man ; the scene rose before us with the vividness and impressiveness of real life. We could hear the voice of the people say- ing: "Thou hast not defrauded us, nor oppressed us, neither hast thou taken aught of any man's hand." The 386 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. discourse was a grand statement of the principles of the Divine government, as represented throughout his admin- istration, and the willing tribute of the people to him was a glorious triumph. In the evening we attended divine services in St. Paul's Cathedral. It was a splendid service, held under the dome, where seats were provided for three thousand persons. There were a large number of ministers present who wore their robes, and a great company of choristers thronged the place. The whole service was magnificent. The spectacle was a grand display of the Church of England in the fulness of its ecclesiastical strength. The sermon was good, impressing upon us the importance of contrib- uting our full influence to advancing the power of Christ's kingdom. In the course of a day or two we left London for Liv- erpool ; the weather was fine, and the journey was delight- ful. England was beautiful in its summer verdure. We had engaged state-rooms in the Celtic of the White Star Line, and went on board the next day with much com- fort. The ship was a fine one, and we enjoyed the voyage. A bright morning welcomed us home, and the Bay of New York never appeared more beautiful. We took apartments in the Fifth Avenue Hotel, where I had for years been accustomed to stay. As I registered my name, the clerk looked up and said : " Mr. Hilliard, you have been a guest here before." I replied : " Yes, I had rooms here twenty years ago." He said : " I will give you the same suite of rooms that you occupied at that time." The suite of apartments was on the floor with parlors. We passed some days there receiving and visit- ing friends. At Washington I stayed a day or two. The President received me with his accustomed friendly interest, and Mrs. Hayes welcomed me kindly. My family did not A BRIEF STAY IN WASHINGTON. 387 stop, but continued their journey to Georgia, where rela- tives and friends were awaiting their coming. The President was in sympathy with my views of the public service, and expressed himself in terms which were personally very gratifying to me. After a brief stay in Washington, where I met my friend, Honorable B. H. Hill, and other gentlemen, I pro- ceeded on my journey, and joined my family in Georgia. CHAPTER XXXIV. Return to Brazil, via England and France — London — House of Lords — Lord Granville — Paris — Chamber of Deputies — Gambetta — General Grant — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio — Count Koskul — Arrival at Rio. After a brief visit to friends in Georgia, I returned to my post at Rio. I reached New York in time to engage a state-room in the Germanic, of the White Star Line, and in this fine ship enjoyed the voyage to Liverpool. When I arrived in London I decided to attend the ses- sion of the House of Lords. A great debate was to take place on the Irish question. As I entered the corridor leading to the House, I observed that there was a large attendance. Much as I desired to hear the debate, I did not send in my card, supposing that the discussion of a measure of such importance would be continued the next evening. Upon opening The Times the next morning I saw that the great debate had been concluded the previous even- ing. Lord Salisbury, the Earl of Beaconsfield (Disraeli), Lord Granville, Lord Cairns, and other eminent men had taken part in it. I attended the session the next evening. Sending my card to Lord Granville, I was ushered into the House, and was shown a place occupied by persons admitted to the floor. Nothing of interest occurred. The Earl of Beaconsfield had left the city in the morn- ing for his country seat. This extraordinary man had greatly interested me ; splendid in literature, brilliant in THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD. 389 debate, and great in statesmanship. I lost the oppor- tunity of hearing him on the occasion when, roused into a rare display of his powers, he shone for the last time above the horizon. In the debate referred to, Lord Beacons- field declared that the bill which he opposed was a prelude to the introduction of similar measures with reference to English land, and urged its rejection as an act " for which the country would be grateful, and posterity would be proud." Some time after the death of the Earl of Beaconsfield, Mr. Gladstone, on moving an address to the Crown for the erection of a monument to him, described him as " one who has sustained a great historic part, and done great deeds written on the page of parliamentary and national history." He paid a glowing tribute to Dis- raeli, distinguished for his power of self-government, his great parliamentary courage, and other great qualities ; and expressed the conviction that in all the judgments delivered by the late statesman upon himself, his antag- onist was never actuated by sentiments of personal antipathy. In the course of a day or two I left for Paris. I took apartments at the Hotel Meurice, and passed some days in the city, which I at all times visit with pleasure. General Grant was passing some days there, arranging for his extensive travels. He had a suite of apartments in the H6tel Bristol, Place Vendome, and Mrs. Grant and other members of his family were with him. I called on General Grant, and was cordially welcomed. I had not met him since I had an interview with him in the White House. I was much interested in a conversation with General Grant, who referred to the past of our country's history in terms which exhibited the manliness of his nature, and the magnanimity of the great soldier who had conducted the armies of the United States to victory. He spoke to me with entire unreserve. In our interview at Washington, while he was President, he had spoken 390 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. with frankness, and now he was as clear and elevated in his tone as before. While President he had spoken to me in an evening's conversation with the frankness of a statesman who felt that past events belonged to history ; and in this interview his remarks were in the same tone. Soon after his first inauguration, I called in the evening with a gentleman of Georgia, at his invitation, to bring to his attention the state of public affairs in the South. There was on my part no grievance to present, no protest to offer against the action of the government, but an assurance that our people were in good faith adjusting themselves to the new conditions under which they lived ; and I expressed the hope that no measures would be adopted to alter the status of the South. The statement of his views at that time was most satisfactory. He spoke of Mr. Lincoln's emancipation proclamation in terms of perfect candor, saying that when it was issued he regarded it as a war measure only — brutcm fulmejt — to strengthen the Union cause. At our interview in Paris he said that he had intervened during President Johnson's administration for the pro- tection of the men in Virginia who had been in the Confederate service against judicial proceedings, which he regarded as a violation of the terms made at the time of General Lee's surrender. I had heretofore felt great respect for General Grant, and this sentiment was heightened by his remarks made to me in this interview. The estimate of General Grant as a general leading great armies to final triumph, as a statesman administer- ing the government at a critical period, and as a man of large capacity and noble nature, rises with every advan- cing year. His place in history is secure ; his heroic stature will be seen in still larger proportions when viewed through the telescope of time. The Chamber of Deputies was in session, and I decided GAMBETTA. 39I to visit it. Presenting my card at the entrance I was ad- mitted. The ^^z^/ i-^'ix^z'/ was interesting: the construction of the Chamber, the arrangement of the seats, the bril- liant coloring, the chair for the President, the tribune, — everything was new to me. The animation of the mem- bers, the style of debate, and the whole aspect of the body interested me. Gambetta presided ; I saw him for the first time, and studied his appearance with deep interest. He was an impressive figure ; his face was very fine, even in repose ; the brow finely arched, the nose large and well formed, the chin prominent, and the whole expression was one of dominant intellect. The eyes were fine, and the blemish in one could not be observed from my seat ; the form was well proportioned, somewhat full, and wearing an air of dignity. The man seated in the chair of authority seemed self-possessed ; yet there was a look of sadness in his aspect, and the gentleness in his bearing did not express the tremendous energy of his nature. He was the lion in repose. The history of the man rose before me : the early struggle for recognition ; the first flush of fame upon his brow ; his splendid triumphs on the hustings and in the tribune ; his impassioned oratory ; his coura- geous assaults upon men of state intrenched in high places ; his vehement denunciation of Louis Napoleon while yet an emperor ; his rousing the people to the overthrow of a dynasty associated with past glories ; his defiance of the army of powerful invaders in the very moment of their assured victory; his rallying the dispersed armies of France to avenge defeat and retrieve disaster ; his conse- cration of himself to France when the darkest hour of her destiny deepened upon her ; — all these came up as I saw Gambetta. His presence recalled the memory of Rienzi, the last of the Roman tribunes. At Bordeaux I was much pleased to meet Count Koskul, who was returning from a visit to Russia; his 392 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. presence enlivened the voyage. Nothing occurred to hinder the course of our noble ship as it bore us over the placid waters from Europe to South America. Upon our arrival at Rio we congratulated each other at having been passengers in the same ship, and resumed our places once more in the diplomatic circle. ^p^ ^^^^S 1 B ^S CHAPTER XXXV. Aspect of Political Affairs — Slavery Agitation — Mr. Nabuco, President of the Anti-Slavery Society — His Appeal to me to State the Result of Emancipation in the United States — Correspondence on the Subject — Excitement Produced by it — Interview with the Emperor. The imperial government of Brazil was one of limited powers ; the constitution defined its authority. The reign of the Emperor, Dom Pedro II., was enlightened and liberal, maintaining the supremacy of law throughout the vast empire. Upon my return to Rio from my visit to the United States, I observed the aspect of political affairs with interest. While there was a strong growing sentiment in favor of bringing the administration of the government under the influence of liberal ideas, there was no sign of hostility to the Emperor's authority ; everywhere there was seen a picture of national contentment. Specula- tions were sometimes indulged in political circles as to the future ; but it seemed to be understood that the Emperor's reign would continue to be upheld and re- spected. After the Emperor, no one could read the horo- scope of the nation. There was one subject which was warmly discussed — slavery. The law of September 28, 1871, passed under the lead of that great statesman, Visconde do Rio Branco, provided that the children of women slaves born in the empire from that date shall be considered to be free. But the million and a half of slaves born prior to Septem- 393 394 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ber 28, 1 87 1, were left still in hopeless bondage. Benefi- cent as the measure adopted was, still some forty or fifty years must elapse before slavery would cease to exist in the empire. Leading statesmen of the empire who desired to effect the total abolition of slavery imme- diately, organized a society for the accomplishment of that object, under the name of the Brazilian Anti-Slavery Society. Senhor Joaquim Nabuco was elected president of the new organization. He entered upon the task assigned him with ardor, and he soon won numerous friends and powerful supporters for the cause. The society encountered from the outset determined opposi- tion ; the large coffee and sugar planters, strongly repre- sented in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, were roused into resistance to the proposed measure. Mr. Nabuco was a member of the Chamber of Deputies from Pernambuco. He came to me and requested me to give my views as to the effect of the abolition of slavery in the United States. I was in sympathy with his opposition to slavery in Brazil, but I could not take part in the conflicts of parties in regard to a question which so deeply affected the fortunes of the empire. Still, while I declined to intervene in a great contest, officially I felt at liberty to reply to Mr. Nabuco's appeal, by giving a statement of the result of the abolition of slavery in the United States. It seemed eminently proper for me to do so, being a Southern man, and having had ample opportunity to observe the effect of emancipation in the slave-holding States, as it affected the planters of the South and the race that had been recently set free. In this interview with Mr. Nabuco, I said to him at its close : " If you think proper, Mr. Nabuco, to address me a letter upon that subject I will undertake to reply to it." Soon after, Mr. Nabuco wrote me a letter alluding to my connection with slavery in the United States, I being a Southern man, and having been a member of the Whig ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN BRAZIL. 395 party, to which he referred in his letter, associating me with Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay, of whom he wrote in terms of admiration. Upon receiving his letter I replied at length, treating the question of slavery historically, and as I had observed it actually in my own country. When I had completed my letter I called on Mr. Nabuco, and told him I had prepared it, at the same time handing him the manu- script. He seemed delighted that I had treated the question so largely. I then took the letter back to revise it. In the first draft of my letter I had said nothing as to the time within which emancipation could be accom- plished, but upon receiving it from Mr. Nabuco, I said to a friend who was with me : " I propose now to fix the date for the abolition of slavery in the Brazilian Empire "; and going to a neighboring ofifice I inserted this para- graph : "The French government, under Louis Philippe, fixed ten years as the term for the freeing of slaves and added compensation, but the revolution came, and Lamartine at once signed the paper that set free the slaves in the colonial possessions of France. Seven years might be fixed as the term in Brazil for holding the African race still in bondage. It would seem to be especially appropriate, in selecting the period for the termination of slavery in the empire, to fix upon the 28th of September, 1887, the anniversary of the great measure which provided that after its promulgation no child born in Brazil should be a slave." Handing my letter to Mr. Nabuco, to be disposed of as he thought proper, it was immediately published in the Portuguese language in the journals of Rio, and translated into other languages for publication elsewhere. It created a great sensation in political circles. The Brazilian Parliament was in session, and in both the Sen- 396 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ate and the Chamber of Deputies there were a number of gentlemen holding slaves, cultivating coffee, cotton, and sugar, who regarded the success of the industry as de- pendent upon the perpetuation of slavery. Within a day or two after the publication of my letter, a gentleman, who had been for some time in the American consulate, Mr. Cordeiro, a native of Portugal, and a per- sonal friend, said to me : " Mr. HilHard, the Emperor asked a member of the council, ' Have you read Mr. Milliard's letter ? ' He replied, *I have not'; and the Emperor said, * You must read it.' " Of course I did not know what the sentiments of the Emperor might be in regard to the measure of immediate emancipation, or how he might regard my intervention in the matter. The custom at Rio is, that foreign ministers drive to the palace of San Cristovdo on the evening of the first Saturday in each month to be received by the Emperor, and it was necessary for me to make the call within a few days after the appearance of my letter. Taking my place with the other ministers in the great reception room, I awaited the Emperor's coming to me to speak, as was his habit, in some anxiety as to what might be the result of the interview. Standing by my side was Baron Schreiner, the Austrian Minister, who spoke the English language perfectly, and who would of course comprehend every word that the Emperor said to me. The Emperor conversed for some time with Baron Schreiner. His Majesty then came to me, bowed, and said : " I hope you have received good accounts from your country." To which I replied : " Yes, I am happy to inform your Majesty that I have." After a few general remarks he drew near to me and said : " I have read your letter with great sympathy." I replied : INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 397 " I am a thousand times obliged to your Majesty for saying so." " Yes," said he, " and I wish to say something on the subject myself." I said to him : " I shall be very happy to read what your Majesty may say." He replied : " I cannot do it here in Rio, but we shall soon go to Petropolis" — the summer residence of the Emperor and the Diplomatic Corps. Returning from the palace to my ofifice at the Legation, I wrote to both the President and Mr. Evarts, the Secre- tary of State, full accounts of the interview, and forwarded my mail by a steamer which sailed the next morning for New York. The discussion of the subject, /r(? and con, continued in the journals of the country, and one point made against me was that I had taken the liberty of suggesting that so great a change in the industrial system of Brazil should be made within seven years. At this time it was estimated that a slave paid for him- self with the labor of three years, and the prospect of losing this source of wealth was not agreeable to the Brazilian planters. The discussions were warm, and popu- lar sentiment ran high. On account of my letter I became the central figure of the agitation, and I was observed in every circle. It is not strange that the advocates of slavery were quick to object to what they regarded as the intervention of a foreign minister in a question so important to their interests. CHAPTER XXXVI. Banquet Given to me by the Anti-Slavery Society — Discussion in the Chamber of Deputies — Interpellation to the Premier, Mr. Sariava — Public Interest as to the Result — Reply of Mr. Sariava in the Chamber of Deputies — The Scene — Public Sentiment in the Empire — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Lord Granville, of the Gladstone Cabinet — " Blue Book " of the British Parliament — Petropolis. In the midst of this excitement the climax came when the Anti-Slavery Society tendered me a banquet. I saw the danger, that in accepting it I would risk my official position ; and the danger, on the other hand, that to de- cline it at this critical time would diminish the effect of my former utterance. The political interest still grew, and the popular excite- ment was aroused. I felt that my position was critical, and I did not know what might happen to me personally under the excitement of the moment. I had studied the issue in advance, however, and I decided to stand upon the ground which I had taken. I saw the danger. I knew that my political life might close under some expression of disapproval by the imperial government, or by some remark from my own government in regard to what was styled my official intervention in the affairs of Brazil ; but I could not be indifferent to the appeal made to me in behalf of these slaves, who are ground between the upper and the nether mill-stone — a million and a half of people without hope, and I said to myself : " If I cannot speak a word in their behalf I ought not to call myself a man." 398 A CRITICAL POSITION. 399 Many of my friends thought I incurred great danger of political overthrow, and advised me strongly against ac- cepting the banquet. I replied : " I see the surroundings, and I am prepared to meet the result." I decided to accept the banquet, that I might manifest my unswerv- ing interest in the support of the great cause which had awakened my sympathy, and in the support of the opinions that I had advanced. In one of the hotels of the city a splendid banquet was given me, to which about forty gentlemen of distinction were invited, and the decorations were such as to give great splendor to the occasion. A portrait of Mr. Lincoln was hung on the wall, with the portraits of other eminent men who opposed slavery. And the dishes were named for Wilberforce and other distinguished statesmen who were enlisted in the cause. Everything was done to evince the sentiment of the society in support of the measures which they were conducting. The great banquet hall was on the first floor, and in that fine climate the windows were thrown open and some of the first people of the city, including ladies, stood outside to witness the scene. The banquet became the subject of discussion in the journals of the city, and an illustrated paper presented it in a way to attract attention. Then came the crisis. A discussion took place in the Chamber of Deputies in regard to what was called the in- tervention of a foreign minister in the affairs of the em- pire. In some of the speeches it was said that a foreign representative infringes his official character and oversteps his privileges when he assumes to take a prominent part in the discussion of questions which are of purely domes- tic policy in the country to which he is accredited. M. Belfort Duarte, the Deputy from Maranhao, a sugar planter, offered a resolution proposing that the Chamber should call the attention of the Premier, Mr. Sariava, to 400 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. the subject, and that he should be requested to give the views of the government in regard to it. The resolution passed, and the questions submitted to the Premier, in the form of an interpellation, were as follows : " First. Does the imperial government approve in general of the anti-slavery propaganda, and especially that which has been held in public meetings by means of political banquets, and a manifesto issued by a foreign representative ? " Second. The United States Minister — did he appear at the anti-slavery political banquet, held on the 20th inst., in his official or semi-official character, directly or indirectly with the acquiescence of the imperial government ? " Third. In case of disapproval on the part of the imperial government of the conduct of the foreign representative, what steps do they propose taking, and, moreover, what line do the government propose to pursue in view of the illegal meetings on the question of the abolition of slavery ? " Mr. Sariava answered the resolution of the Chamber of Deputies, promising to appear before them and give his reply to the questions submitted to him. It was an occa- sion of very great political interest, and even of popular excitement. The Minister of the Argentine Republic met me and said : " Mr. Hilliard, you are the man of the day." I replied : " Yes, and I should like to have other gentlemen like yourself standing by my side." On the day appointed by Mr. Sariava for his appear- ance in the Chamber of Deputies, he, in company with other ministers of state, drove to the Chamber. The galleries were thronged by foreign ministers, by eminent statesmen, by ladies in their gallery, and the great gallery for the people was filled to overflow. Standing room could scarcely be found ; the very corridors v/ere crowded. I of course did not attend, but remained at my Legation to await the result. Mr. Sariava arose and said : SCEA'E IN THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. 4OI " Before replying to the first question it is necessary to rec- tify a point. There has been no manifesto issued by a foreign representative relative to the anti-slavery propaganda, but only the expression of the personal opinion of Mr. Hilliard on the question of slavery, addressed to a Brazilian Deputy. Having made this correction, I reply to the first question by saying that the Ministry of the 28th of March has already explained pretty clearly, in this august assembly, its entire views on the question. Resuming all I have said, I will again make the following declaration : The members of the Ministry, over whom I have the honor of presiding, are of opinion that the law of the 28th of September, 187 1, can effect a complete so- lution of the question, because it can follow the gradual and progressive development of free labor, and the extinction of slavery in a greater or less number of years, without disturb- ance of, and without interruption to, the great progress of the nation. In spite, however, of what I have now said, the Min- istry of the 28th of March are of opinion that it is their duty to respect, as they have respected, all the opinions which are contrary to theirs, so long as they are confined to legal grounds. To the second question I reply. No. Mr. Hilliard appeared at the banquet in his private capacity. What he said in his let- ter and at the banquet can only be regarded as the expression of his private opinion without any official character, and, being subjected to public appreciation, has nothing to do with either the approval or disapproval of the imperial government. The third question is answered by my replies to numbers one and two. Now that I have rendered satisfaction to the member from Maranhao, I will only consider one topic of his speech. He need be under no apprehension lest the representatives of foreign powers should meddle in our affairs. Should such a contingency arise, the government feels assured that they would meet with the support of every Brazilian, without even except- ing those who entertain contrary opinions to it as to the mode of solving the question of slavery." The scene in the Chamber is represented to have been a most impressive one. The friends of emancipation were radiant. 402 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. I knew nothing of the result of the meeting of the Chamber of Deputies until five o'clock in the afternoon, when my friend Mr. Cordeiro came to me and reported what had taken place ; and he was exultant at the splen- did triumph I had won, against great odds. The Diplo- matic Corps stood by me to a man. Public sentiment throughout the empire was awakened in behalf of the emancipation cause. Mr. Ford, the English Minister, sent a full account of the proceedings to the Earl of Granville, Minister of Foreign Affairs in London, under Mr. Gladstone. He had felt some concern in regard to the result, so far as it affected me as a Minister of the United States, but now in forwarding his despatch to Lord Granville he says : " It is my impression that this diplomatic incident may now be considered as terminated, and that no more will be heard of the matter." Lord Granville attached so much importance to the affair that he ordered an account of the proceedings, as given by Mr. Ford, including the letter of Mr. Nabuco to me, my reply, my speech at the banquet, the interpellations to the Premier, Mr. Sariava, and his reply, to be published in the " Blue Book " of the govern- ment, where it may be found under date of December 6, 1880. A copy of the publication is given in an appen- dix to this volume. In the course of a few weeks the Emperor and the Diplomatic Corps took up their summer residence at Petropolis. I had an agreeable interview with the Em- peror, in which he expressed himself freely in regard to the great question of emancipation. I enjoyed an un- usually agreeable intercourse with such members of the Diplomatic Corps as were residing there. My friend Mr. Nabuco, too, was at Petropolis, and we enjoyed walks and drives from time to time. He steadily grew in my esteem, and I saw that a great future opened before the young statesman. CHAPTER XXXVII. Close of President Hayes' Administration — Accession of General Garfield to the Presidency — Resignation Forwarded — Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State — Interview with the Emperor and Empress — Departure from Rio — Voyage — Beautiful Views — Teneriffe — Madeira — Arrival at Bor- deaux — Paris — Anniversary of the Republic — London — Dean Stanley — Westminster Abbey — Canon Farrar — Voyage to New York — Washing- ton — Mr. Blaine. The administration of President Hayes was drawing towards its close. Without solicitation I had been offered the mission to Brazil, and I had accepted it. I had found opportunities to render services to the government of the United States on more than one occa- sion, and my official career had been uniformly approved by the President, for whom I entertained the highest respect ; and by Mr. Evarts, the Secretary of State, whose reputation as a statesman had been heightened by his able conduct of foreign affairs, while he was chief of that department. Upon the accession of General Garfield to the presi- dency I forwarded my resignation, and requested leave of absence to return home. Some time elapsed before I received a reply from Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State. The imperial family and the Diplomatic Corps had re- turned to Rio. My intercourse with them continued to be agreeable. Expressions of regret were made when it was understood that it was my intention to return home ; and I continued to receive attentions and marks of con- 403 404 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. sideration which were highly appreciated by me. The season was pleasant and the health of the city was ex- cellent. Early in June I received a despatch from Mr. Blaine granting me leave of absence, and I made preparations for my departure. My interview with the Emperor at the Palace of San Cristovao was most satisfactory. He gave me a morn- ing, and our conversation had nothing of ofificial restraint. His Majesty spoke freely of Brazil and of my own coun- try ; he named several gentlemen of the United States, statesmen and scholars, speaking of them in terms of high appreciation. At the close of the interview he gave me his hand with sincere feeling, and thanked me for the good wishes I had expressed for him. I was conducted to the Empress, and received by her with the kindness which gave such a charm to her man- ners. In the course of a few minutes the Emperor came in, and as I was about to leave, his Majesty gave me a picture of himself with his autograph, and the Empress gave me hers with her autograph. I still possess and prize these pictures. On the morning of June 15, 1881, I embarked on board the Iberia of the Liverpool and Pacific Steam- ship Line, for Europe. The day was brilliant, and as our ship steamed out from Rio I stood on the deck and took my last view of the city and its surroundings. There stood the Sugar Loaf, the Corcovado, the Gavia, lifting their heads in the clear light, their sides touched with tints of exquisite beauty. Never had I seen the city, the bay, the mountains, look so beautiful. A fresh breeze met the steamer and a swell from the ocean rolled in grandly. Just as we were going out an American steamer entered, and I greeted the flag of my country. The voyage was delightful, — the summer sea, the great ship moving with speed, the coast views, the city of Bahia, FROM RIO TO BORDEAUX. 405 and after a short run Pernambuco, when losing sight of Brazil we took our course over the ocean for Europe. Our ship was to call at Teneriffe, and as we approached it from afar we saw great peaks towering some thirteen thousand feet above the sea. When we reached the island the sun had gone down, but the picture which met our view was beautiful. The evening was clear and the heavens were starlit ; south of the lofty peak a young moon hung in the sky ; on the north a comet was rushing upon its fiery course ; at the base the lights were kindled in the houses of the town. The captain of the Iberia had instructions to call at Madeira for a number of English people who had passed the winter and spring in that delightful climate and wished now to return home. The morning was fine when we reached Madeira, and we stopped there several hours. The island was a place of much interest to me, and I saw its vine-clad slopes in their full summer verdure. We took on board a considerable number of passengers, who gave new animation to the ship, and resumed our voyage. In the course of a few days we saw Lisbon, and passed some hours there. It presented a pleasing picture, and the scene of people in small boats, vendors of willow-ware and fruits, interested us. I could not resist the appeals of these animated merchants, and bought several articles to take home. After a voyage along the picturesque coast of Spain we reached the point of departure for Bordeaux, and I took leave of the good ship and its courteous captain. Here I learned that President Garfield had been assas- sinated. The startling announcement had just been made in Europe. I did not learn the details until I reached Paris. Upon my arrival at Paris I took apartments at the Hotel Meurice, and passed several days there. The city was the scene of a grand display — the celebra- 406 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. tion of the anniversary of the first repubHc. The parade of troops by day and the illumination of the city at night, with varied scenes in the Champs Elys^es, presented a splendid spectacle. In the afternoon I walked through the Place de la Con- corde to witness the scene. That place — the most beau- tiful in 'Europe — never fails to interest a visitor ; the great statues representing the cities of France, seated in the midst of fountains, were never more impressive. I stood in front of the statue of Strasbourg, and saw that it was draped in mourning. Unconscious of observation I lifted my hat in salutation, and stood for several minutes in the presence of this dramatic representation of a city torn from France by conquest, yet still dear to her people. In the evening I met a party of American friends at din- ner, and one of them, a lady, said to me that she had seen me salute the statue of Strasbourg in the Place de la Concorde ; she had been walking in the Gardens of the Tuileries overlooking the spot, and recognized me. I never fail when on a visit to Paris to see the tomb of Napoleon in the Hotel des Invalides. My estimate of Napoleon has never changed. This modern Caesar was the peer of Julius in the splendor of his career; like the great Roman he was a friend of the people, whose cause he espoused ; he overturned thrones and expelled dynas- ties ; and while he crowned himself Emperor, his heart was with the people of every country dominated by men who claimed to rule by divine right. Of our day, he already takes his place in history with the world's heroes of all times. Leaving Paris I travelled to London by the way of Calais, and from midway of the channel I stood and looked a farewell to France ; then over the rough waves of the channel I caught a view of the cliffs of England. Once more in London I felt a new sympathy for the people of my own language and blood. LONDON PAST AND PRESENT. 407 An eminent man had just died — Dean Stanley ; all England was in mourning, and as an American I was in full sympathy with the national sentiment. Three memorial sermons were preached in Westminster Abbey on the Sunday after his death ; I heard two of them, one by Canon Farrar ; it was a discourse of unusual power, and revealed some of the qualities of this extraordinary man. Walking through the Abbey I saw a wreath of evergreens, sent by her Majesty, Victoria, to be placed on the bier of the late Dean Stanley, a man whom she deeply revered. I passed some days in the great metropolis. In the presence of the power and splendor and wealth of mod- ern London, its sovereigns, its statesmen, its scholars, its imposing military display, its great merchant princes, I could not repress my interest in the past, the great forms that figured in the earlier periods of English history, the heroic men who led her armies and her fleets to victory, the noble body of Christian preachers and martyrs, the great statesmen who spoke and wrote in defence of the liberties of the people, her scholars — Shakespeare, Milton, and others — whose pages are still read with living in- terest. The present is imposing, but in the sky of the past the most splendid constellations glow. Bidding adieu to London I hastened to Liverpool, and embarked on board the Gallia, of the Cunard Line, for New York. This great ship was crowded with Ameri- cans, returning, like myself, to our country. We had a prosperous voyage, and I enjoyed the sea. After a brief stay in New York I proceeded to Wash- ington. President Garfield's lingering illness was deeply felt ; there was a shadow on the city. I called on Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State, officially, and was received by him with expressions of regard which gratified me. He assured me of the appreciation by the government of my course as the Minister Plenipo- 4o8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. tentiary of the United States in Brazil, and said that the influence of my services there would bind the two sections more closely. After a conversation with this eminent statesman in regard to the affairs of the country, I took leave. My ofificial relations with the government had ter- minated satisfactorily, and I turned my face towards my home in the South. CONCLUSION. FroUDE, in reviewing the state of affairs in Rome after the great civil war that followed the assassination of Caesar, says : " The Roman nation had grown as the oak grows, self-developed in severe morality, each citizen a law to himself, and therefore capable of political freedom in an unexampled degree." Of the people of the United States this may be said to-day. The stability of the republic is not dependent on any man. Our American system is capable of unlimited expansion. The Constitution is the stronghold of the government and the bulwark of personal liberty. Our federal government has survived the greatest civil war the world ever saw. After an extended observation of political affairs at home and abroad, my confidence in our government, its living, free spirit, its ever-springing vigor, its power to protect the rights of its people at home and to repel in- vasion from foreign enemies, and in its destiny as the greatest republic upon which the sun ever shone, is greater than it ever was. Our language, our religion, our laws, our civilization will be carried by our people over the whole continent. The Union is secure ; the Constitution is supreme. Our country exhibits to-day the happiest picture of wide national tranquillity and prosperity to be seen under the whole heavens. 409 4IO POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. The strong men of the nation who some years since stood in the serried ranks of war, confronting each other and contending for the mastery, are now co-operating for the advancement of the prosperity of the whole country, and the glory of the republic. A living, patriotic sentiment animates the people of every section. We feel that this country is our country ; that the government is our government ; that its flag is our flag, wherever it floats in all the world ; that we are Americans. APPENDIX. MR. FORD TO EARL GRANVILLE (RECEIVED DECEMBER 6th): Rio de Janeiro, November 8, 1880. My Lord : I have the honor to transmit herewith to your Lordship translations of a correspondence which has lately taken place between Senor Nabuco, Deputy from Pernambuco, and Mr. Milliard, the United States Minister at this court. Senor Nabuco is a thorough-going abolitionist, and is anx- ious if possible, to hasten the advent of the day when slavery in Brazil will be finally put an end to. According to the law of the 28th September, 1871, it was decreed that the children of women slaves that may be born in the empire from the above date shall be considered to be free. Thus forty or fifty years must necessarily elapse before sla- very can, by the gradual death of slaves born prior to the 28th September, 187 1, and by the number of those annually emancipated, be said to be extinguished in the Empire of Brazil. Senor Nabuco is not contented with this state of affairs, and is desirous of seeing a more immediate term fixed for the total abolition of slavery in this country. However praiseworthy are Senor Nabuco's efforts in the anti-slavery cause, it is hardly to be expected that any legis- lative action he may take in the matter will prove successful, as the large coffee and sugar planters, who are strongly repre- sented in the Brazilian Chambers, would use their best endeav- ors to thwart his schemes. 411 412 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. The publicity given in the local newspapers to Mr. Hilliard's letter, which has been translated into Portuguese, has called forth some hostile criticism, and Mr. Milliard is accused by some of having overstepped the bounds of diplomatic decorum in thus publicly mixing himself up in a question which, it is asserted, can only be considered as one of purely local im- portance. I have, etc. (Signed) Francis Clare Ford. P. S. — I inclose copy of the manifesto of the Brazilian Anti- Slavery Society referred to in Senor Nabuco's letter. F. C. F. EXTRACT FROM THE Rio NcWS OF NOVEMBER 5, 1880. Emancipation. — The following is the full text of the cor- respondence between Deputy Joaquim Nabuco, President of the Brazilian Anti-Slavery Society, and Honorable Henry W. Hilliard, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to this court, relative to the results of emancipation in the United States : MR. NABUCO TO MR. HILLIARD. (Translation.) Sociedade Brazileira contra a Escravidao, Rio de Janeiro, October ig, 1880. My Dear Mr. Hilliard : I take the liberty of sending to your Excellency some copies of the English translation of the manifesto of this society, and asking your enlightened opinion upon the results which the immediate and total substitution of slave labor by free labor has produced, and still promises to produce, in the Southern States of the Union. No one is better qualified than your Excellency to speak — possessing as you do, not only the experience of a statesman who has played an important part in the events which resulted in emancipation in those States, but also a thorough acquaint- ance with their social and economic conditions — no one, I repeat, is better qualified than your Excellency to speak of the APPENDIX. 413 great revolution wrought in agricultural labor by the instan- taneous liberation of the negro race. The relations of the freedmen with their former masters, their aptitude for free labor,the condition of agriculture under the reg- imen of hired labor, the general progress of the country since that inevitable crisis, are highly interesting subjects of study for us who will, like the planters of Louisiana and Mississippi, be obliged to avail ourselves of the very same elements inherited from slavery, and of the voluntary labor of the same race con- demned by it to the cultivation of the soil. There can be no doubt, after the late harvests, regarding the wisdom of emancipation as an economic measure for the reconstruction of the Southern States. Even Mr. Jefferson Davis has just acknowledged that the heritage of slave-holders has considerably augmented in the hands of free laborers, and that from this standpoint, abolition has been a great benefit to that section of territory where it threatened to become a catas- trophe and permanent ruin. Unfortunately, however, it is impossible to convince the planters that their true friends are those who desire to give them a permanent, firm, and pro- gressive base instead of this provisional one called slavery. The truth, when it appears, may come too late to prevent the ruin of the parties interested, and, as the sun, it may come only to illumine the wreck after the tempest. It is our duty, however, to enlighten the opinion of the agriculturists them- selves, by the experience of free labor in other countries, and to demonstrate to the country that only with emancipation can it trust its future to agriculture. Your Excellency had a place in Congress by the side of Daniel Webster and Henry Clay ; you belonged to the Whig party from which sprung the Republican party with its free-soil pro- gramme. Your experience covers along period, and your word is above suspicion. It is for this reason that I ask your full judgment upon the effect which the transformation of labor has had and will have on the wealth, well-being, and the fu- ture of the social community to which your Excellency be- longs. Certain as I am that your opinion will have weight with all minds who see in emancipation the only problem 414 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. worthy of arresting the attention of statesmen in countries which in this century are still under the opprobrium of pos- sessing slaves, I thank you in anticipation for your reply as a service rendered to a million and a half of human beings whose liberty is solely dependent upon their masters becoming convinced that free labor is infinitely superior in every respect to forced and unremunerated labor. With the assurance, my dear Mr. Hilliard, of ray high esteem, I have, etc. (Signed) Joaquim Nabuco. Hon. Henry W. Hilliard. mr, hilliard to mr. nabuco. Legation of the United States, Rio de Janeiro, October 25, 1880. My Dear Mr. Nabuco : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter calling my attention to the manifesto of the Brazilian Anti- Slavery Society, a copy of which you have been good enough to forward to me, and requesting me to give my views of the results of the emancipation of the colored race in the Southern States of the Union. While I am not disposed to obtrude my opinions of any of the institutions of Brazil, I do not feel at liberty to withhold the information that you desire, the request for the expression of my views coming from a source entitled to high considera- tion, and the question involved being so large as to transcend the boundaries of any country, appealing, as it does to the civilization of our century, and touching the widest circle of humanity. I recall the sentiment of a classical poet, expressed in one of his plays : " I am a man, And I cannot be indifferent to anything That affects humanity." When that line was uttered in a Roman theatre, filled with people accustomed to witness the fierce sports of the Coliseum, APPENDIX. 415 it was received with thunders of applause. Such a sentiment can never lose its force with the advanced civilization of the world. Slavery in the United States is to be distinguished from that which existed in other countries growing out of the patri- archal authority, or resulting from capture in war, or punish- ment for crime. It was part of a commercial system that did not content itself with ordinary objects of trade, but took hold of the African race as offering a tempting reward for enter- prise, and promising a speedy return for the outlay of capital — at once atrocious, reckless, and selfish. For two centuries this inhuman trade was carried on, without remonstrance or even criticism. The American continent offered the best market in the world for the sale of slaves. Slavery was planted on the soil of the English colonies, stretching from New England to Georgia. When the colonies threw off their allegiance to England they were independent of each other, but they made common cause, and at the close of the war they became free and independent States. When it became necessary to form a more perfect union, the several States met in convention. General Washington presiding, and they established a national government. The Constitution con- ferred upon this government great powers, powers supreme and sovereign. But the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, were reserved to the States respectively or to the people. The national government had no jurisdiction over the domestic institutions of the States. Slavery was left under the absolute control of each State where it existed. It was the object of the framers of the Constitution to leave slavery in the States where it existed, without adding any sanction to it, to be dis- posed of by each State without reference to the others. In the course of time a strong hostility to slavery began to exhibit itself in some of the communities of the North. At- tempts were made to determine the territorial bounds to which slavery should be confined within the United States, and into this discussion the distribution of power and sectional aggran- dizement largely entered. Upon the application of Missouri 4l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. — a new State in which slavery existed, organized out of a ter- ritory belonging to the United States — for admission to the Union, a fierce contest ensued which was happily compro- mised by the fixing of the line of 36° 30', and the territory north as free territory. The tranquillity of the Union was un- disturbed for some years, but upon the acquisition of new territory at the close of the war with Mexico the formidable question of the exclusion of slavery from it was revived. A powerful free-soil party was organized — a party that disclaimed any purpose to interfere with slavery in the States, but which demanded its exclusion from all the territory lying outside the limits of any particular State. This party attracted to its ranks some of the ablest statesmen, who had, up to this crisis, ranged themselves under the banner of the Whig and Demo- cratic parties. In i860 the last great political battle was fought in which the old parties appeared in the field. The free-soil party triumphed. It bore its chosen leader, Mr. Lincoln, into the presidency. Many of the leading men of the South insisted that the institutions of that section had been brought under the ban of the national government, that the Southern States could no longer look to it for protection, that the objects for which the Union was formed were disregarded, and that the time had come for seceding from it as a peaceful solution of a contest hopeless of adjustment. A large body of Southern statesmen dissented from that view. I was one of the number who believed that all the great interests of the South were far safer within the Union than they could be outside of it. I had some time before said in my place in Congress that the whole civilized world was against slavery, that it was protected only by the bulwark of the Union, and that we could already feel the spray of the billows that dashed against that barrier. But the hour had struck ; the crisis had arrived ; revolution was inevitable. The great civil war that ensued sho' k the Union to its foundations ; but it stood, for it was founded upon a rock. It is too early to write the history of that great struggle, a drama in which many who bore a part are still living. The national APPENDIX. 417 government triumphed, and slavery was immediately abolished throughout the United States. But it should be distinctly understood that war was not made on the part of the North to abolish slavery, nor on the part of the South to perpetuate it. It is impossible to comprehend the real significance of the question as to the results of emancipation, and the condition of the colored people in the South, without glancing at this historical review of the causes that produced a change unpar- alleled in the annals of the world, in the domestic and economic condition of a great section of the Union. These causes did not immediately cease to act after the convulsion had ended. Long after the storm has swept the ocean, its billows dash against the shore, and the ships that spread their sails upon its heaving bosom are driven far out of their course. Unhappily, the great quarrel originated in the relations of the Southern States to the Union, became a sectional issue, and it continued to influence the status of the colored race after emancipation had been accomplished. Political considera- tions continued to influence the settlement of a great social and economic question. In the language of Lord Bacon, " it was impossible to look at it in a dry light." It was supposed, when the war was ended, that the freed- men of the South could not be entrusted to the control of their late masters. Measures were adopted for their protec- tion. Not only were they admitted to equality under the laws, but political privileges were immediately conferred upon them. At the same time, the leading statesmen of the South were placed under disabilities. The anomalous spectacle was pre- sented of colored freedmen suddenly elevated to office, while white men, long accustomed to rule, were excluded from posts of honor and trust. Not merely were the slaves eman- cipated, but they were permitted to dominate. Numbers of adventurers from other States found their way to the South who sought for their own advantage to control the freedme:!,' and, utterly without principle, they encouraged distrust and hostility on the part of the colored people toward their former masters. Of course, under these influences, it was some time before the freedmen adjusted 41 8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. themselves to their new conditions. Many wandered from the plantations where they had been accustomed to work, and sought employment in the cities, leading a migratory and unprofitable life. But it must be said, in justice to the colored people, that never in the history of the world has a class, held in bondage and suddenly delivered from it, behaved so well. During the war the slaves were exemplary in their subordinate position ; no attempt at revolt was made, and in many instances they protected the families of their masters, who were in the army, to repel an invasion which it was declared would liberate them. So, too, since the war there has been less insubordina- tion, less violation of law, less disregard of the proprieties of life on the part of the colored people of the South than was ever known in the history of any emancipated race. And this people were not a feeble, degenerate, scattered tribe, but actually number 5,000,000, contributing to-day an element of strength in the Southern States. Never in the progress of human society have the two systems of labor — slave and free — had so fair a trial of their respective advantages as in the Southern States of the Union. I have observed the results of both systems. A native of the South, brought up and educated there, a slave-holder, repre- senting for a number of years in Congress one of the largest and wealthiest planting districts and a section where slave labor was exclusively employed, I observed the working of that system, conducted as it was with every advantage of soil, climate, humane and intelligent oversight ; and I am acquainted with the condition of that splendid extensive agricultural region to-day. " It was really believed throughout the South that emanci- pation would result in the utter ruin of the planting States ; it was insisted that slave labor was essential to the production of crops ; that the cultivation of cotton, sugar, and rice required regular, constant, reliable labor ; that if neglected at certain seasons all the results of previous toil would be lost ; that the planter must have such absolute control over the laborers as to be able to compel them to perform their APPENDIX. 419 tasks ; that it was impracticable to secure the industry requi- site for success with free labor — contracts would be disre- garded, disputes would spring up, and at critical times work would be abandoned, bringing irreparable disaster. It was said that white men could not endure steady labor in climates where these profitable crops were made, and that the African race could alone be relied on to perform the agricultural work in the great fields of the South. The negro, if freed, would not work. He was naturally indolent, thriftless, im- provident, and utterly unreliable, unless driven by the lash of a taskmaster. Some persons, too, who seemed to be deeply concerned for the well-being of society and the interests of civilization, professed to fear that the setting free of such a class would disturb the order of communities, sensitive to any extension of privileges to the African race. But, in the order of Providence, all these clouds that threw their portentous shadows across the heaven of the future have disappeared. Galileo was right when he said, " The world moves." Never were the States of the South so prosperous as they are to-day. Never were the relations between the white and colored races so good as they are under the new con- ditions of life in the South. President Hayes, whose administration has contributed so largely to the advancement of the prosperity of the country in all its varied interests, said, in a recent speech in describing the condition of public feeling in the Southern States : " Ma- terial prosperity is increasing there ; race prejudices and antagonisms have diminished ; the passions and the animosi- ties of the war are subsiding, and the ancient harmony, and concord, and patriotic national sentiments are returning." The negroes labor well, patiently, and faithfully, not only in the cities but on the plantations. They are more intelligent and trustworthy than before emancipation, and whether en- gaged by contract, or working for shares of the crop, the results are far more satisfactory than under the old system of compulsory labor. They are cheerful and thrifty, and sup- ply the best labor for the wide agricultural region of the 420 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES, Southern States that could be secured. The largest cotton crop ever made in the South, estimated at 6,000,000 bales, has been produced this year chiefly by the labor of freedmen. The freedmen lay up something for themselves, and con- stitute an important element in the increasing wealth of the South. In one single Southern State this property is estimated to be worth several millions of dollars. They have advanced in intelligence, and are regarded as valuable citizens of the commonwealths where they formerly labored as slaves. In Atlanta, the capital of the great State of Georgia, there is a prosperous university for colored students. Some of the most efficient and conservative teachers in the State were educated there. Its students number 240, representing ten different States, and forty-seven counties in Georgia. The trustees hold sixty acres of valuable land adjoining the college edi- fices, a splendid endowment, and besides other revenues, re- ceive 8,000 dollars per annum from the State. The library already comprises 4,000 volumes. The spectacle presented by the Southern States to-day is one of peaceful, cheerful, prosperous labor ; the slave-driver has disappeared, the sounds that break the stillness of plantation life are the voices of a willing people engaged in work, which, while it enriches the planter, adds to the well-being of the sons of toil. It is doubtless true that the system of slave labor in the Southern States of the Union was the most humane ever con- ducted in any part of the world. The planters, as a class, were men of a superior order, and they gave personal attention to the plantations. There were certainly occasional abuses even under that generally mild administration. It is impos- sible to provide against abuses under a system of absolute slavery. Where one human being has the power to control the labor of another, to assign his tasks, to order what his food and clothing shall be, to consign him to hard work in the most insalubrious spots, to take the products of his hands, to lay the lash on his back, to sell him away from his wife and chil- dren, to whip wife and child before his eyes, to become destiny for him, shutting out from him capriciously the light of heaven and the sweet pure air, it must be expected that the better qual- APPENDIX. 421 ities of human nature will at times be less powerful in dealing with the victims of such a code than the coarser and meaner lusts which have wrought so much wretchedness in the world. If Dante could have witnessed some of the scenes in these abject abodes of human misery, he might have deepened his descrip- tion of the horrors in the " Inferno." Fortunately for us in the United States, even the humane system of slavery which prevailed there has passed away for ever. The shadow upon the dial of human conscience must go back many degrees before any considerable number of men in the Southern States of the Union would consent to see slavery restored. To-day, not a slave treads the soil of free- dom, from the waters of the St. Lawrence to the Mexican sea, from the shore of the Atlantic, where the rising sun greets the flag of the Republic, to the distant coast of the Pacific, where his setting beams kindle upon its folds. It is now clearly understood that slave labor is the dear- est in the world. The money invested in the purchase of slaves, the expenses incurred in maintaining them, the charges incident to keeping them in health and comfort, the duty of providing for the infirm and the aged, require a large amount of capital, from which free labor is exempt. But there are higher considerations than these : the re- sponsibility, the deep abiding sense of conscientious duty, the obligation to acquit one's self well of the great task of compel- ling labor and of grasping all its fruits, the accountability for the well-being of dependent creatures — all this, viewed in the light that reveals all human affairs, must throw an ominous shadow over the places where the slave abides, and sighs, and toils in hopeless captivity. Since the abolition of slavery in the Southern States of the Union, a movement in favor of immigration from other States, and from abroad, has been developed in the most satisfactory way. Heretofore, while the fertile lands and fine climate of those States invited settlers, they did not come, but made their homes in the West, contributing to build up great States, and covering the country to the base of the Rocky Mountains with abounding crops, adding, above all, to the material wealth 422 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. of those commonwealths, the priceless treasure of an abiding, growing, prosperous, and happy people. Now I observe with the greatest satisfaction that an Eng- lish colony of the best class is about to be planted in East Tennessee, one of the most inviting parts of the Southern country. It is under the guidance of Mr. Thomas Hughes, M. P., an eminent scholar and statesman, who has displayed admirable judgment in selecting lands for the new colony. It is the first token of a happy future for the States so long want- ing such settlers. Such a colony would not have been founded in Tennessee if slavery still existed there. Emancipation in the Southern States was tried by every disadvantage to which it could be subjected ; it was sudden, violent, and universal. The passage of the Red Sea seemed to be full of peril, but the enfranchised hosts passed over dry- shod, and the captivity was ended. It seemed to be better that this great transformation should be gradual, that both the white and colored races might prepare for the structural change in their relations to each other. I thought that this would re- quire several years. Emancipation was not only immediate and universal, accomplished between the rising and the going down of the sun, but it was without compensation. Such a revolution in human society had never before occurred since men first began to gather into communities on the plains of the East. Many Southern families were utterly impoverished. A new and terrible appeal was made to the noble qualities of Southern men, but they bore it well, heroically, grandly. And now that it is all over we would not recall the past. We do not speak of destiny ; we submit to Providence. The mighty change that has taken place in our fortunes awakens in us neither regrets nor reproaches. We have turned our backs on the past ; we look with courage to the future. The effect upon the white race at the South is infinitely better. Our young men respond to the appeal to their manhood ; they address themselves to the tasks of life with energy and pur- pose. They have caught the spirit of our great poet Longfel- low's line — " Life is real, life is earnest." APPENDIX. 423 So, too, this deliverance from bondage is better for the colored race ; they enjoy at once, without a lingering captivity, the priceless treasure of freedom. I have read the manifesto of the Anti-Slavery Society with profound interest. The cause is set forth with great ability, and the appeal in behalf of the enslaved race is most impressive. It seems that slavery in Brazil is already under the ban of the imperial government. The law of the 28th September, 187 1, adopted under the lead of your great and honored states- man, Visconde do Rio Branco, providing that after its pro- mulgation no child should be born a slave in Brazil, announced that this great empire had ranged itself with all the civilized world in condemnation of human servitude. The only question now is whether the million and a half of slaves in the country shall be still held in bondage, or be brought within the sweep of the beneficent spirit which prompted the grand act of the imperial government in behalf of human freedom. Brazil is a great country, vast in extent, with a mild climate and fertile soil, yielding freely coffee, sugar, tobacco, and cot- ton, besides other agricultural products, rich with tropical fruits, abounding in valuable metals and precious stones, with the sea-coast 4,000 miles in extent. Such a country invites agricultural colonization. It need not distrust its future. It need not hesitate to commit itself to the policy adopted in the United States. With the extinction of slavery free labor will develop its immeasurable resources. The freedmen, already accustomed to its climate and its methods of industry, will supply the immediate demands for labor on the plantation. Gradually relieved from bondage, they will perform their tasks cheerfully, and ceasing to be a dependent class, not assimilat- ing with the other inhabitants, but lingering in hopeless cap- tivity, they will at once contribute to the wealth and strength of the country. Guided, trained, enlightened by the civilization that surrounds them, they will take part cheerfully in the industrial pursuits of the country — a country destined to be one of the greatest and happiest on the globe. As to the time to be fixed for the full enfranchisement of the enslaved race, it is well to consult the experience of other 424 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. countries in dealing with this important question. The minis- try in England took up the subject as early as 1832 ; they proposed to inquire : First. Whether the slaves, if emancipated, would maintain themselves, be industrious, and disposed to acquire property by labor ? Second. Whether the dangers of convulsions would be greater from freedom withheld than from freedom granted ? But before the report was made Parliament adopted an emancipation plan, and fixed upon a measure of apprentice- ship of the slaves of four and six years, and voted moderate compensation. The French government under Louis Philippe fixed ten years as the term, and added compensation ; but the revolu- tion came, and Lamartine at once signed a paper that set free the slaves in the colonial possessions of France. Seven years might be fixed as the term in Brazil for holding the African race still in bondage. It would seem to be espe- cially appropriate, in selecting the period for the termination of slavery in the empire, to fix upon the 28th of September, 1887, the anniversary of the great measure which provided that after its promulgation no child born in Brazil should be a slave. But the imperial government will treat this question under the lights that surround it and in reference to considerations which affect its own welfare. It is well constituted to guide the fortunes of this great country. Its history inspires confi- dence throughout the world, — its stability in the midst of con- vulsions that shook other states, its ruler displaying the great qualities of a man and a statesman, its Senate composed of wise, able, and experienced statesmen, profoundly versed in political science, its Chamber of Deputies constituted of enlight- ened gentlemen representing all parts of the empire with dignity and ability. When the great measure of enfranchisement shall be matured and promulgated it will be hailed with the benedic- tions of mankind. May the day soon dawn. It will not only illumine the empire but will cheer with its light the remotest parts of the civilized world. APPENDIX. 425 In the letter which you have done me the honor to address to me, you refer to Mr. Webster and to Mr. Clay as leaders of the Whig party in the United States, and to my association with them in Congress. I knew them well, and, though a much younger man, I enjoyed an intimate friendship with Mr. Webster. Mr. Clay was a splendid impersonation of an American statesman — bold, frank, and ardent. He was distinguished for his oratory, powerful in the Senate, resistless on the hustings. He was a Southern man, a native of Virginia, and a citizen of Kentucky, to which State he removed in his youth, and was its representative in Congress for many years. He favored emancipation in his own State, but did not identify himself with the abolitionists of his day, feeling bound to respect the provisions of the Constitution which gave Congress no jurisdic- tion, leaving it to be disposed of in the States where it existed. Mr. Webster was a native of New Hampshire, but in his early manhood fixed his residence in Massachusetts. He did not commit himself to the measures of the anti-slavery party, being restrained by his respect for the Constitution of the United States. He won for himself the proud distinction of being called '' Defender of the Constitution." No man sur- passed Mr. Webster in the qualities that constitute a states- man ; his imperial intellect, his large attainments, the tone of his character, the Olympian power and splendor of his elo- quence, his personal appearance, the dignity of his manner, — all gave him an unrivalled grandeur in the midst of his peers. He filled so great a place in the country that his death was like the fall of a castle from whose battlements banners had waved and from whose embrasures artillery had thundered. Both these great statesmen died before the crisis came that tried the strength of American institutions. If they had lived they might have averted civil war. They were both leaders of the Whig party — -a great, power- ful, patriotic party embracing the whole country, and disdain- ing to bend to sectional influences. So long as it existed it was the great conservative power in the nation, protecting all its interests and shedding a splendor over the whole country. I shared its fortunes throughout the whole term of its exist- 426 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. ence. It gave way before the fierce sectional struggle that produced the war, but its surviving members still cling to its traditions and glory in its memories. I need not assure you that you have my best wishes for your success as a statesman. You may not at once secure the accomplishment of your wishes, but you may live to witness the complete triumph of the measures which you believe will promote the prosperity and glory of your country. Few men are so fortunate as to live long enough to reap the fruition of their labors — labors faithfully performed for the advancement of their race. Every great political career has its vicissitudes, its lights and shade ; the very energy that impels one to scale mountain heights may occasion a fall, but a true man will rise again to take part in the noble struggle of the forum. Among the really great and fortunate men of our time Mr„ Gladstone seems to enjoy the felicitous attainment of states- manship described in Gray's fine lines : " The applause of listening Senates to command, The threats of pain and ruin to despise, To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land. And read his history in a nation's eyes." May it be your good fortune to serve your country well, and to be appreciated for your honorable labors. The noble cause to which you have consecrated your abilities, the courage with which you have advanced upon your course, and the manli- ness with which you express your convictions, entitle you to the highest respect and consideration. The true object of honorable ambition is not success, but, as Lord Mansfield expresses it, "the pursuit of noble ends by noble means." We must put forth our best efforts for the accomplishment of honorable and great tasks, but, after all, we must leave the result to the supreme ordering of Divine Providence. I tender you assurances of my high regard, and I beg you to believe me. My dear Mr. Nabuco, Your's etc., (Signed) Henry Washington Milliard. Hon. Joaquim Nabuco. APPENDIX. 427 MR. FORD TO EARL GRANVILLE (RECEIVED DECEMBER 3IST). Rio de Janeiro, December i, 1880. My Lord : With reference to my despatch transmitting a copy of a letter which had been addressed by Mr. Hilliard, the United States Minister at this Court, to Senhor Joaquim Nabuco, Deputy from Pernambuco, on the subject of a speedier solu- tion of the slavery question than the one contemplated by the existing law of the 28th of September, 187 1, I have the honor to transmit herewith to your Lordship copy of a speech deliv- ered by the United States Minister at a banquet which was given to him by a number of Brazilian abolitionists on the 20th of last month. The conduct of the United States Minister, as I have men- tioned to your Lordship in my former despatch, has been subjected to considerable criticism, and has formed of late the subject of debates in the House of Representatives, where speeches have been made maintaining that a foreign Repre- sentative infringes his official character and oversteps his privileges when he assumes to take a prominent part in the discussion of questions which are of purely domestic policy of the country to which he is accredited. One member in particular, M. Belfort Duarte, the Deputy from Maranhao, addressed in the House a categorical list of questions on the subject to M. Sariava, the Brazilian Prime Minister and President of the Council. M. Sariava replied to him in as categorical a manner, as your Lordship will perceive from the enclosed copy and translation of the minister's speech. It is my impression that this diplomatic incident may now be considered as terminated, and that no more will be heard of the matter. I have, etc., (Signed) Francis Clare Ford. 428 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. NEWSPAPER EXTRACT. Banquet to Mr. Hilliard. — A banquet was given on the evening of the 20th instant to Honorable Henry W. Hilliard, American Minister to Brazil, by the Brazilian Anti-Slavery Society, as a token of appreciation for the service rendered to the cause of human freedom in his late resume of the results of emancipation in the United States. There was a large num- ber of prominent abolitionists present, among whom were Deputies Nabuco, Saldana Marinho, Serra, Moura, and Sodre, Dr. Adolpho Debarros, Dr. Nicolao Moreira, Dr. Ferreira de Menezea, of the Gazeta da Tarde, and many others whose names our space will not permit us to give. The banquet was a very brilliant affair throughout, and among the large number of anti-slavery speeches made were many which were eloquent in behalf of the cause of abolition, and which should find a permanent place in the records of this movement. Our time and space will not permit us to give even an abstract of these speeches ; we are able to reproduce no more than Mr. Hilliard's reply to an eloquent introduction and defence of his recent letter on American emancipation, by the President of the Society, Deputy Joaquim Nabuco. MR. hilliard's speech. Gentlemen : In rising to make my acknowledgments for the very kind words which we have just heard from my honorable and elo- quent friend, M. Nabuco, I must at the same time beg you to accept my warmest thanks in providing this splendid banquet as a mark of your appreciation of the sentiments expressed in my late letter in regard to emancipation in the United States. It is not my purpose on this occasion to do more than to speak in general terms of the immeasurable advantages of free labor over a system of compulsory and unremunerative labor. It is a great social and economic question about which ray own judgment is made up and settled. The experience of all na- tions teaches us that no country can enjoy the highest prosperity APPENDIX. 429 and happiness attainable where slavery exists. But I shall not enter into an argument in support of that proposition on an occasion like this. Allow me to say I cannot feel that I am a stranger in Brazil. Long before I stood upon its soil and looked out upon its beautiful scenery (far the most beautiful I have anywhere seen) I felt a deep interest in the country. Coming from my own country to this, it seemed to me that the United States and Brazil were bound to each other by strong ties ; that we were merely neighboring nations dividing between us so large a part of the American continent, and having great interests in com- mon which we should develop for ourselves on this side of the Atlantic, without being disturbed by the struggles of the states of Europe. Your country, like mine, had thrown off its alle- giance to a foreign power, and asserted and maintained its right to be free and independent. More than this, in both countries a great system of constitu- tional government had been established. We have a day which, with every recurring anniversary, calls forth new attesta- tions of popular rejoicing — the 4th of July ; and you have yours — the 7th of September. So, too, not a great while after our independence was accom- plished, we framed a Constitution and established a national government, under which we have advanced to the highest prosperity. You, at an early day, adopted your constitution, under which you have made steady progress as a nation. One of the noblest monuments in the world adorns a beautiful square in your city in commemoration of the date of your con- stitution. In both countries there are great free governments, and both are advancing side by side to a prosperous, happy, and glorious future. In my country we feel the highest respect and warmest regard for the Emperor of Brazil. When he came to us as a visitor he was everywhere welcomed ; he travelled extensively ; he saw our great cities, our broad plains, our growing States spreading from the Atlantic to the Pacific. And we observed him ; we were impressed with his unostentatious greatness, the real majesty of the man, and the true dignity of the sovereign. 430 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. When he took leave of our shores he left behind him countless numbers of friends, and we should be happy to welcome him once more. In the views which I expressed in my letter as to the results of the enfranchisement of the colored race in the United States, I limited myself to a statement of the happy transforma- tion in the condition of the people in the great agricultural region where slavery formerly existed, tested by an experience of fifteen years. As a man and an American I rejoice that slavery no longer exists in the United States. I confess that I should be glad to see it pass away from the whole world. There are, gentlemen, certain great underlying principles which it seems to me impossible to disregard. You might as well try to disregard the laws of nature. And in applying these great principles we are apt to be misled if we yield too much to expediency. Really there are some questions affecting human society to which you cannot apply considerations of expediency. The grand power of right asserts itself like one of the forces of nature. It disdains to yield to policy, and sweeps aside the obstacles that would impede the advance of civilization. The mariner who Avould guide his vessel across the ocean does not lean over its side to observe the drift of the currents ; they would bear him far out of his course. Nor can he always see the stars in the heavens ; clouds may overcast the sky. But in the midst of darkness and tempest and the war of the waves, he fixes his eye on the compass that tells him his true course ; the needle that trembles on its pivot, true to the power that attracts it, enables him to find his way in the pathless sea and reach the haven of safety. So in great questions affecting the destiny of the human race : to refuse to act because some inconvenience might result to us from our course, to look at the currents that drive us out of the true course, to refuse to look at the clear, unswerving line of principle, is to commit a stu- pendous blunder in advance. The great moral laws of the universe always avenge themselves in such cases. I would not be understood to say that the conditions which affect the status of slavery in any country are to be overlooked APPENDIX. 431 or disregarded. Far from it. They are to be carefully con- sidered. To accomplish in the best way and at the proper time any great work, we must study the proper methods to effect our purpose. But to refuse to listen to the teachings of history, to decline to survey the situation, to sit down with the selfish purpose to take no step for the advancement of the happiness of our race lest we should suffer by the change in the social condition of those about us, is what neither the philanthropist nor the statesman can approve. Such a course makes one amenable to a moral law too power- ful to be resisted. It is the beautiful expression of Hooker, that " law has her seat in the bosom of God, and her voice is the harmony of the universe." That law is irresistible in its force ; there can be no harmony in the universe until right prevails everywhere. Look to history. The nations in their march have shed a broad light upon the track of human progress. The mighty monarchies of the East have perished. The proud structures all over the world, that dominated over human right, have gone down. Modern nations have sprung up ; the principles of liberty have asserted their force ; absolute power cannot lift its sceptre in the light of the closing splendor of the nineteenth century. Public opinion to-day governs the world ; it is im- possible to resist it ; it is making its power felt in all nations ; it is more powerful than any government on the globe : its authority surpasses the fabled strength of Olympian Jove. It follows the sun in its course, and visits with its transforming power all places under the whole heavens. It will accomplish the enfranchisement of the human race. I beg that it may be understood I do not permit myself to speak of the institutions of Brazil. In asserting my firm belief in great principles, I limit myself to a general statement. The application must be made by those who have the right to control the destinies of this great country — a country full of promise, with vast resources, and which will yet attain the high- est degree of national prosperity and happiness. The time for the enfranchisement of the million and a half of slaves in this country requires much and careful consideration. The 432 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. question is in the hands of wise statesmen, who will know how to treat it in all its important relations. As I have said already, your government is admirably organ- ized to dispose of all questions that affect the well-being of the country. The Emperor is known to be a great statesman, a profound student, who has enjoyed the advantage of personal observation of a large part of the world ; your senators are able and experienced statesmen ; your Chamber of Deputies is composed of gentlemen representing all parts of the country with dignity and ability, thoroughly acquainted with its con- dition and its wants, and competent to dispose of all the ques- tions that affect its interests. You have a free and enlightened press. It is impossible to doubt that the important social and economic question, to which I have referred, will be disposed of in a way to advance the prosperity and happiness of the country. Such a cause as you advocate, gentlemen, must always encounter opposition. I dare say your great, honored, and lamented statesman Visconde do Rio Branco, who has just gone down to a grave bedewed with the tears of a nation, found it no easy task to accomplish a statesman-like plan, providing by law that after its promulgation no child should be born a slave in Brazil. He encountered opposition, but he triumphed. There is always a distrust of the successful working of any plan which proposes to effect important changes in the economic and social affairs of any country. The distrust is natural ; it is to be respected ; it is to be dealt with in the best spirit. But it yields to the irresistible force of enlightened public sentiment. I am profoundly grateful, gentlemen, for this mark of your appreciation of the sentiments expressed in my recent letter ; the opinions given with frankness, upon a great question affect- ing the destiny of our race and the interests of civilization, will stand the test of time ; and I feel myself honored in being able to contribute anything towards the advancement of a cause which proposes to accomplish so much good for this great and interesting country. Of course I could not intervene in the affairs of Brazil if I desired to do so ; I entertain no such pur- pose. I state the results of my observation of the substitution of free for slave labor in my own country, and I trust to a gen- APPENDIX. 433 erous construction of the spirit in which I have treated a great question which enlists the sympathy of the whole civilized world. I shall in the future recur to this occasion with an in- terest which time cannot chill, and cherish a pleasing recollection of one of the brightest evenings of my life. Allow me, gentlemen, to propose a sentiment : The spirit of liberty — it cannot be subdued ; like the central fires of the earth, sooner or later, it will upheave everything that oppresses it and flame up to heaven. EXTRACT FROM THE Diario Official of November 27, 1880. [Translation.] SPEECH DELIVERED BY M. SARIAVA ON THE 25TH NOVEMBER, 1880. The questions refer to home and foreign affairs. I will reply to all those which concern the Chamber of Deputies. First Question. Does the imperial government approve in general of the anti-slavery propaganda, and especially that which has been ^ held in public meetings by means of political banquets and a manifesto issued by a foreign representative ? Answer. Before replying to that question it is necessary to rectify a point. There has been no manifesto issued by a foreign repre- sentative relative to the anti-slavery propaganda, but only the expression of the personal opinion of Mr. Hilliard on the question of slavery addressed to a Brazilian deputy. Having made this correction, I reply to the first question by saying that the ministry of the 28th March has already explained pretty clearly, in this august assembly, its entire views on the question. Resuming all I have said, I will again make the following declaration : The members of the ministry, over whom I have the honor of presiding, are of opinion that the 434 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. law of the 28th September, 187 1, can effect a complete solu- tion of the question, because it can follow the gradual and progressive development of free labor, and the extinction of slavery in a greater or less number of years, without disturb- ance of, and without interruption to, the great progress of the nation. In spite, however, of what I have now said, the ministry of the 28th March are of opinion that it is their duty to respect, as they have respected, all the opinions which are contrary to theirs so long as they are confined to legal grounds. Second Question. The United States Minister — did he appear at the anti-slav- ery political banquet held on the 20th instant, in his official or semi-official character, directly or indirectly with the acqui- escence of the imperial government ? Answer. I reply. No. Mr. Hilliard appeared at the banquet in his private capacity. What he said in his letter and at the banquet can only be regarded as the expression of his private opinion without any official character, and, being subjected to public appreciation, has nothing to do with either the approval or disapproval of the imperial government. Third Question. In case of disapproval on the part of the imperial government of the conduct of the foreign representative, what steps do they propose taking ? and, moreover, what line do the govern- ment propose to pursue in face of the illegal meetings on the question of the abolition of slavery ? Answer. This question is answered by my reply to questions Nos. one and two. Now that I have rendered satisfaction to the member from Maranhao, I will only consider one topic of his speech. He need be under no apprehension lest the representatives of for- APPENDIX. 435 eign powers should meddle in our affairs. Should such a con- tingency arise, the government feels assured that they would meet with the support of every Brazilian without even except- ing those who entertain contrary opinions to it as to the mode of solving the question of slavery. INDEX. Adams, Charles Francis, 196, 197 Adams, John Quincy, 127, 183 ; cir- cumstance attending the death of, 183-5 ; tributes in Congress to, 186-90 Aix-la-Chapelle, 43 Alabama, State Convention at Mont- gomery, 310 ; secession of, 311 Albert Edward (Prince Consort), 81 American Institute, Mr. Hilliard's speech at Castle Garden, New York, in behalf of, 235-9 American Party, the, organization of, 268 ; National Convention at Phila- delphia, 269 American Review, biographical notice of Mr. Milliard in, 2IO, 2II Ampudia, Gen., 162 Amsterdam, 97 Anderson, Major Robert, 308, 314, 320 Anti-slavery agitation in the North, 285 Anti-slavery movement in Brazil, 393-402 ; Report concerning, as pub- lished in the British Parliamentary Blue-Book, 411-35 Anti-Slavery party, Convention in Buf- falo, 196 ; platform of, 196 Antwerp, 40 Appleton, Nathan, 200 Appleton, Thomas G., 201 Appomattox, surrender of Gen. Lee's army at, 340, 341 Arkansas, secession of, 333 Ashburton, Lord, 28 Assassination of President Lincoln, 343. 344 Attempted assassination of Mr. Sew- ard, 349, 350 Badger, George E., 213 Baltimore, Democratic Convention at, in 1848, 193 ; in 1852, 259 ; Whig National Convention at, 259, 269 ; adjourned Democratic National Convention at, in i860, 288 ; ad- journed meeting of Southern dele- gates at, in i860, 289 ; National Convention of the Constitutional Union Party at, 289 Bank of the United States, the, 13 Banquet given to Mr. Hilliard, Anti- Slavery Society in Rio, 398, 399 Barbour, James, 5 Barnwell, Mr., 316 Barrow, Senator, 178, 180 Bartow, Col. Francis S., 336 Bayley, Gen., 178 Beaconsfield, the Earl of, 388, 389 Beauregard, General G. T., 318-22, 334 Beecher, Henry Ward, 345 437 438 INDEX. Bee, General Bernard, 336 Belgium, Mr. Hilliard appointed Min- ister to, 26 ; government of, 53 Bell, John, 289 Belser, James E., 121 Benjamin, Judah P., 316 Benton, Thomas H., 176, 177, 213 Berrien, John McP., 200, 213 Bissel, Col., 168 Black, Jeremiah, 276 Blaine, James G., 407, 40S Bliss, Col., 169 Booth, John Wilkes, 343 Botanical Garden Railroad of Rio de Janeiro, 375 Boundary between Texas and New Mexico, passage of a measure de- fining same, 232 Bowden, 200 Bragg, Capt. (afterwards Brig. -Gen.) Braxton, 167 seq. Brazil, Mr. Hilliard appointed Minis- ter to, 358 ; the imperial family of, 367-9 ; trade-mark treaty with, 373-5 ; slavery in, 393-402 Breckenridge, John C, 269, 270, 289 Breda, 93 Briey, Count de, interview with, 82 ; views concerning annexation of Texas, 83 Broek, 98 Brougham, Lord, 37 Brown, A. V., 276 Brussels, 41 ; visit of Queen Victoria to, 80 Buchanan, James, 269, 270, 275-7, 313 ; Cabinet of, 275, 276 Buena Vista, battle of, 166 seq. ; Jack- son's report, 172 seq. ; number of troops engaged in, 173 Buffalo, Convention of Anti-Slavery Party in, 196 Bulwer, Lady, 246 Bulwer-Lytton, Sir Edward Robert, 246 Bulwer, Sir Henry Lytton, 174, 246 Bunker Hill, meeting at, 20 Butler, Gen. William O., 194, 197 Calhoun, John C, 3, 17, 18, ill, 176, 198-200, 212, 220-6, 255 California, President Taylor recom- mends its admission as a State, 215 Cass, Gen. Lewis, 194, 197, 213, 275, 314 Castle Garden, Mr. Hilliard's speech at, in behalf of the American Insti- tute, 235-9 Cathedral of St. Gudule, 78 Chapman, Gov., 271 Charleston, Democratic National Con- vention at, 385-S ; adjourns to meet in Baltimore, 287 Charleston harbor, President Bu- chanan refuses to withdraw garrison from, 314 Charlotte, Princess, 47. Chase, Salmon P., 213, 218, 352 Chicago, Republican National Con- vention at, 290 Choate, Rufus, 152 Cincinnati, Democratic National Con- vention at, 269. Clay, Henry 3, 12, no, 116, 120, 195, 213, 216, 261 ; Mr. Hilliard's eulogy of, at Montgomery, 261, 262 Clay, Lieut.-Col. Henry, 172 Clayton, John M., 206 Clemens, Senator, 272 Cobb, Howell, 129, 214, 276 314, 315 Cochran, John, 122-5, 250 CoUamer, Jacob, 130 ' Cologne, 85 Commercial convention at Montgom- ery, 255-8 Confederate government, organization of, 315 INDEX. 439 Confederate States, 342 Congress, sovereign power of, over the territories of the United States, 270 Constitutional Union Party, the, or- ganization of, 28g ; National Con- vention of, at Baltimore, 289 Constitution, the, Mr. Hilliard's argu- ment from, in support of slavery in the territories, 299 Convention, see under Baltimore, Buf- falo, Charleston, Chicago, Cincin- nati, Georgia, Harrisburg, Mont- gomery, and Philadelphia. Cooper Union, New York, mass-meet- ing at, 292-4 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech at, 294-302 Corcoran, W. W., 247 Currency and government, 13 Cushing, Caleb, 285 D Dallas, George M., 120, 126, 182 Dangerfield, Mr., Minister of the Re- public of Texas, gi ; seeks recog- nition from Belgium, 92 Davis, Garrett, 178 Davis, J. C. Bancroft, 357 Davis, Jefferson, 132, 148, 167, 171, 174, 182, 315-9, 325-31, 340; Cabinet of, 316 ; first message of, 331, 332 Davis, Penelope, 2 Dayton, William L., 270 Democratic National Convention in Baltimore, in 1848, 193 ; in 1852, 259; at Cincinnati, 269; at Charleston in i860, 285-8; secession of Southern delegates from, 287; adjourned meet- ing of, at Baltimore, 288 ; adjourned meeting of Southern delegates to, 289 Donelson, Andrew J., 269 Douglas, Stephen A., 129, 182, 266, 288 Dromgoole, George C, 128 Durand, Mme. Marie, 376, 377 E Emancipation of slaves in Brazil, movement in behalf of, 393-402 ; Mr. Hilliard's efforts in behalf of, Report concerning as published in the British Parliamentary Blue-Book, 411-35; 394 seq. ; extract from newspaper account of the banquet to Mr. Hilliard, 428 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech in behalf of, 428-33 Emancipation proclamation, the, 336- 40 ; Mr. Hilliard's views upon, 352-5 Evarts, "William M., 357, 374 Everett, Edward, 33, 289, 302-4 Ewing, Thomas, 207 Extradition of fugitive slaves, the, dis- satisfaction in the North at the adoption of the law concerning, 246 ; Whig Convention at Baltimore in 1852 affirms acts concerning, 260 Farrar, Cannon Frederick W., 407 Fillmore, Millard, 195, 197, 206, 212, 229, 230, 269, 270, 273, 275 Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, 200, 288 Florida, secession of, 308 Floyd, John B., 276, 314 "Force-Bill," the, 18 Ford, Francis H., 380; letter of, to Earl Granville, transmitting corre- spondence concerning the abolition of slavery in Brazil, 41 1-7 ; letter of, to Earl Granville, transmitting a copy of Mr. Hilliard's speech at the banquet given to him by the Brazil- ian Anti-Slavery Society, 427 Fort Pickens, 312 Fort Sumter, 308, 312, 320 ; fleet sent to relief of, 318 ; surrender of, 321 440 INDEX. Free-Soil Party, igi, 192, 267 Fremont, Gen. John C, 270, 275 Fugitive slaves, dissatisfaction in the North concerning the law for the extradition of, 244 ; acts relating to affirmed by the Whig Convention at Baltimore in 1852, 260 ; rescue of, in Boston, 245 G Gambetta, Leon M., 391 Garfield, Gen. James A., 403, 405 Georgia, State Convention at Milledge- ville, 311 ; secession of, 312 Gillett, Francis, 370 Government and currency, 13 Graham, William, 260 Grant, Gen. U. S., 341, 389-90 Greeley, Horace, i, 337 Greenough, C. B., 375, 376 Guadalupe Hidalgo, peace negotiated at, 176 Guizot, Fran9ois P. G., 70, 103 H Haarlem, 96 Hague, The, 94 Hamlin, Hannibal, 290 Hardin, Col. John J., 170, 172, 174 Harrisburg, Pa. , National Whig Con- vention at, i-ii Harris, Hon. Mr., of Alabama, 200 Harris, Isham G., 326 Harrison, Gen. William Henry, i, 7 seq., 15, 23, 24 ; Cabinet of, 23 Hayes, Rutherford B., 356 Heidelberg, 88 Henry, Joseph, 151 Hill, Benjamin H., 274, 311 Hillard, George S., 303 Hilliard, Camillus B., 334 Hilliard, Henry W., appointed dele- gate to Whig National Convention at Harrisburg, i ; votes for Mr. Clay, 7 ; votes for Mr. Tyler, 8 ; pledges support of Alabama for Gen. Harrison and Mr. Tyler, 11 ; de- clines the mission to Portugal, 25 ; appointed Minister to Belgium, 26 ; audience with King Leopold, 73 ; successfully opposes the increased duty on tobacco proposed by Bel- gium, 109 ; resigns mission to Bel- gium and returns to America, 114; enthusiastic reception at Montgom- ery, Ala., 118 ; nominated for Con- gress, 121 ; public debate with Mr. Cochran, 121-4 ; defeats Mr. Coch- ran, 125 ; speech on the Oregon question, 136-143 ; re-elected to Congress, 181 ; tribute to Mr. Adams, 187-90 ; speech in support of Gen. Taylor, 192-3 ; appointed delegate to Whig Convention at Philadelphia, 195 ; renominated for Congress 207 ; defeats Mr. Pugh, 209 ; biographical notice in the America7i Revietu, 210 ; speech at Castle Garden, New York, in behalf of the American Institute, 235-9 ; views on slavery, 247, 248; declines a renomination for Congress, 249 ; debates with Mr. Yancey at Union Springs, Chattahoochee, Montgom- ery, and elsewhere, 251-8 ; eulogy of j\Ir. Clay, 251, 252 ; eulogy of Mr. Webster, 263-6 ; debate with Gen. Walker, 273 ; commencement ad- dress at the University of Virginia, 278-81 ; speech at Cooper Union, New York, 304, 305; speech at Mont- gomery against hasty action in regard to secession 309, 310 ; mission to Tennessee in behalf of the Confed- eracy, 325-9 ; address to the Ten- nessee legislature, 327, 328 ; letter of Mr. Seward to, in regard to recon- struction, 348; letter of Chief-Justice Chase to, 353-5 ; appointed Minister INDEX. 441 to Brazil, 358 ; address to the Em- peror of Brazil, 365-7 ; negotiates trade-mark treaty with Brazil, 373-5 ; efforts in behalf of the abo- lition of slavery in Brazil, 394-402 ; banquet given to, by the Anti- Slavery Society in Rio, 398, 399 ; ex- tract from a newspaper account of banquet to, 428 ; full text of speech at banquet, 428-33 Hilliard, Henry W., Jr., 227, 228 Hilliard, William Preston, 242 Holland, Breda, 93 ; Rotterdam, 94 ; The Hague, 94 ; Scheveningen, 95 ; Leyden, 96 ; Haarlem, 96 ; Amster- dam, 97 ; Broek, 98 ; Utrecht, 99 Holt, Joseph, 314 Hopkins, Arthur F., 119 Hotel des Invalides, 105 Hotel de Ville, 55 Houston, Gen. Sam., 312 Hughes, Christopher, Minister to Holland, 95 Humboldt, Baron von, 45 Hunter, Robert M. T., 129, 182 1 Inauguration of President Taylor, 206 Ingersoll, Charles J., 128, 153, 154, 160, 161 Ingersoll, Joseph R., 130, 153 J Jackson, Gen. Andrew, 16 seq. Jackson, Gen. " Stonewall," 336 Johnson, Andrew, 130, 346-52 Johnson, Herschel V., 288, 350 Johnston, Gen. Albert S., 333 Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 334, 341, 347 K Kansas and Nebraska, territories of, passage of bill permitting slavery in, 267 Kansas-Nebraska Act, the, 192 King, Horatio, 307 King, Thomas B., 128 King, William R., 213, 259 Koskul, Count, 369 Lane, Gen. Joseph, 171, 289 Lee, Gen. Robert E., 333, 340, 341 Legare, Hugh S., 42, 203 Leigh, Benjamin Watkins, 8 Leopold, King of Belgium, 47, 91 Leyden, 96 Lieutenant-General, President Polk recommends appointment of, 176 ; recommendation defeated in Senate, 176 Lincoln, Abraham, 182, 290, 305, 316, 323, 324, 343-7 ; effect of elec- tion of, 306 ; inauguration of, 316 Lind, Mile. Jenny, 239-44 ; Miss Frederika Bremer's tribute to, 240 "Log-Cabin" campaign, the, 14-22 Longfellow, Henry W., 201 Louise, Queen of Belgium, 48 Louis Philippe, King of France, 68- 70 Luther's speech at the Diet of Worms, 87 Lyndhurst, Lord, 35 M McDowell, General Irvin, 334 McKee, Col., 168, 170 Madison, Mrs. James, 29 Mallory, Stephen R., 316 Manassas, battle of, 334, 335 Marshall, Brig.-Gen. Humphrey, r68, 173 Mason, James M., 220 Maxcy, Virgil, 41 Melodeon, the, (Mr. Theodore Parker's church) service at, 203, 204 442 INDEX, Memminger, Charles G., 316 Meredith, William M., 206 Mexico, rupture of relations with, 145 ; war with, 146 seq., treaty with, 191 ; cedes Upper California and New Mexico to the United States, 191 Militia, the, proclamation calling out, 323 Mississippi Rifles praised for gallantry at Buena Vista, 174 Mississippi, secession of, 308 Missouri Compromise Act, 192, 198, 266, 267 Missouri compromise line, Pres. Polk recommends its extension to the Pacific Ocean, 198 Monterey, battle of, 162 Montgomery, Alabama, meeting at, 208 ; commercial convention at, 255-8 ; State convention at, 310 Moore, Andrew B., 310 Moorehead, Ex-Gov., 294 Munroe, Major, 174 N Nabuco, Joaquim, 381, 394, 395, 402 ; text of Mr. Milliard's correspondence with, relative to the results of emancipation in the United States, 412-26 Napoleon I., 406 Nebraska and Kansas, territories of, passage of bill permitting slavery in, 267 New Mexico, ceded by Mexico to the United States, 191 ; and Texas, boundary between, defined, 232 New York, mass-meeting at Cooper Union, 292-4 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech at, 294-302 Norris, William, 93 North Carolina, secession of, 333 Notre Dame, 106 O'Brien, Capt., 172 Oregon, dispute with Great Britain concerning, 133 ; debate upon, 134 Otis, Harrison Gray, 187 Pacific Ocean, Pres. Polk recommends the extension of the Missouri com- promise line to, 198 Palo Alto, battle of, 147 Paris, 66 seq., loi, 359 Parker, Theodore, 203, 204 Partridge, Hon. Mr. (U. S. Minister to Brazil), 360 Payne attempts to assassinate Mr. Seward, 349, 350 Pedro I. , Emperor of Brazil, 367, 368 Pedro II., Emperor of Brazil, 367, 368, 393, 404 Perkins, Mrs., 351 Pernambuco, 361 Periy, Comm. Matthew C, 29 " Personal liberty" laws, 277 Petropolis, 379, 380 Philadelphia, Whig Convention in, 194 ; National Convention of the American Party at, 269 ; Republi- can National Convention at, 270 Pickens, Francis W., 307, 308, 322 Pierce, Gen. Franklin, 259, 266, 307 Pillow, Gen. Gideon, 183 Polk, James K., 117, 132, 159, 182, 198 ; Cabinet of, 126 Polk, Mrs. James K., 328 Prescott, William H., 190, 201, 202 Preston, William C, 2, 4, 12, 20, 277, 282-4 Pryor, Gen. Roger A., 255 Pugh, Senator, of Ohio, 285-7 R Randall, Josiah, 195, 285 Reagan, John H., 316 INDEX. 443 Reconstruction measures, 347 ; letter of Mr. Seward to Mr. Hilliard con- cerning, 348 Republican Party, the, organization of, 267 ; National Convention of, at Philadelphia, 270 ; National Convention of, at Chicago, 290 Resaca de la Palma, 148 Resignation of President Taylor's Cabinet, 230 Rhine, the, 85 Rio de Janeiro, 362, 363 ; freedom of the press of, 382 ; the botanical Garden Railroad, 375 Rotterdam, 94 Rumigny, Marquis de, 64 St. Gudule, cathedral of, 78 St. Paul's Cathedral, 386 San Crist ovao, palace of, 364 Santa Anna, Gen. Antonio L., 164 Sariava, President, interpellation of, 399-401 ; speech of, in reply to in- terpellation, 433-5 Scheveningen, 95 Schreiner, Baron, 381 Scott, Gen. Winfield, i, 7 seq., 12, 163, 175, 182, 183, 195, 233, 259-61, 266 Secession, of Southern delegates from Democratic National Convention at Charleston, 287 ; of South Carolina, 307 ; of Mississippi, 308 ; of Florida, 308 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech against hasty action in regard to 309, 310 ; of Alabama, 311 ; of Georgia 312 ; of North Carolina, 323 ; of Virginia, 323 ; of Tennessee, 329 Seward, William H., 214, 290, 318, 347-50 Seymour, Sir Hamilton, 65, 304 Shannon, Col.. 364, 377 Sherman, Capt., 172, 174 Sherman, Gen. William T., 341, 347 Slave-holding States, meeting of Con- gressmen from, 198 Slavery, Gen. Harrison opposed to, 9 ; Mr. Calhoun's resolution deny- ing the power of Congress to pro- hibit slavery in the territories, 176 ; question of its introduction into California and New Mexico, 191 ; interview of Mr. Clay with Mr. Webster in regard to, 218 ; Mr. Clay's plan concerning, 219 ; Mr. Calhoun's speech upon, 221 ; Mr. Webster's speech upon, 224 ; dis- cussion between Messrs. Webster and Calhoun, 225, 226 ; Mr. Hilliard's views upon, 248, 249 ; action of the Democratic National Convention at Charleston in regard to, 287 ; clause relating to, in platform adopted by Southern delegates to the Charles- ton Democratic Convention, 288 ; clause relating to, in platform adopt- ed by the Republican Party in i860, 290, 291 ; Mr. Hilliard's argument from the Constitution in support of, 299 ; abolition of, 336-40 ; Mr. Hilliard's views upon the emancipa- tion proclamation in Brazil, 393-402 Slaves, fugitive, dissatisfaction in the North at the adoption of law con- cerning extradition of, 244 ; rescue of, in Boston, 245 Smithsonian Institute, organization of, 149 Smithson, James, 149 Speed, Joshua F., 339 Speed, Joshua L., 345, 349 " Spirit of Liberty," the (Mr. Hil- liard's commencement address at the University of Virginia), 278-82 Spurgeon, Rev. Chas. H., 384-6 Soule, Senator, 214 Soult, Marshal Nicholas Jean de Dieu, 104 444 INDEX. South Carolina, secession of, 307 ; passage of bill for an army by, 307 Southern delegates, withdrawal of, from Democratic National Conven- tion at Charleston, 287 ; slavery clause in platform adopted by, 288 " Southern-rights men," 258 Southern States, measures for the pro- tection of, 199 ; Mr. Hilliard out- lines the true policy of, at Mont- gomery, 256-8 Sovereign power of Congress over the territories of the United States, 270 Stanley, Dean Arthur P. , 407 Star of the West (steamship) fired upon by South Carolina troops, 314 Stephens, Alexander H., 118, 311, 315, 323. 338, 349; speech of, in opposition to secession, 311 ; views of, on Confederate constitution, 317 Stuttgart, 360 Tamagno, M., 377 Tayloe, Benjamin O., 247 Taylor, Gen. Zachary, 146, 162 seq., 182, 192, 195, 197, 205, 206, 215, 229-31 ; Cabinet of, 206, 207 ; President Fillmore's message to Congress on the death of, 230 ; funeral of, 230 Tennessee, Mr. Hilliard's mission to, on behalf of the Confederacy, 525-9 ; secession of, 329 Territories, Calhoun's resolution de- nying the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in, 176 ; Calhoun's speech in defence of, 177 Texas and New Mexico, boundary between, defined, 232 Texas, Clay's opposition to its annexa- tion, 117 Texas, secession of, 312 Theresa, Donna, 368 Thomas, Lieut, (afterwards Gen.) George H., 172 Thompson, Jacob, 276, 314 Thompson, Richard W., 357 Thurman, Allen G., 132 Ticknor, George, 202 Toombs, Robert, 131, 316 Toucey, Isaac, 276 Trade-mark treaty with Brazil, 373-5 Trist, Nicholas, 176 Tuileries, the, 66 ; reception at, 102 Tuscaloosa, Ala. , State Convention at, 19 Twiggs, Gen., 313 Tyler, John, 4, 17 seq., 24, 115, 313 U " Union men," 258 University of Virginia, 277 ; Mr. Hil- liard's commencement address at, 278-82 Upper California ceded to the United States by Mexico, 191 Utrecht, 99 V Van Buren, Martin, 13 seq., 117, 196, 197 Vera Cruz, capture of, 176 Versailles, 106, 383, 384 Victoria, Queen, visit to Brussels of, 80 Virginia, efforts of the State of, to re- store harmony in the country, 313 ; secession of, 323 Virginia, University of, Mr. Hilliard's commencement address at, 278-82 W Walker, Gen. L. P., 271, 272, 316, 319, 322 Washington, Capt., 16S, 174 Waterloo, 56 ; battle of, 57 seq. INDEX. 445 Watts, Thomas H., 310 Webster, Daniel, 2, 14, 20 seq.^ no, 194, 195, 213, 217, 222, 226, 231- 3, 262, 263 ; debate on Charles J. Ingersoll's attack on, 154 seq.; Mr. Hilliard's eulogy of, 263-6 Wellington, Duke of, 35 Whig National Convention, at Harris- burg, Pa., i-ii ; at Philadelphia, 194 ; at Baltimore, 259, 260 Wilmot, David, 148, 9 Winthrop, Robert C, 181, 214, 232, 233 Wood, Fernando, 294 Worms, 86 ; diet of, 86 ; Luther's speech at, 87 Yancey, William L., 128, 194, 251-8, 285, 286 Yell, Colonel, 168 THE END. & '^m'^ U ^G:^. 3- J.M -%.