Book IQ ^ ^- ^ X O^ TUB SOCIAL ORGANIZATION MODE OF GOVERNMENT AI^OIENT MEXICANS. BY Ad. F. BANDELIER. [From the Twelfth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of Archreology and Ethnology, Cambridse- 1879.] SALEM: PRINTED AT THE SALKM PRKSS. 1879. ON THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND /?S3 MODE OF GOYERMENT AKOIENT MEXICANS. BY Ad. F. BANDELIER. / [From the Twelfth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of Archfeology and Ethnology, Cambridge. 1879.] SALEM: PRINTED AT THE SALEM PRESS. 1879. . r:-).'-' Digitized b^ the ^Internet Archive in 2010 with fuhding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/onsocialorganizaOOband ON THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND MODE OF GOVERNMENT OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. By An. F. Bandelier. Two previous papers have already been devoted to some of the most prominent features of the life of the ancient Mexicans, namely : warlike customs, and their mode of distributing and occupying the soil and their rules of Inheritance. ^ The conclusions of both essays were chiefly negative, in so far as they tended to establish the non-existence of a condition which has, for three centuries, been regarded as prevailing. Thus, in the first, we have attempted to disprove the existence of a military despotism^, and in the second, the existence of feudalism^ among the natives of Mexico. More positive results were, however, foreshadowed in both instances by the suggestion, if not by the demonstration, that aboriginal society in Mexico rested on a democratic principle. The present essay is intended to show — if the organization of the natives of Mexico was not as it is commonly represented — what that organi- zation really was, according to our conception, and what status 1 Tenth Report of the Peabody Museum: " On the Art of War and Mode of Warfare of the Ancient Mexicans." Eleventh Report: " On the Tenure and Distribution of Lands among the Ancient Mexicans, and the Customs with Respect to Inheritance." ■'''Art of War," pp. (127, 128, and ]fil). 3 " Tenure of Lands," (pp. 418 and 418). Id both instances, as well as in the present discussion, the worlds of the Hon. L. H. Morgan iiave furnished to the writer his points of departure and lines of investigation; besides, the distinguished American ethnolo- gist has watched witli more than friendly solicitude the progress of all these essays. If I seize the opportunity to recall here the debt of gratitude under which I stand toward him, it is coupled with the wish to express heartfelt thanks to several of my friends, to whose liberal assistance these and the preceding pages owe their existence, nearly as much as to my individual work. Let me name here, Mr. F. W. Putnam, Curator of the Peabody Museum, Col. Fred Hecker, of Sunimerfleld, Illinois, Dr. G. Bruhl, of Cincinnati, Ohio, and the officers of the Mercantile Library at St. Louis, Missouri. Lastly, because most remote, though certainly not least, am I deeply in- debted to the great documentary historian of the City of Mexico, Sr. Don Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta for nearly all information which could not be obtained from the usually known sources. (557) 558 of progress in Institutions can be assigned to the remarkable tribe whicli has become so prominent in history. In other words, our object is to reconstruct the mode of government of the ancient Mexicans, the nature of its offices and dignities, and especially the principles ruling and guiding their social agglomeration. The distinguished Mexican scholar, Manuel Orozco y Berra, ex- plains, as well as qualifies, the condition of the aborigines of Mexico in the following manner : " If, from the boundary-lines of the empire [of Mexico, accord- ing to his views] we now turn to the races peopling its area, we find it to be a truth undeniable that no common nor mutual tie connected these numerous and diverse tribes. Each one was in- dependent under its chiefs. 4" 4" Geografia de laa Lenguas y Carta Etnogrdfica de 3Iexico," por Manuel Orozco y Berra, Mexico, 18(54, (Tercera Parte, IX Mexico, p. 252). "Si de las deniarcaciones del impevio pasanios a considerar las razas que lo poblaban, encontraremos como una verdad innegable que tanta tribu diversa no tenia nn lazo comun de union. Cada una era independiente bajo el mando de sus senores. Las ambicioiies particulares encen- dian la guerra, y la misma familia se fraccionaba. A su semejanza, cada pueblo tenia un gefe que de nombre reconocia al seiior principal, y todas las provincias estaban subdividas hasta formar un sistema bajo algunos pnntos scmejante al feudal. Rencores y odios apartaban las tribus, y la guerra era constante, porque siendo una de sus principales virtudes la valentia, no podian verse sin combatlrse, a imitacion de los orguUosos aniniales que sirven de diversion en los palenques. Por instinto 6 porque las generaciones son arrastradas aun a su pesar por la corriente de los tiempos, los Mexicanos emprendiCron la tarea de reunir en un solo haz todos aquellos pueblos, de formar de ellos una nacion, y de asimilar sus intereses con los intereses del imperio. Para llevar a cabo semejante tarea era preciso, la fuerza para poder triuiifar; un sistema proseguido con tino, y con tenacidad, y el tiempo bastante para que el odio se borrara y dejara nacer las simpatias. Pero la unidad que solicitaban los Mexicanos llevaba a las tribus al mas espantoso de los despotismos; el imperio era muy nuevo para haber aloanzado otra cosa que reducir a la servidunibre, sin poder contar con el amor de sus vasallos; de manera que en lugar de amigos, tenia enemigos solapados, y su grandeza era solo engaiiosa appariencia. En esta sazon se presentaron los con- quistadores espaiioles. Cualquiera fuerza extrana habia de hacer vacilar al coloso; as tribus, mal halladas con la servidumbre, vieron en los invasores a quienes podran salvarles del yugo; en su juicio rencoroso no quisieron advertir, que por alcanzar una esteril venganza avcnturaban su propia existencia, y corrieron de tropel a colocarse bajo las banderas de los estranjeros." It may be interesting to compare this weighty authority with my remarks on the same subject in "Art of War,'" (pp. 100, also note 17), and " Tenure of Lands," (pp. 416, 417, and 418, and annotations.) The diflerence consists in that Sr.Orozcoy Berra ascribes to the ancient Mexicans a decided tendency to '• n.ation- allize," so to say, the aboriginal people of their conquered area, to force unil'ormity of customs and organization upon them, and establish a true despotism. To this I beg leave to suggest in reply : — (1). Tliat the Mexicans, a/o?ie, formed only a pari (two-fifths in amount of tribute) of that power which is commonly termed "an Empire" (El Imperio) and which was but the Nahuatl confederacy of the Mexican valley. In evidence of it I will take the liberty to quote his own Avords, (same part and chapter, pp. 240, 241) : " El reiuo de Acolhuacan era el segundo en poderfo; su capital era Tetzcoco, a la orilla del lago de Eu nombre. Pequena hoy y sin material interes, en lo antiguo fue rival de Mexico y 559 This eliminates at once the notion of a Mexican state or empire, embracing in the folds of political society ^ all the groups of abor- la segunda poblncion de las del Valle." Farther on, quoting Juan Bautista Pomar, '■' Itelacion de la ckidad de Tezcuco," (MSS., belonging to Sr. Icazbalceta, and dated 1582) who says of Tezcuco: ''La extension del reino era desde el mar del N. a la del Sur, con todo lo que se comi)rende a ia banda del Poniente hasta el puerto de la Vera Cruz, salvo la Ciiidad de Tlachcala y Huexotzinco," the learned ethnographer adds, (p. 24i), " Juan B. Pomar flja las limites del reino coti toda la exaggeracion que puede in- fundir el orgullo de raza. Por nuestra parte, hemos leido con cuidado las relacionea que a la monarquia corresponden, y hemos estudiado en el piano los lugares a que se refieren, y ni de las uuas ni de las otras llegamos a sacar jamas que los reyes de Acolhuacan mandaron sobre las tribus avecindadas in la costa del Paciflco, no ya a la misma de Mexico, sino aun a menores latitudes." He then enters ui>on a discussion of the number and names of settlements whicli gave tribute exclusively to Tezcuco. We can only refer to it in general here, as one of the most valuable contributions to Mexican history, and based upon authorities which ouglit to be published as soon as possible, some of wliich we mention for the benefit of students : — (1). " Memorial dirigido al reypor Don Hernando Pimentel Nexcavualcuyutl, caciquey gobernador de la pronncia de Tezcuco, etc." This is tlie celebrated Report used by Torquemadii and Fernando de Alba Ixtlilxochitl, and which the Cavaliere Boturini Benaducci owned. (2). " Ilelacion de Senpuhuala del corregidor Luis Obregoyi," 1.580, MSS. (3). " Relacion de Epazoyuca por el corregidor Luis Obregon" 1580, MSS. (4). " Relacion de Tetliztaca por el corregidor LAiis Obregon," 1580, MSS. (5). " Relacion de Meztitlan por el alcalde mayor Gabriel de Chavez," 1589, MSS. (6). '^Relacion de Atengo por el corregidor Juan de Padilla," 1579, MSS. (7). " Relacion de Atlatluuca por el corregidor Gafpar de Solis," 1580, MSS. (8). '^ Relacion de4capiztla por el alcalde mayor Juan Gutierrez de Liebana," 1580, MSS. (9). " Relacion de Cidhuacan por el corregidor Gonzalo Gallego," 1580, MSS. (10). "Relacion de Iztapalapa por el corregidor Gonzalo Gallego," 1.580, MSS. Since most of these valuable MSS. are the property of Sr. J. G. Icazbalceta, an early publication thereof may be hoped for. Sr. Orozco y Berra now reaches tlie important conclusion : («). That Acrilhuacan or Tezcuco hiid settlements tributary to it alone, (p. 246). (b). That the '-Empire" had tributaries of itself. (c). That certain pueblos paid tribute both to Tezcuco and to Mexico, (p. 246), Epazo- jnica, " pertenecieron tambien a Tetzcoco, y en el reioado de Itzcoatl quedaron por mitad para Mexico y para Tetzcoco, a fin de que de alii sacaran los imperiales las navajas para sus macanas." Taken probably from Relacion 3. The ''Imperiales" were, therefore, the confederates, and the "Imperio" the con- federacy. But if, within the area conquered by tliese confederates, each one of them received its share of tributary tribes, how could it be their task or tendency to unify or nationalize, since each of the three associates composed but a part of that power, and their association was a voluntary one ? (2). None of the confederates exercised any power over the others, beyond the exclusively military direction delegated to the Mexicans proper. " Rapport sur les differentes classes de chefs de la Nouvelle Espagne, Par Alonzo de Zurita," translated from the Spanish original by Mr. Ternaux Compans, and pi'inted in 1840, l)y him in his " Voyages Relations et Miimoires origina aux pour servira I' histoirede la decouverte de V A^nerique," (p. 11). ''La province de Mexico etait soumise a ti'Ois principaux chefs: celui de Mexico, celui de Tezcuco ct celui de Tlacopan, que Ton nomme aujourd' hui Tacuba. Tons les chefs inferieurs relevaient de ces souverains et leur obeissaient. Les trois chefs superieurs formaient une conlederalion et se partagaient les provinces dont lis s'emparaient. Le souverain de Mexico avait au dessous de lui ceux de Tez- cuco et de Tacuba pour les affaires qui avaient rapport a la guerre; quant a toutes les autres, leurs puissances etaient egales, de sorte que 1' un d' eux ne se melait jamais du 560 igines settled within the area tributary to the valley- tribes. Con- sequently we need not look beyond the tribe, for an3^ larger group gouvernment des aiitres," (p. 16). "Chaque soiiverain conflrmait V election de ses vassaux, car, ainsi qu' on 1' a deja dit, leur jurisdiction etait independante pour les affaires civiles et criniinelles." Fray Toribio de Motolinia, " Historia de los Indies de Kueva Espana," in Vol. I, of Sr. Icazbalceta's " Coleocion de Docunientos, etc." (Epistola proemial, p. 5). '• Despnes el seiiorio de Tetzcoco fue tan grande como el de Mexico." (Id. p. 11) '-Los de Tetzcoco, que en antigUedad y seiiorio no son menos que lot, Mexicanos." (Tratado III, Cap. VII, p. 182) "Esta cindad de Tetzcoco era la segunda cosa principal de la tierra, y asimismo el senor de ella era el segundo seiior de la tierra; sujetaba debajo de si quince provincias liasta la provincia de Tuzapan, que esta a la costa del Mar del Norte. a la parte de Oriente tiene Mexico Tenuclitithm a una legua la ciudad 6 pueblo de Tlacopan, adonde residia el cercero senor de la tierra, al cual estaban sujetas diez provincias : esios dos sefiores ya dichos se podrian bien Uaniar reyes, porque no les faltaba nada para lo ser. (p. 183) "Las de las provincias y principales pueblos eran como sefiores de ditado d salva, y sobre todos eran los mas principales los dos, el de Tetzcoco y el de Tlacopan ; y estos con todos los otros todo lo mas del tiempo residian en Mexico, y tenian corte a Moteuczoma." We know, however, that the (act of residence of tlie head-war-chiefs of Tezcuco and Tlacopan at Mexico, is not true, though their frequent visits thei-e on military business, and their protracted stay after the Spaniards had entered the pueblo, may explain the error. The latter passage is amended by the good father (Trat. Ill, cap. VIII, p. 187), as follows: "y si de esto algun senor tenia exencion era el de Tetzcoco." Fernando Cortes, Carta Segunda, (In Vedla's " Historiadores i)rimitivos, etc." Vol. I, p. 29). Speaking of Cacamatzin, lie says : '"e segun lo que despues del supe, era el muy cercano deudo de Muteczuma, y tenia su sefiorio junto al del dicho Muteczuma; cuyo nonibre era Haculuacaii." Cortes further relates that when Cacamatzin threatened to take up arms, he requested Montezuma to direct him to come to Mexico, but the chief- tain of Tezcuco rel'used, saying, "that if they wanted something of him, they might come over on his land, where they would find out who he was, and what kind of obedi- ence he was held to." Montezuma even was afraid, upon this reply, to suggest open violence, dissuading Cortes from it altogether. This shows clearly that the Mexicans had no authority over the Tezcucans, and even were loth to assail them. Francisco Loj)ez de Ootnara. Conquista de Mejico (In Vedia, Tom. I, p. 346). " Ha- bia asimesmo otros niuchos sefiores y reyes, como los de Tezcuco y Tlacopan, que no le debian nada, siiio la obediencia y homenaje." Also, on the treacherous seizure of Cacamatzin, he confirms Cortes (p. 3.55), ''La prision de Cacama, rey de Tezcuco." (Id. p. 433), " a Chimapopoca sucedio el otra su hermano, dicho Izcona. Este Izcona senoreo a Azcupuzalco, Cuanhnau, Chalco, Couatlichan y Huexocinco, mas tuvo por accompanados en el gobierno a Nezaualcoyocin, senor de Tezcuco, y al senor de Tlaco- pan, y de aqui adelante mandaron y gobernaron estos tres sefiores cuantos reiuos y pueblos obedecian y tributaban a los de Culiia; bien que el principal y el mayor dellos era el rey de Mejico, el segundo el de Tezcuco, y el menor el de Tlacopan." Bernal Diez de Castillo. Historia verdadera de la Conquista de A^ueva- Espana. (Vedia, Vol. II, Cap. C, p. 100.) "Como el Cacamatzin, sefior de la ciudad de Tezcuco que despues de Mejico era la mayor y mas principal ciudad que hay en la Nueva Espafia." Also on the seizure of Cacamatzin, confirmatory of Cortes and of Gomara (pp. 101 and 102). Gonzalo Fei-nandez de Ovicdo y Valdes. Historia natural y general de Indias. Madrid, IS.W (Lib. XXXIII, cap. VIII, pp. 294 and 295). The entire chapter is devoted to the seizure of Cacamatzin, and is almost a verbal copy of the report made by Cortes (Lib. XXXIII, cap. Lll, p. 539). It contains a letter written to Oviedo, by the vice-roy of Mexico, Don Antonio de Mendoza, under date of 6 October, 1541, in which this functionary says: " Y lo de aqui no es tan poco que no podays hacer libro dello, 6 no sera pequefio; porque auiique Monte9uma i Mexico es lo que entre nosotros ha souado, 561 of social organization. The confederacy of tribes, as we have already shown, carried no influence whatever on the organization. no era menor senoi' el Caconci de Mechuacan, y otros que recenoscian al uno ni al otro." We quote this passage merely as a general illustration. Fray Bernardino de Sahagun. Historia general de las Cosas de Nueva-Espana, published by Sr. C. M. de Bustamante, in 1829 (Vol. II, lib. VIII, cap. Ill, p. 276), "El cuarto senor de Tezuoco se Uamo Netzahoalcoiotzin, y reind setenta y un anos, y en tiempo de esto se comenzaron las guerras, y tuvo el senorio de Tezcoco siendo senor del de Mexico Itzcoatzin, y estos entrambos hicieron guerra a los de Tecpaueca, de Atzcaptzalco, y a otros pueblos y provinoias, y el fue I'undador del senorio de Tezcoco in Aculhoacan." (Id. Vol. III. lib. XII, cap. XLI, page 59, close of chapter.) Fray Diego Durdn. Historia de las Yndias de Nueva Espana e Islas de lierra Firme, Published by Sr. Jose Fernandez Ramii'ez at Mexico, in 1867, (Cap. XIV, p. 1'23). "El rey Itzcoat), aiinque mal dispuesto, holgo de la victoria y dio las gracias a todos los senores y principales, al quiil, agrauandosele la enfermedad, entendiendo de se acer- tarsele la muerte, mando llaniar al Senor de Tezcuco, Ne9aualcoyotl, pariente cercano suyo, y aconsejoie que no tuviese guerra con los Mexicanos, sus parientes y amigos, sino que antes se hiciese con ellos y fuese en su favor siempre: y dexo ordenado que desde en adelante fuese de Tezcuco el segundo rey de la comarca y el tercero el de Tacuba, a quien llamauau el rey de Tlaluacpan. . . ." (p. 124). '• . . . y solo estos tres reynos niandaron y governaron la tierra, de hoy en adelante, siendo el de Mexico sobre todos ellos, y casi coino emperador y monarca del nueuo mundo." Nearly the whole of Cap. XV is devoted to the formation of the confederacy, but cannot be in- serted here. The editor, Sr. J. F. Kamirez, appears to incline to the opinion, however, that there was a confederacy on equal terms, (note 2, p. 130). The same author also states repeatedly tliat the head-chiefs of Tezcuco and Tlacopan sacrificed (slaughtered) captives at the chief teo-calli of Mexico, on very solenm occasions, together with the head-chief of Mexico, thus showing equal rights. (Cap. XXIII, p. 197 and others.) But liis plainest statement is found (Cap. XLIII, p. 317), and reads as fuUows : "AlgH- nos han querido decir quel reyno de Tezcuco era libre de todo reconooimieuto y panas al monarca, y que en nada le era sujeto, lo qual alio al coutrario en esta ystoria Mexi- cana; porque aunque & la verdad no tributauan a Mexico mantas ni joias ni plumas ni cosas de comida, como otras provincias tributauan, hallo empero a los Mexicanos metidos en las tierras tezcucanas donde sembraban y cogian, y alguiios dellos hechos terrazgueros de los senores de Mexico; y alio que en ofreciendose estas fiestas y solenidades, daban tributo desclauos para ella, de lo qual niiiguno estaua esento ni reservado. Tambien alio que ofreciendose dar guerra a alguna ciudad y provincia, al primero que llamauan y acudian para que apercibiese sus gentes, era al rey de Tezcuco, y como abemos, notado en esta ystoria, le hacian venir a Mexico todas las veces que se ofrecia ocasion, loqual no era poca sujecion, dado que tuviese sus preeminencias y libertades de rey y sefior de aquella provincia de Aculuacan; . . . ." Fernando de Alvarado Tezozomoc. Cronica Mexicana. (9th Vol. of Lord Kings- borougli's "Antiquities of Mexico.") Tliis author agrees so closely withDuran in most instances, that we can dispense with full quotations. See Cap. XIX and XX, on the pretended conquest of Tezcuco by the Mexicans. Tezozomoc is very positive on the question of joint sacrifice (Cap. LXIX, p. 117). A singular remark is, however, found (Cap. XCVII, p. 172). After the Hiiexotzincas had sent delegates to Mexico to sue for peace, the Alexican council was called together: "dijo zihuacoatl resoluto: Senor, como sera esto, si no lo saben vuestros consegeros de guerra los reyes de j^culhuacan- NezahualpiHi, y el de Tecpanecas Tlaltecatzin ? hagase entero cabildo y acuerdo: fue acordado asi." 'Ihis important incident shows that not even the Mexicans had the right to treat alone with a power hostile to the three tribes, consequently that the other twi> were their confederates, and 7wt their feudal vassals. Fray Duran con- flrnis the incident in chapter LX, p. 473, of his work, precedingly quoted. Joseph de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, Madrid, 1608, derives hisinlormation from the same source as the two preceding, namely: the Codex Rami 562 It was only a partnership, formed for the purpose of carrying on the business of warfare, and that intended not for the extension of rez, now in process of publication at Mexico. Acosta mentions and describes (Lib. VII, Cap. XV, p. 490). tlie traditionary war between tlie Mexicans and Tezcucans concluding: ''Con esto quedo el Rey de Mexico por supremo Rey de Tezcuco, y no quitandoles su Rey, sino haziendole del supremo Censejo suyo." (Cap. XVI, p. 490.) Both chiefs, of Tezcuco and of Tlacopan, are mentioned by liim as " electors " of the Mexican liead-chiefs. Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, Bishop of San Domingo and President of the Royal Audiencia at Mexico. " Lettre . . . S. sa majeste Charles K," translated by Mr. Terliaux-Compans in his " Premier Recneil de Pieces relatives a la Nouvelle-Espagne," and bearing date 3 Nov., liiii (p. 251). " Les souverains de Tezcoco, de Tacuba, qui etaient tres puissants dans cette contree, agissaient de meme que Mntizuma. lis partageaient entre eux et ce souvei'ain le fruit de leurs conquetes; cependant les souverains de Mexico etaient les plus puissants, et ils eurent toujours une plus grande diflference." The same words about are repeated in the " Second Jiecueil," printed 1840, (the first " Recneil " appeared in 1838), on p. 222. The Report is therein stated to be by tlie President and the Audiencia. " Lettre des Chapelains Frere Toribio et Frere Diego DWlarte a Don Luis de Velasco etc.," date: St. Frangois de Cholula, 27 Aout, 1.554. (Ternaux, " Recueil," 1, p. 403), "Toutes les autres obeissaient a Montezuma, au souverain de Tezcuco, et a celui de Tlacopa. Ces trois princes etaient etroicement confederes; lis partagaient entre eux tons les pays qu'ils subjuguaient. Montezuma exergait la toute-puissance dans les affaires relatives it la guerre et au gouvernment de la confederation." Fi-ay Geronimo de Mendieta. ^' Htstoria ecclfsiastica Indiana," published by Icazbalceta in 1870. After having mentioned (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 129) that the chiefs of Mexico and Tezcuco sent challenges to foreign tribes to recognize •' the chief of Mexico " as their superior, and to give him tribute, he says (Cap. XXVIII, p. 134), "Es de saber que los seEiores de Mexico, Tezcuco y Tacuba, como reyes y senores supremos de esta tierra " (Cap. XXXVII, p. 158.) "Los seiiores de las provin- cias 6 pueblos que inmediatamente eran subjetos Ji Mexico, iban luego alii 8, ser con- flrmados en sus senorias, despues que los principales de sus provincias los liabian elegido, y con algunos. .... En los pueblos y provincias que inmediatamente eran subjetos a Tezcuco y a Tacuba tenian recurso por la conflrmacion it sus seiiores; que en esto y otras cosas estos dos senores no reconocian superior." Italics are my own. Antonio de Herrera. " Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y la Tierra- Firme del mar Oceano." 1726, Madrid. (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XII, p. 190). He almost copies Gomara, and in regard to the seizure of Cacamatzin he not only con- firms Cortes, Gomara, and Bernal Diez, but is much more detailed and positive yet. (Dec. II, lib. IX, cap. II, pp. 217, 218.) Finally he asserts: (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XV. p 133). " Con Mexico estaban confederados los Seiiores de Tezcuco, i Tlacopan, que aora llanian Tacuba, i partian lo que ganaban, i obedecian al Serior de Mexico, en lo locante a la guerra, i tenian algunos I'ueblos comunes en sucesion, asi de los Seiiorios, como de los Maiorazgos, i liaciendas." We now turn to an author who plainly takes an opposite view of the question, claim- ing, in place of a Mexican " Empire," the supremacy lor the Tezcucans, or an ancient •'Empire" of the Cliichimecas. Tlie latter claim has already been discussed in " Tenure of Lands" {\>.'i'iH, note 10). This assumption, — which strongly combats the view that there was anything at all like an Empire, while it implies the existence of a mere confederacy, — is set forth by the following well known Tezcucan native auJior. Fernando de Alba Ixtlllxochitl. " Histoire des Chichimeques ou des anciens liois de Tezcuco." This is tne french translation of the original "Historia de los Cliicliimecos, etc., etc.," contained in Lord Kiiigsboroiigh's 9tli volume. Since abstracts might prove too lengtliy, 1 merely refer to (Cnp. XXXII), on the formation of the conftideracy as containing some very plain and remarkable passages (pp. 218,219, and 220), among Kepokt Peabody Museum, II. 3G 563 territorial ownersliip, but onlj^ for an increase of the means of sub- sistence.^ which is one: " cestrois dynasties goiivernaient la Nouvelle-Espagnejusquai'an-iveedes Chretiens. Cependant, quoiquelles fussent egales en rang, en puissance et en revenu, il y avait de certains tributs dont le roi de Tlacopan ne recevait qix 'un cinquieme, tan- dis que cenx de Mexico et de Tezcuco en vecevaient chacun deux." See also (Cap. XXXI V, cap. XXXVI, pp. 2W and 246 ; cap. XXXVIII. pp. 2()9 and 273 ; 2(1 vol., Cap. LXXI, pp. 109 and 110), and others. Nevertheless, l.xtlil.xoohill reproaches bitterly Monteznma with having usurped the leading power which belonged to the Texcucans (according to him), i»nd having taken the direction of the confederacy into his hands. (Cap. LXXV, p. 128, to XXVI, p. 132, etc.). These charges are violently repeated in his other and more extensive work: '■'■ Relaciones historicas." Also in Vol. IX of Lord Kinsborough. As a specimen, I refer to the ' Venida de los Espaiioles" translated also by Mr. Ternaux under the title of •' Cruautes horribles den conquerants du Mexique." In regard to the war between Tezcuco and Mexico, in which he, of course, attributes the fullest victory to the former see also " Undeciina Itelacion" (Kingsborough, IX, pp. 407 and 408). Ixtlilxochitl is seconded and followed by his illustrious contemporary. Fray Juan de Torquemada. '' Los veinteiun Libros liituales i monarchia Indiana, etc., etc' Edition of 1723. This distinguished ecclesiastic is such a consistent advocate of feu- dalism, tliat he even assigns the division of Tenochtitlan into four quarters to an "edict" of the " Chichimecan Emperor" Techotlalatzin (Lib. II, cap. VIII, pp. 88 and 89), or to an order of Mexican "Lords" (Lib. Ill, cap. XXIV, p. 295). Still he is very plain about Tezcuco being equal and not subject to Mexico. Compare for instance (Lib. Ill, cap. XXVII, p. 304), •' nunca perdid su antigua estimacion, y siempre tuvo Rei, y Senor legitimo, que la regia. y governaba, y era igual con el de Mexico," (Lib. II, cap. XXXIX, p. 144), about the confederacy; (Cap. XI, p. 14()). About the pretended war between the two tribes (Cap. XLII, p. 149. "Y no solo no es verdad; pero es directamente contra ella." On the supposed intrigues of Montezuma against the Tez- cucans (Lib. II, caps. LXXXIII, LXXXIV, etc., etc.), until the first passage of Cap. LXXXVII, (p. 227), '• muerto el Rei Nejahualpilli de Tetzcuco. y entrando en su lugar su Hijo Cacama . . . . • corrio la confederacion de los Reies, como hasta entonces lo avian acostumbrado . . . ." also (Lib. XI, cap. XXVI, p.353), '• .... no deja de ser su igual, ysemejante el de Tetzcuco " (Cap. XXVII, p. 3.56; cap. XXVIII, p. 361.) Copy of Mendieta. About warfare of the Confederates (Lib. XII, cap. VI, p. 382; Lib. XIV, cap. I, p. 533; Cap. II, p. 537). Division of Spoils and of Tributes Idem, (cap. VIII, pp. 546, 547 and 548), " porque cierto es asi, qne el Rei de Mexico no era major en Autorldad, que el de Tetzcuco " From these, but especially from Torque- mada's history of the conquest, which occupies the entire fourth Book (Vol. I), enough can be gatliered to show that this cumbrous but important autliority admits no Mexican Empire, but only a confederacy of Mexicans, Tezcucans, and Tlacopans. Fray Agustiii de Vetancurt, " Teatro Mexicano," (Edition of 1870), admits the suprem- acy of the Mexicans (Parte IJa, Trat. 1°, cap. XIV, p. 291), "y remataron la fiesta que dando Izcohuatl por rey supremo del imperio tepaneca, por ser primero que nezahu- alcoyotl, y este por rey de los aculhuas, y al de Tacuba le hicieron rey de la parte de mazahuacan, etc ". But the confederacy '■ liga," of the three chiefs is acknowl- edged everywhere. (Also Trat. 11°, cap. Ill, p. 382), " cuando los Mexicauos, los tezco- canos 6 de Tlacopan (que eran los reyes que estaban confederados para las guerras, etc. ..." To this lengthy collection of quotations many others might be added, from the same period as well as of a later date. They appear to justify the proposition advanced, namely : none of the confederates exercised any power over tlie others, beyond that of exclusively military leadership, which had been awarded to the Mexicans proper. The conquerors never interfered with the government, organization, and mode of life of tribes whom they had overpowered. No attempt, either direct or implied, was made to assimilate or incorporate them. My friend Dr. G. Brulil, author of the highly interesting and conscientious work 564 Our investigations are therefore confined to the limits of the single tribe, and we have selected for that purpose the Mexicans " JDie CuUurvoell-er des alien Amerllca" (Cincinnati, 1876, '77, '781, has, in regard to the statements made in " Art of War" (p. 100, note 17; p. 133, note 152), and in " Tenure oj Lands'" (pp. 412 and 413, also note 56; pp. 417 and 418, also note 69), called my attention to a passage fi-oni Sahagnn, '■ HUtoria general" (Lib. VlII, cap. XXIV, p. 313), •' Habi- endo paciflcado la provincia, luego los sefiores del campo repartian tributes a los que habian sido conquistados, para que cada un afio los diesen al seiior que les habia con- quistado, y el tnbuto era de lo que en ella se criaba y se hacia, y luego elegian gober- nadores y oflciales que presidiesen en aquella provincia, no de los naturales de ella, siuo de los que la habian conquistado." Tlie author himself, however, gives the ex- planation of what he intends to designate by such "governors and officials who should preside in said province." In his 12tli Book, (Cap, II, p. 5, Vol. Ill), he says : '• La pri- mera vez que parecieron navios en la costa de esta Nueva-Espaiia, los capitines de Moctheuzoma que se Uamaban Calpixques que estaban cerca de la costa luego fueron a, ver que era aquello que vino, que nunca habian visto navios, uno de los cuales fue el calpixque de CuextecatI que se Uamaba Pinotl : llevaba consigo otros calpixques uno que se llamaba Yaotzin, que residia en el pueblo de Mictlanquauhtla, y otro que se llamaba Teozinzocatl, qne residia en el pueblo de Teociniocan, y otro que se llamaba Cuillalpitoc, este no era calpixque sino criado de uno de estos calpixques, y principal- ejo que se llamaba Tentlil." In this Sahagun about agrees with Tesozomoc (Cronica, Cap. CVI, CVII, CVIII, CIX), inasmuch as the latter also states the officers to have been calpixques, th. is, '• Stewards" or gatherers of tribute. Compare Alonzo de Molina, " Vocabulario," (Parte Ila, p. 12.) The names of these Indians who received Cortes are found nearly alike in all the authors, but we are struck by the fact that many of them call the natives "governors" of Montezuma. I quote Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XXXVIII, pp. 32 and 33, Vedia, Vol. II) Goinara (pp. 312, 313, 314, etc., Vedia I). Ixtlilxochltl (•' Histoire des Chichi- mcques" Cap. LXXIX, p. 160). " Cruaut&s horribles," (p. 3.) Herrera (Dec. II, lib. V, cap. IV, p. 116; Cap. V, p. 117). Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. XVI, p. 387; Cap. XVII, p. 389, etc.). Vetancurt (Vol. II, cap. IV, p. 43). Fray Josep'i Joaquin Granados y Galvez, (" Tardes Americanas " Mexico, 1778, 9tli evening, p. 234). Abbate F, X. Clavigero (•' Geschichte von Mexico," Leipzig, 1790, a german translation of the Italian original which appeared at Cesena iu 1780. Vol. II, Lib. VIII, cap. V, p. 16). These governors tlierefore were but "calpixques," in other words collectors of tribute. This is already stated by Oviedo y Vald&s (Vol. Ill, Lib. XXXIII, cap. I, p. 259), speaking of Cem- poal, "porque los indios e miuistros, que alii estaban para mandarlos, eran oflciales e mayordomos de la cibdad de Mexico." The '■ Real Ejecutoria de S. M., Sobre Tierras y Jieservas de Pechos y Paga perteneciente a os Caciques de Axapucso, de la Jurisdiccion de Olumba," (Col. de Dye's, Vol. II, Icazbalceta, p. 5), calls all the Indians in question " enviados por cl gran Montezuma." This explains the evident contradictions of Sahagun. .It is a singular fact, but one amply proven by tlie records of the conquest, that no- where did the Spaniards, on their whole march from the coast to Mexico, meet with Mexican administrators or rulers of subjected tribes. Quotations are useless, we only refer to the remarkable description furnished by Bernal Diez of the events at Quia- huiztlan (Vedia II, Cap. XLVI, pp. 40 and 41), which culminated in the violence done to the " recaudadores de Montezuma." This scene, which is highly characteristic, has been beautilully " remodeled," through a few omi.ssions, by our own great )F. H. Fres- cott (" IJistory of the conquest of Mexico," 1S69, Book II, chap. Yll, p. 349). Tliere is, finally, abundant proof of the fact that neither the Mexicans, nor any of their confed- erates, ever attempted to change or subvert the organization and mode of government of any of the tribes whom they overtlirew. 1 refer to Oviedo y Valdes (L,ih. XXXIII, cap. XLVI, p. 502). Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. VIII, p. 547). Ixtlilxochitl (Histoire des ChidiinitSques, ,(Cap. XXX VlII, p. 273). Andres de Tdpia (" lielacion sobre la Conqztista 565 proper, who dwelt, as elsewhere established b}' us, on the partlj' artificial islands in the lagune of the Mexican valley.'^ Besides the prominence acquired by them in the annals of history, it may safel}^ be assumed that, in a general manner, their Institutions are typical of those of other sedentary tribes. ^ Tribal society, based according to Lewis H. Morgan upon kin, and not i^oUtical society which rests, according to the same author, upon TERRITORY and property, must therefore be looked for among the ancient Mexicans. It remains for us to establish its degree of development, its details, and the manner of its working. In order to comprehend the true nature of these questions, we should secure as much information as possible of the past of the tribe under consideration. Institutions are never wilfully or acci- dentally created, but evolved ; in other words, they are the result of growth in knowledge and experience.^ The great difference existing between tribal society and political is explained as a dif- de Mexico,^' Col. de Doc, Vol. II, Icazbalceta, p. 561, and especially p. 592), " Mexico tenia en sii tiempo en el hacer giierra esta orden ; que yendo a la guerra, al que se daba de paz no tenia sobre el tributo cierto, sine que tantas veces en el aiio lo llevaban pre- sente a su discrecion del que lo llevaba; pero si era poco niostrabales mal rostro, y si nuicho agradeciaselo. Y en estos no ponia mayordomo ni recaiidador ni cosa; el sefior se era sefior. Los que tomaba de guerra decian tequitin tlacotl, que quiere decir, trib- utan eonio esclavos. En estos ponia mayordomos y recogedores y recaudadores; y aunque los Senores mandaban sn gente, eran debajo de la mano destos de iMexico . . . . ." Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VII, p. 185), Granados y Galvez. (5tli night, p. 168), a singular picture of purest feudality, for which Gomara may be responsible in pari. Ramirez de Fuenleal {Letter ofith Nov., 1532, 1st ; " Recueil," (pp. 215, 246, and 247) . Zur- ita ■' liapport," (p. Ki), to be compared with Mendieta and Torqueniada. Consequently there was no tendency towards nniflcation or nationalization in all the succcssUil and extensive raids which the Nahuatlaca of the valley ol Mexico carried on for a full century. No organic body, larger tlian the tribe, resulted from these san- guinary forays; because the confederacy itself was not the end, but the beginning of these undertakings. This justifies the view which I shall hereafter advocate in regard to tlie nature of that confederacy namely: as a mere partnership to caiTy on tlie busi- ness of warfare the latter in turn being pai't of tlie mode of subsistence. 6 " Based upon territory and property " according to L. H. Morgan, in contra-distinc- tion to tribal-society, based upon "Kin." (•' Ancient Society," chapter 11, page 62). ^•'■Art of War," p. 95. ' "Art of War," p. 150. '' Tenure of Lands," pp. 421, 422. ^^' Ixtlilxochitl ( Histoire des ChichimSques," Cap. XXXVI, p. 245). "Ainsi, tout ce qui se dit de Tezcuco doit s'entendre aussi des deux autres " Gomara (p. 440, Vedia, I). ''To speak of the Mexicans, signifies as much as speaking of all New Spain." The title of the section is : " Costunibres de los hombres," and tlie original text reads: '"Hablando de mejicanos, es hablar en general de toda la Nueva-Espaiia." Although Zurita (p. 5) insists upon the variety of customs among the aborigines,— changing from settlement to settlement, from tribe to tribe, — his own report furnishes the proof of the contrary, and it is evident from the text that he alludes principally to the diversity in languages and dialects. ^Morgan ("■Ancient Society," Chap. I, p. 6). 566 ferent state of progress. But Institutions have grown out of the relations between the sexes, and the increase of the human species and its propagation. Had political society existed in Mexico, we should be entitled to find there a plain and definite conception of the family. I*' Whether such is the case a glance at the system of consanguinity of the ancient Mexicans, as far as it may be possi- ble, will tell us. Among American aborigines of low culture, in fact over the widest area once held by the "Indian" race, "mother-right" ruled supreme. The tangible fact, coarsely expressed, that a child was always sure of his mother, whereas it might not be equally certain of h.\s father, ^^ created in course of time and with increased num- bers a tendency to aggregate into clusters whose basis was cer- taint}^ of descent in common. These clusters were the kins, significantly termed "lineages" by Spanish authors. Such as traced back their descent to a common mother therefore composed one of these, regardless of their male procreators. The family — consisting of a group which includes children as descendants of hotli parents — was not yet recognized, and the kin took its place for all purposes of public life. It formed the unit of social organizatioyi. With the growth of knowledge and experience how- ever, and a corresponding increase of wants, the importance of man rose correspondingly. " Mother-right " began to yield ; female descent to change to " descent in the male line." Nevertheless the kin remained the unit of social agglomeration, with the only difference that it was reckoned through males instead of hj fe- males. It required the final overthrow of the kin as a public In- stitution to bring about the present shape of that intimate group, the family, among the most highly advanced nations. ^^ The two extremes of growth of the famil^^ as characterized by the inception of the kin, and by the family after the obliteration ^"{Ancient Society," Chap. ir. p. 78.) For Uie so-called "Descriptive System of Relalionsliip," compare. L. H. Morgan (•' Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family,'^ Cliap. II, pp. 10, 12, lo). iiTliis assertion is found in various authors. I shall quote but one: Gregorio Garcia, (" Origen de los Indios de el Kuevo Mundo e Indias Occidentales," second edition, 1729, Madrid, Lib. IV, Cap. XXIII, p. 247). '2 Although it is entirely out of the line of these researches to enter upon a dis- cussion of Trimitive Marriage, I was compelled to refer to the question of kin in such a manner as to explain at least Uie importance of that group in the history of society. For anything else, the works of Mr. Morgan, Sir Henry S. Maine, Jolin F. Mc Leunan, and some publications of Dr. Ad. Bastian, should be consulted, besides a great number of others too numerous to mention here. 567 of the former, are distinguished by the terminology of relationship. In the case of the former, relatives are at once classified ; in the latter instance, the}' are merely described. Now, our investiga- tions of the customs of Inheritance among the ancient Mexicans have led us to the conclusion that they had already achieved progress to descent in the male line.^^ Actual family existed among them in its incipient form at least. But we meet here with a singular feature in designating rela- tionships. Ascending from the " Ego," as point of departure, we find the following terms in the Mexican (Nahuatl) language. Father : ' ' tatli " — " teta." ^4 Brother of father or mother (paternal or maternal uncle) : " tlatli " — " tetla." 15 Grandfather: "tecul." Granduncle : "tecol.''^^ Great-grandfather : " achtontli." ^^ 13 " Tenure of Lands " (p. 429, note 106). 1* Molina (•' Vocabulario," Part la, p. 91 ; lira. pp. 100, 91). Besides the plural " tetatzin," the names, " yzcacauhti," " teizcacauh," are also mentioned (I, p. 91). The former is de- fined (H, p. 48) as "natural father." It derives from " Izcalia" or " ninoizcalia" — " to give life" and "acauhtli." The latter eviilentl}' is an abbreviation or corruption from "nitla teachcanhaia" — " to be preferred in what is distributed, or in a distribu- tion" (IF, p. 2), which in turn is at the root of " teachcauhtin " — " elder brother" (II, p. 91). It is superfluous here to quote authorities in support of the fact that " ach " is frequently corrupted to "ac," or the inverse. In Cakchiquel: "Tata" See Brasseur de Bourhourg (" Grammaire de la Langue Quichee, etc." pp. 217, 218). The root " Ta " is also found in other Indian idioms, See: Gatschet {Zwblf Sprachen aus dem Sudwesten Nordamerikas," p. 187). ^^ Molina (I, p. 180; II, p. 140.) All the difference consists in the insertion of the letter "1" after the " t." "Tetla" is but an abbreviation of 'Te-tatli," from "Tchnatl" thou, p. 94, and father, which is also shown in the alteration of "tatli" to " tayta " or " tata; " the name given by childi-en to their father (p. 91, II). Cori'esponds to the qquiche " tat " (Brasseur de Bourbourg, " Grammaire, etc." p. 218), and to the Muysca " Ze paba" ("Paba" father). Morgan after Uricoechea {'' Systems of consan- guinity," p. 265). ^^ Molina (IJ, p. 94; II, p. 93). Here again the change from "n" to "o" appears, which is so frequent among older authors. For inst., Tezcoco and Tezcuco, OmetochtU and OmetuchtU, Tlacopan and Tlacalmapan. Olli and Ulli, etc. etc. Such changes are very excusable, they proceed from the Indian pronunciation of vowels. On this subject compare, although it concerns properly but the Qquichua idiom of Peru, the excellent essay of Senor Don Gavino Pacheco y Zegarra of Puno, entitled ''Alphabet phonetique de la langue Qquichua," published in the 2nd volume of the " Compte Rendu du CongrSs International des A7nericanistes," at Nancy, in 1875. He says (p. 303) " D'autre part, le kehua differant cssentiellunent des langues romanes, surtout en ce qui concerne les sons elementaires, il est impossible de donner une idee exacte deces sons au moyen du seul alphabet latin. . . ." In regard to " O " and " U," see pp. 306, 307, 308. etc. What the author says of the Qquichua applies exactly to the Nahuatl also. See Molina {" Prologo y Avisos," 3d page " Aviso septimo"). ^T Molina (I, p. 117; II. p. 2). Literally, "little preferred one." Compare Sahagun (Lib. X, cap. I, p. 5, 3d Vol). 568 Mother : " nantli " — " tenantzin " — " teciztli." i^ Aunt : " auitl" — "teani."i3 Grandmother as well as grand-aunt : " citli." ^o Great-grandmother " piptontli." ^i Descendmg from the " Ego." Son: "tepiltzin," " tetelpuch." But the women (mother, sisters, etc.), call him *■' noconeuh." ^^ ^^ Molina (I, p. 80; II, pp.63, 92, 98). "Ciztli" is probably the same as "Citli," — hare, or grandaunt. The fact that the "same name should be given to a near female relative or even to the mother, and to a fleet, timid, quadruped, is very singular. It may be that the timidity of the animal has given occasion to bestow the name, or, since hare's hair was frequently woven into fine mantles, together with feathers, that this also may have given rise to it. The latter is first mentioned by Peter Martyr, of Avghiera, " /)e nouo Orbe," or the '■' Historie of the Wext Indies, etc, etc." London, 1612. An English translation by Michael Lok and Richard Eden, of the famous " Decades," also entitled " De liebus Oceanicis," (Dec. V, cap. X, p. 229), he mentions having seen among the objects brought to the court of Spain by Juan de Ribera, gar- ments; "they compact of Conies haii-e, and they set these feathers in such order between the Cony haire, and intermingle them between the thriddes of the cotton, and weave them in such difficulty, that we do not well understande how they might do it." Sahagun (Lib. XI, Cap. 1, p. 157) mentions another animal to which the name "cioatla- macazqui" is given, which he translated '• little old woman," basing upon its other designation of " tlamaton." Tlie reverend father is, however, in error. The first name signifies literally, " woman medicine-man," or " female doctor " (Indian notion of course), and the second "little medicine-man," from "ciuatl" woman, Molina, II, p. 22, "tlania "—medicine- man, (II, ]2.'i). This animal seems to be the Raccoon, as the following quotations prove: Joannis Eusebius Nieremberg, (" Hibtoria naturce maxince peregrime." Antwerp, 1635 Lib. IX, Cap. XLII, p. 175). "Antra canitates montium atque eollium Tzozocoloi hospitatur animal peregrinum, quod cuncta manibns praetentat. Mapach ab Indis dicitur, eed non flrmo nomine; alij illamaton sen vetulam appellant, alij maxtle seu gossypinum cingulum, alij cioatlamacazque seu sacerdotissam." Oviedo y Valdes (Lib. XII, Cap. XXXIX, p. 422), he calls "Cojumatle," an animal which is probably the Coati, makes no mention of the "mapach," but Clavigero (Lib. I, Cap.X, p. 76) treats of this animal fully. The naming of a female relationship, "Citli" appears the more strange, as this name is given, in the Mexican mythological tales, to a god who tried to compel the sun to move, and lost his life in the attempt. This story is due to Andres de Olmos, neither Sahagun nor Motolinia mention the occurrence in this manner. Compare Sahagun (Lib. VII. Cap. II, p. 245, etc., etc.); Mendieta (Lib. II, Cap. I, pp. 77, 78) and Torquemada (Lib. VI, Cap. XLI, p. 76). Both refer it to his authority. We shall refer to it in our essay on " Creed and Belief." ■ ^^ Molina {I, 113; II, 9,91). 20 Molina (I, 113 ; II, 22). See note 18. 2' Molina (I, p. 117; II, 82). There is also, " nipipinia"— " pararse flaco de vejez," and " Pipinqui ynacayo" — " viejo flaco y arrugado." The affix "tontli" is a diminutive. "^-Molina (I, p. 71). A singular etymology is shown here: The man says, <"Thy i, „ C"r% } „ „ „ _, ..^ . „ ,._, ,, , „Cfrom "Tehuatl" < > boy" or? "^ S youth." ("Te-piltzm"— " Te-telpuch"< „^ „ \ Their S i" Their y ^ ^or "Te" ■ 1 J"" „^i»icl " Piltzintli," child, male or female, (II, p. 82,) and " Telpochtli," youth, (p. "their' J 9G). The woman, however calls : " my child " (or boy, since the same name is for both 569 Daughter: "teichpuch," "tepiltzin." Women call her "tecon- euh." 23 Grandson or granddaughter, male or female cousin, are called alike, to wit: "yxiuhtli" — " teixiuh."24 Nephew and niece are called: "machtli" — "temach" by the males. The females however address them : " nopilo." ^^ This brings to light some very curious facts. In the first place, the following grades of consanguinity are called by the same names respectively : grandfather and grand- uncle, grandmother and grand-aunt, father and uncle, grand- daughter, grandson and cousin, nephew and niece. sexes), from "conetl" — "nifio o niiia" (II, p. 24), and the possessive pronoun "no" according to H. H. Bancroft. " Native Races of the Pacific States." (Vol. Ill, Cap. IX, p. 734), or "noca"— "of me" {Molina, II, 72). These are, however, not the only appellations. We have besides : Children of both sexes and grandchildren, collectively: "tepilhiian, teixhuan" (I, p. 71). The first one is easily decomposed into "te" theirs, "piltzuitli" child, and a possessive affix "huan" Bancroft {"-Native Races," Vol. Ill, Cap. IX, p. 732). Oldest son or daughter "teyacapan" "yacapantli" (p. 71, 1). From " nicyacatia," to be the first or leader (II, p. 22), "yacatl" — nose probably on account of its protubei'ance, (II, p. 22). Second son or daughter, " tlacoyeua " " tetlamamallo " (p. 71, I). The first one might possibly derive from " centlacol " — one-half (I, p. 83), since Molina adds (II, p. 118), "el segundo hijo 6 hija, o de tres o quatro engendrados 6 nacidos." The etymology of the other, if correct, would be singular. It is either from " tetla" uncle, and " tetlan niha mamali" "hender, meterse entre muclia gente" (II, p. 52), or from "te" their and, "Tlamama" carrier of a load (II, p. 125). In both cases it indicates an inferior position. Youngest son or daughter "xocoyotl" "texocoyouh" (I, p. 71). Definitions too doubtful. Finally, there are the surnames, or caresses, like, "cuzcatlquetzalli" — collar of changing green hues, — " tecuzcauan" — "tequetzalhuan " (I, p. 71), which all have the same significance, in a general way, of "precious gem" or "jewel." These metaphorical names are found profusely in Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicana.'') The fact, above noticed, that wliile men, if strangers, address boys, "their boy," while women call them " my boy," is peihaps significant. It might be a lingering remnant of " mother-i-ight." 23 Molina (I, 71), derives from ^' Ichpocatl" (girl, II, p, 32.) So far teichpeuh,— the other two are already explained. ^* Molina (I, pp. 88, 98). But there is also. "Nieto 6 nieta dos vezes," "ycutontli" "teicuton." Now, according to the same authority (II, p. 34), the older brother or sister calls the younger " n. icuh " (" n " as abbreviation to " no "). Consequently, the signification would be, " little younger brother or sister." 25 Molina (I, p. 109; II, 51, 73). In this case the woman again calls them " my child" (" no " my, and " piltzintli " child). The custom of giving different names to relation- ships, by women and by men, is found in Peru among the Qquichua and Inca. Compare Garcilasso de la Vega, '■^ Histoire des Incus Rois du Perou." (French trans- lation from the original Spanish, by J. Baudouin, Amsterdam, 1704. Lib. IV, Cap. XI, Vol. I, pp. 359, 360). J. J. von Tschudi (" Peru" Reiseslcizzen, St. Gall, 1846, an excellent book. Vol. II, Cap. X, p. 380). A similar custom also appears in New Granada among the Muysca. L. H. Morgan (" Systems of Consanguinity, etc.." p. 265, after Uricoechea). 570 Secondly, the relationships in the descending scale are more closely described than those in the ascending scale. Thirdly, in some instances women give different names from those given by men. It results from it, that the classificatory system still, to a great extent, predominated in the ancient Mexican nomenclature for re- lationship, while the more modern descriptive system appears in a minority of cases only. This leads to the inference that the Mex- ican family itself was yet but imperfectly constituted. It was not yet so established as to form a definite group and hence cannot be expected to exercise any influence in the matter of public social life. We are, therefore, again justified in looking to the kin as the unit of social organization, within the limits of that widest aggre- gate, the tribe. 2^ Traditionary tales about the earliest settlement of man in Mex- ico as well as in Central America, distinctly ascribe it to " lineages " or relationships. The ti'ibe is merely implied, and appears in a definite form only after this settlement has already occurred. The " Popol-Vuh," or gathering of the cosmological and tradi- tionary records of the QQuiche tribe of Guatemala, after enumer- ating the four wives of the four first men created, even says : "These [their spouses], engendered mankind, the large and small tribes : and they were the stock of us, of the QQuiche tribe." This indicates, perhaps, descent in the female line at a very early date.27 2« Dr. Adolplms Bastian, " Ueber die Eheverhdltnisse" (" Zeitsclirift fAr Ethnologie," Berlin, Vol. V, 1874) presupposes a family, definite and distinct: "Aus der Elie, alts erster Kreisung der Gesellschaft geht die Familie hervor, in ausgedehnter Peripherie als gens (unter Erweiternng diirch die Agnaten) aus ursprusnglichen Patriciern; wo der Clan unter Aufuahme flctiver Venrwandten und zugehorigen seinen abschluss untcr den Patriarclien bewahrt." Such views offer a sufficient explanation, when applied indiscriminately to the inhabitants of (dl the continents, why the organization of some aborigines of this continent is still regarded as monarchical. The nature and functions of the Indian kin are completely misunderstood and proportionately misrep- resented. (See also Id., p. 396.) s'^" Popol- Vuh" (Translated from the original QQuich6 by the Abbe Charles Etienne Brasseur de Bourbourg. Paris, 1861, Part III, cap. Ill, p. 205). " E pogol vinak, chuti amag, nima amag; are cut u xe kech, ri oh Queche-vinak ; tzatz cut x-uxic ri Ahqixb Ahqahl); mana xa E cahib chic x-uxic, xere cahib ri qui chuch oh quiche vinak." Mr. Brasseur translates " vinak " alternately as men, tribes, and nations. According to his own vocabulary, however, it means but "man" or "the increase" (See " GraOTmaire QQuic7ie," p. 233). In his translation of the " Rabinal-Aclii " (" Grammaire " First Scene, pp. 27 and 35, and other places), "vinak" is also rendered as chief. But tlie true QQuiche word for tribe is •' amag" ('• Grammaire," p. 167). This alters the sense to the ex- tent that instead of "QQuiche tribe " it should read "men of QQuiche" or rather "QQuiche 571 The first settlement of Chiapas is ascribed, in the tale of Votan, to seven families. ^^ But there is still another and more remarka- ble tradition connected with it. Like the Aborigines of Mexico of Nahuatl stock, the Tarasca of Michhnacan, the Maya of Yucatan, and the QQuiche, Cakcldquel and Zutuhil of Guatemala, the Aborigines of Chiapas had a month composed of twenty da^'s, bearing each a particular name. It is positively asserted by very old authority, that these twenty days were named after as many chiefs of an equal number of lineages or kins, the latter being the earliest settlers of the country. Furthermore, among these twenty names, four are everywhere prominently distinguished. men." The last words " xere caliih ri qui chuch oh Quiche vinak," are literally: '• though four these (which, who) certaiiilj' (surely) mother us (we) QQuiclie men." Tlie note by the celebi'ated Abbe (p. 207, note 3), in which he states that " mother" is olten applied to chief, finds a parallel in many passages of Tezozomoc when the tribe is also addressed as fatlier and mother. Also Durdn (Cap. XV, p. 1'27). The creation of these four men and four women immediately precedes, in the Popol- Vuh, the tale of the first sacrifice and the distribution of the idols, and is distinctly stated as having occurred during the time of obscurity, the morning star being their only guide and most brilliant luminary (■• Popol- Fuh," pp. 209, 211, and 213). Now an analogous tale is told by Sahaguii (Lil). VIE, cap. 11, p. 248, etc.), about the first appear- ance of both sun and moon. The Gods .,hic, Cliinax, Cahogh, Aghual. The four leaders (as I may be permitted to call them), are respectively : In Mexico, TochtU, Acatl, Tecpatl, CaUi. In Michhuacan, Inchon, Inthihui. Inodon, Inbain. In Chiapas, Fotan, Lambat, Been, Chinax. In Guatemala, Akhal, Ganel, Ah, Tihax. .Finally in Yucatan, Kan, Muluc, Gix, Cauac. .1 have not the means of discussing the Tarascan calendar of Michhuacan; it is suf- 573 It is not surprising tlierefore if, of ttie earliest traces whicli are met with concerning sucli Aborigines as spoke tiie "good sound" flcient for my purpose to establish its identity, in system, witli the others. The Nicar- aguan days are corruptions of the Mexican names, tlie " Niquiran " being a " Nahuatl " dialect. Taking now the four remaining groups, we place opposite to each word its transla- tion or interpretation so far as I c^n trace it, which is of course not always possible. For the interpretation, as above attempted, I have consulted the following very limited number of anthovs : — Brasseur de Bourbourg {'^ H elation des choses de Yuc atan, etc." " Popol- Vuh" •' Granimaire Quiche," " Ruities de Palenque,") H. H. Bancroft, (Vol. II and III). Orozco y Berra, (" Geografiu de las Lenguas,") and other sources. Mr. Bancroft translates the QQuiche "akbal" by chaos. I would suggest " household," basing upon the following note of Mr. Brasseur: {•' Chronologia antigua de Yucatan, etc.," por Don Juan Pio Perez in "Choses de Yucat:in," p. 375). '^ Akbal, mot vielli qu' on retrouve dans la langue Quiche avec le sens de marmite, vase, peut etre le meme que le mot con ou CO mitl des Mexicaius." Sr. Perez says about the word: "desconocido : tanibieii se halla entre los dias chiapanecas, escrito Aghual," (p. 374). In this the learned Yucatan is mistaken, for Aghual corresponds to the 3Iaya and QQuiche '"Ajau" or " Ahau." Now the pot or rather kettle, was distinctly connected with the liousewife, and the word "Akbal" being, as the Abbe tells us, out of use, tlie suggestion that it may have been used to indicate something like the iSlexican "Calli" — house,— is at least permitted. I have deliberately translated " Kan " by snake, instead of by " cord of henneqnen " as Pio-Perez has it (p. 372). Compare note 1 by tlie Abbe. Manik is interpreted by Pio-Perez as follows: " es perdida su verdadera acepcion ; pero si se divide la espresion man-ik viento que pasa, quiza se entendcria lo que fue." If this is accepted, then the signiflcatlon might be: "fleetness," " swiftness," or "rap- idity," — some of the attributes of the deer, whicli is the corresponding sign in both tlie Mexican and QQuiclie. Cluien, for the reasons indicated by Brasseur (note 3, p. 372 of " Chronologia, etc.,") should be " monkey," as well as in the tliree other idioms. In regard to "Gix" Sr. Orozco y Berra (Part II, V, p. 103), copies the three inter- pretations of Don Pio-Perez, one of wliioh amounts to "tlie act of plundering or rob- 574 01- " Nahuatl " language in Mexico, we gather tlie information that the}^ started off in bands constituting " lineages " or kins. This bing a tree." Might there be any vague connection between this and the Mexican " Ooelotl " or beast of prey ? The word "Caiiac" is mentioned as "desconocido" or disused. Still the analogy m sound with the QQuiche "Caok" rain, is striking, as well as with the Tzeudal '< Cahogh" and finally also witli tiie Mexican " Quiahuitl." In regard to the calendar of Chiapas, I regret to say that the material at my com- mand is by far too limited to venture much of an interpretation. Not one of the few Tzendal vocabularies or Grammars yet existing is witliin my reach. Still I must note here : " Chan" in Tzendal signifies Snake, therefore my translation of " Chanan." Brassezir de Bourbourg (" Eecherches sur les Ridnes de Palenque," Cap. II, p. 32, notes 4 and 5). '' Abah" probably Stone (" Palenque," p. 6.5, note 5). "Batz " as monkey, is identified with the three other signs of the same day by Bras- seur {" Popol- Vuh," Introd. p. CXXXV, note 5, Part II, cap. I. p. 69, note 4). Furthermore, the signs Imox, Igh, Hix, and Cahogh are, in sound at least, analo- gous, if not identical, with the corresponding signs of the QQuiche and Maya calen- dars, and the signs Lambat, Molo, Been, and Aghual, are nearly alike to those of the same days of the Maya alone, whereas, Tzibin reminds of tlie Tziquiu in QQuiche. Taking now the Mexican calendar as a basis, we cannot fail to notice : (1). That fifteen of its signs are identical with those of the QQuiche. (2;. Three are absolutely identical with signs of the Maya, and ftve more are presumably identical also. (3). Two are identical with signs of the Tzendal, and two more presumably so. Therefore our assumption appears justified, tliat:— (I). The Mexican and QQuiche names of tlie days have a common origin. . (2). That the same is likely in regard to the Maya, since the Maya and QQuiche are regarded as belonging, linguistically, to tlie same stock. (3). That a presumption in favor of a similar relation towards the Tzendal of Chiapas may be admitted since, besides the four signs recognized as common to both calendars, there are at least eight more which, in sound, are identical with others of the Maya and QQuichfe. I feel authorized, consequently, to conclude :— . (1). That the names of the days given by tlie four linguistical clusters above stated, were probably, originally identical. (2). That these names, tlieielore, had a common origin. This origin is stated as follows : — Mendieta (Lib. IV, cap. XLI, p. .'^37), "and these Indians affirmed, that in ancient times tliere came to this land twenty men, and the chief of them was called Cacalcan. .... This writes the liishop of Chiapas. . . ." This bishop of Chiapas was Fray Bartolome de Las Casas, wlio, in the 31SS., " Historia opologetica de Indias" iV oh III, cap. 124), appears to be move detailed. I quote Las Casas from Brasseur and from JSr. H. Bancroft, (Vol. 3, p. 465), wliere lie says (Cap. 123),— the MS. .tself not being accessible to me. Now it is commonly admitted, and this admission (wliether correct or not) is so general, that no quotations are needed in evidence, that Cuculcan or Cocolcan is identical with the Mexican Quetzalcohuatl. To Quetzalcohuatl, however, IS attributed the formation of the Mexican Calendar. {Torquemada, Lib. VI, cap. XXIV, p. 52. Mendieta, Lib. II, cap. XIV, pp. 97, 98.) In regard to the origin of the Tzendal Calendar, the tradition is very clear. Boturini (" Idea, etc.," § XVI, pp. 115 to 121). Quoting A'-unez de la Vega (32, § XXVIII of the " Constitucion Diocesana ") '• y prosigue el Prelado diciendo, que al que llama' ban C'osldhuntox {que es el Demonic, segim los Indies dicen, con trece potestades) le tienen pintado en Silla, y con hastas en la cabeza como de camera, quando dicho Coslahiintox se ha de corregir en Ymos, 6 Mox, y no esta puesto en el Kalendario por Demouio, 575 was the case with the so-called " Toltecs," 3" and with all their successors, such as the " Tezcucans," " Tecpanecans," and others, including the ancient Mexicans?^ slno por cabeza de los veinte Seiiores, Symbolos de los dias de el Aiio, y assi viene S. ser el primer Synibolo de ellos." (See also Idem, pp. 118, 119, quoting Nimez de la Vega, 33, 3i, and 35). '' concuerda el Systema de los Kalendarios de Cliiappa, y Soco- nusco con el Tulteco, .... pues en lugar de los quatro Cai-acteres Tecpatl, Calli, Tochtli, Aoatl, se sirven los de Chiappa de quatro Figuras de Seiiores, Votan, Lambat, Been, y Cliiuax, etc., etc." Clavigero (Lib. II, cap. XII, p. 164). "The Chiapanecs, if we can place any reli- ance upon their traditions, were the first settlers of the New World. They claim that Votan, the grandson of the venerable old man who built the great ark in order to save himself and his lamily during the deluge, and wlio was one of those wlio erected the high building that reached into the clouds, set out by special command of God, to people the country." Adopted and quoted also by Seiior Don Francisco PimenteU (" Cuadro Descriptivo y Coniparativo de las Lengiias Indigenas de Mexico," 1865, Vol. II, p. 232.) Clavigero (Lib. VI, cap. XXIX, p. 412, Vol. I) "The Chiapanecs . instead of the figures and names of the rabbit, cane, flint, and iiouse, used the names Votan, Lambat, Been, and Cliinax, and instead of the Mexican names of the days, they adopted those of twenty celebrated men of their ancestry, among which the four names above mentioned took tlie same place as among tlie Mexicans tlie Rabbit and the others." Compare also, in the appendix to tlie same volume, p. C33, the '' Letter of the Abbe Don Lorenzo Hervas," Cesena, 31 July, 1780. Clavigero (Vol. II, "Disserta- tions, etc.," Cap. II, p. 281). After recalling the tradition of Votan, quoting from Nunez de la Vega, he adds in note b, " Votan is the name of tlie leader of the 20 celebrated men, after which the 20 days of the month of the Chiapanecs are named." These statements, which rest upon the writings of Nuiiez de la Vega and of Ordonnez y Aguiar, are adopted, among later writers, by : — Brasseur de Bourbourg (" Popol- Vuh," Introduction, § V, p. LXXII. " Chronologia," in " Relation des ckoses du Yucatan," p. 374, note 4). The identity of the twenty days of the Chiapanecan months with the names of twenty leaders of as many kins, is very likely, therefore; and since we have found the close resemblance of the Chiapanecan Calendar with that of the Yucatecan Maya, it is not unreasonable to suggest: that the names of the Maya days originally denoted the same twenty kins also. If such is the case (as the tale of Cuculcan and of his nineteen followers also seems to indicate), then the twenty signs of the QQuiche have a similar origin and finally, the actual identity of the QQuiche Calendar with the Mexican or Nahuatl proper leads to the inference that the twenty names of days of the Tzcndal, Maya, and Nahuatl groups of sedentary Indians in Mexico and Central America, indi cate a common origin of these three clusters, from twenty kins or clans, or gentes, at a remote period. Within these twenty kins there appear /o?tr more prominent than the other. This again may indicate a still older derivation from four, out of which the remaining sixteen sprang through segmentation. How such segmentation may occur is plainly stated in the " I'opol- Vuh.'' and has been fully referred to by me in " Tenure of Lands'^ (p. 391, 392, note 7), to which, in addition to the Indian authority, and to Mr. Morgan's ^^ Ancient Society" (Part II, Chapter IV), I beg leave to direct the " curious reader." In regard to the actually prevailing division of Indian settlements into four quarters, it is asserted by Brasseur de Bourbourg {'^ Popol- Vuh," Introduction, p. 117), "Enfln, presque toutes les villes ou tribus sont partagees en quatre clans ou quartiers, dont les chefs forment le grand conseil." I give the above as mere suggestions, begging for their acceptance in a kindly way, since they are not intended to be thrust upon the reader as "results." But I cannot resist the temptation to submit some remarks here; on other peculiarities exhibited 576 About the middle of the thirteenth century the Mexicans while on a migration towards more southern regions, made by tlie so-called calendars jnst named, which peculiarities may throw some light on the que^tions raised, as to whether they originally denoted kins or not. With a single exception (Cipactli), the Mexican and allied calendars contained the name of not one object, or phenomenon, which might not be met with somewhere over the wide area which the three linguistical stocks occupied at the time of the Conquest. Still, as Sr. Orozco y Berra strikingly proves (" Geografla de las Lenguas" Parte lla, Cap. V, p, 107), the Mexican month contains the names of animals unknown to the ultimate home of the tribe as well as to more northern regions. Thus the monkey ("Ozomatli") is not found on the higli central tableland. In regard to the sign Cipactli, I shall elsewhere refer to this sign, which may perhaps denote a " cuttle-fish" of monstrous dimensions. Supposing now (since we have no proof yet to the contrary), that this "marine monster" was also an inhabitant of tropical seas, it must strike us that the twenty signs for the days of the aboriginal calendars under consideration (1). Represent types and phenomena which are met with, not exclusively, hut still all, within the area of Mexico and Central America. (2). That some of the animal types are limited to tropical and low regions only. (3). That none of the animals belong exclusively to the temperate zone of North America. Consequently, that these signs are of a meridional origin, and even, taking into account that the monkey is not found in the valley of Mexico, that they originated to the south of it. Still, the four " Leaders," as I have called them (the first signs of each "week" of five days), namely: Rabbit, cane, flint, and house,— might as well have been selected at the north. It is a fact abundantly proven, that the kins or gentes composing the tribes of North America are named after a principle identical with that found in the namnig of the days among the aborigines of more southerly latitudes, namely: after objects and natural phenomena. Mr. Morgan has given the names of the gentes of at least thirty tribes, consisting in all of two hundred and ninety-six gentes. Of these two hundred and ninety-six names, ninety-eight are signs of the Mexican days, repeatedly found in the difl'erent tribes. These signs are as follows : — Itzcuintli. Dog, mostly found, however, as wolf. 22 times. Quaulitli, Eagle 12 •' Cozcaquauhtli, Hawk (although it is the "ringed vulture") 8 " Mazall. Deer, Elk, Caribou, Antelope 20 " Cohuatl, Snake 9 " At), Water (also as "Ice," " Sea,".etc.) 4 " IMiquiztli, Skull (as "Head") 1 time. Ollin (as "many seasons " and " Sun ") 2 times. Calli, House (as " high village" and "lodge") 3 " Tecpatl, Flint (as "knife") 2 " Ocelotl, Tiger (also as "panther" and " wildcat") 5 " EheeatI, Wind 1 time. Acatl, Cane (also as "Indian corn") 3 times. Tochtli, R:ibl)it (also as " hare") 3 " Cuetzpalin, Lizard ("frog") 1 time. Xochitl, Flower (as " Tobacco") 1 " Quialiuitl, liivin 1 " I beg to observe, that if I have added " Cozcaquauhtli " to this list, supposing it to be the equivalent of " Hawk," this is a mere suggestion, and not an alfirmation on my part. Thus sixteen, if not seventeen, of the twenty signs of days of the Mexican month, are found in North America as " totems "probably of aboriginal clans or kins. It is fui ther niterestinp to note, that of the nine clans composing the Moqui tribes of Arizona, the names of seyen correspond to signs of Mexican days, (^-'Ancient Society," Part II, p. 179). WHiat little is known of the Laguna Indians foreshadows a similar result (p. 180), thus permitting the query, whether the pueblo Indians of the 577 their first appearance in the northern sections of the former republic of Mexico, as a cluster of seven kins, united by the bond of common language and worship. ^2 The names of these seven kins are distinctly stated and it is not devoid of in- terest to notice that some of these names were perpetuated as late as 1690 among the numerous "Indian wards" of the pres- ent City of Mexico. 33 We may as well add here, that these central West might not perhaps show a closer connection yet between the very ancient Mexican l^ins as denoted by their days, and the gentes composing their own tiibes. After these speculations, which I submit lor what they may be worth, and with the distinct reserve tliat I do not attach any value to them save as hints and queries for further investigation, I beg leave to state, that in my fourth paper " On the Creed and Belief of the Ancient Mexicans," I intend to discuss all these points with more thoroughness, and, I hope, with the aid of more suitable material than that now at my command. 3" Ixtlilxochitl (" Relaciones historicas " " Segunda lielacion," Kingsborough, Vol. IX, p. 32;i) "y cast el ultimo de estos anos se juntaron dos cabczas principales y los otros cinco inferiores a tratar si se quedarian en esta tierra 6 si pasarian mas adelante." Also '^ Noticias de los Pobladores y Nnciones de esta Parte de America llamada Nueva- Espana" (" Tercera Eelacion de los Tultecas," Kingsborough, IX, p. 393), " Estos siete caudillos con todas sus gentes vinieron descubriendo y poblando por todas las partes que llegaban." (" Histoire des ChichimUques," Cap. I, p. 13), " lis avaient sept chefs, et choisissaient alternativement un d' entr'eux pour les gouverner." In addition to authorities quoted on the Tolteos in " Tenure of Lands" (p. 3S8. note 7, to p. 392). I refer to Feta7icurt (" Teafro Mexicano," Vol I, Part II, Trat. I. Cap. IV, p. 234). Granados y Galvez (J2a Tarde, p. 31). .11 u Xardes Americanas " (p. 31), " bien es que los mapas de estos no nos pintan tierras, .sino familias: y como estos vaguearon sin flxeza alguiia por tan varios rumbos "It is superfluous to quote authorities in full, I but refer to " Histoire des ChicMmSques" (Cap. V, pp, 38, 39; X, p. 70). Sahagun (Lib. X, cap. XXIX). The whole chapter is very important. Durdn (Cap. II, pp. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, JII; pp. 19, 20, 21, and plates I, to Trat. 1°, also pi. I, to Trat. 11°). Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. II, p. 454, and cap. Ill entire). Mendicta (Lib. II. cap. XXXIV, p. 147). Torq%iemada (Lib. I, cap. XXIII, p. 51; cap. XXVI, p. 54; Lib. II, cap. I, p. 78, etc.). Garcia (" Origen, etc.," Lib. Ill, cap. I, p. 81; Lib. V, cap. Ill, p. 321). Herrera (Dec. Ill, Lib. II. cap. X, pp. 59, 60). Veytia (Lib. II, cap. VI, p. .39 of 2d Vol.). Vetancurt (Vol. 1, " Teatro,'^ Parte II, Trat. I, cap. IX, pp. 254, 255). Cluvigero (Lib. II, cap. IV, pp. 146, 147), and others. 3- The number seven (7) is almost generally accepted. Compare " Tenure of Lands " (p. 399, and note 21). Besides the authors there mentioned as accepting seven kins, I refer to Dr. Ad. Bastian (" Die CuUurli tender des Alien Amerika," Vol. II, p. 460, note 2). Cabrera (in MinutoWs Palenque, p. 77. Rather confused). 33 1 have gathered these names out of the following sources: Durdn (Cap. Ill, pp. 20, 21), Tezozomoc (Cap. I, p. 6, Kingsborough, Vol. IX), Veytia (Lib. II, cap. XII, p. 91 of 2d Vol.)- They are stated as follows : — By Durdn. By Tezozomoc. By Veytia. Yopica. Yapica. Yopica. Tlacochcalca. Tlacochcalca. Tlacochcalca. Vitznagoa. Huitznahuac. Huitznahuac. Cuatecpan. Clhiiatecpaneca. Cihuatecpaneca. Chalmeca. Clialmeca. Chalmeca. Tlacatecpaneca. Tlacatecpaneca. Tlacatecpaneca. Yzquiteca. Yzquiteca. Itzcuintecatl. 578 Indian wards, their peculiar organization, and their communal lands, disappeared only after the secession of Mexico from Spain, not more than fifty years ago.^^ There is, however, afunflamental difference between Ditraii on one hand, and Veytia and Tezozomoc on the other, inasmuch as the former says that these seven names were those of the tutdcir deities of the seven kins ("barrios"), whei'eas the latter two give them as the names of these kins themselves. The seven tutelar deities are also named by them, and called as follows : " Qnetzalcohnatl, Tlazolteotl. Macuilxochiquet- zalli, Ghichilticcenteotl, Piltziiiteuhtli, Tezoatlipnca, and Mictlanteuhtli " (Veytia, as above quoted). Tezozomoc (p. H). calls these gods: " Quetzalcohuatl, Oxomoco, Matlaxochiquetzal, Chiohilticzenteiitl. Piltzintecntli, Meteutl, Tezcatlipuca, Mictlante- cuhtli y Tlamaeazqui, y otros dioses con ellas " A discussion of these names is very difficult, and its results appear doubtful. Still, we distinctly recognize : "Tlacochcalca," plural of "Tlacochcalcatl," therefore, "men of the house of darts." (See "Art of War," p. 121, note 104). " Huitznahuac." according to Molina {\la, p. 157). " uitztic " is a pointed object, " uitztli " a large thorn, but " uitztlan " is the south . "Nahuac," in this instance, probably (or rather possibly), signifies " among" or " near to," thus perhaps, "people from the south" or "from near the thorns." (Example: '• Quauhnahuac"— "por de los arboles," Molina, II, p. 63. Pimentel " Cuadro descrip- fi»o. Vol. I, pp. 170, etc.) " Cihuatecpaneca" from "Cihuatl" woman, and "teepan" official house. "Tlacatecpaneca" from "Tlacatl" man. and "teepan." Finally, " Itzcuintecatl " seems to derive from " Itzcuintli " Dog, and " tecatl." The latter again decomposes into: "nitla tequi" to cut (Molina, II, p. 105), and "tlacatl" man. there- fore the whole would be " dogcutters." " Yzquitecatl" gives a still more curious etymology, which is, however, so improbable, that we refrain from mentioning it eve n It will be seen ai a glance that none of these seven kins were named after the Mexican days, the last one alone containing, perhaps, the word "Jtzcuintli," but even this is very doubtful yet. I shall but refer here to a singular passage in Durdn (Cap. III, p. 20). " Ya hemos dicho como traian a su principal dios. sin cuyo mandado no se osaban menear: traian empero otros siete dioses, que a contemplacion de los siete cuevas donde auian auitado siete congregacioncs de gentes 6 siete parcialidades, los reverenciaban con mucha grandeza." After the capture of Tenochtitlan by Cortes, its site was reserved by him for the erection thereupon of the Spanish city, whereas the site of Tlatilnlco became the Indian settlement for a time, or rather was intended for that purpose. Cortes ("Carta. IV, pp. 110, 111, Vedial). Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VII, pp. 180, 181). Oviedo (Lib. XXXIII, cap. XLIX, pp. 528, .530). Juan de Torqueviada (Lib. IV, cap. CII, p. 572. Lib. Ill, cap. XXVI, p. 299). Herrera (" Descripcion de las Indias OccilenUdes.'" Cap. IX, p. 17. " Historia." Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. VIII, p. 122). Vetanctirt (" Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico^' 4th Part of the "Teatro," pp. 124, 131, 132, 212, and 213). It is the latter author, Vetancurt (" Cronica," pp. 131, 132, 212, and 213), who gives us the names and numbers of the arexican quarters. " barrios," oi' localized kins who, under the form of "Indian wards," still existed in KiflO. I assume this date from the fact that the " Licencia" of the " Comisario general de Indias," is dated 17 April, 1692, (p. 13, Vol. I, " Teatro"). Besides mentioning tlie four great quarters of Mexico (p. 124), of which we shall here.after speak, he says: " Los barrios son veinte, donde estan once ermitas fabricadas que sirven para sacramentar en ellas ii los que no tienen casa, decente, sirviendo de oratorios del l)arrio, donde en las fiestas paiticulares se sueleu decir misas rezadas, y en algunas fiestas de devocion cuando la piden." He also gives us (pp. 212, 213) information about Tlatelulco,— information which proves that the aborigines settled there '• en seis parcialidades, que cada cual tiene sus barrios, y veinte ermitas con sus titulares que celebran." This is rather obscure, and I shall Eepout Pkabody Museum, II. 37 579 "While the seven consanguine clusters above mentioned com- posed, to all intents and purposes, one tribe as towards out- siders, there still appear among them germs of discord which, at a later date, caused a disruption of mutual ties. The details are too vague and too contradictory to allow any inference even as to the real nature of such dissensions. ^^ One fact, however, is ascertained, namely: that the whole group bore in common all the hardships and vicissitudes of a wandering life and the encroachments, aggressions and temptations from outsiders ; that they had sheltered together in a safe retreat, and that only when relative safety from violence was secured, a permanent di- vision took place. These considerations should dispose of the therefore give the names of the Mexican ''barrios" bj^ the side of the "ermitas" of Tlatelulco, leaving the reader to notice coincidences himself. '^ Barrios" of Mexico. Santo Cristo de Tzapotla. Santa Veronica de Huehuecalco. Santa Cruz de Teepancaltitlan. San Pedro de Cihunteocaltitlan. Espiritii Santo de Yopico. San Felipe de Jesns de Teocaltitlan. Santiago de TIaxilpan. Los Reyes de Tequicaltitlan. La Cacdelaria de Atlampa. La Ascension de Tlacacomoco. San Diego de Anianalco. EI Niiio Jesus de Tepetitlan. El Descendimiento de Atizapan. San Salvador de Xihnitongo. La Navidad de Tequixqnipan. San Salvador de Necaltillan. La Concepcion de Xoloco. San Juan de Chichimecapan. San Antonio de Tezcatzonco. San Sebastian Copolco. " Ermitas" of Tlatelulco. Santa Ana Atenantite<^h. Santa Lucia Telpochcaltitlan. La Concepcion de Atenantitlan. San Francisco Mecantalinco. La Asuncion de Apazhuacan. San Mai'tin Atezcapan. Santa Catalina Cohuatlan. San Pablo Tolquechivican. Nnestra Seiiora de Belen Tlaxoxiuhco. Los Reyes de Capoltitlan. San Simon Iztatla. Santa Ines Hueipantonco. San Francisco Izcatla. Santa Cruz Azococolocan. San Antonio Tepiton. La Asuncion de Tlayacaltitlan. San Francisco Cihuntecpan. San Juan Huitsnahuac. Sa Asuncion de Izayoc. Santa Clara Acozac. I have italicized those names which are also found among those of the seven 'original kins above enumerated, and thus we And three of them, one in Mexico^ and two among the •' Ermitas " of Tlatelulco. ^■^ Fernnn Gonzalez de Eslava (•' Coloquios espirituales y Hacramentales, y Poesias Sagradas," Second Edition, 1877, by Sr. Icazbalceta.) The learned editor makes the following note, 50, to page 57. '' Cuando se reedifico la ciudad de Mexico, despues de la conquista, se colocavon en el Centro las casas de los espafioles, y los Indios levantaron las suyas alredeilor de aquellas. Esta poblacion india se dividio en cuatro barrios 6 parcialidades, regidos por caciques de su nacion, sujetos a un gobernador de la misma, Los barrios principales eran San Juan y Santiago." Calling my attention to this note in his letter of 14 Nov., 1878, my esteemed friend adds : " Con el tiempo se confundio la poblacion y desaparecieron esos barrios; pero aun quedo el nombre y los bienes que poseian las 'parcialidades' los cuales desaparecieron tambien en mi tiempo." 36 The dissensions between what subsequently became the Mexicans and the Tlatel- ulcans are so variously described by the authorities, that it is hardly worth while to discuss them. 580 assumption, frequently made, that the Mexicans were divided into two distinct clusters at the outset. A council of chiefs, representing the seven kins meeting on equal terms, composed the government of the ancient Mexicans at that period of their history. Among these, occasional "old men" of particular ability loom up as leading advisers. But no perma- nent general office of an executive nature is mentioned ; although even occasional braves acquired historical prominence through their deeds of valor and of sagacity .^'^ But, while the organization was thus amply sufficient for the needs of a straggling band, Indian worship or "medicine" (as the native term implies) represented, inside of that organization, the lingering remains of what we have already suggested to be the oldest aboriginal clusters of society. Corresponding to the four original kins of the QQuiche, to the four leading days of the calendar with the traditions attached to their origin, we find among the ancient Mexicans at that period four chief medicine men, or " old men," who at the same time are " carriers of the God."37 86 " Tenure of Lands " (P. 398 and 399, Notes 21 and 22). In addition to the authorities quoted there, I refer to : Gomara C'Conquista de Mejico " Vedia I, p. 431). '' 5' dicen que no trajeron senores, sino capitanes." (Idem p. 433. " De los reyes de Mejico"). Motolinia (" Epistola proemial," p. 5). " aunque se sabe que estos Mexicanos fueron los post- reros, y que no tuvieron seiiores principales, mas de que se gobernaron por capitanes." —Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXI V, p. 148). '• Dicen que el ejercito mexicano trajo por cau- dillos 6 capitanes diez principales que los regian Entre estos eligieron, luego como hicieron sii asiento, por rey y principal serior a Tenuch." Torquemada. (Lib. II, cap. I, p. 78; cap. XII, pp. 94 and 9.5). The fact of the election of the Jii'st so-called " King" of the ancient Mexicans, so generally acknowledged that no evidence of it is needed, is proof enough that, previous to it, tlie government of the Mexicans was at least, not monarchical. The words of Torquemada. (p. 94, vol. I.) " Dicese, que aviendo pasado veinte y siete alios, que se governaban en comun, los unos, y los oti'os, les tomo gana de eligir Rey, . . . ." are plain enough. Aside from the "leaders" (caudillos) of the Kins frequently mentioned, occasional war-chiefs or directing braves turn up during this period of their wandering existence. Thus, a chief whom they called "Mexi" is mentioned by Acosta (Lib. VIF, cap. IV. p. 460), Sahagun (Lib. X, cap. XXIX, p. 138 and 139), Hererra (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. X, p. 60); and another very famous warrior, "Humming Bird." (Huitzililiuitl) led the Mexicans during their fray with tlie valley-tribes at Chapultepec, losing his life in the sally by which tliey broke through their surrounding enemies. Durdn (Cap. HI, p. 27; IV, 30). Acosta (Lib. VIL cap. V, p. 463). Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. Ill, p. 82; IV, p. 84; Lib. HI, cap. XXII, p. 289). Vetancurt (Parte Ila, Trat. lo, cap. IX, p. 261 ; cap. X, p. 265 and 266). Granados y Galvez {7'arde Quinta, p. 151). Vei/tia (Lib. II, cap. XII, p. 97; cap. XIII, p. 110; cap. XIV, p. 116, 124; cap. XV. p. 130 and 131). He affirms that " Humming Bird" was the first " King of the Mexicans," which, however, is ex- pressly disproved by other authors. s' TezozomoG ("Cronica" cap. I, p. 6), mentions the four old men who carried the so- called sister of Huitzilopochtli, " y a esto dijo Tlamacazqui Huitzilopochtli S los viejos 581 It seems to indicate, that as relics of four very ancient kins, a kind of superstitious ("standing over") deference was paid to them, implying a voice and vote in the councils of the tribe. ^^ que la solian traer cargada, (que se llamavan Quauhtlonquetzque, y Axoloa el segundo, y el tercero llamado Tlamacai-qui Cuauhooatl, y el cuarto Ococaltzin"). (Cap. III. p. 8), at Chapultepec "y alii les liablo Hnitzilopochtli a los sacerdotes, que son nombrados Teomamaques, cargadores del dios, que eran Cuauhtloquetzqui, Axoloa, Tlamacazqui y Aococaltzin, a estos cargadores de este idolo, llamados sacerdotes, les d\jo." — Durdn (Cap. Ill, p. 21). Llegados a aquel lugar de Pazcuaro, viendole tan apacible y alegre, consultaron a su dios los sacerdotes y pidieronle : el dios VitzilopocMH respondio a sus sacerdotes, en suenos ..." These words repeat them- selves almost, several times in cap. IV, V, and VI. Finally he is very positive, (Cap. VI, p. 46), "con los quatro ayos de VitzilopochtU, los quales le vian visiblemente y lo hablaban, que se llamauan Cuauhtloquetzqui, el segundo Ococatl el tercero Chachalaitl y el cuarto Axoloua, los quales eran como ayos, padres, amparo y reparo de aquella gente," Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. IV, p. 459), "Con esto salieron lleuando a su ydolo metido en una area de juncos, la qual lleuavan quatro Sacerdotes principales, con quien el se communicava, y dezia en secrete los suocessos de su camino anisandoles lo que les auia de suceder, dandoles leyes, y enseiiandolos ritos y ceremonias, y sacri- flcios. No se niouian un punto sin parecer y mandate deste ydolo." Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. X, p. 60). "Llevaron este Idolo en una Area de Juncia en hombi-os de quatro Sacerdotes, los quales ensenaban los Uitos, i Sacrificios, i daban Leies, i sin su parecer no se movian en nada." Besides these specifically and exclusively Mexican sources, to which others will be added hereafter, the fact of these four chief-medicine men "tlamacazqui" from " tlama"— medicine-man, (il/otoa 11, p. l-2.i), is proven by authors who rather incline to the tezcucan side. Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. I, p. 78), "y ordeno, que quatro de ellos, fuesen sus ministros, para lo qual, fueron nombrados Quauhcohuatl, Apanecatl, Tezcacohnatl, Chimalman," (Lib. VI, cap. XXI, p. 41, but especially Lib. IX, cap. XIX, p. 205). " De los primeros Mexicanos, que vinieron a estas Tierras, sabemos, que no traxeron Rci, ni otro Caudillo particular (contra los que tienen, 6 afirnian lo contrario) sino que venian i-egidos de los Sacerdotes, y ministros delDemonio; sobre cuios hombros venia la Imagen del Dios Huitzilupuchlli, y a los consejos, y determinaciones de estos ministros eran obedecientes." The most explicit of all, however, is again Veytia (Lib. II, cap. Xlf, p. 93). At the death of Huitziton, "y'aqui fue dondo empezaron las embustes de los viejos y sacerdotes que con mas inmediacion trataban a Huitziton; porque, 6 concebido ya el ambicioso deseo de que- darse con el mando del pueblo, 6 para disminiurle a este el dolor que debia causarle tan gran perdida, . . . ." (p. 94). "Esto es el origeu de la famosa deidad Huitzilo- puchtli," (p. 99), here Veytia is in error in stating that Tezozomoc reports that tlie four priests were left with Maluialxochitl in Malinalco. This author mentions them again at Chapultepec, -'Cronua," (Cap. Ill, p. 8). Further on (Cap. XIII. p. 102), " Yo me persuado a que es distinto, que O^elopan y sus tres companeros fueron los cuatro Tlamacazquis que flngieron el embuste del rapto de Huitziton," (p. 109), he says that the " old priests " opposed the election of a head-war-chief (" rey ") " por no dejar el mando." (Also Cap XV, p. 131.) It results from these statements, that the four " Carriers of the God" indeed exer- cised, or at least claimed some governmental power. In tribal society such power can only come through some kin, hence the four " medicinemen " represented four very old clans or relationships, whose names even may have been lost, whereas the former power " stood over," in tlie form of a participation of "medicine" or worship in the tribal business. I here recall the important utterance oi Boturini (" Idea" pp. Ill and 11-2 of §XVI), "como fue costumbre de los Indios poner muy pocas Figuras en los mapas, baxo de cuya sombra se hallan numerosos Pueblo?, y gentes; y assi dichos siete Tultecos, cuyos nombres reflere el mencionada Don Fernando, se entiende haver sido siete principales Cabezas de dilatados Parentescos, que se escondiau baxo los 582 When the Mexicans, thus constituting a migratory cluster of kins, reached the present central valley of Mexico, they found it occupied by a number of tribes of the same language as their own, though dialectically varied. The arrival of the new-comers was to those who had already settled, a matter of either war or of adoption. Adoption became very difficult, as well on account of the number of the immigrants as of the rivahy between already settled tribes. Therefore the Mexicans were tossed to and fro, until at last the straggling remnant found a shelter on some dry patches protruding from the marsh along which the other tribes had formed their settlements. This settlement occurred about 196 years previous to the Span- ish conquest, and it limits therefore the time, within which the nombres de sns Conductores." What the unfortunate Italian Cavaliere here says of the Toltecs, is applicable to all the other branches of the Nahiiatl stock, and bears also on the four '-Carriers of the God," under discussion. Veijtia affirms (Cap. XIII, p. 110, lib. II), that after the election of the Huitzillhuitl mentioned in my note 36, the god Huitzilopochtli "did not dare to claim the govern- ment of the people." Is this an indication to the effect that the four " priests " exer- cised a military command ? Keferring to note 29, concerning the four names of the yeai'S and leading days in the Mexican and Central American Calendars, and their probable connection with as many very ancient kinships, I beg leave to add here some additional data in regard to the , singular part played by the number four, in Central American and Mexican mythology and earliest tradition. In note 27, 1 have already alluded to tlie four original pairs, as mentioned by the " Popol- Vuh " as well as by Sahagun. Previous to the creation of the four men, the " Popol- Vuh" has the following remarkable passage: (Part III, cap. I, pp. 195-197), "In Paxil and in Cayala, as this place is called, there came the ears of yellow and of white corn. These are the names of the barbarians (? Chicop), who went after subsistence: the fox fYac), the wolf (Utiii) the parrot (Qel). and the raven (Hoh), four barbarians ( ?) who brought them the news of the ears of yellow corn and of white corn which grew in Paxil, and who showed them the road to Paxil." "There they found at last the nourishment whicli went into the flesh of man made, of man formed, this was his blood, it became the blood of man, this corn which went into him by the care of him who engenders and of him who gives being." This QQuiche tale of /oMr animals or "barbarians" (the latter is an interpretation of Mr. Brasseur, since "chicop" signifies simpl)^ a beast) carrying the material out of which man was made, also finds an equivalent iu Mexican traditions, as reported by Sahagun (Lib. X. cap. XXIX, § 12, p. 140), of four wise men who remained in the earthly paradise of "Tamo- anchan" inventing there "judicial astrology, and the art of interpreting dreams. They composed the account of the days, of the nights, of the hours, and the diflfer- ences of time, which were kept while the cliiefs of the Toltecs, of the Mexicans, and of the Chichimecs ruled and governed." " Tamoanclian " as paradise, is strictly equiva- lent to "Paxil in Cayala" of the QQuiche. Tlie tradition of the four "Tutul-Xiu" among the maya of Yucatan, may also be classed among these tales. ■ " Series of Katunes," " Epochs of Maya History.'' " This is the Series of Katunes in Maya." Chelo lai u Tzolan Katunil Ti Mayab ") in Mr. Brasseur's(" llelation des choses du Yucatan "J also in ,/ L. Stephens (" Travels in Yucatan," Vol. II, p. 4()5, appendix.) Also Durdn (Cap. XXVII, pp. 222, 224). '8 Tylor C Jilarly History of Mankind." Edition of 1878, p. 165), " Super-stitio" or "Standing Over,'' — the German "Aberglaube" in the sense of "what has remained." 583 organization and Institutions of the ancient Mexicans must have reached their ultimate development, to less than two centuries.^^ "In the midst of canes of reeds" the remains of the Mexican tribe found their future home upon a limited expanse of sod, which even their enemies on the mainland seemed to regard but as a spot fit to die upon.'*'' Although much reduced in numbers, the kins themselves remained and a settlement necessitated at once their localization. How this took place, can best be told in the words of one of the native chroniclers, the Dominican monk, Fraj' Diego Duran. "During the night following, after the Mexicans had finished to improve the abode of their god, and the greatest part of the lagune being filled up and fit for to build thereon, Vitzilopochtli spoke unto his priest or keeper and said to him: "Say unto the Mexican community that the chiefs, each with their relatives, friends and connections, should divide themselves in four princi- pal quarters, with the house which you have built for my resting place in the middle, and that each kin might build within its quarter as best it liked." These quarters are those remaining in Mexico to this day, to wit : the ward of San Pablo, that of San Juan, of Santa Maria la Redonda as it is called, and the ward of San Sebastian. After the Mexicans had divided into these four places their god sent word to them that they should distribute among themselves their gods, and that each quarter should name and designate particular quarters where these gods should be worshipped. Thus each of these quarters divided into many small ones according to the number of idols called by them Calpulteona, which is to say god of the quarter. I shall not re- call here their names because they are not of importance to his- tory, but we shall know that these quarters are like unto what in Spain they call a collation of such and such a saint."'** This statement we do not hesitate to accept as expressing gen- 39]vxy friend, Prof. Ph. Valentini, of New York, has in hand the study of Central American Chronology proper, as well as Mexican. In his latest work " The Mexi- can Calendar stone^' (published first in German as a "Lecture," and afterwards in No. 71, of the '' Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society "), he has given a general idea of his researches, but not any details yet about their results. If, therefore, I here admit 1325, A. D. as about the date of the so-called "foundation" of Tenuchtitlan- Mexico, it is subject to correction by him. ■"> Durdn (Cap. IV, p, 32), Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. XI, p. 61). «i " Tenure of Lands " (p. 400, note 29, and p. 402, notes 32 and 33). In addition to the authorities quoted, I refer to Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. XI, p. 61), and Samue Purchas (" His Pilgrimages,^' 1625, Part III, lib. V, cap. IV, p. 1005). 584 uine aboriginal traditions, notwithstanding the attempt, on the part of Fray Juan de Torquemada, to impugn its truthfulness and consequently its validity ,^2 It results from it that while the kins, which for the first time in Mexican history are distinctly iden- tified here with the " calpulli," are settling, "as best they liked ;" the creation of four geographical divisions, composed each of a number of kins, is attributed here to the influence of worship or, as we have already termed it, of "medicine." This connects those, who subsequently became the four "Indian wards" of Mexico, with the four "carriers of the gods" alreadj' mentioned, and this perhaps may be considered a reminiscence of the four original relationships. Of these the sections mentioned appear like a shell, geographically enclosing a number of settled kins. The supposition is not, t\^erefore, devoid of interest that they may have represented brotherhoods of kins, for purposes of wor- ship and warfare. If now we substitute for Mn the term ^'■gens" adopted by Mr. Morgan, those brotherhoods necessarily appear in the light of as many '■^ jjhratries.'"^^ The time of this occurrence seems almost to coincide with a division (already indicated as in progress) of the original Mexican band into two sections. It now culminated in the secession of a part of the tribe and its settlement apart from the main body, though not far away from it and within the lagune also. While the " place of the stone and prickly pear " (Tenuchtitlan) remained, virtuall}'^, ancient Mexico, the seceding group founded the Pueblo of Tlatilulco as an independent community at the very door of the former. It appears as its rival even until forty-eight 3'ears previous to the Spanish conquest. ^^ ^2 " Tenure of Lands" (p. 402, notes 32 and 33). *^ Morgan {"Ancient Society," Part II, cap. Ill, p. 88) "The phratry is a brother- hood, as the term imports, and a natui-al growth from the organization into gentes. It is an organic union or association of two or more gentes of the same tribe, for certain common objects. These gentes were usually such as had been formed by the segmen- tation of an original gens." If we recall the manner in which the four "quarters" or Mexico first appeared, it will easily be seen that the analogy with phratrie.s is indeed striking. Compare, '-Art of War" (p. 101, and note 22, and pp. 120, 121, and notes 97. 99, 100, and 101), In " Tenure of Lands" (pp. 400 and (401), I have rather favored the view that these four were "calpulli " which subsequently segregated into minor quarters or "barrios." I now correct this, having become convinced that the so-called minor quarters already existed at the time of settlement {compare notes 37 and 41). ** Motolinia (Trat. Ill, cap. VIl, p. 180), mentions a division into but two " barrios " in course of time through increase of population. " Despues andando el tiempo y multiplicandose el pueljlo y creciendo la vecindad, hiz6se esta ciudad dos barrios 6 dos ciudades," IxtUlxochitl {"Hist, des Chichim." Cap. p. 72), merely states they were 585 It is much to be regretted that our information on this point is so meagre and unsatisfactory^ as not to enable us to ascertain whether several entire kins separated from the rest to form the new tribe, or whether fragments of kins only composed the se- cessionists. In fact even the cause of the division is stated in such a varied and contradictory manner, that we must withhold any expression of positive views on the subject. Without losing sight altogether of the tribe of Tlatilulco, we still must devote our attention chiefly to the inhabitants of Te- nuehtitlan, in which we recognize the ancient Mexicans proper. The number of kins composing the latter at the time of their divided in two " bands," without saying why and how this division occurred. Dut-dn (Cap. V, p. 43), " Ilecha esta division y puestos ya en su orden y concierto de barrios, algunos de los viejos y ancianos, entendiendo merecian mas de lo que les daban y que no se les hacia aquelhi honra que merecian, se amotinaron y determinaron ir a buscar nuevo asiento, y andando por entre aquellos carri5ale9 y espadanales allaron una al- barrada pequena, y dando noticia della a sus aliados y amigos fueronse a hacer alii asi- ento, el qua] lugar se llamaba XnlteluUi y el qual lugar agora llamamos Tlatilulco, ques el barrio de Santiago. Los viejos y principales que alii se pasauan fueron quatro; el uno dellos se llamaba Atlaquauitl, el segundo Huicto, el terccro Opoc'.itli, el quarto Atlacol. Ebtos quatro seiiores se dividieron y apartaron de los denias y se lueron a vivir a este lugar del Tlatilulco, y segun opinion tenidos por hombres inquietos y re- voltosos y de malas intencioues, porque desde el dia que alii se pasaron nunca tuvi- eron paz ni se llevaron bien cou sus hermanos los mexioanos; la qual inquietud a ido de mano en mano hasta el dia de hoy, pues siempre a auido y ay bandos y rancor entre los unos y los otros." Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. VIII, p. 468), and Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. XII, p. 6-2), both are but concise repetilions of the above. Torquemada (Lib. III, cap. XXIV, pp. 294 and 2;)5), opposes both Acosta and Herrera, as well as the " Codex Ramirez,'" and substitutes a story about voluntary settlement of the Tlati- lulca on a sandy patch near by, but apart from the others, in consequence of the old grudge or feud already mentioned. There is but little difference between this version and the preceding, the act of secession, in botli, being voluntary. One singular fact is mentioned by Vetancurt {Paxt II, trat. I, cap, XI, p. 269), namely: that the Tlatilulca made a market-place for both parties. Otherwise (p. 2.57), he concurs with Torquemada. Granados y Galvez (Tarde 6a, p. 174), after saying that both " eran deudos y parientes unos con otros" adds " whether this division proceeded from past quarrels, or out of the incommodities which they suffered among canes and reeds; it is certain that they divided peaceably . . ." re2/p. 335 and 336). ''Kin of their own kin." In regard to this statement 1 beg to refer to one made by Veytia (Lib. 11, ca|). XV, p. 135) : " Some modern national writers say that this separa- tion did not occur precisely as between nobles and plebeyans, but that eight families RePOUT PEABt)DY MuSEUM, II. 38 595 Still, this low condition did not remain forever. The Tlatilnlca were in a measure " re-adopted " into the tribe. After this, they formed a fifth quarter, or " phratry," which Father Vetancurt (in 1690) mentions as containing six " parcialidades." But this re- habilitation never extinguished the fire of revenge kindled once among the Tlatilulca towards the Mexicans. The latter treated the former therefore, not as a tribe subject to tribute, but as a suspicious group, to which the rights and privileges resulting from consanguinity could not well be denied, but to which voice and vote in the leading councils should not be accorded. In this singular position, not strictly inferior, but evidently more "dis- tant," we find the Tlatilulca at Mexico at the time of the conquest. ^9 or tribes, in which there were of both kinds, were those who divided themselves from the rest." (See note 44.) It is much to be regretted tliat the eminent Mexican scholar has not given us the names of the.'^e "Algunos escritores nacionales modernos." 68 According to Durdn (Cap. XXXIV, p. 271), tliey remained in a degraded condition for 160 days at lea.st, or eight aboriginal months: ''yque les turase esta peiiitencia y castigo hasta los ochenta dias del segundo tributo." But they were, according to him, relieved ol it but conditionally : " y asi les quitauan aquellos enti edichos que e contado, los quales, en faltandoles, eran tornados ft poner." In order to comply with tlie de- mands of the Mexicans for slaves, the Tlatilulca were forced to carry arms again, so as to talie part in the wars. Tezozomoc (Cap. XLVI, p. 75) conflrms, but implies previously (p. 75) tliat the Tlatilulca were specially obligated to be the traders for Mexico: "y haveis de ser nuestros tratanto.s y mercadres en los tianguis de Huexot- zinco, TIaxcalan, Tlilinquitepec, Zacntlan, y Cholula." A similar punishment was meted out to them by •' Stern chief " the younger i the last Montezuma), after an unsuccess- ful campaign against Huexotzinco, Cholula, and Atlixco. Durdn (Cap. LIX, pp.468, 469), Tezozomoc (Cap. XCVI, p. 170). It is, besides, positively asserted by the former (p. 271) tliat the "medicine lodge," or temple of Tlatilulco, was closed thereafter, abandoned and left to ruin and decay (''y asi dice la ystoria questuvo hasta entonces Ueno de yerba y de vasura y caidas las paredes y dormitorios del "). It is, of course, confirmed by Tezozomoc (p. 75, cap. XLVI) : '-y asi fue que lo estiuvo niuchos anos hasta la venida que hizo Don Fernando Cortes, Marquis del Valle, en esta nueva Espafia, como adelante se dira, a que me refiere." It is somewhat diflicult to reconcile these statements with those of Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCII, pp. 88, 89, 90, 91, Vedia, Vol. II), and of Sr. Icazbulceta in Cervantes- Salazar (''Tres Dialogos," note 40 to 2d Dial., p. 201) to the eflect that Cortes visited that temple of Tlatilulco and found '' Stern chief " worshipping in it, and still more difficult is it to reconcile the relation of Ber- nal Diez with that of Andres de Tapia {" Relacion, etc., etc.," pp. 582-586, Col. de Doc. II), who, as an eye-witness too, deserves similar credit. Tlatilulco formed a qiuirter, a fifth great one, of Mexico at tlie time of the conquest. This is distinctly stated by Motolinia {Historia, etc., Trat. Ill, cap. VII, pp. 180 and 181), Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. XI, p. 93) conflrms Motolinia in general, (Lib. Ill, cap. XXIV, p. 295), Mendieta (Lib. Ill, cap. II, p. 182), " en el barrio Uamado Tlatelulco;" (Lib. IV, cap. XV, p. 414), "y el barrio se dice Tlatelulco," adding (p. 418) " que son del mismo pueblo de Tlatelulco; " (Cap. XVII, p. 428), ■' El convento de Santiago de Tlate- lulco que es como barrio de Mexico ; " (Cap. XXVIII, p. 466) , " pueblo de Tlatelulco ; " (Id., p. 483, Cap. XXIX). That this fifth great quarter was again divided into six smaller ones, is proven by Vetancurt ("Croiiica, etc.," pp. 207 and 212) : " Tiene cuatro religiosos que con el ministro colado admiuistran a mas de mil quinieutas personas en 596 This incident in Mexican history does not exhibit any features different from those found at the basis of tribal society, and it is not until the first decade of tlie sixteenth century tliat we are re- ferred to the period when aI)original institutions of ancient Mexico emerged from their former condition into tliat of political society proper and exhibited the features of rule as despotic as any on the three eastern continents. Even Robertson has so far yielded to this preconceived idea as to write, "This appearance of incon- sistency has arisen from in.'ittention to the innovations of Mon- tezuma upon the Mexican policy. His aspiring ambition subverted the original system of government, and introduced a pure despot- ism. He disregarded the ancient laws, violated the privileges held most sacred, and reduced his subjects of every order to the level of slaves." ^^ In general, many deeds, creditable and disreputable, are charged to that ill-starred "chief of men" of the Mexican tribe, whose tragical death has furnished a welcome topic to the most brilliant writers. " Wrathy chief" (Motecuzumah or Montezuma) was however innocent of mau}'^ or of the most, if seis parcialidades. que cada cual tiene sus bavrios." This is indefinite and vague, and we are still left in doubt as to whether there were only six or whether there were more. The words "each of whicli has its quarters" would indicate that each of these ''parci- alidades" was divided into smaller ones. Still, " parcialidad " and "baii'io" are re- garded as equivalent terms, and both signify /,i;is. The history of the capture of the Mexican pueblo has, in some details of the siege, preserved to us the names of some aboriginal "barrios" of Tlatilulco. Vetanctirt (Vol. II, Part. Ill, Trat. II, cap. VII, p. 194) mentions two of them : '-Yocacolco" (with tlie ermita of Santa- Ana) and "Ama- zac" (ermita of Sunta Lucia), the latter of which is again named (Cap. X. p. iOU) by him, and by Torquemada also. Torquemada gives a numberof names even : !Nonoluialco (Lib. IV, cap. XCIII, pp. 551, 552), Yacocalco (p. 552), Tlacuchcalco (p. 552), Amazac, Ooyonacazco (p. .552). This gives the names of five barrios of Tlatilulco. If to this we add " el Barrio, que se llama Xocotitlan, que es agora San Francisco, que por otro nombre se llama Cihuatecpan," (p. 552), we would have the sixtli quarter also. That the administration of Tlatilulco remained separate from that of Tenuchtitlan is proven by the fact that Montezuma was assisted by twenty cliiefs corresponding to the twenty kins of the Tenuchca o?;7?/, and without representation for tlie TIatilulca. See Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCV, p. 95, Vedia II). But the war-chief of Tlatilulco was present at the council. Thus " Itzquanhtin " is frequently mentioned as the com- panion of Montezuma. Saliagun (Lib. XII, cap. XVI, p. 24; cap. XVII, p. 25; cap. XXI, p. 28; cap. XXIII, p.. 31). Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. LXX. pp. 498,499). Vetancurt (Vol. II, cap. XV, Parte III, p. 132). Clavigero (Vol. II, Lib. IX. cap. XIX, p. 153). Of tlie hatred between Mexicans proper and TIatilulca the last days of the siege of Mexico furnish numerous instances. Botli Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. XCII, p. 550) and Vetancurt (Parte III, cap. VI of 2d Trat., p. 19.'5) mention the flight of the former into Tlatilulco as taking refuge among enemies. Finally the following passage is suffi- ciently plain: Z)M?-riM (Cap. XXXIV, p. 271), " E fne tanta la pertinacia de los Mexi- canos, que hasta que los espafioles vinieron a la tierra no les dejaron toruar d, liljertad uinguna, ni a tener tenipio particular." ^o'^History of America," (Oth Edition, 1800, Vol. Ill, Book VII, p. 291). 597 not all, of these good or bad actions, and this simply for the reason that he had not the power to commit them. Thns he is charged with remodelling his household, removing certain assistants, and filling the vacancies with "scions of noble stock," creating, at the same time, hereditary charges. It may be that, in the case of simple runners for instance, the "chief of men" held ample authority to select his men, consequently to remove them ; but it is certain that for an}- office of permanence with the kin or tribe, he had not the least discretionary power. How insignificant his influence even was, when severed from organized tribal govern- ment, is amply shown by his utter helplessness from the very moment that the Spaniards had once treated him as a fettered captive. 61 "1 The name is variously written "Mnlizuma," " Mntecznma," " iNIoctezuma," " Mon- tezuma," " Moctheuzoma," " Motecuhzoma; " and "■ Seiior sevevo," is tlie most current interpretation. On tlie tables of Durdn (Trat. I. Lam. 7, 8, 9, 21, 23, 23, 26) and in gen- eral, the " name" is painted as the head-dress ("Xiiihhuitzolli" ) of a chieftain, trans- pierced by an arrow. The etymology may be : "mo" — ''tiiine," "tecuhtli" — "chief," and "5uniale"— '-furious and wrathy " (^Molina, II, p. 28), therefore " wrathy chief," or "stern chief." Aside from the charges prefered against him by Ixtlilxochitl and his "school" of subverting gradually the basis of the confederacy, Mexican authors accuse hun of having revolutionized the institutions of his own tribe. These reports have been beautifully remodelled into classical English by Mr. Prescoit (•^Conquest of Mexico,'' Book II, cap. VI, pp. 809 and 310). Mr. H. H. Bancroft (Vol. V, pp. 4.57, 473, 474, 475, etc.). is equally careful in reproducing all such tales, or a resume thereof, in a shape more palatable to refined and impressionable readers. The substance of these accusations becomes, however, reduced to the following statements, as expressed by Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIII, pp. 145 and 146): "He said once to Zihuacoatl Tilpotonqui : I have thought it might be well to cliange the manner in which the chiefs and messengers sliould be selected and to establish a different way from that introduced under my uncle Ahuitzotl. Let those serving within their life- time, be dismissed and others put in theii- places, elected from the four quarters of Moyotlan, Teopan, Aztacualco, and Cuepopan, — which shall be children of chiefs, and shall stay at the hueliuecalli, or houses of the community, with the chief-steward dwelling near liy. Some of the principals of this tribe now have sons, begotten from slaves, now — these are ]>rincipals, and let them become delegates (ambassadors, mes- sengers, '• embajadores "), and not be cast aside for a miserable macehual who becanse he is Tequihua, Cacauhtli, or Cuachic, Otomies, should therefore be set over the principal Mexican cliiefs, and the sous of head-chiefs (Kings, "reyes") ...... What I want is to bring forth those children of chieftains, which have been forgotten so long, and that such as held the office under the chief Ahuitzotl and your father Zihuacoatl may return to rest Zihuacoatl then called together the council : "al palacio comun," and submitted to them this suggestion, "of which they were all satis- fled." With this resolution Zihuacoatl went to the chief and said: I do not want them to be of age now, but only ten or twelve years old, that they may be instructed properly, and become skilled in speaking, well disposed, like unto pages to the chief- tain. When they had come before Zihuacoatl, as second person of the chief, he made along speech to them concerning their line of conduct: Every day you shall attend to Hnitzilopochtli and to the chief, rising early for orations, and doing the same at niglitfall, to become expert in the ways of penitence and sacrifice. Then you shall cleanse the temple, and the chief-house, afterwards have it swept before he conies 598 It is therefore vain to look for any important change in the institutions of the ancient Mexicans even at this third and latest date, which was the last chance, so to say, if any at all, for such out. Keep your dresses clean and in order, also his own dress and ornaments; his tress, mednl, and chain; also every five days his blow-tube and bow, that he may recreate himself with it. Attend to him at meal-time, morning and evening, serving him with cacao, roses, perfumes, with much humility and respect, never looking into his face under pain of death. Take care that the cooking be well done, and that tlie stewards provide for evei-ything. But, while there you stay, beware, for many women of worth are seen there, and to whose needs you have also to attend, — watch your behavior, for should you attempt anything against them, you and your relations will be driven off, and if you commit any bad action with any of these women, your fiithers houses will be razed, salt strewn over their ruins, and you and your lineage must perish." At the close of this and other (less important) talk^'it is said : " and in course of time they became so well bred, refined, and instructed, and skilful, that they were of the most prominent chieftains and leading men in this house and court." Durdn (Cap. LIT, pp. 416-122) does not fail to confirm the statements of Tezozomoc, extending, however, the removals to nearly all the offices : " asi en el servicio de sus casa y per- sona, como en el regimen de la provincia y reyno" (p. 417); also excluding illegitimate offspring (" nengun bastardo "), and giving a number of more or less pertinent details. He even asserts that the officers of the kins were removed. In short, he represents it as the introduction of absolute despotism, surrounding at tlie same time the tlirone by a powerful nobility. Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. 21. p. 505) and Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. II, cap. XIV, p. 66), " porque raand6, que no le sirviesen sino nobles, i que la Gente Ilustre estuviese en su Palacio, i exercitase oflcios de su Casa, i Corte." Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. LIX, p. 196), Vetancurt (Part IT, Trat. I, cap. XIX. p. 328). and others, confirm, although in a more concise style than the first named authors. It is evident that all these authors must have gathered from the same source, wliich cannot be Sahagun, nor MotoUnia. neither MencUeta. nor any of the known conquerors. The story, as told and detailed bj^ Duran, presupposes a class of liereditary nobles, already formed and in full vigor, but excluded in part from tenure of office or ratlier sharing such right of tenure equally witli those of the common class. Tliis is distinctly acknowledged by Tezozomoc, and more particularly yet by Duran himself: " y niudar todos los que su tio Auitzotl auia puesto y de los que se aula servido, porque munchas dellos eran de baxa suerte y hijos de hombres baxos," p. 417, etc. Now I have proven (•'Teimre of Lands, pp. 419. 420, 421, etc., to p. 448) that there was no privileged class based on tenure of the soil. The revolution assumed presupposes that there was, up to the last "wrathy chief," no class of nobles in exclusive possession of the offices, consequenllj-, even if the " clilef of men " in question had any inclination or desire to oust the ''com- mon people" from their official positions, tlie main desideratum, namely, the "uncom- mon " ones wherewith to replace them, and for wliose benefit tlie whole affair was planned, were not on hand. For nobility not based on hereditary ownership, or heredi- tary command of some kind, is no nobility at all. As far as heredity of office is con- cerned, Duran himself is one of the most powerful witnesses against it (e. g., Cap. LXIV, pp. 498 and 499). If, therefore, ''wrathy chief" created a class of privileged office-holders about tlie year 1503, it must have been very short-lived, for it was cer- tainly out of existence sixteen years later, at the beginning of tlie Spanish conquest. The version of Tezozomoc is evidently the correct one, and thus the whole story dwindles down to the selection of ceitain boys, probably of his own kin, for llie special service of the tribal house of government, which took place tcith the knowledge and consent of the council only. WhetheF this act. if converted into a custom, might have gradually merged into prevalence of a certain kin over the rest, is another question, which tlie intervening conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards, has left without decisive answer. About the helplessness of Montezuma while a captive, see authors on the Conquest in general. 599 a revolution before the advent of Europeans. We are conse- quently, by this investigation of the history of aboriginal Mex- ico, justified in claiming the state of its society to be as yet exclusively tribal. Tribal societ}^ presupposes equality of rights among all members of the kins composing the tribe. Hence it follows that "caste" and hereditary rank could not exist, that there could not be any division, among the ancient Mexicans, into higher and lower classes, into "nobles" and "common people," or into hereditaiy professions or vocations like " priests," " warriors," " merchants," "artisans," and " tillers of tlie soil." In vindication however of our assertion, which might otherwise appear as too sweeping, we may be permitted here to dwell at some greater length on this particular question. Nobility is based upon hereditary privilege of some kind. Either it consists in landed propert}^ with hereditability of title and (at least originally) office, or in a hereditary charge alone, or privilege or power over others transmitted with the blood. While the former has become more usually known and is therefore regarded as characteristic, the latter, always accompanied by " loose wealth " at least, is still found among pastoral nations. ^^ It may even have been the incipient form of the other. Now, among the ancient Mexicans, we have seen that : — 1. The notion of abstract ownership of the soil, in any shape, had not yet arisen. 2. Individuals, whatever might be their position or office, with- out any exception, had but a right to use certain tracts, and no possessory rights, even, to land were attached to any office or dignity. 3. No office itself, whether of the kin or tribe, was hereditary'' in any family, since the Mexican family, as such, was yet in but a nascent state. ''^ 4. Futhermore loose propert^^ was subject to such diminutions occasioned by the mode of worship, ^^ and especially of burial, ^^ 62 The Arabs for instance. See Kremer ('^ Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islam" J. 63 For these three points see " Tenure of Lands" in general, and pp. 447-18 in par- ticular. 6^ MotoUnia (Trat. I, cap. IV, p. 31). " Otros trabajaban y aiiquirian dos 6 tres afios cuanto podian, para liacer una fiesta al demonic, y en ella no solo gastaban cuanto tenian, mas aun se adeudaban, de raanera que tenian que servir y trabajar otio aiio y aun otros dos para salir de deuda; . . ." 600 that it could not accumulate so as to exert any influence in the hands and in behalt oi any individual or of his immediate rela- tives. Consequently, aboriginal Mexico could have neither nobility nor patriciate, and when such a privileged class does not exist, it is useless to seek for another to which the term " unprivileged" or "common" can be applied. In a future essay we shall attempt to prove that the Mexicans had no hereditary caste of " medicine men" or priests. We have elsewhere shown tliat there was no caste of warriors. ^^ xhe mode of Tenure and distribution of the soil precludes all possibility of the existence of a permanent class of ''tillers." It yet remains to cast a glance at the so-called artisans, and at the traders or " merchants." Neither of these two professions were held to personal improve- ment of their garden lots (" tlalmilli ") but, like officers, they could have them improved by others under their names and for their benefit.'^''' The statement of Zurita " that a quarter was composed of all kinds of people" ^^ disposes of the opinion, that such quarters contained each but members practising a single trade. Thus there was no geographical agglpmeration by pro- fessions.^^ Again, no rule existed enforcing or establishing here- ditament in kind of work, or manner of sustenance. The son might embrace, at his choice, his father's occupation, but nothing ^"^ Compare the burial rites of the Mexicans as reported by the majority of old sources. 0" "Art of War " (p. 98, notes 8, 9, 40). Zurita " Rapport," (p. 48), " lis ^taient tenus seulement an service militaire, pour lequel aucune excuse n'etait admise." 6' " Tenure of Lands " (p. 42(5, note 98). Consult the authorities therein quoted. 68" Rapport" (p. 224). 6^ It is mostly on the authority of Sahagun (Lib. IX, vol. II), that the settlement by professional clusters is admitted. Ixtlilxochitl (" Histoire dea ChichimSques," Cap. XXXVIII, pp. 2(i2 and 2(i3. " Duodecima Relacion," p. 388, Kingsborough, Vol. IX) also Bays that, at Tezcuco, each profession had its own quarter in the pueblo. But an attentive reading of the first author named (Cap. XVIII, p. 392), where he treats of the featliervvorkers " De los oflciales que labran pluma, que hacen pltimajes, y otras cosas de la misnia," satisfies us at once of the fact, that the venerable author only refers to worship of certain idols in a certain quarter, and not to compulsory residence therein, of certain kinds of working men. Nowhere does he say that the "Amantecas " wer a?i featherworkers. He mentions a barrio "Amatlan" or "Amantla." Might it be the "Amanalc.o" of Vetancurt? Compare also Torquemada (Lib. VI, cap. XXX, pp. 59 and 60), Motolinia (Trat. I, cap. XII, pp. 67 and 68). " Kl conquistador. Jnonimo" (Col. de Doc. Vol. I). " Le piazze de i mercati," (pp. 392 and 393). although concerning tlie markets exclusively. Herrera (Dec. III. lib. IV, p. 138. cap. 138), " i estos andaban por los Barrios, porque en ellos havia de todo genero dc gentes." Copied after Zurita Vetancurt (Part II, Trat. I, cap. IV), Claxngero (Lib. VII, cap. LI, p. 561). 601 compelled him to do it J" It is true, that such as formed gold or silver into pleasing or (as viewed from eastern notions of taste) rather striking shapes, enjoyed some particular consideration ; but this was not so much in deference to their skill, as to the m((ier?-a^ upon which they exerted it. Gold ("teo-cuitlatl") and silver (" Iztac-teo-cuitlatl") were regarded as "offal of gods." Thus they became objects of " medicine," and those who wrought them into useful or decorative articles, were near to the "medicine- men " themselves,'''! Furthermore, the manner and method of working was so slow, it relied so exclusively upon that patient disregard of time which characterizes even the manufacture of a simple arrowhead, that no accumulation of wealth could result from it.'''^ Besides, the artisan had, like any other member of the kin, to furnish his share towards the requirements of public '0 Zurita (" Rapport, etc ," p. 1'29). " Les chefs inferieurs et les personnes du peuple 61evaient aiissi leurs enfaiits avec beauconp de soin, leur inspiraient I'horreur du vice, leuv i-econimandaient le respect des dieux, les condiiisaient aux temples et les faisaient travailler suivant leurs dispositions; cependant, en general, le tils enibrassait la pro- fession de son pere." Gomara (" Conquista, etc.," Vedia, Vol. I, p. 438). " Los pobres ensenabaii a sus hijos sus oflcios, no porque no tuviesen libertad par;i mostralles otro, eino porque los aprendiesen sin gastar con ellos." Carlos Maria de Bustamante. Tezcoco en los ultimas Tiempos de sus aniiguos Reyes," 1826. Parte tercera, (Cap. Ill, p. 212). "Ensenaban ademas los ofloios a que tenian aflcion " Claoigero (Lib. VII, cap. V, p. 4«2). <'The sons generally learned the trade of their lutucis," but they were not bound to do it, and therefore no •' caste." 'iTlie words are composed of: "Iztac," white object {Molina II, p. 49), "Teotl"' god (II, p. 101), "Cuitlatl" filth, therefore gold was '-offal of God," and silver, "white oflfal of God." The working of gold and silver was regarded, by the Mexicans, as an invention of "Quetzalcohuatl." Sahagun (Lib. Ill, cap. Ill, p. 243), " y los vasallos que tenia erau todos oflciales de artes mecanicas, y diestros para labrar las piedras verdes, que se llaman chalchivites, y tambien para fundir plata, y hacer otras cosas; y estas artes todos tuvieron principio y origen de 1 dicho Quetzalcoatl " (Also Lib. X, cap. XXIX, p. ll;i, etc.) Theft of gold or precious stones was punished by death through sacrifice. Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XVII, p. 487). Vetancurt (Parte Ila, Trat. 1°, p. 484. '• Leyes do los Mexicanos"). '2 A very remarkable way of manufacturing their most admired works — those made of feathers — is reported by Mendieta (Lib. IV, cap. XII, pp. 405 and iOH): "And there is, besides, something else to notice of this featherwork, namely: that if there are twenty artisans, they will undertake jointly the manufacture of one piece ('• imagen"), for, dividing among themselves tlie figure of the image in as many parts as there are of their number, each one takes his piece home and finishes it there. Afterwards they all meet again and put their pieces together, thus finishing tlie figure in as perfect a manner as if one alone had made the whole." (Copied by Torquemada, Lib. XIII, cap. XXXIV, p. 489, and, with slight variations, also by Vetancurt, Vol. I, p. S89.) In regard to the manner of working, Torquemada (Lib. XIII, cap. XXXIV, p. 487), makes the pertinent remark : "All this they worked (as we have said) with other stones, and with flint; and according to the subtlety of the work, I think they must have spent long time in finishing it." See in general E. B. Tylor {•^Researches into the Early History of Mankind," Cap. VII, pp. 187 and 188), also Motolinia (Ti-at. I, cap. IV, pp. 81 and 32), 602 life:^^ hence little was left to him be3'ond his legitimate wants. We see thus, that hardly any chance was given for the formation of a class which, resting upon the kind of occupation, might assume the position of "caste" in the organization of aboriginal Mexican society. It is repeatedly asserted, and on high authority, that the mer- chants or traders of Mexico enjoyed particular privileges. We must premise here that merchants, in the sense of venders of other people's manufactures or products (thus living off" of the difference between cost and proceeds) were known only in one way.''''* The name for merchant was "man who exchanges one ''^ That the artisans or mechanics contributed a portinn of their wares in the shape of tribute, is amply proven. See for instance, Oviedo (Lib. XXXITI, cap LI, p. 530. Easily misunderstood!) This passage of Oviedo explains tl;e action of '' wrathy chief" towards the "jewellers " and " goldsmitlis " at the arrival of Cortes, as related by Tezozomoc, Duran, and by Sahagun. See also: Zurita (" Rapport, etc.," p. 223). Bustamante (" Tezcoco, etc.," Parte III, cap. V, p. 232). Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XVII, p. 13S). Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XV, p. 480). Bancroft (Vol. Ill, cap. VI, pp. 231 and 232). '*The existence of currency, or of money, in ihe shape of grains of cacao, T shapen pieces of tin or copper, and quills filled with gold dust is generally admitted. See for instance, Prescott (■■ Conquest of Mexico" Book IV, cap II. )). UO). H. H. Bancroft (Vol. II, cap. XII, pp. 381, 382, and 383). Cacao played, among the ancient Mexicans, the same role as "wampum" did among tlie northern Indians, for purposes of ex- change, but did not go beyond it. In regard to the so-called copper or tin coins, or rather marks or checks, it is well to examine the matter more closely, Cortes (" Carta Quarta" in Vedia I, p. Ill), says very positively that at Tachco, he obtained sundry small pieces of tin like very thin money ("S, mauera de moneda muy delgada"), which he indeed foimd to have been used as currency by the natives, (" hallo que en dicha provincia, aun en otras, se trataba por moneda "). Bernal Diez (Cap, XCII, p. 89, Vedia II) mentions axes of " brass, copper, and tin " ("hachas de laton y cobre y estaiio"), bartered at the market place of Tlateliilco, " and before we left tins square (" plaza ") we met with other traders, who from what they said, sold gold in grains as they obtained it from the mines, and enclosed in quills of the geese of the land, and so thin (" asi blancos" so white) that the gold might be seen, and by the lengtli and size of the quills they determined how many mantles or " jiquipiles " (bags of 8000 grains) of cacao they were worth, or slaves, or any other things for which they bartered it," ("6 otra qualquier cosa a que lo trocaban"). Gomara (" Conquista, etc.," pp. 348 and 349). "Hut the chief one is cacahuatl, which serves as coin, , . ." "Their buying and selling consists in exchanging one thing for another. , . ." (Id., p. 4.51). "No tenian moneda, teniendo inucha plata, oro y cobre, y sabieiidolo hundir }• labrar, y contratando mucho en ferias y mercados. Su moneda usual y corriente es cacauatl 6 cacao." Oviedo (Lib. VIII, cap. XXX, iip. 316, 317. Lib. XXXIll, rap. LI, p. 53(5) mentions only cacao as currency. Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. XIV, p. 2(i0). " It was customary at these marts ('en estos mercados') to exchange ("trocar') one thing for another, and even nowadays this is sometimes practised; but everywhere cacao is most commonly used. In otiier parts they used, besides, some small mantles which they call Patol- quaclitli Elsewliere they used plentifully some copper coins, almost like unto (" de liechura") a Tau T, two or three fingers wide and made of thin plates (•' plan- cliuela") some thicker, other less thick. Where tliere was much gold (" doude avia mucho Oro"), small quills filled with it, circulated among the Indians," ("tiaian nnos Canutillos de ello, y andaba entre loa ludios mucho de esto"). Alonzo Zuazo (" Carta 603 tiling for another" ("tlanamacani"),'^^ ^nd such was every arti- san, since, in the market phice of aboriginal Mexico, every artisan bartered his own manufactures for whatever he needed for sub- al Padre Fray Luis de Figueroa." Santiago de Cuba, It Nov., 15'21. Col. de Doc. Vol. I, p. o61). "Hay una nioneda entre ellos con que venden y compraii, que se llama cac.diuate, . . ." Anonymous Conqueror (p. 380, etc.) mentions Cacao, "e e moneta la pin comiine, nia niolto incomoda dopo I'ovo e I'argento .... Acosta (Lib. IV, cap. 3, p. 198) •' Xo se halln. que los Indios usassen oro, ni plata, ni metal jiaia moneda, ni para precio de la cosas, nsauanlo para ornato, como csta diclio." The statement of Torquemada is plain. While it explains the gradual ascent and development of the notion that the Mexicans had an equivalent to money, it clearly proves that only barter and exclianue, and no actual l)uying, toolc place. Tlie coiiper-plates which, as Mr. Ban- croft justly lemarks, " constituted perhaps the nearest appi'oach to coined money," still wore not intended even for such a purpose, since they were of varying size and tiui'knes.s. But the .stoi-y of tlie copper or golden ^'Eagles" given to the Mexican traders as money wherewith to buy, as faithfully reported and gravely discussed by Mr. Ban- croft also, deserves some special ventilation. This story is taken from Sahagun {Lih. JX, (^ap. II, p. 3f2) " y dabales 1600 toldillos, que ellos Uaman quauhtli para rescatar." Tliese toldillos they divided into two parts of 800 each. Now Sahagun's editor, Sr. C. M. de Bustamante, very confidently asserts in note a, (p. 3-12): "Era una moneda que consistiaen unos pedazos de cobre cortados en ligui'a de T. — Clavigero, torn. I, pag. 340." The reference to Clavigero is for Lib. VII, cai). XXXVI. Now "Toldillo" is derived fiom " toldar" that is, to shroud or cover, and means merely a cover, and not a ])iec,e of mclal. Used al.so for a covered litter or portable chair. Besides, "quauhtli" indeed signiiies Ktijile, but it is an evident misprint and should read "quachtli," which signifies a mantle or sAee^, thus perfectly agreeing both with the "toldillo" and with tlie " patolquachtli " of Torquemada. Tlie '-golden eagles" of Mr. Brasseur are therefore rendered utterly useless. Anyone reading Tezozomoc will see at a glance what a conspicuous part these mantles "Quachtli," {!S[oUna. II, p. 84) played in intercourse and barter. According to Jiami'ez de Fuenlcal (Letter, etc.. Col. de Doc's cone, le Mexique, I, p. 251) they Ibrmed to a certain extent the basis of tribute. These cotton-sheets are well described by Peter Martyr (" De nouo Orhe.'" Dec. V., cap. X, p. 230) : "Concerning the shape and fashion of their garments, it is ridiculous to behold: they call it a garmente, because they coiier themselves therewith, but it hath no resemblance with any other garment, of any fashion : it is only a square couering like unto that, whicli your holiness cast on your shoulders, sometimes in my presence, when you are about to kimbe your heade, to pi'eserve your garments, least haire, or any other filth should I'al upon them. That i'ouering they cast about their necke, and then knitting two of the four corners under their throate. they lette the couering hang downe, which scarce couereth the bodie as lowe as the legges. Having seen these garments I ceased to wonder, that so great a number of garments was sent to Cmtes, as we mentioned before: lor they are all of sm.ill moment, and many of them take uppe but little roome." With the absence of money the profession of merchant as one who lives from the profits of his sales, becomes Imi'ted almost to what he can gather from outside of his own community, in other words, to what he can import. Their main and almost exclu- sive business consisted in effecting intercourse between the tribes. At home, every artisan sold or rather exchanged his own wares in the public markets. See Cortes {"Carta Segunda," Vedia I, pp. 32 and ;^3), Bernal Dies {•'Hist, verdad.," etc., Vedia II, p. 8!), cap. XCH), Gomara {•' Conquista," p. 348, Vedia I), "Cfida oflcio y cada mercade- ria tiene su lugtr seiialado . . . .", Sahagun (Lib. X, cap. XVI, p. 41), "El que vende piedras preciosas, 6 lapidaiio es de esta propiiedad, que sabe labrar sutilmente las pie- dras preciosas y pulirlas. . . ." Ho mentions as manufacturers of their own goods tiie following: "plateros de oro" (41), "Tratantes en niKntas" (Cap. XVII, 42), "que venden mantas," "que venden cotai-as" (Cap. XX, pp. 48, 49 and 51), "olleros," " que 4* 604 sistance. Another name for the same profession was " man who takes more than he gives" "tiamicqui,""^^ a surname or slur. Lastly they were called " puchtecatl."^''' It is with this title that traders appear, among the ancient Mexicans, as privi- leged people. But such the}^ became always only under peculiar circumstances. At certain intervals of time a number of men gathered, forming a company for the purpose of visiting the market places of other tribes and exchanging their home products for those of distant regions. Such an enterprise was always a great venture, and required a peculiar organization. The par- ticipants were to be numerous enough to resist the assaults of straggling bands, but the\' sliould not appear so numerous as to arouse suspicion. They should be well aimed, but at the same time anxious to avoid collision. They needed a certain number of carriers, not only for the wares which they took along, but for their supplies, still the number of these carriers could not be too great. Such an expedition was in reality not a private, but a tribal undertaking. Its members not onlj' carried into distant countries the industrj'^ of their tribe, but they also had to observe the customs, manners, and resources of the people whom they visited. Clothed with diplomatic at- tributes, they often were less traders than sjnes. Thus the}^ cautiously felt their way from tribe to tribe, from Indian fair to Indian fair, exchanging their stuflf for articles not produced at home, all the while carefully noting what might be important to their own tribe. It was a highly dangerous mission. Frequently they never returned, being waylaid, or treacherously butchered even while enjoying the hospitality of a pueblo in which they had been bartering. The safe return however of such a party to the pueblo of Mexico was always an important and joyful event. The recep- tion was sometimes, in solemnity of exercises and in barbarous venden comales," "que veiiden cestos," " que vende petacas" (Cap. XXIII, p. 56, etc.), "oflcial de navajas," "Lo? que hacen esteras " (Cap. XXIV, p. 69). In general, nearly all tlie aboriginal manufacturers are mentioned by him also as selling tbe products of their industry, and vice versa. H. H. Bancroft (Vol. II, pp. 3S3 and 38+, cap. XII). "* Molina (" Vocabulario " Parte la, p. SI). •' Tlanamacac," "tendero," " a vendedor de algo," Parte Ila, p. 127 ; " nite-tlananiictia," " dar o trocar iina cosa per otra, o recom - pensar " (p. 137, II). Exchange and sale appear almost synonymous. '6 Molina (Parte la, p. 81), From '' nite-tiamicaquitia," " mohatrar " (II, p. ll'i). ''T Molina (I, 84), .llso (11, 83, 84). Salmyun (Lib. IX, cap. Til, )). 318, cap. V, pp. 354, 355, cap. X, p. 373, etc.), calls them also: " naoaloztonieca," literally " (leddlars of the Nahuatl." Molina (II, p. 78). The derivation of both words I am unable to give. 605 pomp, second only to that of the tribal forces returning from a successful campaign or foray. The traders went first to the central place of worship, there to stoop before the idols in token of tidoration. From the great "medicine-lodge" the band re- paired to the " tecpan," where they met the council of the tribe and its leading officers. Sometimes in presence of a concourse of people, and again if required, in "secret session" the traders communicated, for the benefit of the tribe, any results of their explorations. After this their particular quarters gave them ap- propriate receptions also, and in some instances even the whole tribe celebrated their return with solemn dances, and a distri- bution of victuals corresponding to what in our time would be called a popular feast. In order to realize tlie substantial results of such expeditions we must bear in mind, that whatever they brought back had to be carried by men. As already intimated, the number of these men was limited. They could not, without jeopardizing the object of their mission or enterprise, take large bodies of assist- ants along. Besides, as these assistants also had to carry their own food, providing for many journeys through uncultivated (" neutral ") wastes, this also restricted the amount of material brought home. However precious that material might be to the Mexican tribe, it was certainly limited in quantity. Finally, custom demanded that the most highly priced articles should be offered up to worship, to tlie stores of the tribe and of the kins. Little material gain therefore, remained to the courageous trav- ellers themselves. The proceeds of their enterprise were largely for the benefit of the community and the reward bestowed upon them by that community rather than the profits derived from any traflSc, composed the personal gain of the participants. This re- ward consisted of presents out of the public stores, and especially in the marks of distinction bestowed upon them. Thus the so-called "merchants" of ancient Mexico became equivalent to distinguished braves, and their deeds entitled them frequently to the rank of chiefs. But if, on one hand, they had no opportunity to secure anything like personal wealth, on the other the rewards of merit did not attach to their offspring. No class of traders, no caste of merchants, can therefore have existed, and if a certain well-earned consideration attached itself to the person of those who embraced occasionally such a hazardous 606 and important occupation, this consideration did not go beyond the persons themselves, and was in proportion to the value of the acliievements.''''* '8 Prescott {'^Conquest," Book I, cap. V, p. 147). Bancroft (Vol. II, cap. XII, p. 387, etc.). Bastian ('•Cultuilaender," Vol. 11, pp. (597 and G98) and others like Brasseur de Bourhourg {'^Histoire des Nations civiliseex du Mixique'et de V Amirique Centrale" 18.57- 1859. Paris, Vol. HI, p. G12, etc.), have given more or less detailed descriptions of tlie Mexican mode of traffic and commerce. Among the older sources, and those whieli necessarily formed tlie basis of my imperfect sketch, the leading position is occupied by Father Sahagun (Lib. IX, Vol. II, ''Historia general de la Cosas de Nuei-a-Espaha). From these statements we gather, what has already been said (note 58), that the Tlati- lulca were the leading traders (Cap. I, pp. 3;!5, 33()), and that they weie organized and directed by particular chiefs of their own. Tlie venerable father is not very clear in the matter of these particular officers, as (Cap. I) he names first two (p. 335), then five (p. 337, cap. II), and lastly (Lib. X, cap. XVI, p. 40), one: "'Seuor 6 Principal entre ellos," whom he calls: " puchtecatlailotlac, 6 acxotecatl, que es tanto, como si dijesemos que es gobernador de los mercaderes, y estos dos nombres y otros muchos que estan puestos en la letra, se atribuyen al cpie es mayor principal gobernador 6 seiior 6 qi;e es casi padre y madre de todos los mercaderes." (Lib. IX, cap. Ill, i)p. 348 and 349), he speaks of " the princiiials." " los mercaderes viejos " as '' speakers of the traders" '' pochtecatlatoque." Further on (Cai). X, p. 372), he speaks of Lhe " poch- tecatlailotlac " as the princii)als. We must infer Irom tliis that there were a ^lumber of these leading traders, and not one chief ol' the "caste." This evidence or rather indi- cation of a possible separate organization .is not noticed by Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. XXVII, p. 586), who simply speaks of the '-old traders who reriiained at the pueblo." Clavigero (Lib. VII. cap. XXXVIII, pp. 52ti and 527) merely mentions the older and the younger traders, but says nothing of a peculiar organization. It is singular, besides, that those authors or more properly chroniclers, in whose annals of jNIexican warfare the Mexican traders play a very conspicuous part, make no mention at all of this peculiar caste-like organization which Sahagim seems to impl}'. Those authors are Durdn and Tezozomoc. (In tliis instance I need not resort to detailed quo- tations, since the lelerences in their works are far too numerous). Furthermore, Zurita, who is very detailed in his " liapport." or rather as the full tiile has it '• Breve y Suinaria Relacion de los Senores, y nianeras y diferencias que luihia de ellns en la Sueva Espana," while enumerating carefully the ditterent kinds of chiefs and officers, is rather reticent about any such organization of tlie n'.erchants. Compare for instance, p. 223, where he distincllj' says that, they had a chief to treat with the " Lords and gov- ernors" in tlteir name, and p. 240, wliere he incidentally mentions a "chief of the merchants" only. Sahagun goes further yet, however, in stating (Lib. IX, cap. V, pp. 35G and 357), that the merchants had their own jurisdiction over themselves, apart from that of the tribe or kin : ' y los seiiores mercaderes que regian a los otros, tenian pov su jurisdicion y judicatoria, y si alguno de estos hacian algun delito, no los Uevabaii delante de los senadores a que ellos los juzgasen; sino que estos mismos que eran seiiores de los otros mercaderes juzgaban las causas de todos por si ; si alguno incuri-ia en pena de muerle ellos le sentenciaban, y niataban 6 en la carcel, 6 en su casa, 6 en otra parte segun que lo tenian de costumlire." This he distinctly applies to the " pochtecas " of Tlatilulco, and to the time wlien " wrathy chief" (Montezuma the last), was at the head of the Mexicans. Not content with this he relates (Cap. II, pp. 339-342), how the merchants of Tlatilulco alone conquered several tribes, subjecting them to tribute for the benefit of the Mexicans. In all these statements Father Sahagun stands quite alone, and, if not directly contradicted, he is, at least so unsupported As to make his reports rather doubtful so far as they concern the organization and power of these traders as a distinct class. The stoiy has a suspiciously Tlatilnlcan coloring. Com- pare note 58. It is interesting to note, in connection with this, that .Sahagun derived the information, the which he laid down in his '-Historia general," almo&t exclusively GOT After this review of the question of stratification, so to saj', among the ancient Mexicans, it may appear strange on our part from Tlatilvlcan sources (" Prologo," pp. 4 and 5, Vol. I). This diminishes necessarily in tliis instance, the value of his otherwise very full and highly important Xestimony. The existen( e of such a body, powerful tlirough wealth as well as through mental and intellectual faculties would, even as much as nobility, at once have destroyed the tribe as such, by breaking up the kins. The inconsistency of such a picture with the historical facts is glaring, and is shown even by the statements of modern wiiters. Compare for instance, Mr. H. H. Bancroft's statement of the condition of Tiatilulco after its cai)ture by tlie Mexicans (Vol. V, p. 431), •' lieavy tributes were imijosed, in- cluding niiiny special taxes and menial duties of a humiliating nature" with his description of tlie state of its "merchant princ-es" (Vol. II, pp. 880 and 881). One fact is evident; if the traders formed occasionally, lor certain purposes, clustei's of their own, the)^ selected their own leaders or directors and this was the case with trading ex- peditions as well as with feasts. See on feasts: Sahagun, Lil). IX, cap. Ill to XIV inclusive, lAh. I, cap. XIX, pp. 39 to 3-2. Motulinia. Trat. I, cap. VIII. p. 47. Acosta, lAb. V, cap. XXiX, p. 889, etc. Torquemada, Lib. VJ. cap. XXVUI, i)p, .57 and 58. Lib. XIV, cap. XXVII, pp. dSH and .587. Claviyero, Lib. VI, cap. VTI, p. 860. Lib. VII, cap. XXXVIII, p. 520, etc., and otliers. But as to any separate, permanent government of their own, this rests exclusively upon the authority of Sahagun, whereas it is amply proven, on the other hand, that any crime committed in trade or barter, was summarily disposed of by the regular officers of the kin or tribe without regard to tlie traders or merchants. Wo sliall furnish the evidence in regard to this point in another note. That the "pochtecas" occupied but one calpulli, that of Pochtlan, is also disproved, and even by Sahagun himself (Lib. I. cap. XIX, p. 31). "En este calpulli donde se contaba el mercader." (Lib. IX, cap. Ill, p. 347) : "respondiante los mercadercs prin- cipales de los barrios que son uno que se llama Pochtlan, otro Aoachtlaii, y otro Atlauhco come esta en laletra")- (Cap. Ill, p. 349) "convidaban a solos los merca- deres de su bariio; pues el que habia de ir por capitan de la C(mipaiiia de los que iban, no solamente convidaba ft los de su barrio, sino tambien a los que habiau de ir con el." Also by ^urita C'Jhippm-t," etc., pp. 223 and 224). Lastly tlie question of wealth amassed in such quantities as to become an influen- tial power in the merchants' hands, is also summarily disposed of by Sahagun. How- ever often he speaks of riches gathered by them, the following quotations show how it must be understood : (Lib. IX, cap. II, p. 338, Speech of one ol the traders) "Cuando lleguemos ft nuestro tieira, sera tiempo de usar los barbotes de anibar, y las oregeras que se llaman quetzalcoyolnacohtli, y los aventaderos y ojeadores de nijscas, las man- ias ricas que hemos de traer, y los maxtles preciados, solo esto sera nuestra paga, y la seiial de nuestra valentia," (p. 841) '' y que las otras presias que les dio que arriba se dijeron, solo ellos las usasen en las grandes flestas . . . ." It thus appears that hoard- ing of any actual n-ealth was not to be expected. The lack of currency alone made it almost impossible for want of space, and gold and silver being only used lor orna- mental purjjoses and as a part of •' medicine," we should mistake in expecting any- thing like "treasures." Here, as anywhere else, tlie supply was regulated by the demand, and this demand was in turn created by the numbers of the population, and by the use made of the metal. Since the latter was used only in a few ways, tliis had its efl"ect on ilie amount also. Another cause, which is not sufficiently estimated, is found in the fact that carriers had to be used for everytliing, including food. Now, even if thousands went along (of which there is hardly any proof), the load of each hardly exceeded sixty pounds: " y dalian ft cado uno de estos que tenian alquilados, para que Uevasen acuestas la carga que tenian sefialada, y de tal manera las compara- ban que no eran muy pesadas" (Cap. Ill, p. ;i50, Lib. IX). Don Antonio de Mendoza {"Avis sur les prextations personnelles etles Tamemes, \er Kecueil of Ternaux-Coin)jans), says in 1.550, "Tliey must not carry any loads htavier than two arrobas," or about lifly pounds. Bartolome de las Casas (''Brevissima relacion de la destruijcion de los Y71- dias," Venetia, 1(J43, Italian and Spanish, 11. 101), complains of three to four arobas or 608 to concede, that nevertheless there were two very distinct classes within the area occupied by the tribe enjoying each a very dif- ferent quality of rights. Now equality of rights is the fun- damental principle of kinship ('^ if therefore there was a body connected with the tribe whose rights and privileges were inferior, it follows that the members of this body must have stood outside seventy-flve to one hundred pounds, as an excessive load. Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XL, p. 529), sixty pounds. To conclude, I advert to the fact that the traders were held to tribute and especially to offerings for worship, as strictly as any other members of the tribe. I merely refer to Herrera (Dec. Ill, Lib. IV, cap. XVII, p. 138), who embodies in a few words the statements of other writers. Motolinia (Ti-at. I, cap. IV, p. 76), "No se desvelan en adquirir riquezas," and further on to p. 77 ; also (Trat. I, cap. IV, p. 31), " otros trabajii ban y adquirian dos 6 tres aiios cuanto podian, para hacer una fiesta al demonio, y en- ella, no solo gastaban cuanto tenian, mas aun se adeudaban". The picture of the ti'ading expedition is mainly talien from Sahagiin (Lib. IX, cap. II, 111, IV) and Torque- macla (Lib. XIV, cap. XXVII). The reception only applies to cases of great impoi-- tance. But every departure of a meroliant as well as his return was I'easted by tlie traders of his •' barrios," sometimes witli tlie concurrence of other barrios and of the cliiefs and oJHeers. That, in consequence of their deeds, the merchants and traders were treated with distinction and created chiefs, follows. from Sahagun (Lib. I, cap. XIX, pp. 30 and .31), " para que fuese lionrado en el puelilo. y tenido per valiente: ponianle un barbote de ambar, que es una piedra larga amarilhi trasparente, que cuelga del beso bajo, ahuje- i-ado, en senal de que era valiente y era noble, y e.sto se tenia en mnclio." But espe- cially (Lib. IX, cap. II, pp. .338-341), " Estos mercaderes eran ya como caballeros, y tenian di visas particulares por sus hazanas "). "Des Ceremonies observers autrefois par les Indiens loisqu'ils faisaieiit un tecle" (Ternaux. \er Heciiei), pp. 233 and '231). Tlie cus- tom of giving the lank of chief ("tecuhtli") to traders lemaiiied after the conquest when the chief became transformed into the Spanish hidalgo in consequence of a mis- conception of the Ibriner dignity. Tliis is shown plainly by the arch-bishop. Fray Alonzo de Moniufar {-^Siipplique a Charles V en faveur des Maceuales, Mexico, 30 Nov. l.i.51, French translation by Mr. Teinaii.x, Appendix to his '■^CruaaUs horribles des Con- quJrants du Mexique," p. 257). It was done to evade taxation. The true position of the Mexican traders in their tribe and society is also stated plainly by Sahagun (Lib. I, cap. XIX, p. 30) : '• Sou estos mercaderes sufridores de miichos tiab;ijos. y osados i>ara entrar eu todas las tierias (aunque sean las de enenii- gos) y miiy a:?tntos pava tratar con los estraiios, asi aprendiendo sus leiiguas, como tratando con ellos con benevolencia para atraerlos asi con su familiaridad." (Lib. IX, cap. II, p. 339) "pues que aunque nos llainaraos mercaderes y lo pareceinos, somos sol- dados que disiinuladamente andamos a conquistar." (Id., p. 3il) "Los dichos merca- deres del Tlaltelolco se llaman tambien capitanes y soldados disiraulados en habito a vida que tenian era muy iispera ..." (Cap. VI, pp. 270 and 271 ; liib. VL cap. XXXIX, p. 224), and other incidental notices. Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXIV, pp. 124, 125). Torque- 617 special direction of experienced men, called therefore " Speakers of the Youth" ("telpuchtlatoca") and "elder brothers" ("teach- cauhtin,") in another capacity. They had not only to provide for the physical training of their pupils, but also for their intel- lectual development, as far as the state of knowledge permitted.99 Such places of training were called also " the place where I grow" ("nezcaltiloyan"), or "the place where I learn" ("nem- achtiloy an. ")!*'*' It is not true that the youth were constrained to a permanent, almost monastic residfeiK;e in such houses ; but while there they improved in common certain special plots of land, in all likelihood the so-called " temple-tracts," out of which the daily wants of worship were supplied. i*'! In connection with this mode of education, we have to consider here an objection which cannot fail to be raised against our views. It is frequently given out as a fact, that besides the " Houses of the Youth" mentioned, there was a special place of education for the children of ^'-noblemen" and this is adduced as a proof of madaCUh. IX, cap. XII, pp. 185 and 18G; Lib. XIII, cap. XXVIII, XXIX and XXX) and others. ^'■"'Art of War" (pp. 101, 119 and 120). Mendieta (Lib. 11, cap. XXIV, pp. 124 and 125) : "Los otros se criaban como en capitanias, porque en cada baiTiOjliabia iin capitan de alios, llamado telpuchtlato, que quiere decir, guarda 6 capitan de los mancebos.'.' Torquemada (Lib. IX, cap. Xll, p. 185) : "y tenian un Rector, que los legia, y governaba, que se llamaba Telpoclitlato, que quiere decir, Guarda. 6 Caudillo de los Mancebos, el qual Telpochtlato tenia gran cuidado de doctrinarlos. y enseiiarles, en buenas costum- bres." Sahagun (Lib. Ill, cap. V, p. 209): ''y si era ya hombre valiente y diestro, elegianle para regir a todos los mancebos, y para castigarlos, y entonces se llaniba Tel- puchtlato." (Lib. VIII, cap. XllI, p. 301) : "Tambien daban de comer a los que criaban los mancebos que se llanian telpuchtlatos, . . ." (Cap. XVII, p. 305) : ''en este lugar se juntaban los maestros de los mancebos que se llaniaban tiachcaoan, y telpuchtlato- ques . . ." (Also Cap. XXXVIII, p. 331). Vetancurt (Part II, Trat. Ill, cap. VI, p. 451) : '•y un rector que Uamaban Telpochtlato, el que habla y gobierua a los mancebos." Codex Mendoza (Vol. I of Kingsborough plates 02 and 63). Sahagun usually calls the " achcauhtli," "alguaziles," or executors of justice. But above we see that he calls the "tiachcaoan," also "masters of the youth." Both names are corruptions of " teachcauhtlin." Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVIH, p. GO) calls the "Ach- cacauhtin, mayorales de armas y de doctrina y de ejemplo." (Cap. LVII, p. 95) : •' Tras ellos vinieron los que llaman Achcauhtin, seiiores de los van-ios. y maestros de mance- bos." (Cap. LXXI, p. 121): "mayorales y ministros, y los hicieron juntar como escu- elas en cada un varrio que Uamaban telpochcalli." (Cap. LXXXVIII, p. 134): "Los mancebos iban cada dia a los varrios al egercicio de las armas a la escuela de armas telpochcalco, adonde los enseiiaban con valerosos aninios, ylasmaneras de combatir." Finally Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. II, p. 4.52) refers also to the .53d i)icture of the Mendoza Codex, representing a boy of lilteen years, who is turned over to an "achcauhtli, or oflicei-," to be instructed in the art of war. ^""Molina ( Vocahularia II, pp. 66 and 72). P. Tgnacio de Paredes {"Doctrina Breve sacada del Catecismo Mexicano," Reprint of 1809). ^"^Sahagun (Lib. Ill, cap. V, p. 269) says that, whereas they slept at home, that is, at the " house of youth," they ate with their families (" annque comian en sus casas pro- 618 the existence of a privileged class of nobles. ^^^ Besides the other evidence which we have mentioned, as against the existence of nobility in ancient Mexico, we shall state here that the place called " calmecac " which is the name given to that supposed " school for the nobles," was in reality something quite different. Fray Bernardino Sahagun, in his description of the central medicine-lodge or great temple of the Mexican tribe, saj^s that in the house called calmecac those who devoted themselves to "medicine," or to the priesthood were trained for that office and lived in said house along with the medicine-men themselves. i°3 There were several buildings or rooms bearing that name, all within the square occupied by what is commonly termed " the great temple of Mexico," and these were the places where the medicine-men and whoever was attached to them and to their offices, actually dwelt. ^•'^ Consequently these places were also pias"). Zurita (pp. 131-133) asserts that "certain fixed days, the children of land- tillers had permission to share tlieir father's labor." That the " temple tracts " were probably identical with those worked by the young men is made evident by Sahagun (Cap. V, Lib. Ill, p. 209; cap. VIII, p. 275). Zurita (p. 131) : " lis etaient obliges de tra- vailler aux terres affectees a ces 6tablissements." Torquemada (Lib. IX, cap. XII, p. 185) : "Tenian sus Tierras, y Heredados para su siistento (que debian de ser de las dedi- cadas al uso, y gasto de los Templos) en ellas sembraban, y cogian Pan para su sus- tento." jl/mdieto (Lib. II, cap. XXIV. pp. 124 and 125). CojMarw (Vedia, p. 438). The latter is very plain, connecting all the "scliools" and their lands with the temples. i"'^^. i/. iJ«ncro/< (Vol. II, pp.243 and 244). Nearly all the older writers call it a higher school, but I shall hereafter discuss their statements. See also Prescott {'■'Mex- ico," Book I,ch. Ill, p. 69). 103 '■i-Historia general de las Cosas de Nueva Espana," (Lib. Ill, cap. VII, p. 271) : " Los seiiores, 6 principales, 6 ancianos, ofrecian a sus hijos a la casa que se llamaba Calme- cac, ei'a su intencion que alii se criasen para que fuesen ministros de los idolos." Id., (Cap. IV, p. 266) : "y lo ofi-eoian a la casa de los idolos que se llama Calmecac, para que fiiese ministro de ellos, viniendo a edad perfecta." But especiallj^ (Lib. VI. cap. XXXIX, p. 223) : " si le prometian a la casa Calmecac, era para que hiciese penitencia, sirviese a los dioses. viviese en limpieza, en humildad y castidad, y para que del todo se guar- dase de los vicios carnales." 104 The description furnished by Sahagun (Lib. VI, Appendix, " Relacion de los Edi- flcios del gran Templo de Mexico," pp. 197 to 211) mentions seventy-eight parts or edi- fices, among which were the following, witli the name "Calmecac:" The 12th edifice "Tlilancalmecac," a shrine to tlie goddess Civocoatl and inhabited by three priests, medicine-men (p. 201). 13tli edifice " Me.xieocalmecac," called l)y him "a monastery wherein the priests dwelt who served daily in the Cu of Tlaloc" (p. 201). 24th edifice, "Vitznaoac Calmecac." inhabited by the priests of the idol Vitznaoac, (p. 203). 27th edifice, ''Tetlanmancalmecac," where the priests of the temple dedicated to the goddess Chantico lived, as in a " monastery," (p. 203). 35th edifice. "Tlamatzinco Calmecac," '■ a nionastei-y," inhabited by the priests of the god Tlamatzincatl, (p. 204). 54th edifice, "Yopico Calmecac, "monasterio u oratorio," (p. 207). 61st edifice, ''Tzommolco-calmecac," ''a monastery where dwelt priests of the god Xiuhtecutli," (p. 207). 619 the abodes of such men as underwent the severe trials preliminary to their investiture with the rank of chief (" tecuhtli.") The word "calmecac" is often interpreted as "dark house" but its etj^mology is probably quite different. In no case, however, was that building a school for a " privileged class of children. i*^^ The kin had the right to regulate and to control marriage. ^^^ We have seen that the obligation to marry rested upon every member of a " calpulli." Where tribal society is still in its pure and original condition marriage in the same kin is absolutely prohib- ited. The matrimonial customs of the ancient Mexicans were closely scrutinized by the Catholic church, and a rigid investigation by the early missionaries has proven that not only was marriage between close relations strictly prohibited, but it was also discour- aged (if not forbidden) between members of the same kin.^"''' Mr. In all, seven "calmeca" within tiie enclosure surrounding the great "house of god" of Mexico-Tenuchtitlan. Torqtcemada (Lib. VIII, cap. XI to XVI) also describes the various places, mentioning '• Huitznahuaccalmccac," "Casa de recogimiento, y habita- cion de los Sacerdotes, y ministros de este lugar" (p. 1.50). "Tlamatzinco calmecac," donde vivian y tenian su asistencia los Sacerdotes, y ministros de este dicho Templos " (p. 151). " Yopico calmecac" "donde habitaban, y se criaban los niuchachos " (p. 1.53). "Calmecac" — "donde se criavan los ninos" (p. 149). Besides these statements, the tvro authors just quoted allude to the Calmecac in the same manner at various places. Saliagun (Liu. Ill, Appendix, cap. VII, and especially Cap. VIII, pp. 274-276). Already the title of this chapter is significant: " De las costnmbres que se guardaban en la casa que se llamaba Calmecac, donde se criaban los Sacerdotes, y ministros del templo desde niiios." Torquemadn (Lib. XIII, cap. XXVIII, pp. 469-471). Johannes Eusehius Kieremherg (" Historia Naturce," Lib. VIII, cap. XXII, pp. 143-146). He copies Hernan- dez who, in turn, almost verbally agrees with Sahagun. Oviedo (Lib. XXXIII, cap. X, p. 302 ; Cap. LI. p. 537). Gomara ( Vedia I, p. 438). ^"^ Molina (II, p. 11). "Calmeca tlatolli," " palabras dichas en corredores largos" and " Calmelactli," " Sala grande y prolongada, 6 corredor de la casa." The word may be decomposed into "Calli" — house, and " mecayotl" — consanguine relationship, or " mecatl " a cord or tie. " House of Ties " ? 106 •■•Ancient Society" (p. 74). 1"' Already Motolinia (Trat. II, cap. VII) pictures vividly the difficulties encountered by the priests in regard to regular marriage. The first question to be determined was that of the legitimate spouse. This has already been investigated in a former note. The next question was that of the degrees of consanguinity, or affinity. It was rigidly inquired into whether perhaps, custom had sanctioned intermarriage of brothers and sisters. Gomara (Vedia, p. 439): "No casan con su madre ni con su hija, ni con su hermana; en lo demas poco parentesco guardan; aunque algunos se hallaron casados con sus propias hermanas;" thus admitting tlie fact that intermarriage of that kind existed. Mendieta{\Ah. Ill, cap. XLVIII, p. 305) also concedes that such may have been the case, and infers that these marriages should be regarded as valid. The question of intermarriage between children of the same issue becomes important through the statements and discussion of Tor qtiemada (Lib. XIII, cap. VII, p. 489) about the matri- monial customs of the Indians of Vera-Paz : " The Indians of Vera-Paz were compelled frequently, on account of their customs of relationship, to marrj' brothers with sisters for this reason: It was not customary for tliose of one clan, or tribe, to marry the women of the same tribe (pueblo), and thus they sought for them from others, because 5* 620 H. H. Bancroft to whom every student of American antiquities must look with a deep feeling of gratitude for his valuable ser- vices, saj^s on the subject : " marriages between blood relations or those descended from a common ancestor were not allowed. "^•'^ The act of marriage itself was preceded by negotiations on the part of one calpulli (that of the man) with another (that of the woman), the negotiations terminating in something like a. purchase of the girl. 1*^3 It is beyond our purpose, at present, to 'dwell on the they did not reckon the children, born in foreign tribes or lineages, as belonging to their family; although if the mother had issued from their lineage, and the reason for this was, that this relationsliip was only attributed to the men." Now this is a very plain statement and picture of " descent in the male line," with the rules of kinship as strongly and fully in vigor as, with " descent in the female line " among the Iroquois. The inhabitants of Vera-Paz spoke, according to Herrera (Dec. IV, cap. X, cap. XIV, p. 229), " varios Lenguages," but they selected one at the instance of tlie Dominican fathers, " to use it in general." Dr. Berendt (" Remarks on the Centres of Ancient Civili- zation in Central America and their Oeographical Distribtition," address read July 10, 1876, pp. 9 and 10) mentions in Vera-Paz three idioms: the "Kekchi" (Alta Verapaz), "Pokoman" (in the South), and the "QQuiche" (Western Verapaz). See also E. G. Squier, (" Monograph of Authors ivho hare ivritten on the Languages of Central America," Introd., p. IX). //. H. Bancroft (Vol. Ill, cap. IX, p. 760). Diego Garcia de Palacio (" Report to the King of Spain in 1576," German translation by the late Dr. Alex von Frantzius, pp. 4 and 64). Pimentel (•' Cuadro descriptivo de las Lenguas," etc.. Vol. I, pp. 81-84). The close connection in customs and Institutions (see my notes in regard to the calendars of Mexico and Central America) between the QQuiche and the Mexi- cans, and the probable identity of their origin, make it not unlikely that the lutter had also the same rule, " not to marry within the tribe or lineage," or ratiier in the kin. As every tribe in Mexico consisted of a number of Calpulli, tliere was no need of selecting the wife from outside of the settlement. The manner of arranging marriages furnishes direct evidence of the fact, that the wife was, at least usually, from another kinship. (See note 109.) See especially, besides, Sahagun (Lib. II, Appendix, p. 228). lis ), Torquemwln i^lAh. Xll, cap. IV, p. 378), Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XVI], p. 48t), and //. H. Bancroft (Nol. Ily-p. 4H5). In strange contrast with the frequent assertions of the high-handed m:inner in which the cliiefs are said to liave used, at their will and good pleasure, the women of the land, as for instance in Gomara (Vedia I. pp. 4:W and 43!)), MotoHnia (Trat. II, cap. VII, p. \'lb) and others, we find it positively stated tliat adultery and rape were severely punished even in the case of the highest officers and chieftains. Thus, the case of tlie -chief of Tiaxcalian, who was executed for adultery, is related with full details by Las Canas (" Hist, apidogiitica." Cap. iKJ, in Vol. VIII, of Kings- borough, p. 1-23), Zuiita (pp. 107 and lOS) Toniuemada (Lib. XII, cap. XV^ p. 3!ti)). An- other story of a son of the chief of Tezcuco, killed lor iiitercour e with g'rls then in the houses of worship, is also fully given. Irt/ilxoahitl (''i/t.J. ties Chichime- ques," Cap XLIV, pp. 315-3-20), Torqiiemuda (Lib. II, cap. LXV. p. Jei;)). etc. These are strange contradictions and are, sometimes, found even between fact and fact as told by the same author. 133 Gomara (Vedia I, p. 443), says : '' El ladron era esclavo por el ))rimer hnrto," but this is not sustained by others, in the case of small thefts. For instance, Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXIX, p. 138) : " El ladron que huitaba huvto notable, .... por la prinura vez era hecho esclavo." Torqucmada (Lib. All, cap. V^, p. 381), but espe;Mally (Lib. XIV, cap. XXI, p. .')04) : "Al que hurtaba pequeiios huitos. si no eran muy frequentados, con pagar lo que hurtaba hacia pago." Clavigero (Lih. VII, cap. XVII). ., 134 The statements are positive to th^t efl'ect. Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXIX. p. 138), Torquemada (Lib. XII, cap. V, p. 381), Fetancurt (Vol I, p. 4SS). '•Anonimo" (Col de Doc; I, p. 383) exaggerates. '■•De Vordre de Succession obserre par /cs Indiena" iVlr. Ternaux Compans' translation of a Simancas MSS., (l.st Uecueil, p. 228) coutirms the 1,* anonymous." Fray Francisco de Bologna {^•Lettreau R. P Clement de A f one I ia, '■ lat Becueil, \>. 211) : '• lis n'etaient pas tres cniels dans les punitions qu'ils infli^eaient atix coHpables." Gabriel de Chai-es {'■•Rapport sur la province de Meztiilan,'' Fi-ench translation by Blr. Ternaux, 2d Uecueil, p. 312,— original held by Sr Icazliah'eta). Herrera (Ueo. Ill, lib. IV, cap. VII, p. 121), about Nicaragua : " Cortaban los Caljellos al Ladron, i qnedaba Esclavo del Dueno de lo huitado, hasta que pagase." (Lid. III. cap. XV, )}. 101). at Izcatlan ; '-con los bieiies del Ladron. despiies de justiciado, s. t- isfacian al agraviado. Ixtlilxochitl {•• H'i-3^ In general, we discern the ruling principle : that for theft there were but two ways of atonement. One consisted in the return of tlie stolen pioperty, and if that was no longer possible, then the person of the thief had to suffer for it. Wherever no bodily labor could replace the value of the loss (as in the last case men- tioned) the life of the criminal became forfeited to the kin, since the suflerers looked to that cluster for redress. ^■''^ This carries us preheiifled by its owner or at least occupant. This story shows, that no chief was exempt from pani^liment even for sliglit misdemeanors. I refer to Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. XXI, p. 5(i-i), Vetanc%irt ('' Teatro" Vol. I, pi 483), By.>itamante {'• Tezcoco," p. 197) for the assertion that the kin of tlie thief assisted him in discharging the penalty for his crime. The former says : '• y si no tenia de que pagar, una, y dos veces, los parientes se jiintaban, y repartian entre si el valor del huvto, y pagaban por el, tliez. y doce niantas, y desde arriba : ni es de creer, que hacian Esclavo por quarenta, ni cinquenta mazorcas de maiz, ni por otra cosa de mas precio, si el tenia de que pagar, 6 los Parientes." On this important point — the soli' clarity of the kindred in the case of the crime of one of their number, see, further on, note lo7. 130 To the authorities so frequently quoted on other subjects, I will add here Ixtlilxo- chitl (•' Rdaciones historicas," Vol. IX, l.,ord Kingsborough, p. 387). 130 Torquemada (Lib. XII, cap. VII. p. 3S.i) calls this an " extravagant law." Further quotations useless. "' It is stated hy A.de Vetancurt (•' Teatro Mexicano, Vol. I, p. 483) : " En los hurtos- era ley general que siendo cosa de valor teniau pena de muerte; y si la parte se convc^- nia, pag.iba en mantas la cantidad al dueiio, y otra mas para el flsco real; a esto acudian los parientes." This "obligation to lielp" on the part of the kin we have already met with in the case of marri.age, where the kin assisted the newly married couple. (See Zurita, '•Rapport,'" p. 13-2): "Si le jeune honime etait pauvre, la com- munaut^ oii il avait ete eleve I'aidait." We find it subsisting after the conquest, as when an Indian died, leaving debts, his kinship paid them for his estate (which in most cases was insolvent), or "worked it out for him." This is asserted as follows by Fray Augustin Davila Padilla (.'-Historia de la Fundacion y Discurso de la Provincia de 630 to a class of thefts and other similar offenses, committed against worship or " medicine." Any attempt at seduction of a female who had taken the pledge of chastity in behalf of medicine, was most cruelly pun- ished, both in the persons of the seducer and the teraale ; and if a medicine-man broke his vows, he suffered a horrible death. ^^^ We have already mentioned that it was a capital crime on the part of a warrior to take for himself a prisoner of war secured by another.139 Such cases occurred only during an engagement or immediately after it. Why an action of tliat kind should entail so rigorous a punishment can be easily inferred, if we recollect that a captive of that kind became at once sacred — an object of medicine. No return could atone for the offence, since it hud been committed against the " rites of worship," one of the kin's most sacred and important attributes. Under the same head must be placed the capital punishment of such as wrongfully appropriated to themselves gold or silver. Both of these metals were regarded as objects of medicine, and whoever seized them unlawfully, com- mitted a crime against worship also.^^** Santiago de Mexico " 2(1 Edition, 1525, Lib. I, cap. XXV^I, p. Si) : ''Si mnere alguno dellos con deudas, couio si los deudos las hevedassen por paret-.erse deudas y deiidas cii el nonibre, procuran luego eiitre los pavientes pagarlas. porque el aninia de sn diliinto no dilate la entrada en el cielo. Y si no tienen caudal para pagar, procuran que se per- done la deuda, y sino salen con esta triig i, se dan hiego toilos en servicio al acreedor hasta que del todo se pague lo que el difunto devia. Viviendo yo en el colegio de Sau Luys de predicadores el ano da 158(), sucedio niorir un Iiidio que trabajaua en aquel Bumptuoso edificio, y era niuy diestro cantero; auia vecibido dineros adelaiitadot^, y quando niurio quedava deviendo veynte pesos, 6 reales de a ocho. Vinieron luego al colegio los parientes reconocienda la deuda, y pidiendo que los ocupasen en sei'vioio del colegio, para que se descontasse lo que su del'uiito deuia. No se les daua mucl'.o a los padres del colegio pov cobrar estos dineros; porque demas de ser pocos no parecia que auia niolo i);ira cobrarlos ; y mas por acudir a la devocion de los deudos, le dixeron 'a uno, que viniesse a trabajar en la luierta. Era niarauilloso el cuydado del Indio, ansi en venir cada dia, conio en venir niuy de nianana; y preguutandole nii religioso la causa de su cuydado, dixo, que le tenia i)oique su pariente se fuesse al cielo. y desde alia le .ayudasse con Dios, y no esluviesse en el infierno chiquito, que los predicadores Hainan purgatorio." My friend Col. F. Ilecker, to wbom I comninu'catod the above, at once recognized in it an analogue to the ancient Teutonic "Gesammt-Burgscluift." He called my atten- tion to the remarkable organization of the Germans. Compare Luden {"Geschlclite," etc.. Vol. 1, p. .Wi). M'hicli valuable source I also owe to tlie kindness oi' the distin- guished German jurist. i=s In regard to " priests " it is also staled that they were merely degraded and cast away; but this is hardly probable since, the higiier the position of the culprit, the severer was his punishment. ISO Compare also H. II. Bancroft (Vol. 11, p. 419). Prcscott (" Conquest," Book I, chap. terll, p. 47). ^'^oMendieta (Ivib. II, cap. XXIX, p. 138). Vctancurt (Vol. I, p. 48i) : "Al que luirtaba 631 In the above review of those offences and their punishments, immediate!}^ connected with that rule of tribal society which phices the persons and property of tlie members of a kin under that kin's special protection, we cannot pretend to have furnished more than illustrations, and not at all a full catalogue. Still, enough has been told, we believe, to explain what is frequently styled the "penal code" of the ancient Mexicans' It is well known, that no actual written laws existed, but on the other hand, at the time of the Spanish conquest, the natives still had a large number of paintings which represented their own manners and customs. Since a considerable proportion of these picture- leaves bore on the same subjects, the inference cotdd be easily- drawn that they indicated forms for the guidance of the people, or in other words, that they were a substitute for a written code. This was not at all their object. They were simply efforts of native art intended to represent scenes of everj'day life, since these were the most handy subjects for such purposes. There- fore such pictures are to be regarded as convenient remains of aboriginal art, out of which many details concerniug aboriginal customs may be gathered, but not as "official" sources, from Avhich to seek information as to the "law of the land."^^! pl;\ta y oro lo desoUaban vivo y sacrificaban al dios de los plateros, que llamaban Xipe, y lo sacaban por las calles para escainiiento de otros, poi- ser el dvlito contra el dios fliigido." This sacrifice to one pai ticular Idd. however, is neither mentioned liy Tor- quemada nor by his predecessor and main source, JJendieta. Clavigero (IJb. VJl, cap. XVII, p. 487) copies Vetancurt almost tcxlually. So does Ortega (Vol. JII, p. 21^, Ap- pendix to rei/iia's '^/Hst. Antigua"). Bustmnaiite {"Tezcoco,'" p. ]9(J) co)iies llie former aicain. Still it is sing-ular tliat tlie older the source, that is, the nearei- in d:ite to tlie time ol" the conquest, tlie less po.'-ilive it is on the point of sacrifice. It will be sate to admit thiit the criminal was killed lor a crime commiited against worship, without in- sisting upon a particular place or mode of puiiishment. !■" Klsewhere ("0/( the Sources for Ahuriginul History of Spanish America," \n\'o\. XXVII of the "Proceedings of the Amf9'icaii Association for Advavcemeut of Sciince," XS78) I have attempted a discussion of the nature of JMe.xican paintings, and of their value as sources of history. I will add here but two positive declarations, on the subjects of the paintings, which I had not noticed at the time the above jiapcr was read at St. Louis, iNJissouri, Aug , 1878. Juan de Solorzano- Perei/ra {••DispnUitinnem de liidicrum Jtire." I(i29, Vol. 1, Lib. II, cap. VIII, p. 3:U, § 9(>) : "Quod de I'hoeniciUus t adit etiam Lucaiuis, et in Mexicanis n.jstris expert! fuimiis, qui si non litteris, imaginibus tamen, et liguris ea omnia, qu;e sibi memoranda videbaiitur, significabaut, et conservabant." The other is of recent dale, being taken from a discourse de- livered before the "Academia Mexicana." by my friend Sefior I). J. G. Icazh(dc<4a {"Las Bibliotecas de Eguiara y de Eerislain,'" p. 353 of No. 4, Vol. I, of '^ Afemoriiis de la Academia") : " El antiguo pueblo que ocupuba este siielo no conocia las letras, y con eso esta dicho que no podi;i tener cscritores ni literatura. Su imperfectisimo sistema de repre^elltar los objetos e ideas, tenia que limitarse a satisfacer, liasta dondo podia, las necesidades mas urgentes de la sociedad, sin aspirar a otra cosa. Asi es que no se empleaba sino en registrar los tributos de los pueblos, en senalar los limites de las 632 In this rnpid sketch, we have failed to find, among aboriginal modes of punishment, two wliich were common to almost every nation of the old world, namely: whipping, and imprisonment. Whipi)ing, beating, or lashing was, among the Mexicans as well as amongst all American natives, known only as a deadly insult. It is nevertheless true that the Mendoza Codex contains pictures representing a Mexican father who a[)plies to a son the rod of punishment. 1"*- Again, the candidate for the office of chief had to endure beating ^"^^ along with the other sufferings incident to his time of trial. But no "bondsman" was ever whipped or flogged, neither was a criminal subjected to this degrading penalty, for which death would have been a thousand times preferable. ^''^ The Mexicans had places of confinement — dark and gloomy recesses with entrances compared to " pigeon-holes. "^^^ Every oflflcial building, and also the places of worship contained them. They were called: "place of the taken one," " teilpiloyan ;" i^e "place of entombment or confinement," "Tecaltzaqualoyan,"^^^ and "house of wood," Quauhcalli." i''^ The latter, which is par- ticularly described as a wooden cage placed within a dark cham- ber, was reserved for those whose doom was sealed, whether they were criminals sentenced to immediate execution, or captives to hcredafles. en rccorrtsir las ccrcmnnias de la religion, y en contribnir a conservai- la memin-ia de los siicesos mas notables, que ann con ese auxilio liabria perecido, a no Ijei-petiiarse en las iradiciones I'ccogidas por los pvimeros pi-edicadores del Evangelio." ^*^ '• Mendoza Codex" (Kingsbovough, Vol. I, plates LX, part 3), the bi>y being nine yeav.?i old. ■^i^Mendietn (Lib. IF. cap. XXXVIII. p. 1.57). Torquemnda (Lib. XL cap. XXIX, p. 362). Cliivigero (Lib. VII, cap. XIII. p. 472), etc., etc. 1" It was no dishonor to suffer tortures, but wliipping was a deadly insult, as among other Indians. ^'^^ Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXIX, p. 138): "^Tenian las carceles dentro de una casa oscura y de poca cliiridad, y en ella bac.ian su j uila 6 jaulas; y la puerta de la casa que era peqiiena como puerto de paloniar, cerrada por defnei'a con tablas, y arrimadas grandes piedras." Torquemada (Lil>. XL cap. XXV, p. 3.53). ^*i^ Molina (II, p. !U), "teilpi" — el que prende o encarcela a otro " — '• teilpiliztii " " prendimienio tal." (Id. I, p. 98). •' |)render" " niteylpia." Among the 78 edifii'es of the great central idace of worsliip, SaJuu/un (Lib. II, Appendix, p. 210) mentions one place "Acatlayiacapan VeicalpuUi" "estaera una casa donde juntabau los esclavos que habian de m:itar a honia de los Tlaloques." (Id., Lib. VIII, cap. XV, p. 304. Cap. XXL P- 309) mentions "jails" in connection with tlie official house or -tccpan." That the different c.ilpuUi or "barrios" had each its places of conrtnemont is noticed by Durdn (Cap. XXt, p. 187) : " Los calpixques los rcceuian y los ponian en las casas de sus coninnidades 6 del sacerdote de tal barrio." 1-17 Molina (II, p. 91) : '■ Tecalli " a vault, " casa de boveda." Since the Mexicans had no arches, it meant actually a tomb. ' "8 Molina (II, p. 8j) : " Jaula grande de palo, adonde estauau los presos por sus del- ictos " 633 be sacrificed forth with.^^^ The two former kinds of prisons were used for ligiiter degrees of offenders. At any rate they were but temporary phaces of detention, for any piisoner left there for any lengtii of time invariably died of hunger, filth, and bad air. Per- manent confinement simply meant death. ^^^^ The execution of all tiiese i)enalties necessarily^ presupposed for the kin a regulated administration. It therefore leads us to the governmental machinery proper of the calpulli. The nature of this government is expressed liy the following rule of kinship, already found in vigor among more northern Indians. The kin had the right to elect its officers, as tvell as the right to remove or dcjxjse them for misbehaviorJ^^ This at once establishes the cal[)ulli, as we have already stated in several places, to be an autonomous body, enjo\,ing self- government, consequently a democuatic okgamzation. The tiulh of this we intend to show by an investigation of the difl[erent offi- ces to which the care of the kin's business was committed. A council, consisting of a number of old men, formed the high- est authority of the calpulli. How many they were is not stated, but it is probable that their number varied according to that of the members of the kin. Medicine-men may, also, have been members of this body, which held its meetings at intervals in the official house of the '•'• quarter." It exercised criminal jurisdiction as well as civil, and attended to all grave questions affecting the kinship. It is also stated that, on certain occasions, a general meeting of all the members of the calpulli was convened. '^'^ "°Xo bettei- illustration of the '• Qiiiiiilicalli " can be found Uian that given by H. H. Bavrroft (•' Native Races," cap. XIV, \y. 453. Volume II). i^oThe cruel and unwholesome nature of aboriginal jdaces of detention previous to the conquest is amply stated. As it is very justly remarked by Mr. Bancroft (Vol. II, p. 4.o:^): '-They had prisons, it is true, and very cruel ones, accoi'ding to all accounts, but it appears that they were more for the purpose of confining prii^oners previous to their trial, or between their condemnation and execution, than permanently, for punish- ment." To the authorities quoted by tlie celebrated Californian. I will add liere in further support of his views (and mine), Gomara (Vedia I, p. 4t'2) : '• I,as carceles eran bajas, liumedas y escuras, para que temiesen de entrar alii." Vetuncurt (\'ol. I, Part II. Trat. II, cap. I. p. 370). Tezozomoc (•' Croniai. " cap. XCIX, p. 170) : " mandoles llevar a la can'el a todos, que Uamaban caaucalco, que era a manera de una caja, como cuando entapian ahora alguna persona, que les dan de comer por onzas." 13. •'■Ancient Society" (Part. II, chapter II, pp. 71, "rl, and 73. Chap. VIII, p. 22.i, Cap. XI. pp. 28.T and 2!)7). "2 It is singular that this council of the kin or "gens," while some ]iarts of its fnnc tions are preserved in nearly every author, has as a body been so generally overlooked Zarita (pp. ^b and ^K) says : •■ the chief does nothing without consulting the other old men of the calpulli." Indirect evidence of it is given by Sahugun (Lib. 11, cap. 634 This council however, while it thus united both the highest admiuistrative and judiciary powers, required other officers for XXXVrr, p. ISo), m his description of tlie feast of tlie niontli "Izcalli." Tliese "old men" reappear again in connexion witli celebrations aflfci-ting- tlie calpuUi, at least occasionally. This council however, stdl existed at a recent date (1871) among the natives of Guatemala. Sr. D. Juan Gavurrete of the City of Guatemala (La Nueva) writes to me under date of Ifth March, 187!) : " Cuando en el puelilo liny varias parci- alidades 6 calpules, cada una de ellas tieiie .su calpul 6 consejo de cierto iiuiiiero de Aiicianos y estos rennides eligen las Autoridades comunes del iniebln, noni- br.indo tambien ah'.alile- subalternos para las diversas parcialiilades." In his Introduc- tion to the " lieid Kjecutorli" (Col. de Doc. II, pp. XII and Xlll), the late Sr. Jasa F. Jtamirez attributes the creation of an elective municipal council to an act of policy of the Spanish government. It is clear, howevec, from the authors of the XVIth century, especially from Zurita. that this '• democratic element " (" el elementi) democratico " as Sr. Ramirez calls it), was an aboriginal one.. Therefore the council still subsisting in Guatemala is an original feature, with changes in names and functions, made to suit tlie 1 iws of Spain. Rtt.mirez de Ftieid&d (Letter of M Nov., liS'i. l^t Recueil, p. 24;)), mentions "other oflicers called riejos (old men)" i" "each (|uarter or as they were now called, parishes." The following quotation from Juan de Sdorgano {"De Iiidiarum Jure," Vol.11, lib. I, cap. XXI II, (ip. '210, §21), is of intere>t upon tlie question raiseil by Si'. Ramirez: "In Nova quoque Hispaiiia, cum iiae reductiones, qu;is ibi Ay grcffatioiies vocant, i praestanti illo, et iiriidenti Duce Ferdinando Cortesio stabilitio, et consiituite fuissent. et postea, temporani, et Ilispanorum iniuriae, valde collapsae, ac subvei'sae; alias deuo fieri et factas instaurari cur.ivit Excellentissimus ille. et Pijissimus Prorex Canes de Monte Regio, schedulis etiam, et iirovisionibus Regijis sibe ad hoc deinamlaiis, morein gerere cupiens: in quibus tamen exequeiidis, ni:igiiae dificultates. et Indorum stragcs expeitae sunt, quia eoriiin iiliqui voluiitavio suspeiidio vitani titiire inaluerunt, quaii in designata sibi muniuipia reduci." This was published in um:' 111 all likelihood there was no regular time of meeting of these "old men." They met as emergency required, and as tliey were called together. There is even a trace of a general meeting of the inhabitants of a Cidpnlli, in Zurita (p. (i'2) : " Dans ces circon- staiices, les habitants du cal|iulli se reunissent pour trailer les interets commuiis, et regler la repartition des impels, etc." We thus witness in the calpulli the following methods of exercising authority : through the joint meeting of all its members for the disi'iissiou of mailers affecting the wlnde comniuidty, thmngli the "old men" con- trolling the regular business, and, through wh:it the older authorities called "chiefs" or executive ofliceis, of whom I shall treat hereafter. An important question remains to be examined here namely: whether the ealpiilli really had, as 1 have asserted, criminal jurisdiction over its members, or whether tliis pertained to higher officers or so-called " tribunals." Against the assumption, that questions of life and death could be decided hy the "qu;irtei's," "barrios," or "calpulli," there is we contests it, apparently weiality evi- dence. Ill order to examine this vital question critically, I am compelled to take each author by himself, comparing his various statements (if there are more than one) on the same snlijei't witli each otiier. I must premise, however, tliat neither CorU's, nor A7idres de Td/na. nor liernal IHez de Castido mentions having seen any one judged and condemned by the head-war-cliief of the Mexican tribe. Tliis, however, may be a simple omission on their part. Sidiar/nn (Ml). VIIF, cap. XXV, p. ,314): " j' los casos muy dificnltuosos y graves, lleviibaidos al sefior para que los f-entenciase, jiintamonte con trece principides muy calilicados, que con el anclaban, y residian. Estos tales eran los mayores jueces, que olios llamaban tectitlatoqne : estos ecsamiiiaban con gr.'in diligencia las causas que ibaii a sus manos; y ciiando quiera que esia andienci.'i que era hi mayor, sentenciaba algnno a imiertc, luego lo eiitregabaii a los ejeu tores ilc la jii>ti('i:i.'" Thus far the jurisdi< tiou of the tribal olllcers only comes into play. But the same authoi also mentions the 635 everyday business, who should at the same time be tlie executors of its decrees. Of these officers there Avere two, both strictly power of certain ollicers of the kin to kill in piinisliment of certain crimes, (Lib. Ill, Appendix, cap. VI, p. 271). If a young man was caught drunk : " castigabanle dandole de palos hast.a matarle, 6 le daban garrote delante de lodos reunidos." This being done in the case of a youth committed to the ■' telpuc.hcalli," it necessarily follows that the power to punish by death, was vested in the kin to which the particular •' tel- puchcalli " belonged. Zurita (p. 101 and 10(5) intimates rather than asserts, that all grave matters, includ- ing lile and death had to be submitted to the highest '-court of appeals," " les douze juges d'api)el " over which the king piesided. But he does not stale that this body had exclusive jurisdiction. Goniara (Vedia [, p. 44'2, " Conquista") evidently mistakes in confounding the gath- erers of tributes with juilicial officers and says nothing in regard to criminal jurisdiction. His statements will be examined elsewhere. Mendietd (Lib. II, cap. XXVIII, pp. 131-13(5) says that all the "Judges" remained in the official house of each tribe: " cada uno de ellos en su propio palacio tenia sua audiencias de oidores que determinaban las causae y negocios que se ofrocian, asi civiles como criminales, repartidos por sus salas, y de unas habia apelacion para otras." Further on he says that every eiglity days " se sentenciaban todos los casos criminales, y duraba esta consulta diez 6 docc dias." Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, pp. 3.52 and 353) is remaikably indefinite on the point. To him, the tribal officers alone appear pi'ominent in tlie case. (Cap. XXVI. pp. 3.54 and 355), however, wherein he fully treats of the judicial organization of Tezcuco, enables us to discern the separate juris- diction of each calpulli. Tlie textual rendering of the whole chapter would be too lengthy, and I must therefoie confijie myself to abstracts. He begins by saying that, wliilc Tezcuco had fifteen '• provin<;es" subject to it (•'snjetas a su Sefioria"), "not all of them had supreme Judges " (■' pero no en todas havia Jueces de ettos inmcdiatos, y Supremos"). Therefore it was ordained, '' that there should be six courts ("audien- cias "), like chancery-offices (" como chancillerias ") in six particular pueblos, to which all the other said Provinces were reduced, and to them they applied from all over the kingdom." He further states that at each of these houses (which he subsequently calls " tecpans ") were stored the " royal tributes : " " se recogian todos los Tributes Reales, por los mismos Jueces." Besides, there were "four Judges" at the " palace," and at each of these six ■• courts," two '■ Judges " and one " executive officer " (alguazil). From further details given, it follows that these six "pueblos" were so near to the official house of the tribe, as to make ir. more than likely that they were the six Calpulli of Tezcuco, mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl (V2th " Jielacion" or " Piittura de Mexico," Vol. IX of Kingsborough, p. 387) as having been established by "Fastmg wolf" (Nezahualcoyotl), which story he repeats in the "■' Hisioire des ChichitnSques" (Cap. XXXVIII, pp. 263 and 2(J4). The description of Tezcuco by Torquemada (Lib. Ill, cap. XXVII, p. .304) : " pero no se ha de entender, que todaesta Caseria estaba recogida, y junta; porque aunque en sii niaior parte lo estaba, otra mucha estaba repartida, como en Familias, y Barrios; y de tal manera corria esta Poblacion, desde el corazon de ella (que era la Morada, y Palacios del Rei) que se iba dilatando, por tres 6 quatro Leguas," shows that the calpulli of that ancient pueblo were scattered over a great expanse. At the close of the 17th century (16S)0, about) it is stated by Vetaticurt {■' Cronica de la I'roviiicia del Sajito Evanyello de Mexico," pp. 159 and IGO), that, besides the •' city," there were "29 pueblos de visita, en cinco parcialidades repartidos." All this corroborates our assumption : that the six " pueblos " of Torquemada were in fact but the six " barrios " or kins, each of which exei'cised, for itself and through its officers, criminal jurisdiction over its members. There is no need of proving the fact that the several tribes of the valley had identi- cal customs, and that their Institutions had reached about the same degree of develop- ment. It is even asserted by some {Prescott, Book I, cap. II, p. 30) that "In Tezcuco 6* 636 elective and therefore liable to be deposed, one of whom repre- sented more properly the administrative, the other the executive (consequently military') authority. The first one of these was the "calpuUec" or "chinancallec ;"i53 ^j^g second, the "elder brother" the judicial arrangements were of a more refliietl character." If now, as I have shown, the council of the Kin exercised power over life and death among them, it certainly had the same power among the ancient Mexicans. Besides, the same thing is ini'eral)le from the nature of many of the crimes punished hy death. Conspicuous among these are the cases wherein tenure of lands became afl'ected. If a menibei' of the kin changed the limits of a '• tlalmiili," it was a crime over which the calpuUi alone had jurisdic- tion, and the same occuri'ed if any one member neglected to attend to the lots of children placed in his care. We have seen that in both instances the penalty was death. It is of course understood, that this power did not go be3'ond the limits of the kin and of such outcasts as were attached to its members. Over members of other kins it had no jurisdiction. The adjustment of matters between kin and kin became e.xchi- sively the dut}' of the tribe. One of the most characteristic remarks, however, on the general functions of the kin is that of Zurita {'• Jiapport," etc., p. 53): '-Finally, what is called in New Spain Cal- puUi, answers to what among the Israelites was called a tribe." 153 Zurita y'- Rapport " p. 50) : '' The chiefs of the third classes are still called Calpul- lec in the singular, and in the plural Chinancallec, that is to say : chiefs of very ancient race or family, from the word CalpuUi or Chinancalli, which is the same, and signifies a quarter (barrio) inhabited by a family, known as of very ancient origin, which for a long time owns a territory with well defined boundaries and all the members of the same lineage." This statement is copied by Herrera (Dec. Ill, lilj. IV, cap. XV, p. 135), wiih the exception that he omits the names, substituting that of ''pariente mayor." In i-egard to this it is added by .Z'wHia fpp- ullec, and thi; other the teachcauhtin. This is indicated by the name of "pariente mayor." Zurita does not say, according to JMr. Ternaux's translation, that this chief was thus called, but Herrera, who copies him, writes very distinctly: "que llamnhan parientes maiores." Now, according to A/bMH,« (II, p. 91), "teachcauhtin" signifies elder brother. Torque- mada (Lib. XIV, cap. VI, p. 544) gives to each "barrio 6 parcialidad" two officers, namely, a calpixqui or g.'itherer of tribute or stores, and a " regidor, un Tecuhtli, que se ocupaba en executar lo que mustros Uegidores executan, y hacen." But it is plainly evident, from the details given by the celebrated Franciscan, that he has lost sight of the peculiar position of officers of a kin, and looks to tribal functions and offices. Else, how could he assert of his " Regidor" that he was always in the ■' palace: " "ytodos los Dias se hallaban en el Palacio, aver lo que so Ics ordenaba, y mandaba; y ellos, en una grande Sala, que Uaman CalpuUi, se juntaban, y trataban de los negocios tocantes a su cargo." "X)e I'ordre de succession observe par les Indiens " ("1st Recueil" of Ternanx, p. 225) : "quant au mode adopte pour legler la juridiction et Selection des alcades et des legidors des villages; ils nonimaient des personnes notables qui portaient le titre de rtc/icrtcaw- litin qui est un nom de charge, comnie I'est aujourd'hui celui d'alguazil. Les tribu- naux de ces officiers etaient etablis dans la capitale." ..." 11 n'y avait pas d'autres .^lections d'offlciers." And. further on the same document says (p. 227) : "Ces achcacau- 637 "teachcaubtin" or " acheacaubtiii."^^'* Both were, in turn, ex- offlcio members of the council itself.^^^ The "calpullec" or " cliinancallec" was, in fact, what is still known among Indian communities of Mexico, Central America and New Mexico, as the " governor ;" or rather his office was, for the kin, what the office of "gobernador" now is for the whole tribeJ^^ Upon his litis, c'.est ainsi qii'on les nommait, remplissaient les fonctions d'alcade. Pour le moindre petit vol, c'est a dire pour avoir derobe seulement du niais, ils condamiiaient a la potence." Tlie singular feature is here asserted to exist, that tlie same officer should have been Judge ('"alcalde") and execnuioner of his own decrees (•' alguazil"). We meet also with the flagrant contradiction of " alguazils," elected for the villages, bnt whose courts resided '-at tlie capital." Everj'where the same lack of distinctness is ■witnessed; the confusion between aboriginal institutions and Spanish organization is apparent. Sebasti m Ramirez de\Fuenleal (" Lettre," 3 Nov., 1.532, p. 247) gives qnite a clear pic- ture of the "calpulli," adding: "Ces contribuables ont un chef et des commandants"; (p. 249) : '-lis ont parmi eux des officiers que nous appelons principales (chefs) ; il y en a deux dans chaque quartier qui portent aujourd'hui le nom de paroissex." Finally, I refer to what has been said in the preceding note (152) about Tezcuco and the two officers of each so-called " pueblo." The fact that tlicre were two of them is thus fully established, likewise that of their election; and as for their titles, they are found in the quotations just referred to and copied. It is further confirmed through a statement of Vetancurt C'Teatro Mexicano," Vol. I, p. 371): "en cada parcialidad, que llamaban calpulli y ahora tlaxilacalli; habia uno como regidorque llamaban teuhtli : estos asistian a, palacio todos los dias a saber loque el nijiyordomo les ordenaba; estos entre si elegian cada aiio dos en lugar de alcaldes, que llamaban tlayacanque y tequitlatoque, que ejecutaban lo que por los teuhtles se les mandaba; y para ejecutores tenian unos alguaciles que hoy Uaman topile." The term " tlayacanqui" is defined by Sahagun (Lib. II, cap. XXIX, p. 142) as "cua- drillero." Molina (II, p. 120) has " tlayacantli," •' el que es regido, guiado, y gouernado de otro, o el ciego que es adies;traiia et d'Olarte {''Lettre,'" 27 Aug., 1554, pp. 403-406). We must never forget that tribute or tax was only due from a conquered tribe to its conquerors. Ko reference is made any- where to tribute or tax gatliered inside the pueblo of JNIexico, but Tlatilulco, however, was obliged to pay a certain contribution {Durdn, Cap. XXXIV, p. 270). Nevertheless, the term '"calpixqui" is found applied very distinctly to an office of the kin. Durdn (Cap. XXI, p. 1S6) calls them " mandoncillos de los l)arrios." Willi equal propriety the calpixca are termed " governors " and " captains." It only proves that, while each kin had its stewards, they were under the direction of a "mandon," 639 able that he himself, appointed the stewards subject to approval by the council. ^^*^ Aside from these subalterns, the "calpullec" had his runners and attendants, mostly members of the house- hold, perhaps " bonded " people. His judicial power was limited to minor cases, and it is more than doubtful if he held, alone, any authority to decide upon matters of life and death. But it is stated on high authority, that it was the duty of this officer, " to defend the members of a calpulli, and to speak for them."^^^ We may be permitted to inquire, whether this, perhaps indicated, that the "calpullec" was also the " tlatoani " or speaker, who represented the kin in the tribe's supreme council. This must, however, be answered in the negative, for the obvious reason that he could not be in two places at the same time. The kin's official building was assigned to him as a residence, that he might be there on dut}' always, consequently he could not spend his time outside of it at the official house of the tribe. ^^"-^ Alongside of this officer (who corresponds almost to the "Sachem" of north- eastern tribes), we find the "elder brother" — " teachcauhlin," " achcacauhtin," or througli corruption, "tiacauh. ' He was, as already stated, the kin's military commander or war-captain, and the youth's instructor in warlike exercises ; but besides he was also the executor of justice — not the police magistrate, but the chief of police (to use a modern term of comparison) or rather " sheriff" of the calpulli, ^i^^ ^g military commander he could or superior officer. This could only be the "calpullec," since it is positivelj^ stated by Zurita (p. 62) : "car lors des assemblees annuelles, qui sent tres nombreuses, il distribue gratuitement des vivres et des boissons." This had to be done out of the stores of the kin. The term " tequitlato " is probably equivalent to " calpullec." It is derived from " ni- tequiti," to work or pay tribute {Molina, II, p. 105), and "ni-tlatoa," to speak fid., II, p. 140); therefore "tributary speaker," or "speaker of tribute." But this is only used n the case of subjected tribes, where the "calpullec" was the one who cared for the tribute due by his kin, even collectin','- it. See Fray Domingo de la Anunciacion C'Lettre," Chalco 20 Sept., l.iol, in 2d liecueil, p. 340), " les tequitlatos ou percepteurs." Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXXVIII, pp. .S29-332) devotes a whole chapter to " De los grados por donde subian hasta hacerse Tequitlatos," without saying, however, what the latter means. I suspect it to be intended for "Tecuhtlatoques." iGO This may be inferred from the nature of the office. 1"! Zurita {''Rapport." etc., p. «2) : " II a soin de del'endre les menibres du calpulli, de parler pour eu.v devant la justice et Icsgouverneurs." 162 ^•Tenure of Lands " (p. 410 and note 52). Zurita (p. 2G6). ^s^it has already been shown that " achcauhtli," " achcacauhtli," and "teachcauh- tin" or "tiacauh" are synonyms. 1 refer to ''Art of War" (p. 119 and note 91) in regard to the vaiious and contradictory notions about the nature of the office. Still, the pre- vailing idea is that, besides being the " teachers " and the " captains," they also were the "executioners" of the kin. "De Vordre de succession" (p. 225) : "ils nonimaient des 640 appoint his subalterns in the field, and as executor of justice he had the same privilege while at the pueblo. The " teachcauhtin," therefore selected his own assistants and runners. Accompanied by them and carr3nng his staff of office, whose tuft of white feathers intimated that his coming might threaten death, ^^'^ the "elder brother" circulated through his calpulli, preserving order and quietness in ever}- public place thereof. If he found or heard of any one committing a nuisance or crime, he could seize him forthwith and have him carr?ed to the official house, there to be disposed, of as the custom and law of the kin required. But it is doubtful whether, except in extraordinary instances, he was authorized to do justice himself without the council's knowledge and consent. 1^^ Ere we pass over now from the functions of the kin to those of the ancient Mexican tribe, we must however dwell at some length on a peculiar institution, yet shared by the Mexicans in common with Indian tribes in general. We refer to the rank and dignity of CHIEF among them. Chieftaincy and office are far from being equivalent. The former is a purely personal, non-hereditary dis- tinction, bestowed in reward of merit only, whereas the latter is a part of the governmental machinery. ^^^ Hence it follows that a chief might fill an office or not, and still remain a chief, whereas personnes notables qui portaient le titie de achcacaiilitin qui est iin nom de charge, conime I'est aujourd'lmi celiii d'alguazils." Sahnfftm (Lib. VIII, cap. XVll, p. 305) calls tlie Achcacauhtli "(6 verdiigos) que tenian cargo de matar a los que coiidenaba el seiior." Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXVI, p. 3.55), " llaniabanse Achcaulitli, que quiere decir maiores." There is hardly any doubt as to their functions. "•i White was the color of death. (Bleaching skulls and bones I) This is amply proven by their mode of declaring, or rather announcing, war. The custom of carrying " staffs of office" is well established. 1C5 Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXVI, p. 355). Clivigero (Lib. VII, cap. XVI. p. 482, calls those " who arrested" delinquents "topilli." But this word means simply "rod or baton of justice, staff, etc." {Molina, II, p. 150), and not office. Tliere is no evidence that these officers miglit kill, witliout previous decision of the council, except perhaps in the great maiket place. Cortes {-'Carta Segunda,'' Vedia I, p. 3-2) : " Hay en la dicha plaza otras personas que andan continuo entre la genie mirando lo que se vende y las medidas con que niiden lo que venden, y se ha visto quebrar algiina que estaba falsa." Oviedo (Lib. XXXIIl, cap. X, p. 301) copies Cortes, adding, liowever, "e quie- bran lo que esta false, e penan al que usaba dello." Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCII, p. 89) simply remarks : "y otros como alguaziles ejecutores que miraban las nier- caderias," (Vedia, Vol. II). I hardly need any reference in regard to the manner of acting and mode of appearance of the "elder brothers." Their functions of "police" are repeatedly described in the older sources. i""//. //. Morgan {''Ancient Society," p. 71) : "Nearly all the Amei-ican Indian tribes had two grades of chiefs, who may be distinguished as sachems and common chiefs. Of these two primary grades all other grades were varieties. . . . The office of sachem was hereditary in the gens, in the sense that it was lilled as often as a vacancy occurred; while the office of chief was non-hereditary, because it was bestowed iu reward of per- 641 it was not necessary to become a chief in order to fill certain offi- ces. Still it is evident that, as chiefs were always men of peculiar ability, the higher charges were generally filled by chieftains. The title and rank of "grandfather" (" Tecuhtli,")i67 which was the Mexican term for chieftain in general, was open to an}'- one who strove to deserve it. It was conferred : 1. In recompense for Avarlike prowess, and actions of personal intrepidity and superior shrewdness. Courage alone could not secure it ; therefore the "distinguished braves " were not always chiefs. 168 2. In reward for actions denoting particular wisdom and sa- gacity, and in acknowledgement of services in the councils, or as traders. 169 sonal merit, and died with the individual." I have selected the term " officer" as a sub- stitute for Mr. Morgan's '•sachem,'^ because the latter is a uortliern Indian word, whereas the former, while it expresses the nature of the cliarge and dignitj', is more widely- known, and therefore better understood. It is out of the union of tlie attributes, of both oflacer and chief, that nobility and monarchy have been claimed to exist. Among the Mexicans, in fact among the most highly advanced Indian tribes (Lhe Inca of Peru not excluded), the dignity of chief was still a personal matter, and not neces- sarily connected with office. The chiefs are the "knights," mentioned by Garci- tasao de la Vega {'■•Histoire des Yncas," Lib. VI, cap. XXIV, XXV, XXVI) and Herrera (Dec. V, Lib. IV, cap. VII, p. 63; Lib. IV, cap. I, p. 83). With the Mnyscas of Bogota, compare H. Ternaux-Compans {''L^incien Cundinamarca," § XXVII, pp. 57 and 58). Oviedo y Valdes (Lib. XXVI, cap. XXXI. p. 410). Herrera (Dec. VI, Lib. V, cap. VI, pp. Ill) and 117). Compare also, in regard to the dignity of "military chief" among the wild tribes of the Rio Orhioco and of its tributaries, P. Jose Gumilla " Histoire nuiu- relle, civile, et geographique de V Oreiwque," translated by Mr. Eidous, 1758, (Vol. II, chap- ter XXXV, pp. 280-292). Very important. ^'^'' Molina (II, p. 93), " ahuelo," " tecul." It evidently should be "alnielo," and is therefore only a misprint. The older leports have the word "teclc," and only the later writers (those after the year l.o30) begin to write it "tecutli," "tecuhtli," '-teuctli." Whether the ''teules" meant really -'gods," or lather "tecuhtin," as plural of "tecutli," is yet doubtful. It is almost a truism to recall here the Roman " senex," and the German "grave" or "Gral." Among American tribes we have, in QQuiche, " aui a " old, '-ahaii," — chief; in Maya, "Hachyum," — father, and " ahau," — chief— -also " achi," — brave. ^'^^ Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXXVIII, pp. 329-332): "De Los grados por dondc subian hasta hacerse Tequitlatos," especially (p. 331): "y a los que por si prendian cuatro cautivas, roandaba el rev que los cortasen los cabellos conio a, cajjitan, llamal- banle tal diciendo .... el capit;.n niexicatl, 6 el capitan tolnaoacatl, li otros nombres qne cuadraban a los capitanes. De alii adelante se podian sentar en los estrados que ellos usaban de petates e icpales en la sala donde se sentaban los otros capitanes y Valientes hombres, los cuales son primeros y principales en los asuntos, y tienen bar- botes largos, orejeras de cuero, y borlas en las cabezas conque estan compnestas;" Zurita (" Ila2}])ort," p. 47) : " Les chefs qui, comme nous I'avons dit, se nommaient Tec Tecutzcin, ou Teutley an pluriel, n'exer(;aient le commandement qu'a vie, parce que les souverains supremes ne les elevaient a. ces dignite^s qu'en recompense des exi)loits qu'ils avaient faits ii la guerre, et des services rendus a I'etat ou au prince";. Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXVIII, p. 15G). Torquemnda (Lib. XI, cap. XXIX, p. 361). Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XIII, pp. 471 and 472), and others. 169 zurita (" Rapport" p. 47). Sahagun (Lib. IX, cap. II, p, 342) : " Estos mercaderes 642 In both the aboA^e instances (or kinds of instances) actions of particular merit facilitated, at least, the acquisition of the title ; but it could, also, be obtained : — 3. By the observance of rigorous and even cruel rites of " medi- cine " for a stated time, which put the courage, fortitude, and self- control of the candidate to the severest tests. ^^° Although a detailed account of these rites might perhaps be withheld for a subsequent sketch of ancient Mexican worship, yet they equally deserve a place here. The candidate appears to have been presented at the great central place of worship by the representatives of his kin, per- haps, also, by the other chiefs of his tribe. There he underwent four days and four nights of the most cruel torments. While but little nourishment was allowed him (some went even so far as not to eat anj^thing at all during this time), his blood was drawn freely, and no sleep was permitted to settle on his weary eyes. From time to time he was exposed to taunts, to injurious words, to blows and even to stripes. While he was thus hungry and thirsty, weakened from loss of blood through self-sacrifice, others ate and drank plentifully before his eyes. Finally, his clothes were torn from his body, and with nothing on but the breech- cloth or diaper, he was at last left alone at the " calmecac," there to do the rest of his penance. When these four initiatory days were past, the candidate went back to his calpulli, to spend the remainder of the time (about a full 3'ear), in retirement, and abstinence, frequently attended with more or less self-inflicted bodily suffering. When the kin had secured the necessary amount of articles to be offered up in worship, or given to the medicine-men, officers, chiefs, and guests attending the installation, this final so- lemnity was allowed to take place, provided alwaj's that the courage and personal strength of the novice had not forsaken him. Another period of fasting, sacrifice, and torture, similar to the one at the opening of the career of preparation, closed the probation. Some of the ordeals were again of the most trying nature. Finall}^ the store of gifts was distributed ; eating and drinking alternated with eran ya como cuballeros, y tenian divisas pavticulares por siis hazafias." . . . Fray Alonzo de Montufur {' Suppliqihe,'' etc., 30 Nov., 1554. " Treizihne relation d'Txtiilxochitl," Appenrlix, p. 257). " Des Ceremonies observees autrefois par les Indiens lorsqu'ils faisaient un Tecle," (1st " Recneil," p. 232). Mendieta (Lib. 11, cap. XXXVJII, p. l.iU). "0 Gomnra (" Conguista," Vedia I, p. 435). " Des Ceremonies observees," etc. (p)). 232, etc.). Mendieta (p. 150). Torqitemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXIX and XXX, etc.). Kkpout Peabody Museum, II. 41 643 solemn dances to the monotonous rythmic noise called Indian music. The candidate was, at last, once more dressed in becoming apparel, and could recuperate, being himself now the " feasted one." ^''^ Men, however yonng in years, who had successfully endured such great trials, certainly deserved to be looked upon thereafter as persons of uncommon fortitude. Hence indeed the chiefs or "tecuhtli" were particularly fitted for responsible offices of any kind. They were looked upon with deference, their voice was heard and listened to, and it is no wonder if higher charges, es- pecially those of a military nature, were filled by such as had, in one way or another, achieved this distinction. ^'''^ But no privilege was connected with their dignity, except that of wearing certain peculiar ornaments, and none was transmitted through them to their descendants. i'^^ Xhat the " tecuhtli," besides, did I'lFor the above description of the formalities of creating a "Tecuhtli," I refer to the sources quoted in the preceding three notes. It is interesting to compare similar ceremonies used by the Indians of the Orinoco, Gumilla {■' Histoire," etc., Vol. 11, cap. XXXV). Of the Yncas. Garcilasso de la Vega (Lib. VI, cap. XXIV to XXVI). Cristoval de Molina C^Jn account of the Fables and Rites of the Yncas." translated by C. K. Markham, in IIacl?luyt Society's Volume of 1873). " Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas." Herrera (Dec. V, lib. Ill, cap. VII, p. 63, etc.). We are forcibly reminded of the woi-ds of the quaint old poet and soldier, Alonzo de Erxcilla. "Los cargos de la Guerra, y preheminencia >iO son por fla(^os medios proveidos, iSi van por calidad, ni por herencia, Ni por hacienda, i ser mejor nacidos; ISIas la virtud del brazo, y la e.xcelencia, Esta hace a los hombres preferidos, Ef^ta ilustra, habilita, perficiona, Y quilata el valor de la persona." (" La Araucana," Parte la, Canto V. EdiUou of 1733, p. 2). ^T^ Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXIX, p. llil : "Los que tenian el ditado de Tecutli, tenian muclias precminencias, y entre ellas era que en los concilios y ayuntamientos sus votos eran principales." Gomara (" Conquista" Vedia I, p. 430). Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXX, p. 306). It should always be remembered, that the dignity of Tecuhtli appears most prominent in Tlaxcallan. This people however, was but a league, very similar to that of the northern Iroquois, only consisting of four, instead of six tribes. Among them, the peculiar nature of the dignity of chief became more evident than it was among the Mexicans to the Spaniards. But there is no difference between the "Tecuhtli" of Tlaxcallan, and the "Tecuhtli" of Mexico or Tezcuco. That the head-chiefs of Mexico were always "Tecuhtli " themselves, previous to their election, needs hardly any proof. Domingo Munoz Camargo {^'Histoire de la RepubUque de Tlaxcallan." Translation by Mr. Ternaux-Compans, in Vol. 98 and 99 of •' Nouvelles Annales des Voyages," 1813. See Vol. 98, p. 176. etc.) "3 About the privileges of the Tecuhtli, compare Gomara (" Conquista" Vedia I. p. 436), Mendieta (hih. II, cap. XXXIX, p. 161), To7-quemada {Lib. XI, cap. XXX, p. 366), Zurita (p. 48, etc.). It is evident however, that the latter confounds the rank of chief with the particular office which might have been entrusted to him, else the "culti- vation of lands" could not be included in the list of advantages derived from the posi- tion. Compare " Tenure of Lands," Bustamante {"■ Tezcoco," etc., p. 235). Sr. Bustamante frequently copies Zurita. Herrera (Dec. Ill, Lib. IV, cap. XV, p. 135). In regard to the non-heredity of the dignity, I refer to the above authorities, and more especially g** 644 not form as it is often stated, an order of chivalry, is anipl^' proven by the fact that the bond of kinship interposed a barrier between them and such an imaginary association and fnrthermore, becanse their number could not be very great. Tlie formalities required were so numerous and dilatory, the material for distribution in the shape of gifts vpas so large, that a frequent repetition of the occurrence lay be3'ond the power of the kin.^''^ After this neces- sary digression, we return once more to the Mexican calpulli. Besides being as already established in "Tenure of Lands," the unit of territorial possession, we found the Mexican kin to be a self-governing^ therefore democratic cluster. Every one of these clusters had, within itself, all the elements required for independent existence as an organized society. Except for as- sistance and protection against outsiders, it needed no associates. Hence it follows, that since we find twenty Mexican kins aggre- gated into a tribe, this tribe was a voluntary association, formed for mutual protection. Three attributes of the tribe are next to self-evident : ■ 1. A particular territory ; 2. A common dialect ; 3. Common tribal worship. ^^^ to A.de Zurita ('• liapport," p. 49 : " Lorsqu'un de ces cliefs mourait, le prince acconlait sa charge si celui qui s'en ^tait rendu digne par ses service?, car les fits du delunl ii'en lieritaient pas s'lls n'en etaient investis." The very fact of the election, and tlie manner in which it was performed is also evidence. See the various documents in Ternaux- Compans, 2d Recueil. I'-'That such a festival or ceremony necessitated the accumulation of much provis- ion and many articles for presents and offerings, is proven by numerous authorities. Gomara (" Conquista " Vedia I, p. 436) : " En fin, en semejantes fiestas no habia pariente pobre. Daban a los seiiores tecutles y princlpales convidados plumajes, mantas, tocas, zapatos, bezotes, y orejeras de oro 6 plata 6 piedras de precia. Esto era mas 6 menos, segun la riqueza y animo del nuevo tecuitli, y conforme a las personas que se daba. Tambien hacia grandes ofrendas al templo y a los sacerdotes." Zurita (" Rapport sur les diffc'rentes classes de chefs etc.," p. 28): "Ces solemnites occasionuaient de grandes ddpenses, car les assistants etaient fort nombreux; c'etaient les parents, les allies et les domcstiques du nouveau dignitaire. L'on faisait aussi des aumones considerables aux pauvres." "Des Ceremonies ohservees autrefois par les Indiens lorsquHls faisaient un Tecle." (1st Recueil, p. 233) : '• Celui que l'on nommait Tecle, devait d'abord poss^der de grands biens, qn'il put donner aux pretres et aux autres nobles." (P. 237) : '"Un grand nombre ne ponvait pas se procure)' en si peu de temps la quantite suflisante, etc., etc." Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXVIII, p. 1,5G) : " Y asi les costaba excesivo trabajo y gasto, come aqui se dini." (Id., cap. XXXIX, pp. IGO and 101.) Veytia ('• Historia Antigua" Lib. II, cap. IX, pp. 65 and 68): " Y era exhorbitantisimo el gasto, por cuya causa al- gunos, cuyas facultades y caudal no era suficifeute a reportarlos, dejaban de tomar este dictado." H. 11. Bancroft (Vol. II, p. 199): "As before remarked, the vast ex- penses entailed upon a Tecuhtli debarred from the honor many who were really worthy of it." i'°For these three attributes of tribal oiganization I refer to Morgan {''Ancient Society," p. 113). 645 All three we find very plainly among the ancient Mexicans. '"''^ Since the tribe was formed of kins associating together volnn- tarily, it must be admitted that they stood on an equal footing, -and had, all, an equal share in the tribal government. It was scarcely possible, however, from what we know of the population of aboriginal Mexico, that all the male members of the kins, at a general gathering, could form its directive power. i"~ The latter consisted of delegates, elected by the kins to represent them ; which body of delegates was the supreme authority, from whose decisions there should be no appeal. '^'^ nsi' Ancient Society," (Part II, cap. VII). 1"' There is no evidence of a general gathering of the tribe of Mexico, subseqnent to the election of " Hiimming-Bird" (Huitzilihuitl) to the office of "chief of men." This occurrence which, according to the Codex Mendoza {Flate III), took place in 1396, is mentioned hy Durdn (Cap. VII, p. .'">:^) : " Y asi haciendo sn consulta y cauildo entre los grandes y mucha de la gente coniun." Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicana" edited by Sr. Jose M. Vigil and annotated by Sr. Orozco y Berra, Mexico, 1878, cap. IV, p. 233), distinctly mentions delegates: '-Casi con esto los mas principales, viejos, y sacerdotes de los Mexicanos, de los cnatro barrios." The '■ Codice Ramirez " (" lielacion del Origen delos India s que Hahitan esta Nneva-Enpana seguii sus Hisforins." " Diblioteca Mexi- cana," p. 39), uses the same words as Duran. Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXX, p. 318), gives probably the best and clearest pictnre of the most important meetings of the tribe,— those for election of the chiefs, and distinctly mentions only old men, officers and medicine-men. "8 Evidence in regard to the existence and to the supreme authority of this body is finind in many authors. In the first place we have tlie direct admission, that they elected the "chief of men" or so-called " King," and that the " matters of government " lay in their hands, in that (yet) anonymous Relation taken from the Archives of Simancas, translated and printed by Mr. H. Ternaux-Compans under the title: " De Vordre de Succession observe par les Indiens" {ler Recueil, p. 228): " Des conseilleurs etaient charges des affaires d'etat; c'etaient pour la plupart des gens de distinction et des tecuclis ou chevaliers comme nous les appelons. On choisissait tonjours des per- sonnes agees, ponr lesqnelles le souverain avait beaucoup de veneration et de respect, et qu'il honorait comme ses piSres." The supremacy of the council is positively affirmed, besides, in tlie following autliorities : — (1). In a fragmentary MSS. of the sixteenth century, found along with the " Codice Ramirez," and incorporatea with the latter in tlie •' Biblioteca Mexicana" (" Cronica," Fragmento 2, Cap. . . p. 147): " Considerando el nuevo Rey de Mexico la fuerza que el espariol traia, junto a consejo y hizoles representacion de aquesto, y lo que estaba prometido que de Ixllilxuchiil habia de salir la ruina de los Mexicanos, que se diesen con buenas condiciones, pues era menos mal que no morir a sus manos y a las de los espafioles. No quisieron por tener concepto destos que eran insufribles y cudiciosos. Tornoles otra vez a ti-atar aquesto, y aun otras dos, diciendoles ser entonces tiempo comodo : dijeron que qiierian mas morir, que hazerse esclavos de gente tan mala como los espafioles; y asi quedo combenido que era mejor morir; la qual determinacion sabida por Cortes andaba dando orden it Ixtlilxuchitl de como sitiar la ciudad." This shows how decisive the voice and vote of the council was, over and above the wishes and counsels of the so-called "King" (at that time Quauhtemotzin). even at the time of greatest danger, immediately before the last siege. Compare '-Art of War" (p. 100) on the same subject. (2). In same coWqcX'xou — Fragmento 1 (pp. 124 and 12.5), acknowledging the final decisions of the council at the time of the older" wrathy chief": "y assi en este tiempo 646 It is therefore a tribal council, called in the Mexican language "place of speech" (" Tlatocan"), which constituted the highest power among the ancient Mexicans. ^^^ In all probability it con- sisted of as many members as there were kins in the tribe, i^*' comenzd a erliflcar el temi)Io a su dios Unitzilopochtli a imitacion de Salomon, por CQii- sejo de Tlacaellel y de todos sus grandes." Idem (p. 117) : "y luego Ilamo a Tlacaellel y a sus consejeros, y dizicndoles lo que pasaba, de comun aoiierdo se determino que se hiziesse guerra a los de Tepeaca." (3). The proper words of the last " wratliy chief" (Montezuma II), as reported by Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicana," Vol. IX of Kingsborough, Cap. XCVII, p. 172) are: '• liijos y hermanos, seals niuy bien venidos, descansad, que aunque es verdad yo soj' rey y senor, yo solo no puede valeros, sino con toilos los |)rincipales Mexicanos del sacro senado Mexioano descansad." This reply was given by the reputed "despot" to the delegates from Huexotzinco, who came to negotiate for peace and alliance against the Tlaxcallaiis. In connection witli this we meet witli the remarkable passage already quoted, which, wliile proving the fact that tlie Mexican tribe could not, alone, even treat, for itself, with a liostile tribe, establishes incidentally, also, the supremacy of the Mexican council over its heiid-cliief: " Habiendo venido ante Moctezuma todo el senado Mexicano, y consultado sobre ello, dijo Zilmacoatl resoluto: Seiior, como sera esto, si no lo saben vuestros consegeros de guerra los reyes de Aculhuaoan 'Jsezahual- pilli, y el de Tecpanecas Tlalteoatzin ? hagase entero cabildo y acuerdo : fue acordado asi." (4). Dieffo Durdn (Cap. XI, p. 103): "A estos quatro seiiores y ditados, despues de eletos principes los hacian del consejo real como presidentes y oydores del consejo supremo, sin parecer de los quales nenguna cosa se auia de hacer." (Cap. XII, p. 108) : "El rey tomo parecer con los grandes de lo que auia de hacer. Tlacaelel, priucipe de los exercitos, y los quatro del supremo consejo." (Cap. XIV, pp. 117 and 118) desci-ibes .1 called meeting of "los'mas principales de toda la ciudad de Mexico" with the two chiefs. (Call. XVI, p. 13'i): "Tlacaellel respondio. que le parecia cosa muy acertada y justa, y todos los del consejo determinaron de que se hiciese." (P. 133) : " Monteguma aprobo el consejo y dixo : perdonad me, seiiores, que yo.aunque soy rey no acertare en todo : para eso tengo vuestro favor, para que me auiseis de lo que a la autoridad desta ciudad y nuestra conviniere." I further refer to Cap. XVIII (p. loB), and otlier places. (5). Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. 11, p. 477) : " De donde se puede entender, que entre estos el Rey no tenia absoluto mando e imperio, y que mas gonernaua a niodo de Consul, o Dux, que de Key, aunque despues con el poder crecio tambieu el mando do los Reyes, hasta ser puro tyrannico, como se vera eu los ultinios Reyes." Tliis latter assertion has already been refuted in a previous note. (Lib. VI, cap. XXV. p. 441): '-Todos estos quatro eran del supremo Consejo, sin cuyo parecer el Rey no hazia, ni podia liazer cosa de importancia." (6). Herrera (Dec. III. lib. II, cap. XIX. p. 70): '-Estos quatro Ditados, eran del Consejo supremo, sin cuyio parcer no podia liacer el Rei cosa de importancia." (7). Indirect evidenc^e of the siipi-eme power of the council is found in the descrip- tions of the mode of consultation about war or peace, as given by MencUeta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI. p. 129), TorqiLcniada (Lib. XIV, cap. II, p. 537). The latter even mentions old women along with tlie men, as participating in the debate on peace or war, and describes tliis debate as truly "Indian." "9 Molina (II, p. 140) : " tlatocan,^' " corte 6 palacio de grandes seiiores." (Id., I, p. 29) : " consejo real," " tlatocanecentlalilizlli." Torquemoda (Lib. XIV, cap. VI, p. 54.')) : " si no era en la corte, a la qunl Ilanian Tlatocan, que es lugar de Juzgado, 6 Audieucia." 180 We liave already noticed that there were twenty "liarrios" (Ivins) in the tribe. Now we lire told by Bernal Diez de Castillo {''■Hist, verdadera." etc., Vedia II, cap. XCV, p. 95) : "y siempre a la contiua estaban en su compania veinte grandes seiiores y conse- jeros y capitancs, y se liizo a estar preso siu niostrar pasion en ello." (Cap. XCVII, p. 99) : "Yalie dicho otra vez eu el capitulo que de ello habla, de la nianera que eutraban a 647 each calpulli sending a "speaker" ("Tlatoani") to represent it. Sueli positions could only be filled by men of acknowledged ability and reputation, who had acquired the distinction of chiefs^ and hence their other title — "speaking chiefs" ('' Tecuthatoca,") which was everywhere recognized, in aboriginal Mexico, as the highest office and charge. ^^^ negociar y el acato que le tenian, y como siempre e'itiiban en sn eompaiiia en aquel tienipo para despachar negocios veinte hombres ancianos, que eran jueces; y porque esla ya leferido, no lo torno a referir " Furthermore, it is positively asserted by Tor- quemada (Lib. XIV, cap. VI, p. 544) : " En lugar de Regidoves, ponian en cada Barrio, 6 Parcialidad, un Teculitli, que se ocupaba en executar lo que nuestros Hegidores execu- tan, y hacen, y todos los Dias te hallaban en el Palacio, a ver lo que se les ordenaba, y mandaba." Consequently each calpulli or kin held one representative constantly at tlie official house of the tribe, and as tliere were twenty kins, we necessarily have liere the twenty chiefs or -'Judges," mentioned by Bernal Diez. The above statement of Torquemada is repeated (or copied ?) by Vetancurt (••Teatro." Vol. I, p. 371). Z>?t?-«?i (Cap. XXVI, p. 215) mentions : "los grandes seiiores, que eran hasta doce." Txflilxiichitl (•' Histoire (ha ChichimSques," Cap. XXXIV, j). 23(3) says •'there were four- teen great lords in the kingdom of Mexico." Tezozomoc (Cap. XXXVI, p. 57, Kingsb., Vol. IX) enumerates first twelve, then three more. This is the more singular ;ifter the detailed list giving tivc^i^/t-'liiefs, which list I have already referred to in a previous note, That the members of the tribal council were elected each one by his caljiulli or kin. follows from the statements of Zurita {'■'Rapport," etc., p. 60) : '' Les calpullis ont tou- jours un chef pris necessairement dans la tribu. . . . L'election se fait entre eux. . . . J>a charge de ces chefs n'e»t pas hiiieditaire. . ." (P. (il) : ''Ce chef est charge du soin des terres du calpulli et d'en defendie la possession " (P. 62) : " II a soin de dii- fendre les membres du calpulli, de parlcr pour eux devant la justice et les gouver- neurs." Coii-'equently this officer represented the kin towaids the other kins of the same tribe, and this could only be done in the tribal council, as one ol its inembeis. How this election took place, the same authority tells us (p. 61), also that the office was for life, and that as capacity was the first condition, incapacity or unfaithfulness neces- sai'ily brought about removal. 181 Molina (II, p. 14) : " Tlatoani," '' hablador, 6 gran senor." The plural is '• Tlatoca." Pimentel {••Cuadro," p. 174). Tliere is ample evidence of the high offices which bore this title. Compare Torquemada, (Lib. IV, cap. XVI, p. (;2t;) : "los Tlatoques (que son los Senores, y Poderosos.)" .... Tezozomoc uses the term " Zemauahuac-tlatoani." Zvrita (p. 43): "Les souverains se nommaient et se nomment encore Tlatoques, mot qui vient du verbe tlatoa, qui vent dire parlor." Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XXXVIII, p. 32, Vedia, II). ''Real Ejecutoria '' (Col. de Doc, Vol. II, p. 12 and note 36). In this document the word is used in the plural: "y diciendo que ya habian estado alii los Tlatoanis Teacames." It would be useless to quote further authorities. I shall only state that, according to Sr. D. Juan Gavarrete, the term, as applied to "piincipa- les " or '' old men," is still used among the Indians of Guatemala : "Los ancianos que a, su edad agregau servicios publicos se llanian en algunos pueblos Tatoques; pero esta denominacion casi ha desaparecido." {Letter to theicriter 14 March, 1879.) The term " tecutlatoca" decomposes into "tecutli" and "tlatoca." It is found in Molina {\l, p. 93), as "in Tecuthitoa," "tener andiencia, o entender en su oficio el presi- dente, oydor, alcalde, etc., etc." "Tecutlatoliztli." "jiidicatura, o el acto de exercitar su oficio el Juez." Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXVI, p. 355); "y a los Jueces, Tecuhtla- toque, Seiiores, que goviernan el bieu publico, y lo habian." I have already noticed that the "Tequitlato" mentioned by Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXXVJII, p. 329) might be a misprint or misspelling for "tecutlatoca." The same author says (Id., Cap. XX\^ p. 314): "Estos talcs eran los mayores jueces, que ellos llamaban tecutlatoque." Molina (I, p. 108): "senador," "tecutlatoca." 648 The place where this council tissembled, was necessarily the _ official house of the tribe or "tecpan,"'^^ and there they met at stated intervals, possibly twice exery Mexican month of twenty days. 1^3 ynch meetings were fully attended, and they could be called, besides, at au}^ time.^'^'^ There is evidence that, during Bustmnante (" Tezcoco," p. 191): "Hiiljia tTinhieii abogados y pronuradores; a los pvinieros lUimaban Tcpantlatoani (el que habla por otro)." i'*^ Molina (II, p. 93) : "casa o palacio i-oal, 6 de algun sefior de saliia." But of special impovtaiioe is the Ibllowiug deflnition (I, p. 91): "Palacio real" — " tecpan, tlatocan. toiecuacan." This shows that the tecpan was really the place where the council met." Saliagun (Lib. VllI, cap. XIV, pp. 302 and 303. Cap. XXV, p. 314). Memlieta (Lib. 11, cap. XXVm, p. 131). IxtlilxiuhiU {" Histoire des Chii-himiques,'" Cap. -XXXVI, pp. 247-i5jJ). Veytia (III, cap. VII, p. 19!)). Torquemada ('• Monarquia," Lib. XIV, cap. VI, p. 514), ideutilyinf^ "la Corte" with the "lugar de Jiizgado, 6 Audiencia." Furtlier quotations aie u?eless. 1*3 i^his f;n;t is ini|)lied by Ixili/xochitl ('^ Hist, des ChichimSquas,'" cap. XXXVIIl, pp. 207, 258 and 2!i9), wiien he alUi ins Ih it, in notifying a hostile tribR of the intention to make war upon It, the notification was reiieated thrice, at intervals of twent}' days. Veijtia ('■ Hisforia antigua de. Meyico," Lib. III. cap. VII. p. 209), says that every twelve days " cada doce dias," the coui'ts met to report to the "emperor." This is rather strange since (Id., p. 2(12, etc.i, lie says that these courts sat daily in what he calls tlie "palace." Torq^iemada {L.\h. XI, c}ip. XXVI, p. 3.o.i) : " De diez a diez Dias, y a mas tardar, de doce a doce, liacia junta el Rei de todos los jueces, asi de las Audiencias del Reino, como de los de sus Consejos." In this case he spealis of Tezcuco. Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XX VllI, p. 135): '• Y asi, a lo mas largo, los pleitos arduos, se concluian a la consulta de los ochenta dias, que llamaban nappoaltlatolli, demas que cada diez 6 doce dias el senor con todos los jusces tenian acuerdo sobre los casos arduos y de mas calidad." Zui-ita {"■ llapiwrt, etc.," p. 101): "Tons les douze jours il y avait une assemblee generale des juges inesidie par le prince. On y jugcait les affaires difflciles, celles de crimes qualilies, et Ton examinait minutieu.'-ement tons les details." C/avi- gero (Lib. VII, cap. XVI, p. 482), is ve.iy positive: "Each Mexican month, or within twenty days, a meeting of all the judges was held in presence of the King, to decide upon all cases nut yet disi)oseil of." He evidently bases the statement ui)on Gumara C' Conquista," elc, Vetiia I. p. 442). "Consultan con los seiiores cada mes una vez todos los negocios," according to Sr. Urozco y JJerra (" OJeada sobre Cronologia MexicaiKi," Introduction to the " Cionica Wexicana," published under the supervision of Seiior Jose M. Vigil, pp. 174 and 175). Gomara rest^ principally upon an unpublithed series of documents, entitled " Lth7-o de Oro," now in possession ol my friend, Sr. Icazbalceta, which collection was formed by the Franciscans under tlie auspices of the unjustly abused Fray Juan de Zumarraga, between 1531 and 1547. The statement of Clavigcro is, therefore, not to be rejected. The " Codice Raiidrez" (p. 05) says: "los qiiales daban noticia al Hey cada cierto tiempo de todo lo que en t-u Keyno pasaba y se liabia lieclio " It is, therefore, to say the least, likely, that the full council met once a month, but, as we have f-taled in order to be just towards all, it is equally possible that ilniay have met twice. The reference to "Judges" needs no explnnation. It is self-evident that for judiciary matters, alone, such meetings of executive offirers were superfluous. Matters of government came up also, — and this is decisive of the kind of otlicers that were members of the tribal council, since they alone could till such positions'. These meetings were, tlierelbre, full meetings of the council, and nothing else. '8* This is abundantly i)roven by wliat has at last been recognized by Sr. Oroeco y Berra as well as by my friend, Sr. Cliarero (■' OJeada," etc.) as specilicallj' IMexican sources of aboriginal liistovy. See for int-t. : " Codice Ii se pasraba con mnerte, hazian al homicida esclavo perpetuo de la inujer 6 parientes del muerto, paiva que les sirviesse y supliesse la f.dta del muerto, ganando el sustento de los hijos que dejaba." This is very interesting since it shows the autonomy of the kins. Tlie murderer stood, towards tlie calpulli of tlie slain, in the same relation as, among noithern Indians, a prisoner of war did towards tlie hostile tril)e. Both could be adopted, and this condoned the deed. Theoffending kin lost onemember ; the offended kin obtained one in returnfor the one that had been killed. However, this was oidy in exceptional cases : the rule, as established by the majority of authors was that life alone could atone for life. In the same mannei-, and under the same head, the contradictory reports must be placed, about the punishment of theft, which have already been noticed. There are conse- quently, for each crime or l") is even very i)ositive: " Y si era negocio ile calidad del consejo, havia apelacion por via de agravio ante Monteguma, en donde habia conclu- sion de la causa." !My opinion is based on what precedes about the authority of tlie council, on what I expect to prove in i-elation to the true nature of the duties of the head-chiefs and which will hereafter follow, and on the contradictions among tlie authors themselves. Thus the '' Codice liamirez" (p. •'58) places the supreme power into the hands ot the councils. " sin parescer de los quales niiiguna cosa se habia de hacer," and (pp. (il and 65) it does not mention any power of appeal whatever. Zurita (pp. 100 and 101) : ■' Les appels etaicnt portes devant douze autres juges snperieurs qui pronon5aient d'apres I'avis du souverain." It is queer to notice, how the writers of the tezcucan school, appear eager to place tlie power of tiiial decree or the decision of final appeal in a "high tribunal," or rather simjily a supreme council of their tribe. Torquemada (Lib II, cap. XXXXI, p. 146) mentions a supreme council, "a los quules avian de venir todas las cosas graves, y criminales, para que ellos, con el Rei, las determinasen." (Lib. XI, cap- XXVI, p. 354): "Para estos dos Jueues Supremos se apelaban las causas graves, los quales las admilian, pero no deteiminaban, ni senten- ciaban, sin parecer. y acuerdo ile el Rei." Veyiia (Lib. Ill, cap. VII, p. 199) speaks of the establishment of " tribunals " by "Fasting wolf" (•• Nezahualcoyotl " — properly "fatting coyote"), and adds: '-pero concediondo a las partes el recurso de apelacion para el gran tribunal de justicia que erigio en su corte de Tczcuoo." This so-called tribunal was, as we have shown at the close of note 190, the " Council of the tribe." Mendietn (Lib. II, cap. XXVIII, p. 1:^5) almost copies Zurita. Sah-tgnn {•^Historia general," etc.. Lib. VIII, cap. XXV, p. 314): " y los casos muy diticnltuosos y graves, llevabanlos al senor para que los sentenciase, juntamente con trece priiicipules muy calilicados, que con el and.iban, y residian." "Estos tales eran los mayores jueces, que ellos llamaban tecutlatoque. ..." In this ca-se the learned father speaks of tribal jurisdiction and not of arbitration. Still it is iilaiii that he admits the council's decrees as final. The chief, " seiior," appears only as member of this council, a position of which we shall hereafter speak. Without making any further quotations from similar authorities, I beg to revert to those which place, hy the side of the so-called "King" an independent "supreme Judge" — the " Cihuacohuatl," whose tribunal 7=. 652 Aside from these arbitrative functions, other duties occupied the council's- time at its full meetings. If any calpulli felt wronged in the distribution of the incoming; tribute, it might through its delegate or " speaker, "^^'^ complain about the tribal officers an- swerable for it to the "•tlatocan." The investiture of chiefs and officers of the kins belonged to the higliest authority of the tribe is positively mentioned as the final court of appeals. That this " Cihuacohuatl " ocoupied a high position, was already noticed by Cortes (•' Carta tercera,''^ Vedia I, p. 89), and subsequently, when he became still more prominent, by TezozoTiioc. But Torquemadahas been to my knowledge, the first one to establish his position as indepen- dent supreme Judge. It is not devoid of interest to notice what he writes about this offlce. {" Moil ar cilia Indiana," Lib.' XI, cap. XXV, p. 352): '■ Despues del Rei, havia un Presidente, y Juez inaioi-, cuio nombre, por ragon de el ofloio, era Cihuacohuatl . . .... L)e este Piesidente no se apelaba para el Rei, ni pai-a otio .Inez alguno, ni podia tener Teniente, ni substitute, sino quo por su nii^nia persona havia de determinar, y decidir todos los negocios de su jusgado, y audiencia." He further adds; ''lo qual no corria en este dicho .Inez Cihuacohuatl; porque de su nltima determinacion no habia recurso a otro." Fray Aaguslin de ['etuncurt (" Ttatro Mexicano," Vol. I, Parte 2a, Trat. 2°, cap. I, p. 309): "Despues del Iley . . . habia iin viiey que llamaban Cihuaco- huatl, que el rey proveia y era su segunda persona en el gobierno, de cuya sentencia no habia apelacion a otro. Tan absoiuta era la autoridad que le daba, que reservaudo el rey en si la aiitoridad real, era en la judicatura igual." These statements distinctly hint at the existence of an appellate judicial body, of whicli this Cihuacohuatl was foreman, and over which the so-called "King" had no control. Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XVI, p. 481) even states that while there was no appeal from the Cihuacohuatl whatever, there was one of these officers "at the court and the principal cities of the kingiiom.'' These views in regard to the " Cihuacohuatl" have been plainly accejjted by W. H. Prescott (" Conquest of Mexico," Vol. I, p. 29) : " There was no appeal from his sentence to any other tribunal, not even to the king," and //. H. Bancroft {^'■Native Races," Vol. II, cap. XIV, pp. 43-t and 435). The confusion is apparent, for we liave here three difl'erent views of the same case. One is that the " liead-chiel " was the highest appellate authority, the other that the head-chief, iviUi, the council, formed the court of last resort, and the third that a "supreme Judge" was appointed by tlie so-called '-King" to render final decisions. Kow we have already seen that the supreme authority was the council or " tlatocan," consequently what is commonly called the "king" could not be the last resort in judiciary matters, still less could he appoint an officer for that purpose. Our proposi- tion appears, therefore, sustained, that there was no appeal from the decisions of the conned to any superior authority whatever. But, finally, itwas possible to reconsider, so to say, the cases decided by tlie council, and for such tlie so-called '• NauhpohuultlatvUi" or •' eiffhty duys-tuW was instituted. Authorities are almost unanimous on this point, although it is commonly ascribed to Tezcuco alone, and I refrain from quoting tliem in detail, referring but to Bancroft (" Kutive Races." Vol. II, p. 439, etc.). i''*This becomes evident from the relative positions of l^in and tribe. As we shall hereafter see, the ofllcers gathering and those receivnig the tribute were tiibal officers, consequently subjct to the council. It was to the council, therefore, that any complaint had to be brought against them, and tliis could be done only through the " speaker" of a particular kin. That the tribute was distributed partly among the "calpulli" is indicated by Durdn (Cap. IX, p. 79) : " Tambien dieron a sus barrios para el culto de sus dioscs, a cada barrio una suerte, etc.," and Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicann," Cap. X, p. 18): "y aunque venian a darlo li Ytzcoail, era para todos los Me.xicanos en comun." 653 also. '9^ This "right to invest officers and chiefs of the l^ins" is commonl}- distorted into a right to appoint or at least to confirm an appointment or election, ^^^ whereas it was merely an act of conrtes^' ultimatelj^ converted into an established custom. But paramount in importance was the preservation of independence towards the outside world, and hence all relations with other tribes, and all final decisions concerning alliances, declarations, of war and treaties of j^eace were, as we have elsewhere stated, in the hands of the council. '9" No raid or foray could be started unless by its direction ; and delegates from foreign or hostile tribes, though not always admitted into the presence of the '"tlatocan," always liad to wait until that body agreed upon and formulated an answer. ^^^ MS porquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXIX, p. 3()1) : . . "elegian Dia de biien signo: en el qiial llamabaii a todos los sefiores, y piiiicipales de la Republica, y a toilos los Pavien- tes, y Aniigos: los quales aconipanaban al manoebo, etc., etc." (Cap. XXX, p,p. 364, 3t)0). This author copies from Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXVIII and XXXIX, pp. 156 to 161) who partly gathers from ZuritQ.[^' Rcqjport,'" pp. 2.5 to 29). Gomara ('• Conqicista." etc., Vedia I, p. i:i5) : '■ Los senoj-es, los amigos y.'parientes que convidados estaban, lo subiau por las gradas al altar El dia que habia de salir venian todos los que priniero le honrarou, y luego por la mafiana le lavaban y limpiaban muy bien, y le tornaban al templo de Camaxtle con muclia niiisica, danzas y regocijo. Subianle a cerca del altar, etc., etc. . . ." Although these quotations apply mostly to Tlaxcala, the dignity of "Teculitli" was common among all the sedentary tribes, and the customs of investiture were also about identical. Compare, '• Ves Ceremonies observees autrefois 2}ar les Indiens lorsqu' iU faisaieat iin tecle " (" Pieces relatives a la coiiquete dii Mexique," Teruaux-Compans, pp. 233 and 234. '■^^Zurita {''Rapport," etc., p. 47) : '' parceque les souverains supremes ne les elevaient a ces dignites qu'eu re(;ompense des exploits qu'ils avaient faits a la guerre," etc. Besides, there are numerous evidences that the older authors all believed the ofScers to be nominated by the highest tribal authority. The distinction was never made as between officers of the kins and officers of tlie tribe. I have formerly discussed the point. ^'^'' '■' Art of War" {x). 129). In addition to the authorities there quoted, and those alluded to in note 178 of the present essay, I beg to refer witli great pleasure to a paper written by a learned Peruvian, Sr. Jose Fernandez Xodal {•' Le'gislation civile comparee des Mexicains sous les emper ears Aztecs et d^s Peruvien^ a Pepoque des Incas"). This memoir was presented at the "Congres international des Americanistes," at Luxem- bourg in 1877, but only a short summary of it was published in the '■'Compte Rendu" (Vol. I, pp. 23.5-237). Sr. Nodal states that among the Mexicans' monarchy (?) was elective and controlled by a Council, '-Controlee par un conseil supreme." It is to be sincerely regretted that this interesting paper was thus neglected. IPS Evidences in regard to this latter detail are numerous. Compare Tezozomoc (•' Cronica" Ivingsborough, Vol. IX, cap. XCVII, p. 172). Burdn (Cap. XV, p. 127): •' El ley Monteguma le respondio con rof tro muy alegre y amoroso, que se lo agradecia el amoi- que les tenian y quel era muy contento de conservar la paz y de tener con ellos perpetua amistad; pero para questas treguas estuviesen con mas seguridad y vinculo, quel lo queria communicar con sus grandes seiiores y principales y quel le daria su respuesta. El rey de Tezcuco fue aposentado a descansar en un aposento de la casa real, con mucha onra, y luego el rey mando venir a todos los de su cousejo y a los demas seiiores y principales, y estando presentes, luego los propuso la platica 654 Such were, in a general way, the higher functions of the Mexi- can council, and they appear, if we are permitted to characterize them to be only arbitrative and directive. Yet the members of that council had other duties of a purel}^ judicial nature. No conflict occurred between its jurisdiction and that of the kins. It was neither superior nor inferior to it, but wholl^^ independent, even without an}^ connection with it. Hence it extended : 1. Over the unattached class, the hangers-on to the tribe, or outcasts from the bond of kinship. ^^^ 2. Over all the people composing the tribe, irrespective of kin- ship, at places specially placed under tribal care, or reserved for tribal business, and therefore neutral ground for the members of all the calpnlli. These neutral localities were the official buildings, the central or tribal "house of god," and especially the great "tianqniz" or market places. The outcasts were, happil}^ for the preservation of tribal so- ciety, not very numerous. Still, from their very origin, they were the most disorderly part of the people and crimes were certainl}' more common among tliem than among those upon whose passions the tie of kinship and the obligations resulting therefrom acted like a wholesome check. It required a judiciary power constantly on hand to repress and punish the misdemeanors committed among this class. The "tecpan," the great central "teocalli" and the square on which it stood, and the market, were regular meeting-places of siguiente, etc " (Cap. LX, p. 473): "Montezuma, apiaclandose dellos, los niando aposentar, y llamando su consejo, propusoles la demanda que traian." Codice Ramirez (p. (il): "El Rey Itzcolmatl mostro gran contento con la embajada res- pondiendo con muy gratas palabi'as; mando aposentar a los mensajei-os, y honrarlos, y tratar como a su propia persona, diziendoles que desoansasseii, que el dia siguiente lea daria la respiiesta." See also Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap I, p. 535) : "Acabada la Embaxada, si el Embaxador no era de niui gran Principe, no se le lespondia cosa, hasta otro Dia; salian con el algunos, aoompariandole a la Calpixca, adoude se pvoveia de lo necesario, y en el entretanto el Senor coniunicaba con los de su Consejo lo que se havia de responder, lo qual hacia uno de ellos, y no el." But the most complete picture of such delegations and the manner in Avliich they were received is found in Fetancurf {"Teutro Mexicano," Parte 11°, Trat. Ila, cap. II. pp. 378 and 379). It is too long to be copied. I merely allude to the words : "Acabada la embajada, le volvian a la posada mientras se jnntaban para la respuesta." It has been adopted by Claviyero (Lib. VII, cap. XI, pp. 470 and 471). w'-The unattached class was under protection of no kin; therefore, if such a "bonded man" made his escape to tlie Tec])an, he became liberated from his bond. Already mentioned by Gomara C'Conquista," Vedia, I, p. 442), and subsequently cou- flrmed by others. 655 people from nil the calpiilli, but over which no single kin could exercise any control.-^'' This control had been delegated to the -'"' In regard to the " tecpan," the simple term "casa de comiinidad," used particu- larly bj' Torquemnda (Lib. VI, cap. XXIV, p. 48. and again Lib. XIII, cap. XXX, p. 477) : la ''Tecpan, que es el palacio." e.xplnins much. It is. besides, self-evident that the tribal places of business and of worship were under the control of no particular kin, being expressly reserved for the tribe. There is, howevei', no definite expression as yet, in fact it hardly amounts to a clear conception, of the number and position or location of the original '-tianquiz" of Tenuchtitlan. Tliere are four eye-witnesses of the conquest reporting upon the markets: Cortes, Andres de Tapia, the anonymous conqueror, and Bevnal-Diez de Castillo. I quote these in succession. Cortes {"Carta SeguHda,"Y ecWa, I, p. 32): "Tiene esta ciudad muchas plazas, donde hay continuos mercados y trato de comprar y vender. Tiene otra plaza tan grande como dns vezes la ciudad de Salamanca, toda cercada de portales al rededor, donde hay coti- dimanieute arriba de sesentn-mil animas comprando y vendiendo, . . ." •'■Carta Ter- cer:i,'" (p. 74) : " liasta otra puente que esta junto a la plaza de los principales aposenta- niientos de la ciudad.'' Note 2 of the Archbishop Lorenzana: -'Antes de Uegar a la plaza de la Universidad hay mnohas puentes, y naturalmente habla aqui desta plaza o mercado. que era muy grande." Id., (p. 78) : " E porque este trabajo era incompartaljle, acordo de pasar el real al cabo de la calzada que va a dar al mercado de Temixtitan, que es una plaza harto mayor que la de Salamanca, y toda cercada de port.ales a la re- donda; " (Id., p. 79) : •' seguimos nuestro ciimino, y entramos en la ciudad, a la cual Uega- dos, yo repai'ti la gente desta manera: liabia tres callcs deiide lo que teniamos ganado, que iban a dar al mercado. al cual los indios llamau Tianguizco, y a todo aquel sitio donde esta llanian de Tlaltelulco ; y la una destas calles era la principal, que iba a dicho mercado, . . Las otras dns calles van dende la calle de Tacuba a dar al mercado." Id. (p. 81), after the repulse of the Spaniards: •' todoslos espaiioles vivos ymiiertos que toma- ron los llevaron al Tlatelulco, que es el mercado." Id. (p. 85) : '' E aquel dia acabamos de ganar toda la calle de Tacuba y de adobar los malos pasos della, en tal manera que los del real de Fedro de Albarado se podian conimunicar con nosotros por la ciudad, e por la calle principal, que iba al mercado, se gaiiaion otras dos puentes y se cego bien el agua, ..." Id., " y seguimos la calle grande, que iba a dar al mercado;" (p. 81)) : "Otro dia siguiente, estando aderezaudo pai-a volver a entrar en la ciudad, a los nueve horas del dia vimos de nuestro I'eal salir humo de dos torres muy altas qne estaban en el Tatelulco 6 mercado de la ciudad." Andres de Tapia {'•lielacion," etc., in Col. de Dog., II, p. 582) : mentions only the " patio de los idolos." '-El Conquistador anonimo" (Col. de Doc, I. p. 3!)2) : " Sono nella cilta di Temestitan Messico grandissime et bellissime jiiazze, dove si vendono tulte le cose che usana fra loro, et specialmente la piazza mag- giore che essi chiamano el Tatelnla, che puo esser cosi grande coino sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca, et seno all'intorno di essa tutti portici; . ." (p. 394) : " Et oltra q'uesta gran piazza ve no sono deH'aUre et mercati in che si vendono cose da mangiare in diverse parti della citta." liernal Diez de Castillo {"Historia verdadera," ye,(\u\.H, cap. XCII, p. 89) : "y cuando Uegamos a la gran plaza, que se dice el Tatelulco, como no habiamos visto tal cosa, quedamos admirados de la nnillitud de gente y mercaderias queen ella liabia, . ." He also states that the " gran plaza" was -'cercado de portales." (Cap. CLII, p. 183) : " que si nos jiai'ecia que fnestmos cntrando de golpe en la ciudad hasta entrar j' Uegar al Tlatelulco, que es la plaza mayor Mejico. que es muy anclia, . . ." (Cap. CLV, p. 193): " que les entrasemos todo cuanto pudiesemos hasta llegalles al Tlatelulco, que es la plaza mayor, adonde estaban sus altos cues y adoratorios." We notice at once a contradiction. Corles lirst mentions a market of Tenuchtitlan, and alterward he calls it of Tlatelulco. Archbisho]) Lorenzana identifies it with the "plaza de la Universidad," or in tlie neighborhood of the Cathedral. See Cervdntes- Salazar {•^ Tres Dialogos" p. 9): -'en la esquina de las calle.- del Arzobispado y Seminario." There were two great market-places in ancient Mexico, one of which was in Tenuch- tillan, and the other in the conquered neighboring pueblo of Tlatelulco. This is very 656 " tlatocan" as a consequence of the formation of the tribe. Crimes committed at such localities were punished with unusual severity, because they were offences desecrating neutral ground which was plainly stated by Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. XIII. p. .55.5), and it would even appear as if, notwithstanding tlie importance attached to Tlatelulco by many aiithors, that the principal market was the one mentioned by this antlior as " el que esta en la Poblacion de San Juan . . . ," and consequently tlie proper '"tianquiz" of the Mexican tribe. This could only be neutral ground, over wliich no single kin exercised any autliority. It may have been diflerent in regard to the "tianquiz" of Tlatelulco; at least the following indications of Durdn (Cap. XXXIV, p. 370) deserve full attention: " Fecho esto mando el rey que aquella plaga y mercado que ellos ganaron, pues los tlatelnlcas no teniun mas tierra, que fuese repartido entre los seiiores y que la parte que a cada uno cupiese, que de todos los tlatelnlcas que allt hiciesen asiento, de todo lo que vendiesen les diesen alcauala, de cinco uno, y asi se repartio la plaga entre todos, de donde cada uno oabraua alcauala de lo que en el lugar que le auia oauido se vendia." The above is not quite definite enough, because the "plaza y mercado" of which the friar speaks, is evidently the one mentioned by him Cp. 260): "y encerrandoles en la pla9a de su mei'cado, liaciendose los tlatelulcas fuertes, no dexauan entrar a la plaga nenguno de los Blexicanos en elia," whereas he says (p. 270) : " que alii hiciesen asiento," as if the place was built over. Tlie fact that the "tianquiz" of Tlatelulco was "distributed among the Mexicans" is further asserted by Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicana," Cap. XLVI, yi. 75, Kingsboroiigli, Vol. 9): "Axayaca mando tamliien se hiciese repartimiento del tianquiz de Tlatilolco a los Mexicanos, y coraenzaron a medir primera suerte Axayaca, luego fiZihuacoatl Tlacaeleltzin, luego par su orden Tlacoch- calcatl, y a todos los capitanes, que fue tenido el tianquiz en mas de si ganaran cien pueblos " It would tlierefore appear, if we interpret this " distribution" as it should be done, namely: as a division of spoils among the kins, tliat the latter claimed a share of tribute from the traiflc or barter going on in the "tianquiz" of Tlatelulco, a fact corroborated besides by that other statement of Durdn (p. 209) : "El rey le mando, que pues auian sido traidores a su corona real, que de alii adelante queria y era su voluntad que aquella paroialidad Mexicana del tlatelulco le fuesen tributaries y pecheros como las demas ciudades y provaicias, . . ." Tliis, and the uncertainty as to wiiich tianquiz is always meant, favors the assumption that Gomara (" Conqui^ta," p. 349, Vedia I) mentions Tlatelulco when he says: "Los que venden pagan algo del asiento al Rey, 6 por alcabala 6 porque los guarden de ladrones." Cortes (" Carta Seffunda," pp. 32, 33 and 3i) does not mention it, for tlie words : " donde estan personas por guardas y que reciben certum quid de cada cosa que entra" do not apply to tlie market which he describes as having visited and which, in spite oi Bernal-Diez (" Hist. Verdadera," Cap. XCII, p. 89) I still believe to have been that of Tenuchtitlan, ami not that of Tlatelulco. Cortes is strictly followed by Oviedo (Lib. XXXIII, cap. X, pp. 300 Jind ;301) whereas Herrera (Dec. II, lib. VII, cap. XVI, p. 19.5) copies Gomara. I have dwelt thus long on this question because it disposes of the notion that the " government " of Mexico levied a tax on the tratlic of the members of tlie tribe. Thi.s tax limits itself to a tribute paid by the subjected tribe of Tlatelulco alone, because, as Durdn says (p. 270) " they had no more soil than that of tlieir tianquiz." This tax was distributed among the kins, like any other tribute. But it does not follow that therefore the kins exercised judicial power over the Tlatelulcan market. This power either remained with the Tlatelulcan tribe, or devolved upon the officers of the tribe of Tenuchtitlan. The former is more likely, althongh the latter might also have been the case since the Tlatelulcans were treated with great severil}-, as traitors and outcasts (Durdii, Cap. XXXlV, pp. 2(i9-271), in which case the tribal authorities would liave had to punish thein. That the central or tribal " teocalli " and the courts surrounding it were committed to the care of the tribe, as representing all the kins, on equal terms, in the share which each had in it, is self-evident, and needs no further proof. 657 then respected as open to nse for all the kins in common. -"^^ So many people met there (lail3'-, that the daily exercise, at least the presence, of judicial authority was absolutely necessary .202 -<" Las Casns (" Historia apologetica," Cap. 214, in note XLV of Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VIII, p. 124) : " pevo cuando veiiian en los niercados, como a escandalosos y alboro- tadores del pueblo eran muy gravemente castigados." Saliagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXXVI, p. 325) says even of tliose who disposed of stolen articles: "the Judges and chiefs took tliem and sentenced tliem to death." Torqueiii'^da (Lib. XII, cap. V, p. .381) : '•El que hurtaba en la Placao JMercado, que Uanian Tianquizco, luego alll era inuerto a palos, por tener por muy grave culpa, que en semejante lugar, y tan publico, huviese tanto atrevimiento." Clavigero [Lib. VFI, cap. X\MI, i>- 484): " He who changed the measures established by the government, in open market, was executed on the spot," and (p. 487): " He wlio stnle in the market, was at once beaten to death." AFendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXFX, p. 138) : •' Porque tenian por grave el pecado cometido en la plaza 6 niercado." -°2\V"e have again here the eye-witnesses. Cortes (''Carta Segundit." Vedia, I, p. 32) : " Hay en esta gran idaza una muj' buena casa como de audiencia, donde estan sienipre sentados diez 6 doce personas, que son jueces y libran todos los ciisos y cosas que en el dicho niercado acaecen, y mandan castigar los delinquentes. Hay en la dicha plaza otras i)ersonas que andan continuo entre la gente mirando lo que se vende y las medi- das con que miden lo que venden, y se ha visto quebrar alguna que estaba falsa." Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCII, p. 89): Vedia, II, ''y tenian alii sus casas, donde juzgaban trcs jueces y otros como alguaciles ejecntores que miraban las niercaderias." These two statements, with more or less variation, are at the base of all that has been subsequently said on this subject, except by Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXXVI, p. 323): ''El sefior tambten cuidaba del tianguiz y de todas las cosas que en el se vendian por amor de la gente popular, y de toda la gente forastera que alii venia, para que nadie los hiciese fraude, ni sin razon en el comercio de la feria. Por esta causa pouian por orden todas las cosas, que se vendian cada una en su lugar, y elogian por la misma oflciales que so Uaniaban tianquizpantlayacaque, los cuales tenian cargo del mercado, y todas las cosas que alii se vendian de cada genero de mantenimientos 6 mercaderias; tenia uno de estos cargo jiara poner los precios de las cosas que se ven- dian y para que no huvrise fraude entre los compradores y vendedores." "Tianquiz- pantlayacaque" decomposes into '"Tianquizpan," ''feriar, o tratar en mercado," Molina (II, p. II'J), and "Tlayacatia," "cosa primera o delantera" (Id., p. 120); consequently, '' the foremost or first ones of those who traile in open market." We have to discrimi- nate thei'efore between these and such officers as "sat" ('"estan siempre sentados," says Cortes) within that " very good house " in the market, or ratlier close by, and acted as Judges. Herrera (Dec. II. Lib. VII, cap. XVI, p. 105) says this house was •' cerca del jNIereado" — a statement which he afterwai'ds changes to "en la plaza de Mexico" (Dec. Ill, Lib. IV, cap. XVII, p. 137). We are now informed by Torqu"muda (L.\h .XW , cap. XIII, p. 5.55) that the tecpan of Tlatelulco "que son las Casas de Cabildo, y Au- diencia" was, at his time, on one of the sides ("aceia") of the market of Tlatelulco, and it appears to have been customary for the natives to have the otlicial building facing the " tianquiz." Such was the case at Tezcuco if we are to believe Ixtlilxochitl (" Hist, des CJdchimeques," Cap. XXXVI, p. 247) : " Le palais avait deux cours, dont la premiere, qui etait la plus grande, servait de place publique et de marche ; ellc est meme encore aujourd'hui destinee ji cet usage;" and if the market of Tenuchtitlan really was where Archbishop Lorenzana places it (see note 200), then it is evident that the Mexican tecpan must have been very near it, if not actually facing the square. The '• great house" mentioned by the eye-witnesses quoted, was thei-efo)-e, in all probability, but the council or otlicial-house of the tribe, and the old men who, in number from thi-ee to twelve, are said to have officiated as ''Judges," were members of the " tlatocan " or supreme council on judicial duty, as we shall hereafter see. Those officers M'ho circulated among the people maintaining peace and older, were executive 658 It therefore demanded tlie daily attendance at the official house of the ti'ibe of a body of men sitting as "judges." The decisions of these judges had to be fiual even in matters of life and death. Therefore the chiefs composing the highest authorit}'' of the tribe, the members of the council or "tlatoca," were also its supreme judges. It is stated that for this daily work the tweuty '•'• speakers" were sulidivided into two bodies sitting simultaneously in two dif- ferent halls of the " tecpau." One of these bodies is called " court of the nobles" because it attended, not merely to tribal cases, but especially to the preparatory' business of government in general, whereas the otlier limited its decrees to judicial questions onl3'.2'^3 officers delegated for that special purpose, and, as we shall find, iii-obably under orders of the military commanders of the tribe. 203 This division of the council into two bodies for the purpose of greater dispatch of judicial work is particularly affirmed by Sahagun (Lib VllI, cap. XIV, p. 303, Cap. XV, p. 304, and Cap. XXV, pp. 313 and 314), "who, however, contradicts himself in regard to the position and rank of his " Judges." Thus (p. 303; he calls his officers of the "sala de la judicatura," '"el rey, los senores, consules, oidores, prmcipales nobles" as distinguislied from those of the " audienoia de la causas civiles," whom he designates as "los senadores y los ancianos," thus intimating, if not asserting, that the former were superior to tlie latter in rank and power. The hall wherein the former met, is called " tlacxitlan," the latter '-teccalli." I sh dl return to these terms again. He further asserts (p. 3Ii), speaking of the former: " Estos tales erau los mayores jueces, que ellos llamaban tecutlatoques," and establishes them as a court of appeal for tlie lower court. Now (Cap. XXX, p. 318) he says: -'juntabanse los senadores que llamaban tecutlatoques . . ." Consequently, he t:icitly admits that the "senadores" who, ac- cording to liim, composed the '■ lower" court were also the equals of those of the higher, and all belonged to the same class of officers. Finally, liis picture of the duties of both bodies is rather obscure. He even (p. 314) might be construed so as toestaolish three courts. If we now ex:imine tlie names given by him, we find that of the '' lower" to be " hou.-'e of chiefs," from '•tecululi" and "'calli." house. Indeed, Moliaii (H, p. 92) has "teccalli," " casa, o audiencia real." " Tlacxiilan," however, signifies (II, p. 120) " en lo baxo, o al pie de los arboles, o de cosa seniejante." The proper derivation, however, is I'roni "ni tlaoxitoca" "to correct writings, or count over what has been already counted" (p. 120), which would indeed correspond to a "court of appeals." "To appeal" is " nitlacuepa; " "appeal." " tlacuepaliztli ; occeccan neteihuiliztli," Molina (I, p. 12). It stands properly for the act of demuri'ing, or of returning, folding, doubling up. and it is not likely to liave been used by the natives to define an a|)peal in our sense of the word. Faiher Sahagun has probably introdured the word "tlacx- itlan" liimself. At all events, he is responsible for the notion of ;i superior body of judges, to whom a lower court, sitting in the same house, referred all cases of imi>or- tance, contenting itself with taking testhiionj' and despatching unim|30rtant cases; while at the same time lie tells us that the members of both groups held the same office, and were consequently equal and had the same title. This title we luive l"ound to be that of the members of the councul, consequently the two groups formed but fractions of that body, co-ordinated and assisting each other, and not a higher and a lower branch of a tribal judiciary. Faiher Saliagun and contemporary authors of tlie.Franciscan scliool, whose writings have just now come to liglit in the " lAbrodc Oro,'" can easily be traced as the source of most of the later pictures of Mexican judicial customs as in the present instance. Thus his liighest tribunal of thirteen " senadores " reappears in Gomara (" Conquista," p. 442, KicpoiiT Pkabouy Museum, II. 42 659 We thus have found in the " tlatociin " or council, the high directive an thoi'it}' of the tribe, the arbitrator between its organic component parts, and the chief judicial power within the tribe. It is easy to recognize in it a counterpart to the council of the kin. Lilve tlie kin also which, subordinate to its councils decrees had two superior officers for the execution thereof, the tribe had tioo chief executive functionaries. Even at a comparatively remote period in the history of the ancient Mexicans we may discern two offices, not formally created, but naturally growing from what was left of tribal organization, which mark the beginning of a chief tribal executive. One of these is the " wise old man" conducting the "talk ;""2''^ the other is the " big warrior " who led the braves to battle. ^^^ The former subsequently became " foreman " in the council, the latter " war-chief" to the tribe. There are indications to the eflfect that, for a while, both offices were held b\^ one person. From the time the confederacy' had been formed, however, we recognize two chief executive agents, ^^^ one of which is called the "Snake-woman" VecUrt I); " ]^os Jueces eran doce . . ." with a higher court of two ; therefore, in all fourteen, e{[ual to the thirteen of Sahagun with the " Senor " added. Zurita (" Rapport" etc., pp. 100 and IO.t) : " Les douze juges d'appel . . ." Mendiefa (Lib. IT, cap. XXVIII, p^l?)n) copies Zurita almost literally. By the side of this early Franciscan group or writers, there is tlie picture drawn by the two great Franciscans, Torquemada and Vetancurt. representing a supreme Judge, " Ciliuacohuatl," and four tribunals beneath him in authoi-ity. Tliis picture is evidently based on such paintings as the '' Codex Mendoza" (i)lates LXIX and LXX). In my opinion the thirteen Judges of Saliaguu should be connected wi.th the judicial oflQces mentioned by Cortes as sitting at the "tecpau " (SCO note 202), rather than regarded as constituting a court of appeals. Finally, I refer to Ixtlilxochitl (" Hist, des CIdchimques." Cap. XXXVI and XXXVII), Veijtia (Lib. Ill, cap. VII, pp. 109 and 20ii) and others, in regard to Tezcuco. While they distinctly prove the subdivision, for judicial work, of the supreme council into two sections, they also show in a very marked manner, the conlusion and contradiction arising from a misconception of the real case. 204 Perhaps tlie eai'liest menlion of such a " wise old man,'' foremost in the " talk," among the Mexicans ])roi)er, is that of tlie tale of the craft}' old men, Huitziton and Tecpatzin, who are said to have persuaded the Mexicans to emigrate from Aztlan, as related by Torquemadd, who is often copied (Lib. II, cap I, p. 78). In early times they are also called Captains and leaders, and must not be confounded with the " medicine- men" (fd., p. 78). Subsequently these latter sometimes apjiear as leading speakers. Much information can be gathered on this point hy carefully and critically reading Vi'ytia (Lib. II, cap. XII, XIII, XV and XVIII), Codice Bannrez (pp. 25 to 38), Durdn (Cap. IV, V and VI), Tezozomoc{Ci\\).\, II and III) "'^^ Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. II. pp. 80 ami 81). Vetancurt C' Teatro Mexicano," Parte II«, Trat. I, cap. IX, pp. 200, 2()1 and 202). They merely show that the office of " big warrior," existed. 2°'' This apportionment of the duties of chief-executive among two heads is found in manj- tribes of Mexico and Central America. Thus in Tlaxcallan, Maxiscatzin and Xicotencatl, the two head-chiefs, M'ere alike and equal in power. {Cortes, " Carta Segunda" (pji. 18, 40). Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. LXVII, p. TO) : ''los dos mas prin- 660 (" Cihua-cohiiatl,") and the other (erroneously termed "King"), the "chief of men" (" TLaca-tecuhtli "). Tlie " CiHUA-cOHUATL " was elected by the council for life, or cipales caciques." ^•Anonymous Conqueror" (p. 388): '• anchora che in cevto modo si liabbia rispctto a iino che e'el ma.ttsior Signoie, die tiene teneva un Capitano gen- erals per la guerra.'' Motolima, '^ Hist de, los Indios," etc. (Trat. III. cap. XVI, pp. 229 and 230). Omefto (Lib. XXXIII, cap. III. p- 272) copies Cortes. Gomara (p. 332). Torque- mada (Lib. XI, cap. XXII, p. 347) says four, of wliic.h Maxiscalzin was captain ; though this is contradicted by the conquerors, Xicotencatl being war-chief. Herrera (Dec. II, lib. VI, cap.X, p. 15-2) reports the speech of Xicotencatl : " que bien debia de saber, que era Xicotencatl Capitan General de la Republica de Tlaxcala," and esiseeially his in- teresting tale of the Tlaxcaltecan council in Cap. Ill, pp. 139 and 140. Tezozomoo (Caj). LXXXVI, p. 150) : " el rey Xicotencatl," (Cap. LXXXVII, p. 152) : " el rey Maxiscat- zin." About Chalco, compare " Tenure of Lands" (p. 397, note 16), also about Xochi- milco and the Tecpanecas. In regard to the Matlatzinca, Zurita (■' Rapport, ' etc., p. 389) says tliere were three chiefs, wlio occupied the higiiest power in succession. This statement is copied by Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib IV, cap XVIII, p. 139). Tlie Totonacas had two chiefs. Durdn (Cap. XXI, p. 181. Cap. XXIV, p. 20(5). The "Cazonzi" of Michuacan is represented by Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. Ill, cap. V, p. 86, VI, p. 87) as being assisted by "his captain-general," and the anon3'mous document copied by Don Florencio Jundr from the Codex C-IV-5 of tlie Escurial Library and published, without date, though evidently written between l.i34 ami 1551, entitled " Relacion de las ceremonias y ritos, pohlacion y gohierno de los indios de la ])rovincia de Mechuacan, hecho. ol IlVvio Sr. D. Antonio de Mendoza, Virey y Gobernador de Kueva Eapaiia " says ("Pi'imera Parte," p. 13) : " pues habia un rey y tenia su gobernador, y un capitan general en las guerras, y componiase como el mismo cazonci." This is very sig- nificant, especially because it is represented as being instituted by divine will. "Dicho sea en la primera parte, hablando de la historia del dios Curicabeiis, como I46 dioses del cielo le dijeron como habia de ser rey, y que habia de conquistar toda la tierra, y que habia de haber uno que estuvicse en su lugar, que entendiese en mandar traer lena para los ques." The evidence is positive about the QQuiche of Gualemala> and furtliermore very interesting. Zurita (" i?«/jpo?'i5," etc., pp. 405 and 406) mentions three cliiefs, in a manner exacth' similar to those of Matlatzinco, and Herrera (Dec. III. lib. IV, cap. XVIir, p. 140) followi him implicitly. Torqueinada (Lib. XI, cap. XVIII, pp. 338 and 339) is of the same opinion, although it is easy to see that in fact there were iiwo head-chiefs and not tliree, since he says: "Era el primero de todos el Key actual; es a saber, el Abuelo: luego el Rey electo para despues de sus Dias; tras el, el que tenia nombre de Electo, etc." Consequently there were always two with the principal title. Pedro de Alvarado {"Relacion a Hernando Cortes" Utlatlan, 11 of April, 1.524, Vedia I, p. 458) speaks of " cuatro seiiores de la ciudad de Vilatan." An- other eye-witness of the conquest of Guatemala, Bernal Dies de Castillo (Cap. CLXIV, p. 220) speaks of " dos capitanes sefiores de Utatlan." We have fortunately, in regard to the tril)os of QQuiche language, a very positive source of great value. This is tlie '^ Popol-Vuh" {p.'d'iQ). Enumerating the "Nim-Ha Chi Cavikib," it specifies from tlie fourth generation on (" U. call, le"), always ttvo chiefs, stating positively: " Oxib- Quieh, Beleheb-Tzi, ii cablahu-le ahauab. Are-cut que ahauaric ta x-ul Donadiu. x-e hitzaxic rumal Caxtilan vinak"( p. 338). Consequently Alvarado executed two chiefs. Besides (p. 340), it even mentions their last successors, with Spanish names. At the close three "great-elected ones" (" Nim-Chocoh ") are mentioned, but only two are named, the one from *' Niliaili " and the other from " Ahau-QQiiiclie." We find here the exact counterpart of the Rlexicans, before their fijiht witli Tlatelulco, — two duels of Mexico, and two chiefs of Tlatelulco, Moquihuix and Tcconal. See the authors on that subject. In regard to the Maya of Yucatan, see Lizana (" Devocionario de Kuestra SeTiora de Itzmal" § IV), also Vitlagutierre y Sotomayor ('' Historia de la Conqidsta y lieducciones de los Itzaex y Lacandones," Lib. VIII, cap. XVI, p. 514) 661 diu'ing good behavior. ~°'' VYe find in the Codex Mendoza — the earliest date connected witli the office — the symbol of "snake- woman"' affixed to the head of "Handful of Reeds," who was inangurated "chief of men" in 1375. '^''^ The inference may be permitted, therefore, that at one time both offices were held by one and the same incumbent. At all events, the " Cihuacohuatl" becomes prominent only after the formation of the tri-partite con- federacy embracing the Nahuatl tribes of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.'^'^^ But the position which he occupies thereafter is a -"7 Most of the older finthors assert that the "Cihuacohuatl" -was appointed by tlie "King." How was it possible for an officer to appoint his own equal, or associate officer? Torquemada (Lib. XT, cap. XXV, p. 3.V2), says: " Despuos del Rei, havia ua Presideiite, y juez mayor, cuio nombre, por ragon de el oflcio, era Cihuacohuatl : esto oflcio se proveia por el mismo Rei ; " and again lie concedes to the Cihuacohuatl •' porque de su ultima determinacion no liavia recurso a otro aqui parece lo mismo que reservando el Rei Mexicano para si, la autoridad Real, le hace su igual en la judi- catura.; y aiiade, que parte de sus Detei'minaciones, y Sentencias, no tengan recurso al Rei, que es condicion, y calidad, que engrandece mas la Persona de el Ciliuacohuall." Now, either the Mexicans were under a constitutional monarchy of tlic most improved kind,— of which there is no evidence since there was not even a division of powers,— or else the Ciliuacohuatl was not appointed, but elected in true democratic fashion Vetan- curt (Parte 11, Trat. JI, cap. I, p. 3G'J) is still plainer; " Tan absoluta era la autoridad que le daba. que reservando el rey en si la autoridad real, era en la judicatura igual." Sucli an officer could only be appointed (if he was appointed and not elected), by the highe-st authority of the tribe, which was the council. Such is the version of Tezozomoc ('• Cronica" Cap. LXXIX, p. 137): "y acabado de celebrar su entierro y quemazon de su cuerpo, que lo sintio mucho el rey Ahuitzotl. pM.siero7i en su lugar su liijo Tlilpotonqui, Zihuacohuatl por sobrenombre." Codice Ramirez (p. 67) : "' Antes que fuesse coronado recien electo adolescio el famoso y sabio capitan Tlacaellel, de la qual enfermedad murio; en el articulo de su muerte llamo al Rey electo y le encargo mucho a sus hijos, especialmente al mayor, que daba muestras de ser muy valeroso, y habia hecho grandes hazaiias en las gaeri-as. Kl nuevo Rey por consolarle despues de haberle hablado muy tieriiainente con muchas lagrimas, hizo llamar a los de su consejo real y rodeados todos del lecho de Tlacaellel niando llamar el Rey al hijo mayor de Tlacaellel. y alii en presencia de su padre y de su consejo, le dio el mismo oflcio de su padre, de capitan general y segundo de su corte con todas las preeminencias que sn padre tenia." Even if there had been such an officer as a " King of Mexico " he could not have " appointed " anybody before his coronation. The ceremony indicated was therefore an election by the council. This is i'ully confirmed by Durdn (Cap. XLVIII, p. 381): "llamando al hijo mayor, con parecer de todos los grandes, lo puso en la misma dinidad que el padre aula tenido, que era ser segundo despues del Rey en la corte, y mando fuese hourado con la mesma veneracion que su padre aula sido jurandoles todos por principe de Mexico, al qual le fiie puesto el nombre de Ciuacoatl." 2"8.' Codex iMendozn" (Tab. II). and the explanation says: "Las dos flguras con sus titulos e nombres de Acaniapichtli son una misma cosa reservida en substancia. por que la primera figura demuestra el principio subcesion del dicho seiiorio . ." In note (p. 8, Vol. VI) of "Antiquities of Mexico," Lord Kingsborough adds the very sensible remark: '-The first figure probably denotes that Acamapichtli, before he was elected King, possessed the title of Cihuacohuatl, or supreme governor of the Mexicans; when Mexico afterwards became a monarchy, this title was retained." The token for "Cihuacohuatl" a female head surmounted by a snake, is also found in the pictures of Durdn (Lam. 8a). 209 Durdn (Cap. XXIV, p. 205) : " Monteguma se voluio a ciauacoatl Tlacaellel, que 662 very important one. The most specific Mexican chronicles call him '' coadjutor to the King," " second King," " governor."-^'' Bj' other authorities he is mentioned us "■ vice-ro}',"-^^ and more frequentl_y yet as " supreme judge. "~'^~ Finall3% eye-witnesses of the conquest apply to the "• snake-woman " the titles of "keeper of the tribute "-1"^ and "captain-general" of the Mexicans. ^^"^ le Muia puesto porvenonibveygi-andegaaqael mievo ditado qne." Tezozomoc C'Cvbn')ca.'' cap. XXXIX, )). 3o) mentions the title together with the first actions of " wrath}' cliiel"," tlie Elder. But it also appears to have been very much older. Ixtlilxochitl {•■ Rela- ciones historicns" Spgundn Relacion, p. 323, Vol. IX of Kingsborongh), speaking of the migrations of tlie Toltecs says : " ilegaron S, Xalisco. tierra que estaba cerca de la mar, y aqui estiivieron ocho aiios, siendo descubridor Zuihuohuatl, tambien iino de los cinco capitanes inferiores." Veytia (Lib. I, cap. XXII, p. 220) attributes to tlie same the dis- covery of another region. It appears as if this title. — whose origin we may specul;ite upon. but. as yet, without any hope of positive results, — was always in existence, but appeared as a distinct oflB.ce only after the confederacy had been formed. A historical question of some interest looms up here: whether or not the first reported incumbent of tlie office after the formation of the confederacj', AtempaneL'.atl Tlacneleltzin, really existed. Torquemadn. (Lib. II, cap. LIV, p. 171) denies his existence, and perhaps hints at tlie "Codice Rimirez" when he speaks of "la mala, y falsa Relacion, que de esto tuvo, que yo tengo enuni poder escrita de mano, con el mismo leiiguage, y estilo." Sr. Jose F. Ramirez already noticed this sally of tlie provincial, in note 1 (p. 382) of Durc'in, " Hist, de las Yndias," etc., and recognized it at once as applying to the Codice R. Veytia (Lib. II, cap I, ]i. 82, etc.) acknowledges the existence of Tlacaellel. so docs of course Acosta (Lil). VII, ca)). 14, I.'?, Id, 17 and 18), and all those who followed the same sources as the "Codex Rumirez." The present city of Mexico, however, lias two monuments which, to my judgment, establish beyond a doubt the existence of this Tlacaellel. One of these is the '"Stone of Saci-ifice," and the other a comnu-moraiive slab, figured and described in No. 2 of Vol. I. ''Anales del Museo Xacional de Mexico," by the great Mexican scholar. Sr. Oi'ozco y Bi>rra. See my article in No. I, Vol. II of the •'American Antiquarian," '• The National Museum of Mexico and the Sacrificial Stone" (pp.2:! and 27). 21" For these titles I refer in general to tlie Codice Ramirez, Durdn, nn(\ Tezozomoc. Quotations are useless and would onl)- serve to increase tlie size of the volume ^'1 Already Tezozomoc mentions him a " teniente " Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, p. .352). Vefancurt (•' Teatro Mexirano," Parte II«, Trat. IT, cap. I, p. .3()i)) : '• Despues del Rey que heredaba, como se ha visto guardando el orden de la sangre real, habia uu virey que llamaban Cihuacohuatl, que el rey proveta y era su segunda persona en el gobierno, de cuya seiitencia no lial)i;i apelacion al rey." 212 Torquemada {h\h. XI, cap. XXV, p. 3.r2). Vetrincart ('• Teatro," p. 3ii9). Clarirjero (Lib. VIL cnp XVI, p. 481). Prescott ('• Conquest," B'k I, cap. II, p. 29). H. H. Ban- croft C Naliee Races," Vol. II, cap. XIV, pp. 434 and 435). Codex Mendoza (Tab. LXIX, " Myxcoatlailollac, .Justi(^ia miyor"). 213 Uernal-Diez de Castillo (•' Hint, verdadcra, etc.," Cap. XCI, p. S7, Vedia II) : "Ac- uerdome que era en aquel tiempo su m;iyordomo un gran cacique que le pusimos por nombre Tapia, y tenia cu nta de todas las rentas que le traian al Montezuma, con .'-us libros hechos de papel, que se dice amatl, y tenia destos liliros una gran casa dellos." Now this "Tapia" reappears again as "governor" of Mexi(;o in diflVrent |ilaces. '• Relacion de la Jorn-idn que hizo Don Francisco de Sandoval Acazitli, Cacique ij Senor Natural que f tie del pueblo de Tlilmanalco" ("Col. de Documentos." Icazbalceta. )). 315, Vol. II): "y a solos los Mexicano-; llevo. y fueron por sus caudillos Taiiia y D. Martin el de Tlatelulco." " Cuarfa Relacion Anonima de la Jornada de Nuho de Guzman" (Col. de Doc. II, ]). 471): " Viendo el seiior desta cibdad de Mexico, que se llama Tapia." Letter of the '• Oydores" Salmeron, Maldonado, Ceijnos, and Quiroya 663 Evei-y one of these designations conveys a certain amount of truth, though none of tliem adequately defines the oflice, tlie true nature and position of whicli become clear only tlirough a glance at its early history. Tribal executive as a permanent office, (which must always be distinguished from a hereditary dignity), was created under the pressure of extreme need. The warrior who enjoyed the confidence of the tribe, vvho was not only daring and brave, but had also given proof of wisdom in the councils, became the people's choice as leader. The Mexicans were then in an attitude of defence ; tlieir own existence was at stake, and it was but natural, therefore, tiiat ihe leading "• talk " should be on military subjects, and that consequently the prominent war-captain should become the prominent '"speaker," or foreman of the council. ^^^ In this manner we come to notice i)ut one executive chief until the confederacs^ was foi'med. His duties were plain, even simple, at that time. He resided at tlie official house and superintended the exercise of tribal hospitality there ; he was foreman to tlie council, and the leading executor of its decrees as far as tribal jurisdiction extended ; h^ controlled the receiving and housing of the modest crops gathered from the '' lands of the official- house" (tecpan-talli).-^^ which, togetlier with the customary pres- (2d •' RecueU" of'^ Ternaux Covipcms," dated Mexico, 14 August, 15:U): ''Ainsi I'on dit qii'un certain Tainco, qui gouvernait la paitie dii iMexique que I'du aupelle Teniixlitaii," I And also tlie following in the inuniciijal vecofds of Mexico: ''Act) calls liim "Guacoazin. Principal contejero del Rei, i su Liigar tenienle, " Torqaemada (Lib. IV, cap. C, p. .o67) : '• Salio un capitan, llamado Cihuacohuatl Tlacotzin." ^lij Codice Ramirez (pp. 34 and 35) : " Mira. Seiior, que vienes a ser amparo y sombra y abrigo desta nacion Mexicana . . . ." Joseph d^e Acosta (Lil). VII, cap. VIII, p. 468). Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. XIII, p. S)5) : " La causa de su Eleccioii, Uie, aver crecido en numero, y esiar mm rodeados de Enemigos, que les hacian Uueira, y afligian." 21° •• Tenure of Landa" (pu. 405. 40G and 41!)). I beg leave to correct here a mistake of mine in note 75, p. 420. At the close of said note it reads: -'The above quotations show conclusively that the soil of the '• tecpantlalli" was held and vested in the King 664 ents, constituted the tribal stores ; fin filly he commanded the people when in arms. The overthrow of the tribes of Azcapnt- zalco and Cuynacan, by rendering these pueblos tributary, and compulsory allies of the Mexicans in warfare, suddenly increased these duties to such an extent that an assistant or colleague, a second head-chief, became necessary, f'inall}', when the confed- eracy came into existence, tlie first of these two chiefs was made its military commander, thus burthening him with duties of an extra-tribal nature. ^i''' He, therefore, had to relinquish a corre- sponding share of tribal business, which naturally fell to his associate. This associate, as we have already stated, was the " snake-womtui" or "Cihuacohuatl," the proper head-chief of the Mexicans. As daily leader of the council's "talk," the foreman of its delib- erations, the '^ snake- wo man" appears in the light of a judge, even of a supreme judge. But while, on all important occasions, he was tlie spokesman 218 of the council, and the awards he declared and the sentences he pronounced, were final and admitted of no appeal, yet it was only so because they emanated from the council, and not because they were his own individual decrees He remained always subject to the authority of that bod}', and, in a genei-al way, he can be said to liave superintended tlie execution . . ." In place of it, " vested in the Kin" is the iiroper reading. The niistiike is wholly and exclusively mine — a '' slip of the pen," which I neglected to correct in time. ^I'^The Tezcu(;an wviters. represented by IxtUlxnchitl {-'Hist, des ChichwiSques," Cap. XXXII and XXXIV) claim the leadership for Tezciioo, but the facts disprove it. Compare also " Tcmire of Lands" (pp. 41(3, 417 aiirincipales Mexicanos tonio la mano de hablar Cihualcoall Tlacaeleltzin y dijo; Irjo y nue.-tro niuy qucrido rey, os encargaos que veais luuy bien lo que quereis hacer . . ." (Cap. XXI, p. 32) : •' Pasados algunos dias dijo el rey jMoctezuma d, Zihuacoatl Tlacatleltzni general y oydor . . ." ••Llegados todos lo.'i sefiores de los dichos )iueblos al palacio del re.y iMo(^tezunia. y sentados cada seiior segun su mereciniiento y valor de sus personas, digeron el rey Mocteznma, y sii jiresi- dente y oapitan genei'al Zihuacoatl Tlacatleltzin," (Ca]). XXXI. p. 48). (Cap. XXXVI. p. 57): "que el primero era su real conscgei-o Zihuacoatl Tlacaeleltzin, . . ." (Ca)>, XXXIX, p. 62, Cap. XI. Ill, p. (iS)) : "Ltiego en el palacio del rey Axayaca sin salir los grandes, ni nadie, prosiguio Zihtiacoatl Tlacatlellzin . . ." Further quotations are superfluous, particularly from this author. 665 of its judicial decisions, altlioiigli, as will be seen hereafter, this part of the duty was properly assigned to' other officers. The " Cihnacoluiatl " was responsible to the council for the careful housing of the tribute received, as far as it was applied to tribal requirements, and for the faithful distribution of the remain- der ^^^ among the kins. This, and the fact that he kept the paintings recording the tribute, has caused Bernal Diez de Castillo to call him " ma^^ordomo mayor," or general Intendant, and " keeper of the tribute" as we have ali-ead}^ mentioned. ^'^"^ How the " snake-woman" was the actual associate and colleague of that other chieftain who, after having been originally principal war-chief of the Mexicans, became at last commander of the con- federate forces, we have already noticed. -^^ We shall yet recur 2'!'This results from the authoritj' exercised by the Zihuacoatl over the captives in war. I have already alluded to tliis featui'e, and now.but recapitulate the followir.g quotations: Durdn (Cap. XIX. pp. 17-2 and 173). Also Tezozomoc {Cup. XXIX, p. i5, Cap. XL. pp. 64 and 05, Cap. LXII, p. 104, Cap. LXVI, pp. 110, 111, Cap. LXX, p. 119), etc., etc. ^'^n Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCI, p. 87, Vedia II) : "Acuerdonie que era en aquel tienipo su niayordomo mayor un gran cacique que le pusimos por nombi-e Tapui, y tenia cuenta de todas las rentas que le traian al Montezuma, con sus libros hechos de su pai^el, que se dice amatl, y tenia destos libros una gran casa dellos." 221 There is no doubt in regard to the equality of rank, though the duties were some- what different. '• Codice liamirez," (p. 0(5) : "Concluidas las oli=equias, el capitan gen- eral Tlacaellel que todavia era vivo, junto losdel consejo supremo Esto>juutoa .... trataron de elegir nuevo Rey, y todos se encaminaban al valeroso Tlacaellel, el qual conio otras veces, nunca quizo admitir el Reyno, dando por razon que mas litil era a la Repiiblica que liubiese Rey y coadiutor que le ayndasse como era el, y no solo el Rey Pero no por esto dejaba de tener tanta y mas autoridad que el niisnio Key, porque le respetaban y honraban, Servian y tributtiban como & Rey, y con mas temor. porque no se hazia en todo el Reyno mas que lo que el mandaba. Y assi usaba tiara y insignias de Rey, saliendo con ellas todas las vezes que el mismo Rey las sa- caba." (P. 67), when the old Zihuacoatl died, his successor was elected : "con todas las preeminencias que su padre tenia." The •' Fragmento Ko. 1" {'^ Noticius relativas al lleinado de Motecuzuma llhuicamina") is very positive also, almost always mentioiiing both officers together. Durdn (Cap. XXVI, p. 215): "Ordenose que solo el rey y su coadjutor Tlacaellel pudiese traer 9apatos en la casa Real y que ningun graude entrase cal9:ido en palacio, so pena de la vida, y solo ellos pudicsen traer i;apatos por la ciudad, y ningun otro . . . ." ; (Cap. XXXII, p. '255) : ''Tlacaellel respondio: que mas honra puedo yo tener que la que hasta aqui e tenido? que mas senoi io puedo tener del que tengo y e tenido ? pues ninguna cosa los reyes pasados an hecho sin mi parecer y consejo en todos los negocios civiles y criminales . . ." ; (Cap. LXI, p. 32(3), the speech of Tlacaellel tliere reported is rather too lengthy to copy. Ics substance is contained in the closing words: '• luego rey soy y por tal me aueis tenido; pues que mas rey quereis que sea? y asi como asi tengo de tener el mismo oflcio y exercicio, hasta que me muera .... Sosegaos, hijos mios, y hace mi voluntad, que ya yo soy rey, y I'ey me sere hasta que muera; . . ." (Cap. XLIV, p. 357): "el viejo Tlacaellel, a la raesma manera, al qual, dice esta ystoria, re.-petauan como a rey;" (Cap. XLVIII, p. 381): "el nonibre de Ciuacoatl, que el padre tenia, el qual era ditado de mucha grande9a eredado de los dioses; y asi desde aquel dia le llaniauavan Tlil- potonqui Ciualcoatl, que era sobre nombre diuino." Tezozomoc (" Cronica," Cap. ^o the relative positions occupied by botli ofHcers, and merely advert, here, to the fact, that, since the latter has commonly been called a monarch, the designations of " coadjutor to the King," "second-King," previously quoted, are explained, tiiough not justified. The same explanation ajjplies to the title of " vice-roy," or " ro^'al lieutenant." Finall}', the "• Cihuacohuatl" was ex-offlcio commander-inrchief of the Mexicans proper, whenever his colleague directed the entire confederate force. ^^^ If, however, this was not the case, then the XXXin. p. 5:5): "Dela maneia que fiie vestido y ndornnilo Moctezuma, lo fueron tnni- bieii Ziliuacoiitl y Tlacaeleltzin ; " (Cap. XXXVI. p. 58) : '■ i)iies solos dos eran los que liavian de tener catles, que eran Moctezuma, Zduiacoatl y Tlacaeleltzin, como segunda ))ersona del ley. porque se entendiese liavian de sei- temidos de todos los grandes del imperio; " (Cap. XL, p. 66), Speech of Tlacsaellel: " tocante a lo que tratais del seSorio, yo siempre lo he tenido y tengo, porque yo como segunda persona que siempre I'ui del rey y de los reyes pasados, etc." Further quotations from this author would become too numerous, consequently too bulky. Besides these sources, to which sliould be adiled Joseph de Acosta (•■ Hid: nat: ij moral,'''' Lib. VII, cap. XVII, p. 494, Cap. XVIII, .p. 495), we find .^igniflcant testimony in two authors who certainly did not gather their information at the source, from which the above series of authors obtained theirs. I refer to Juan de T'orquemada {'• Afoiiarchia Indiana," Lib. XI, cap. XXV, p. 35-2): '•Aqiii parece lo mismo, que i-eservando el Rei JIe.\'icano para si, la auturidad Heal, le hace su igiial en la Judicatura." Vetitncurt (•• Teatro Mexicnno," Parte II«, Tratado , 11°, cap. I, p. 3!)!)): " Tan absoluta era la autoridad que le daba, que reservando el rey en si la autoridad real, era en la judicatura igual." In regard to the fact that both chiefs wore the same characteristic ornaments and dress, see Durdn (Lamina 8a to Cap XXIII of Trat. 1°), also '' Codex Teller luno-Remensis," comparing it with the head- dress of the leading figure of the sculptures on tlie rim of the cylinder known as the " stone of sacriflae," in the Museo Nacioual of Mexico. '^"^"Codice Ramirez" (pp. 59, 60, 61, 62 and 63), treating of the " capitan-general Tlacaellel:" haziendo hazafias dignas de gran niemoria por medio de su general Tlacaellel." The war against Chalco wa.s waged by the Mexicans a7id their confeder- ates, therefore we rend (p. 4): "Y asi fue que aoudiendo esto Rey en personas & la guerra." (P. 67) his oflttce was :" de capitan-general y segundo de su coite. . . Durdn (Cap. XVIL pp. 147 aiid 148), war against Chalco, when both chiefs went along. (Cap. XVIII, p. 158), foray against Tepeaca, both chieftains in the Held, as both Mexicans and confederates jiarticipated. (Cap. XIX), agauist the Huaxtcca. (Cap. XXII, p. 189): '•Tlacaellel, principe de la milicia," in the raid against Coayxtlahuacan. In place of Tlacaellel, '• era ya viejo y que no podria ya ir aguei-ra tan apai'tada," Cuauhnochtli commanded the Mexicans. The most explicit and positive author of all is Tezozomnc (" Cronica Mexicana," Ciip. XIX, p. 3'2, Cap. XXI, p. 32): -Zdinacoatl Tlacaeleltzin general y oydor," — "ysu prc-^idente y capitan-general Zihuacoatl Tlacatleltzin." In regard to the protracted hostilities against the tribe of Chal(;o, it is stated that the '•Cihiiacohuatl" alone commanded (Cap. XXII, p. 34); but it follow.-^ from p. 35, that alter the first bloody though indecisive fight, the allies were called upon lor sissis- tance, although Tezozoinoc says it was only a delegation to insure their quiet. This explains the conti'adiction between him and the two preceding authors. In (Cap. XXIV, p. 37), he acknowledges that iNIontozuma Ilhuicamina went along, together with Ciliua- cohuatl. The fact, that the conquest of Cha.lco was made by the Mexicans, with the assistance of allies, is conceded by other authors. See Torquemada (Lib. II, cap. XLIV and L). Orter/n ("Apcndice" to Vcytia, Cap. Ill, pp. 240-'243). Therelore the Ciluiacohuatl connuanded the Mexicans. In the foray against Tepeaca and Tccama- chalco, the conlederate forces sallied out, (Cap. XVII): "cada uno con su capitan y 667 latter led the Mexicans in person, or a substitute for either of them mioht talve the comuiand.'-^^^ During tlie last days of aboriginal iMexieo, when warriors from different tribes, together with tlie head-chiefs of Tezcuco and of Tlacopan, crowded into the invested pueblo, the so-called " King of Mexico" appeared as the confederate commander, while the "snake-woman" only wielded the authority and performed the duties of " captain- general" of the Mexican contingent. ^^'* All these different attributes may be united in Ihe functions of one office, namely : that of head-chief of the tribe. As such, we must consider the "• Cihuacohuatl," and as such was he recognized by Cortes when in 1521, he created the last "snake-woman" "governor" of the remnants of the Mexican tribe and of the so-called Indian wards within which they "were" subsequently settled. 2-25 We have seen that the "snake-woman" was the colleague, or associate in matters of tribal importance, of another officer, who had originally filled his place, but whose sphere of action had been so much extended through the formation of the confederacy, that a colleague became needed in tribal affairs. This officer, commonly entitled "King of Mexico," sometimes even " Emperor of Anahuac," was the "chief of men," " Tlaca-tecuhtli ".'^^^ capitanes senalados," and both vvarcliiefs of IMexioo were present and in the field (p. 41). Not to increase the volume of quotations beyond measure, I shall simply add that, as the Ciliuacohuatl grew older and could not well go to war, otlier captains took his place. These captains I will refer to hereafter. Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. XVIII). 1123 Evidence to that effect is fonnd in Durdn (Cap. XXII, p. 1S9), and especially in Tezozomoc (Cap. XLYIII. p. 78) ; " Cuauhnoohtli, capitan general " (Cap. LXXI. LXXII and XCI, pp. 160 and 161, etc., etc.). This explains why the title of chief-commander of the Mexicans is so variously stated. See the very sensible remarks of Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXI, p. 494, etc.). These chiefs were, in tliis instance, temporarily ;ii)pointed, since it was not the creation of an office, but simply a delegation of power for a certain special purpose. When the foray was over, the charge ceased to exist, the war-chief returning to his original lank. 221 Cortes (" Carta Terce7-a," Vedia I, p. 8!») : E dende a poco volvio con ellos uno de los mas principales de todos aqnellos que se llamaba Ciguacoacin, y era el capitan y gobernador de todos ellos, e por su consejo se seguian todas las cosas de guerra." This fact is generally accepted, and needs no further proof. 225 Cortes (" Carta Quarta," Vedia I, p. 110). Petition to Charles V, hy four Indian chiefs of Mexico, June 18, 15:i2, in " Cnundis horribles des Conquerants espagnols," of Mr. Ternaux-Compans, 1st Series (Appendix, jjp. 205, 266 and 269): -'Moi, don Her- nando de Tapia, je suis feu de Tapia, et ancien Tucotecle, gouverneur de Mexico, sous le marquis del Valle." Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. VIII, pp. 122 and 123). Bernnl Diez de Castillo (Cap. CLVII, Vedia II, pp. 19S and 199). Icazbalceta in Cervantes- Salazar (" Tres Didlogos" Introd. to id Dialogue, pp. 75 and 76). 22" I have used this title, perhaps for the first time among recent writers, in ''Art of War,'" (p. 123). Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXIII, p. 145). Ramirez de Fuenleal (■' Letter, 668 In the year 1375, according to the Mendoza Codex, the first incumbent of this office was elected by popular vote.^-" From that time on, the oflSce remained strictly elective and non-hereditar^', in so far as, like the chief officers of the calpulli, the descendants of the former incumbent were preferred to succeed him ; provided the}^ were undoubtedly competent. ^-^ But no rule of succession etc." in \st Eecueil of Ternanx-Compans, p. 247). Codex Mendoza (Plate XVIII): " Tlaoateotli gobeniador" also the '■ Declaiaoioii do la flgurado.'' Scihnc/un (Lib. VI, cap. XX, pp. 13(5 and 138). This very remarkable chapter deserves to be closely studied, since it embodies tlie principles npon!which the aborigines of Mexico filled their offices, and the bases of their mode of government. It would be too long to attempt a full analysis of it, and anything short of a careful study would fail to give an adequate conception of its importance. I merely reler to the statements of the celebrated Fran- ciscan in regaril to the title under consideration: "porque ya esta en la dignidad y estrado, y tiene ya el principal lugar doude le puso nuestro sefior? ya le llaman por estos iiombres tecatlato, tlacatecutli, por estos nombres le nombran todos los populares . . . ." This passage and tlie succeeding one: " y alguno de estos tornado de la repub- lica por rey y sefior," clearly indicate that the title is that of the so-called "King" or '• chief of men ; " (p. 138) ; however, he mentions the '• tlacatecutli " as one of '• dos senadores para lo que toca al regimiento del pueblo." There is an evident contradic- tion here, which is very similar to tlie one already noticed in regard to the two sections of the council, in a former note. 227 Codex Mendoza (Plate II). Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXIV, p. 148). In regard to this Chronology, compare the late and highly valuable woik of Don M. Orozco y Berra, (" Ojeada sobre la Cronologia Mexicana" in the " Bihlioteca Mexicana," — an Introduction to a reprint of Tezozomoc). The learned author has brouglit to light m;iny highly val- iiable facts. Tliat " Acamapichtli " or '• Handful of Reeds " was elected, is abundantly proven by many authorities, so that detailed quotations are useless. 228 The fullest report is contained in Saliaguii (Lib. VIII, cap. XXX, p. 318) : " Cuando moria el senor 6 rey para elegir otro, juntabanse los senadores que llaraaban tecutlat- oque, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban achcacauhti, y tambien los capitants soldados viejos de la guerra que llamaban lauequioaques (should belau-Tequioaques), y otros capitanes que eran principales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los batrapas que llamaban Tlenamacazques 6 papaoaque: todos estos se juntabau en las casas reales, y alii deliberabiin y determinaban quien habia de ser seiior, y escogian uno de los mas nobles de la line de los senores autepasados, que fuese hombre valienie y ejercitado en las cosas de guerra, osado, animoso, y que no supiese beber vino: que fuese prudente y sabio, y que fuese criado en el Calmecac: que supiese bien hablar, y fuese entendido, reuatado y auinioso, y cuando todos 6 los mas concurrian en uno, luego le nombraban por seiior. No se hacia esta eleccion i)or escrutinio 6 por votos, sino todos juntos confiriendo los unos con los otros, venian a coucertarse en uno." To this shonlil be added tlie testimony of the same author (Lib. VI, cap. XX, pp. 13G-i:W). Duran (Cap. XI, p. lO.i) : " y es de saner que no ponian hijo del que ele.xian por rej', 6 del que moria. porque como ya tengo dicho, luinca heredaron los hijos, por via dc lier- encia, los ditados iii los senorios, sino por election ; y asi, agora fuese hijo, agoi-a fuese hermano, agora primo, como fuese eleto por el rey y por los de su consejo para aquel ditado, le era dado, bastaua ser de aquella lingnia y pariente cercano; y asi iban sienipre los hijos y los hermanos heredandolo, poco a poco, si no esta vez, la otra, 6 si no la otra, y asi nunca salia de aquella generaciou aquel ditado y seiiorio, eligiendolos poco a poco." (Cap'. LXIV, p. 498) : " porque en aquel tienipo heredabanse los hermanos hijos del rey unos a otros, aunque de lo que desta hystoiia e notado, ni aula herencia ni sucesion, sino solos aquellos que los electores escogian, como fuese hijo 6 hermano del que moria, 6 sobrino o piimo, en segundo grado, y este orden me parece que llevan en todas sus clectionos, y asi cree que muclios de los que claman y pidcn venilles por herencia los senores, i)orq.ue en su infldelidad sus padres fuerou reyes y senores, 669 limited the choice to a family, perhaps not even to a kin.^^g J^W^q every other office it had to be deserved,^^^ and could not be ob- tained by birth or through craft ;~^i neither could it be transmitted through inheritance. ^"^^. The iiistory of this office ma}' be divided into two periods : the first, closing with the formatiou of the confederacy iu the first quarter of the fifieenth century ; the second, beginning at that time, and lasting until the final abrogation of the office by the Spaniai'ds, in 1521.233 During the former period the ''chief of men" was, as we have already said, bat the executive chieftain entiendo no piclen justicia, porque en su ley antigua mas eran electiones, en todo genero de sefioi'cs, que no herencias ni sucesiones." The author of the above was a native Mexican, and knew the customs of his people. "■ Codice Ramirez" (p. 58): "porque como queda relerido, nunoa heredaron los hijos de los Reyes en los seSorios, sino por eleccion daban el Reyno a uno destos quatro priucipes, a los quales tampoco heredaban sus hijos en estos ditados y cargos; sino que niuerlo uno escogian otro en su lugar al que les parescia, y con este mode siempre tuvo este Reyno muy suflcientes hombres en sus Republicas, ijorque elegian los mas valerosos." Tezozomoc (Cap. LXXXir, pp. 142 and 143), conflrming the mode of election as reported by Sahagun. Zurita f" Rapport, etc." p. 14) : " Ainsi, lis preferaient laisser apres eux uu successeur qui fut capable de bien gouverner, plulot que d'abandonner cette charge & leurs Ills, a leurs petits-flls ou a leurs lieutenants, comme le fit Alexandre le Grand." Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXVII, pp. 153 and 154). Torquenuida (Lib. XI, cap. XXVII, p. 358) : " Confleso de la Republica Mexicana esta mancra de sucesion, y que se elegian algunas veces, sin diferencias, notando solamente las qualidades de las personas, y de estos fue Itzcohuatl, valeroso Rei Mexicano, que por el valor de su persona, y la grande9a de su animo, no se ad- .virstio, ui reparo para eligirle, en que era Hijo de una Esclava; pero no es maravilla, que el bien publico, prefiera al particular." I forbear quotmg the tales about the elec- tion of sundry Mexican chiefs, as related by the above and other authors. 220 ciavigero (Lib. VII, cap. VI, p. 463). has distinctly formulated tlie idea : " that the crown should always remain in the house of Acamapitzin." Enough has been said about the Mexican family to dispel tlie notions of an "Indian dynasty" in Mexico. At best, a succession or perpetuation of the office in a certain Km or cafpulli, might be conceded. JDurdn (Cap. XI, p. 103), Codice Ramirez, (p. 58), and Zurita (p. 14), make even this somewhat doubtful ; so iloes the election of Itzcohuatl, as conceived by Torque- m\). 15iJ and 157, cap. XIX, pp. 165 and 166, cap, XXI, p. 182, cap. XXII, p. 18), cap. XXIV, p. 201, etc., etc) 680 back to the "chief of men."^^^ In case delegates arrived from other tribes, tliey had to be provided with lodgings. The " tecpan " was the place reserved for that purpose, and there they were ac- cordingl}' quartered. They, conseqnentl^y, first came into contact ■with the " chief of men," who was, officially, "mine host" for them, and who acted as intermediate between them and the su- preme tribal authorities. ^^^ No more striking illustrations of the foregoing can be found than the reception, by the Mexicans, of Cortes and his troops, at the pueblo of Tenuchtitlan. Tiie house where the Spaniards were quartered was the " tecpan " or official house of the tribe, vacated by the otHcial household for that purpose. ^^o j^ sallying forth to In adilitioii to tliese authorities I add in a general way, Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. II, p. 5:i7). This autlior has evidently eitlier copied from, or at least used tlie same sources as Frtiy Oeroniino de Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXVI, p. 129). My learned and highly estecmei I tViend, Sr. Jcazbalccta, ascribes to the statements of both authors '"a common oi-igin" i.e. " Tabia de Correspondeiicias," (p 3S). This common source, however, is found in Zurita (" Rapport,'^ etc., pp. 118 and 119). F)om whom lie, in turn, derived his information, has not as yet been ascertained. 258 See tlie antliors quoted above. Also Clarigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXV, p. 502). 258 This follows from the facts already proven in regard to the duties of the " chief of men" as head of the official household. 1 would particularly refer to Tczozomoc (•' Cronica," Cap. XCVIl, pp. 172 and 173). 260" Codice Ramirez'" (p. 87) ; •' y con esto el gran Motecnczuma, por el nii.^mo orden que vino se volvio con el capitan Don Hernando Cortes, al qual y a los siiyos niando que aposontassen en las ca.'^as reales, donde se les dio muy buen recaudo a cada uno, segun las calidades de las diversas gentes que iban con el capitan El dia siguiente el capitan Don Heinando Cortes hizo juntarS Motecuczuma, etc., etc en una pieza que en lacasa habia muy a proposito para esto." . . . . ; (p. 88) : •' Porque acabada de hazer esta platica el buen cai)itan Don Hernando Cortes, los soldadoa saquearon l;is casas I'eales, y las demas principales donde sentian que habia riquezaa En este tiempo recelandose el Marquis no resultasse desto algun incon- veniente prendio al gran Rey Motecuczuma, poniendole con grillos, y a buen recaudo en las casas reales junto li su misrao aposento .... ;" (p. 8'J): " comenzaron a pelear con los espaiioles con tal fuvia que los hizieron I'etraeralas casas reales donde estaban aposentados." Tins is plain enough. It is commonly stated tliat the Spaniards were quartered at a great house belonging formerly to •' Wralhy Cliief's" father, ■' Face in the Water." Tlie anonymous '' Fragmento Aq. 2" (p. 139) has tlie following: "apar- tando la gente hasta (pie llegaron al palacio Ileal que habia sido de su padre de IMotecuzuma Axayacatzin, y eiitrando en una gran sala en donde tenia Motecnzuma su estado, se sento y a su derecha maiio a Cortes, y hizo senas Cacama que se apar- tasen todos y diesen 6rden en aposentar los cri^tianos y amigos que traian en aquellos grandes palacios " This anonymous fragment is evidently of Tezcucan origin. Sahagun (Lib. XII. cap. XVJ, p. 21) : -'Luego I). Hernando Cortes tonio por la maiio a Moctliecnzuma, y se fiieroii ambos juntos a la par )iara las casas reales;" (i aj). XVII, p.2.")): "De que los Espanoles llegaron a las casas reales con JMocthecuzoma, luego le detuvieron consigo;" (Cap XXI, p. 28): "Comocomenzo la guerra entre los Indios y las Espanoles, estos se fortalccieron en las casas reales con el misino Moc- tliecuzoma " (Id. p. 29, Cap. XXIII, p. 31, etc., etc.). These statements are very positive, and the less sus))icious, since they represent traditions from three ditferent sources, all evidently furnished by eye-witnesses, namely: Mexican ("Cod. Ramirez"), 681 greet the newcomei's at the dyke, "Wrathy chief " acted simply, as the representative of the tribal hospitality-, extending unusual Tescucan (Fragment No. 2) anii Tlatilulcnii (Sahagun). The statements bj' Spanish eye- witnesses are of (lonbtliil authority in this case, since none of tliem linew, or could know anything positive; and tlie pueblo was subsequently, so uttei'ly destroyed that even its site could hardly be recognized. Nevertheless, the '' old aud new palaces of Montezuma " have become houseliold words. It is, nevertheless, interesting to compare the reports of eye-witnesses with the above quotations from aboriginal sources. Cortds {•'Carta Segunda," Vedia I, (p. 2.'i) : ''y torno a seguir por 6 la calle en la forma ya dicha, fasta llegar a una mny grande y liermosa casa, que el tenia para nos aposentar, bien aderezada." Tlie house wliere " Wrathy Chief " stiud with his household, appears to have been some distance fiom the Spanish quarters, since we read (p. '27) : '• dejando buen recando en las encrucijadas de las calles'' — thus showing that crossings intervened. The following, however, is very plain, if not decisive ("Carta Tercera," p. 76): "E porque lo siutiesen mas, este dia lice poner fuego a estas casas grandes de la plaza, donde la otra vez que nos echaion de la ciudad, los espanoles j' yo estabamos aposentados; que eran tan grandes, que un i)rincipe con niiis de seiscientas personas de su casa y servicio se podian aposeatar en ellas; y otras que estaban junto a ellas, que aunquc algo menores eran mny mas frescas y gentiles, y tenia en elliis Muteczuma todos los linajes de aves que en estas partes habia." This remark about the " principe con mas de seiscientas personas de su casa y servicio" evidenth^ agrees with his previous statement concern- ing the houseliold of " Wrathy Chief" {''Carta Segunda," p. 'So): '• l>a manera de su servicio era que todos los dias luego en amaneciendo eran en su casa de seiscicntos seriores y pi-rsonas principales, los cuales se sentaban Y los servidores destos, y personas de quien se acompanabnn henchian dos o tres grandes patios, y la calle . . . ." Consequently, Cortes himself idainly confirms the native authors above quoted. Andrea de Tdpia ('• iieZwciom," etc., p. 579) : "ehizo aposentar al marques en iin patio donde era la recamara de los idolos, e en este patio li.ibie .■-alas a.'-az giandes donde cupieron toda la gente del diclio marques e muchos indios de los de Tascala e Churula que so habien llegado a los espaiioles para los servir." This eye-witness, therefore, docs not mention either of the two " houses of Montezuma." The fatlier of the tale is lound in Bermd Dies de Castillo (Vedia II, Cap. LXXXVIII, p. Si): "E volvamos a nue:^tra entrada en Ble.xico. que nos llevaron a aposentar a unas grandes casas, donde habia aposentos para todos nosotros, que habian sido de su paj, esquina ft la de Sta Teresa la Antigua." Consequently the '•old bouses " were indeed those which Beriial Diez mentions as "where Montezuma at that time had bis great adoratories." Now these '-old houses" were, as we have seen, the "tecpan" or official house of the Mexican tribe. This again fully sustains our proposition tliat the Spaniards were quartered there, and that the official household had vacated it for that purpose. 2(51 This fully explains the designation by, " New houses of Montezuma" mentioned in the preceding note. '^'i'^That the council met at tlie Spanish quarters, is plainly stated by Bernal Diez de Castillo (Cap. XCV, pp. 95 and 90, Cap. XCVIL p. 98). Oriedo (Lib. XXXIII, cap. XLVII, p. 509). That the members of the council gradually withdrew, is equally certain, from the fact that a successor to "Wrathy Chief" was elected, while the latter was still alive and a captive of the Spaniards. 2C3 Lurun (Cap. XLIII, p. U~). Zurita {•' llapport,'" etc., p. 11): " Le souverain de Mexico avait au dessous de lui ceu.\ de Tacuba et de Tezcuco pour les affaires c^il avaient rapport a, la guerre; quantatoutes les auti'es, leurs puissances etaient egales, de sorte que I'un d'eu.x ne sc mSlait jamais du gouvernement des autres;" Id. (pp. 93 and 95). Mendieta (Lib. II, cap. XXXVII, p. 15Gj. Herrera iDec. Ill, lib. IV. cap. XV, p. 1:^3). The two latter authors evidently have followed Zurita. See also note 4. s^^^See note 4. Fragmeiito xVo. 2, in •' Bihlioteca Mexicana" (pp. 142 and 143). 683 ercisecl no command over the other tribes except in the field. Still, his position, as confederate leader, was important enough to make the right to invest him with that dignity one of the condi- tions of the agreement nnder which the confederacy was formed. Hence the two head-chiefs of Tezciico and Tlacopan are frequently mentioned as " electors" of the " chief of men." But their pres- ence at the inauguration of eveiy new officer of that rank did not imply the right to control his election."*'^ It was a mere act of courtesy which the Mexicans returned, as often as their associates performed the same ceremony ,^*56 with this difference, however, that in the case of the Mexican chieftain, the two confederates appeared personally as being thereafter his military subordinates. The military organization of the ancient Mexicans has already been described elsewhere, ^^^ and, so far, we have nothing to add to that picture. In it, as well as in social organization, the kin formed the basis, and since we have found, in .the autonomous kin, that the military chieftains were the officers of justice, we are justified in looking for the officers of tribal justice among the chiefs of highest grade in the tribal forces. The " Cihuaco- huatl" as ex-officio war-chief of the tribe could not, as we have already seen, officiate in that capacity ; but the " chief of men " was very distinctly clothed with the power to punish, even to such an extent as to impart to it the character of arbitrariness and des- potism. If, however, we examine closely the instances reported, they appear to limit themselves : — 1, To cases of insubordination, unfaithfulness, or treachery within the official household •.'^^'^ 2G5" Tenure of Lands" (p. 417). Zurita (" Rapport," etc., p. 15): " Si le souverain de Mexico mouvait sans hei-itier. les i)rincipaux chefs lui clioisissaient iin successeur donfc relection etait eonflvmee pai' les chefs superieuvs de Tezcoco et Tacuba." '• Codice Eumires" (pp. 6G, 67 and 7'2). Tlie chiefs, of Tezcuco and Thicopan, are mentioned as " electors," but stress is placed only on the fact, that they " croivned the King.'' This evidently means investiture only. Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap, XXX, XXXI, XXXII, XXXIII and XXXIV). Allliongh vei'y full of details, he plainly avoids mentioning the chiefs of Tezcuco and Tlacopan as taking part in the election (p. 318). Duran (Cap. XXXII. p. 2.55, XXXIX, pp. 302 and 303, Cap. XLI, p. 3-25). ^^li Zurita (p. 16). Gomara {'• Conquista de Mexico," Vedia I, p. 435). Tesosomoc (Cap. CI, p. 179). 2G7 -'Art of War and Mode of Warfare of the Ancient Mexicans," 10th Report Peabody Museum, 1877. 2iie xherelore the recommendation, by the '■ Cihuacohuatl," to the newly appointed servants and runners in the official household: -'and behold that, where you enter, there are many valuable women, and also slaves, watch that you do not go astray, for at once you will be destroyed without the knowledge of any living soul " Tezozovioc (Cap. LXXXIII, p. 146). It is evident that the " chief of men" had, in such 9* 684 2. To cases of military insubordination, or treachery : ^69 3. To instances of great importance, demanding sudden action in order to avoid public danger.^^*' cases, the right of summary punishment, as well as in the case of unfaithful stewards or disobedient subordinates in general. Compare, on the same subject, Durdn (Cap. LIII. pp. 419 and 420). The fact, that the •' Cihuacohuatl" spoke to the young men, further sliows that the exercise of such extreme power was known to, and sanctioned by, the council. 2^5 Quotations are useless, the necessity for such a power being too plain. But it is well, here, to state that among much ruder tribes even, and where the democratie element was carried to its greatest extremes, arbitrary punishment by war-captains sometimes occurred. Thus it is asserted that, at the bloody engagement of Point Pleasant, Va.. 10 of October, 1774, "Cornstalk," the great Shawnee war-chief, toma- hawked one near him who had "by trepidation and reluctance to proceed to the charge, evinced a dastardly disposition." Alex S. Withers (" Chronicles of Border Warfare,'^ Ctiap. VII, p. 1-29). It explains also the summary punishment of traitors and deserters, as well as of those who assumed the dress of the prominent war-chiefs during a raid or an engagement. 270 The incarceration of runners or messengers may be (and has been to me in conversation by an aged friend) brought up in proof of the belief, that the "chief of men" had a despotic power. Instances of that kind are related by Tezozomoc (Cap. CVI, p. 189). This is the truly admirable description of the first news brought to Mexico of the approach of Euroi)ean ships. It is too lengthy to be Inserted here. A runner from tlie coast carried the news, and " Wrathy Chief" said to Petlacalcatl, take him to the cell made of logs (probably split logs, " tablon ") and look after him. This was done to keep the news secret until the matter conld be investigated, and was, therefore, a preliminary measure of policy. But, aside from the fact that the isolation rather than incarceration (since the latter would have been death) of a news-carrier w^as a matter of policy, and as such a duty of the " chief of men," it was also an estab- lished custom among the Mexicans. This is stated by Sahagim (Lib. VllI, cap. XXXVII, pp. 3-27 and 328) : " Habiendo cautivado a alguno, luego los mensageros que se llamaban tequipantitlanti, venian it dar las nuevas al rey de aquellos que habian cautivado a sus eneniigos, y de la victoria que habian obtenido los de su parte y el senor los respondia diciendoles: "Seals muy bien venidos, huelgome de oir esas nuevas, sentad y esperad, porqne me quiero certificar mas de ellas, y a^i los mandaba guardar, y si hallaba que aquellas nuevas eran mentirosas, liacialos matar." Torque- viada (Lib. XIV, cap. I, p. 536): "y que no le dejasen salir de Palacio hasta tener segundo Correo, que conflimase aquella buena nueva, que el havia traido. Vetancurt (" Teatro," Parte IIw, Trat. 11°, cap. II, p. 381), almost a textual copy of the preceding author, as might be expected. Among the many tales of prodigies, supernatural warnings, witchcraft, etc., etc., connected with the months and years immediately preceding the arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, there is, also, one bearing a particularly pure Indian character. See Durdn (Cap. LXVIII, pp. 524-530). Tezozomoc (Cap. CVI, p. 188 and 189). " Wrathy Chief," alarmed by mysterious prognostics, called upon all tlie old men, women, and the medicine-men, to report what they might dream or had dreamt within a certain lapse of time. II, is well known what high value is attached by the Indians in general to dreams. There can be no doubt tliat, with the prevailing notion that dreams con- tained important and solemn premonitions, warnings from a higher source (So/trtf/M^j Lib. V), the request to communicate such dreams for the benefit of the tribe, to the "chief of men," was very natural. According to Motolinia (" Hi^t. de los Indios de la Nuei-a- Espaiia," Col. de Doc, Trat. II, cap. VIII, p. 130), certain men were particularly expert in explaining and interpreting dreams, so much so, that they were generally applied to for such purposes. If now, as the story in question has it, the said people •refused to comply with such requests, the " chief of men " might, of his own accord 685 The powei- to appoint, which the " chief of men " enjoyed within the limits of the official household, implied, to the same extent, the power to remove and to punish. It was not even necessaiy to refer such cases to the action of the council. In punishing summarily acts of insubordination, or of treachery, when committed during warfare, the "chief of men" acted as commander-in-chief and in istrict compliance with the duties of that office. Lastly, a certain amount of discretionary power was necessarily vested in the chief commander for the public good. Placed at the " tecpan" to "watch, guard and protect" the tribe and the confed- eracy, it was necessary to empower the "• Tlacatecuhtlli" in cases of great urgency, to act "on the spur of the moment." It was not a privilege of royalty or a despotic right, but an obligation result- ing from the nature of the office. Consequently the " chief of men " was not, properly, the execu- tioner of tribal justice either. This duty devolved upon other war-chiefs of lower rank, who, although superior in command to the leaders of the kins, when on the war-path, never otherwise in- terfered with the duties of the latter, an}^ more than tribal jurisdic- tion conflicted with that of the autonomous kins. These chiefs were the "four leaders of the four great quarters of Mexico Te- nuchtitlan,"27i or, as we have already intimated, of the four phratries into which the twenty kins had again agglomerated for religious and militarj^ purposes. These four " great quarters," named respectively, " Moj'otlan," " Teopan," "Aztacalco" and " Cuepopan, "~'^=^ were not, as the current notion has it, so many governmental subsections, or wards of aboriginal Mexico. Shells even treat them as traitors, and secure their persons to prevent injury to the public cause. All this, of course, provided the story be true I The cases where secrecy is enjoined under i)enalty of death, are so plain that no illustration is needed. The "chief of men" had the right, in preparing general business, to give secret orders, to detail particular persons on secret missions. Anyone divulging the secrets entrusted to him, committed an act of treason, and therefore it was necessary that he should be chastised on the spot and on the spur of the moment, to obviate further mischief. "i"^r< of War" (pp. 120. ]'21 and 123, especially notes 97, 99 and 101). • 2'- The Ibrmation of these geogTai)hical circumscriptions I have already explained. The names can, in part, be etymologized. They are respectively: "Moyotlan" or place of the mosquito, from " moyotl," mosquito {Molina II. p. 5S) ; "Teopan" or place of God, from "Teotl," God; "Aztacalco," "place of the house of the heron," from "Aztatl," heron {Molina I, p. 65 and II, p. 10), and " calli," house; " Cuepopan " or " place of the dyke," from " cuepotli," dyke {Molina I, p. 23, II, p. 26). All of which are, respectfully, submitted. 686 of as many original kins, common worship, perliaps, and common leadership in battle, were all that remained of the former organic cluster.2'^3 Rites of worship, as practised by a phratry, it is not the place here to investigate, and the position and functions of the phratry in warfare have already been discussed hj us. The office of tribal executioners of justice, however, vested in the " four leaders " of the four phratries, deserves particular attention here. The names of the four war-captains or rather their official titles, are: "man of the house of darts" (Tlacochcalcatl), "cutter of men" (Tlacatecatl), " bloodshedder " (Ezhuahuacatl), and "chief of the Eagle and prickly pear" (Ciiauhnochtecuhtli). These officers ar6 first noticed in the begnning of the fifteenth century, at the time the confederacy was formed.'^''''* They appear as imme- diate adjuncts or assistants — military lieutenants as it were — to the "chief of men" then promoted to the position of confed- erate commander, as well as of the " Cihuacohuatl." -^^ Their -'SThese four geographical clusters, each comprising a certain number of original kins or calpulli, became known subsequently as the four Indian wards of Mexico, named respectively, San Juau (JMoyotlan), San Pablo (Teopan), San Sebastian (Azta- calco), Santa Maria (Cuepopan). Teznzonwc (Cap. LIX, p. 98), J'etancui-t (" Crunica," etc., p. 124), Durdn (Cap. V, p. 42). Tliat each of them comprised a certain number of kins has already been stated. The four chiefs are often mentioned as ''councillors;" but their very position as immediate assistants to the " cliief of men," is clearly established by the '^ Codice Ramirez" (pp. .'57 and 58). which agrees with Durdn (Cap. XI, p. 108) and also by Saliagun (Lib. XXX, p. 318): "Elegido el senor, luego elegian otros cuatro que ei-au como senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de el, y entender en todos los negocios graves del reino," . . . This makes it evident tliat they must have been war-chiefs, and not representatives, in the supreme council, of an administrative circumscription superior to the "calpulli" — "barrio" or lo- calized kindred group. The four "main quarters" therefore formed militanj hOi\\&s only, and tliis follows plainly from the detailed descriptions of warfare, so profusely given in the chronicles of Tezozomoc. The truth of this fact has been felt, though not fully understood, by Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. VII, pp. 494 and 49.0) where he hints at the four chiefs (under various names) as so many "classes of generals." These four superior war-captains are, besides, found also in Michhuacan, " lieiacion, etc., etc., jl/ec/maca?*" C'Primera Parte," p. 13) : "tenia pnesto cuatro senores muy principales en cuatro fronteras de la provincia," and in Peru, where they have been decorated with the titles of " vioe-roy." It is interesting to note here that the term " barrio " is applied by Spanish authors indiscriminately to the four great subdivisions and to the kins themselves. ^Ti Durdn (Cap. XI, pp. 97, 102 and 103), Tezozomoc (Cap. XV, p. 24) both place the organization by which these four chiefs appear prominent, immediately after the pverthroAV of the Tecpaneca, and before the confederacy with tlie Tezcucans and Tlaco- pans. Ixtlilxochitl (" Hist, des Chichimegues," Cap. XXXI V, p. 236) speaks in general terms of a '• reorganization," after tlie confederacy had been formed. So does Acosta (Lib. VII, cap. XVI, p. 493), while " Codice Ramirez" (pp. 57 and 58) agrees with the two lirst. 37" It is self-evident that these four chieftains were also inferior to the "snake- woman;" and this fact is amply illustrated. Durdn (Cap. XVI, pp. 140 and 141) con- 687 office was, of course, elective and non-hereditary, and the election took place in the same manner and (sometimes, at least) at the same time as that of the "chief of men." 276 Jn case the latter was unable to lead the confederate forces on the war-path, and the " Cihuacohuatl" himself was not available either, then the posts of chief commander as well as of leader of the Mexicans proper, might be filled by one or the other of them.^'^'^ This, however, was always a temporary situation, and there appears to have been no difference of rank between the four, since the Mexican 'Cerning "Ezhuahuacatl," Cap. XXII, p. 189): '• y luego Tlacaellel, principe de la milicia, mando en nombve del re}' que fuesen apercibidos, etc., etc. . . ." "Llanio el rej'^ a un senor que se llamaua Ciiaulinochtli y hizolo general de toda la moltitad diciendole que Tlacaellel era ya viejo y que no podria ya ir a guevra tan apartada, dandole todas las exenciones y autoridad que semojante oficio requeria, . . . ." (Cap. XXXIV, p. 267, etc., etc.). Tezozomoc (Cap. XVII, p. 27), Tlacaellel, subsequently elected " Cihuacohuatl, " was then oimly " Tlacochcalcatl," and he is, at that time, merely mentioned as "uno de ellos de los capitanes." Still (p. 28) he appears as "capitan general de ellos." (Cap. XXII, p. 34): "Respondio Tlacatleltzin y dijo : quiero dar aviso a Tlacatecatl. y a, Tlacochcalcatl, para que publiquen luego en toda estarepublica esta guerra por los varrios, . . ." (Cap. XXVIII, p. i'A) : " mandaron el rey Moctezuma y Zihnacoatl, a los capitanes Tlacatecatl, Tlacochcalcatl, Cuauhnochtli, y Tilancalqui, que luego al tercer dia se apercibiesen y pusicsen en camino con sus armas y vituallas," etc., etc. This entire " Cronica" bristles with facts of that kind, too numerous to quote. The fact, amply proven hei'etofore, that the '' Zihuacoatl " was also ex-officio head- war-chief of the tribe of Mexico, is alone sufficient to establish the iuleriority of the four otjiers. See " Codice Ramirez" (p. (i7). 276 In evidence of tliis there is the entire series of specifically Mexican authors, starting with the " Codice Ramirez" (p. 57) : " Primeramente ordenaron que siempre se guardasse este estatuto en la corte Mexicana, y es que despues de electo Rey en ella, eligiessen quatro seiiores, hermanos 6 parientes mas cercanos del mismo Re}', los quales tuviessen ditados de principes: los ditados que entonces dieron a estos quatro el primero fue . . . (follow the four names and titles). . . ." The same version has been adopted with more or less variation, by Durdn (Cap. XI, pp. 102 and 103), Tezozomoc (Cap. XV, pp. 2-1 and 25), Joseph de Acosta (Lib. VI, cap. XXV, p. 441) and Herrera (Dec. Ill, Lib. JI, cap XIX, jjp. 75 and 76). Besides, there is the independent version of Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap, XXX and XXXI, pi). 318 and 319), who is even too positive, stating, or at least lending to the inference, tliat at every election of a "chief of men," tlie four utlices were also newly filled, and invested at tlie same time. This appears to be a misconception, explained by the Codice Ramirez and by Duran. It may be in place here to refer to a difl'erent version, wliich reduces the number of these assistants to the " cliief of men " to two only. We find it in Gomara (•' Conquista," Vedia I, p. 442): "Las apelaciones iban & otros dos Jneces mayores, que llaman tecuitlato, y que siempre solian ser parientes del sefior . . . ." and also in Zurita (" Rapport," etc.: p. 95). By reference, however, to Sahagun (Lib. VI, cap. XX), it will be seen that the celebrated Franciscan spealis of only two of the four wliich he men-, tions (Lib. VIII, cap. XXX). These two are "Tlacochcalcatl" and "Tlacatecatl" ("Tlacochtecutli" and " Tlacatecutli " by abbreviation), whom he again calls (Lib. VIII, cap. XXIV, p. 311) "principal captains, of wliich there were always two," while (Lib. IX. cap I, p. 33(i) he calls the same, "governors of Tlatilulco." The Tlatilulcan tradition api^ears very plainly in the writings of tlie learneil friar, which writings have wielded such a vast influence in literature on alioriginal Mexico. ^■'"'Art of War" (p. 122), Saliagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXIV, p. 311), Durdn (Cap. XXII, p. 189), Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. XXI, p. 494). 688 Ghroniclers mention them indiscriminately as military captains of the highest rank. Still, while this fact remains undisputed, we notice among later authors that two of the four, namely: " Ezhua- huacatr'and " Tlacateccatl " are called : " judges." ^^s How the duties of a judge sitting permanently, could be pei'formed by a war- chief, is rather difficult to comprehend, whereas those of a chief executioner of judicial decisions agree well with those of a military office, in primitive society. " Cuauhnochtecuhtli " is positively stated; to have been "■ chief executioner " (" alguazil maior") or sheriff. "279 The Codex Mendoza, however, makes all four equal, by calling each of them " executive officer." Samuel Purchas, in his "Pilgrimage," renders this incorrectly by "officer of dispatch." 280 Such was indeed their true position. What the "elder brother" was to the kin, the four great war-captains were to the tribe. To them the judicial decisions of the council were communicated through the " Cihuacohuatl" or the " Tlacatecuhtli," and they were intrusted with their execution. Consequently they super- intended the maintenance of order and quietness at every place where the tribal authorities exercised control, as, for instance, in, the markets, and in the central square encompassing the great "house of God." But they were also the immediate military assistants of the "chief of men," and as such, as far as he ex- ercised any power to punish, they also acted as his "executive offi- cers" when necessary .281 It is doubtful, however, if the four lenders . 278 The " Tlacatecatl " is called a "Judge," second in jurisdiction only to the " Cihua- coliuatl" by Torquemada (Lib. XI, cap. XXV, p. 352). The same author calls him a " valiant captain " (Lib. II, cap. LXXVI, p. 211). After this iiuthor, he has been called a Judge by Vetancurt (Parte Ila, Trat 11°, cap. I, p. 370), by Clavigero jjistoria natural y moral de Indias" (Lib. VI, cap. XXV, p. 441). EicroRT Peabody Museum, II. 44 691 We have already stateol that the tnbe was a voluntary association of kins for mutual protection. Though this was undoubtedly the original purpose, it becomes evident that, in course of time and as a result of success in warfare, the tribe, as a military organization, grew into a cluster for procuring and increasing subsistence. -^s This was achieved by gathering booty in successful raids, and by imposing tribute upon tribes whose military power had been over- come in such dashes and forays. Previous to the formation of the confederacy, but few tribes had been conquered by the Mexicans.^ss In fact, it was the nearly equally balanced power of the Pueblos occupying the lake basin, that made the formation of that confederacy possible. Such a course was necessary to prevent them from destroying each other for the benefit of expectant neighbors.^^^ But when once this confederac}^ was formed, then their joint efforts w^ere directed to conquest, and to the acquisition of the means of subsistence through tribute. As the imposition of tribute was a military measure, so, also, its collection was in the hands of the viilltary branch of the tribal government. This is evident from the fact that the kins had delegated to the tribe all authority over outside matters. 291 Hence the "chief of men" became the official head of tribute-gatherers.292 288 I'j,.; fyf jrar" (pp. ee, 97 and 98, also notes). 289 The number and names of these tribes are yet undefined. The specifically Mexi- can sources insisting upon a conquest of Tezcuco (by force of arms) by the Mexicans, it follows tliat, according to the Codice liamircz (pp. 51 to 61), the tribes subjected before tliat supposed event, were the Tecpaneca, tlie Xochimilca, and those of Ouitla- hnac, or the settlements to the west and southwest. Buran (Cap. IX to XV) and Tezozonioc (Cap. VIII to XX) concur; so does, of course, Acosta (Lib. VII. cap. XII to XV). Tlie Codex Mendoza (plates V and VI) adds to the above the pueblos of Chaleo, Acolliuacan and of Quauhnahuac (Cuernavaca). If we compare it with the Tezcucan tradition, as reported by IxWlxochitl ('' HUt. des Chichimeques," Cap. XXXI. p. 21(5) we notice that it is claimed for that tribe, that it assisted the Mexicans in the conquest of Xo'chimilco and Cuitlahuac, although the formal confederation took place (according to the same authority. Cap. XXXII) some years later. According to Torqnemada (.Lib. II, cap. XLII, pp. 148, etc.), Vetancurt (Parte II«, Trat. 1°, cap XIV, p. 291), the Xochi- milcas were conquei-ed by the confederates. According to Veytia (" Historia antigua," Lib. Ill, cap. I, p. 150), the Tezcucaus subjected Xochimilco. Clavigero (Lib. IV, cap. V, p. 253) agrees with the Mexican vei-sion. 290 .. Codice Ramirez" (p. 61). 281 This resulted from the constitution of the tribe, as an association of kins for mutual protection and sustenance. 29- Tezozomoc (Cap. X, p. 18) : "y aunque envian a. darlo a Ytzcoatl era para todos los Mexicanos en comun." The fact that the gathering of tribute was directly controlled by the ''chief of men" is so generally admitted that it hardly needs any further proof. Ramirez de Fuenleal (" Lettre," etc., p. 248, ler Becueil) ascribes the gathering of tribute to an officer whom he calls " tecuxcaicatectli." This should be, properly, 9** 692 Whenever any tribe, with or without a struggle, yielded to the warlike power of the Mexicans and their associates, the amount and kind of articles to be delivered, as tribute, at fixed periods, was at once determined between " the parties.^^^ Yov the faithful performance of that contract, the vanquished stood in daily peril of tlieir lives f^'^ and in order to watch them constantly, and to regulate the delivery and transmission of the tribute, special officers were maintained among the conquered pueblos by their conquerors. These officers were called " gatherers of the crops," calpixqui. Each one of the three confederates sent its own "calpixqui" among the tribes which had become its exclusive prey, and where, as sometimes occurred, one pueblo paid tribute to all three confederates, it had to submit to the residence in its midst, of as many representative gatherers of duties. ^^^ " tlaoochcalcatl-teculitli." But we know that the duties of the latter offlcev were quite different. Still, the collection of tribute being a branch of military life, the niist;ike is easily, accounted for. The military chronicles of the Mexican tribe teem with instances where the stewards are described as under direct orders of the " chief of men," as in Zurita (pp. 68, 69, 70). It may also be inferred from the exaggerated state- ments about the tribute system among the Tezcucans, contained in Ixtlilxochitl (" Hist, des ChichimSques," Cap. XXXV, pp. 239-'241). 293 J yefer to the following passages of Tezozomoc ('• Cronica," Cap. IX, p. 16, Capture of Azcaputzalco; Cap. XV, p 24, Cuyuacan; XVII, p. 28, Xochimilco; XVIII, p. 29, Cuitlahuac; XXVI, p. 40, Chalco; XXVII, p. 41, Tepeacac and Tecamachalco; XXIX, pp. 44 and 45, Tziccoac and Tucpan; XXXII, p. 50, Ahuilizapan, and the Totonaca; XXXVIII, p. 52, Coayxtlnhuacan; XXXVIII, p. 61, Huaxaca; Cap. LXI, p. 102, Chiapan and Xilotepec; Cap. LXV, p. 110, Cuextlan; Cap. LXXII, p. 122: Teloloa- pan; LXXVI, p. 130, Tecuantepec and others; LXXIX, p. 136, Xoconuchco; LXXXIV, p. 148, Nopallan; LXXXVIII, Xaltepec; XCI, p. 159. Quetzaltepec). Durdn (Cap. IX, p. 77; X, p. 94; XII, p. 112; XVII, p. 151; XVIII, p. 159; XIX, p. 171; XXI, p. 185; XXII, p. 191; XXIV, p. 205; XXXIV, p. 269; XLI, p. 331; XLVI, p. 373, etc.). These passages fully illustrate the manner in which the tribute was imjjosed on the vanquished, at the close of a successful foray. Ixtlilxochitl {" Hisfoire des ChichimS- ques." Cap. XXXVIII, pp. 271 to 273). Sahagun (Lib. VIII, cap. XXIV, p. 313): " Habiendo pacificado la provincia, luego los senores del campo repartian tributos a los que habian sido conquistados. . . ." 294 Durdn (Cap. LIII, p. 423), Also the complaints of the Indians of Cempohual and Quiahuiztlan (Totonaconas) (on the coast), to Cortes, about the dread in which they continually stood of being overrun again by the Mexicans and their confederates. {Cortes '^ Carta Segunda," p. 13, Vedia I), Bernal Dies (Cap. XLV, p. 40; XLVI, p. 41, Vedia II), ^^ Heal Ejecutoria, etc." (Col. de Doc's II, p. 12). 395 This results from the "articles of agreement" of the confedei-acy. See besides: Zurita (p. 67). Hernando Pimeniel Nezahualcoyotl (" Memorial dirigido al rey, etc." " Geogi-ajia de las Lenguas." Orozco y Berra pp. 244 and 245) also states: '"The pueblos whose tributes were distributed among Mexico and Tezcuco and Tacuba were the following: Coayxtlavuacan, Cuanlituchco, Cotlaxtlan, AvliQapan, Tepeaca." Against this there stands the version of Sahagun (Lib. XII, cap. XLI, p. 59) : " Luego alii hablo otro principal que se llamaba Mixcoatlaylotlacauelitoctzin, dile al seiior capitan, que cuando vivia Mocthecuzoma el estilo que se tenia en conquistar, era este, que ibaa los Mexicanos, y los Tezcucauos, y los de Tlacupan, y los de las Chinampas, todos 693 Thus the Mexicans had a munber of such officers scattered among tributary settlements. The " chief of men " controlled their actions, but his power did not extend over the "calpixca" of the tribes of Tezcuco and Tlacopan. He could not even appoint the stewards sent to dwell among the tributary foreign- ers,296 tijis power being vested in the council alone.^Q^ Such an office was by no means a post of honor and enjoyment. On the contrary, there was no more responsible or dangerous duty within or without the tribe. The " calpixqui " while he had not the sliuhtest authority to hieddle with the affairs of the tribe where he Uved,^^§ was expected to watch closely the dispositions and incli- jiintos iban sobre el pueblo 6 provincia que quei-ian conquistar, y despues que lo habian conquistado, luego se volvian a sua casas, y a sus pueblos, y despues veniaii los senores de los pueblos que habian sido conquistados, y tiaian su tributo de oro y de piedias preciosas, y de plumages ricos, y todo lo daban a Mocthecuzoma, y asi todo el oro venia a su poder." This plain and very natural statement, from a Tlatilulcan chief who afterwards became '•gobernador" of Tlatilulco {Sahagun, Lib. VIII. cap. II, p. 274), has been twisted by Torquemada (Lib. IV, cap. CII, p. 572), so as to say among other things: '-and they liad the tril^utes gatliered at Mexico, and here it was distributed among the three Lords according to the directions given by him of Mexico." Torquemada has. in tliis instance, evidently changed the text of his prede- cessor. There is also an undeniable confusion here between booty and tribute. The former had to be divided among the conquerors while they were yet togetlier; the latter occurred regularly afterwards, and hence did not need to go through the hands of Mexicans again. The story of Torquemada is corroborated by IxtlUxochitl {''Hist, des C}iichimeques," Cap. XXXIX, p. 282), who clearly says that " Fasting Wolf" put stewards only when the tribute belonged to his tribe, but tiiat the whole tribute was brought to Mexico and there" the agents of the three chiefs divided it among them- selves. Finally, we have the obscure statements of JJa??iM'e2; de Fuenleal (pp.214, 247, in ler Recueil of Mr. Ternaux). ^86 The "Calpixcayotl" was a permanent office, not a temporary duty or mission; consequently its incumbents could not be appointeil by a single war-chief. There is evidence to that effect. According to Durdn (Cap. XVIII, p. 164), after those of Tepeacac had been conquered. " CihuacohuatI " placed a steward in their midst : "Mira que en ello no aya falta ni quiebi-a; y para questo mejor se cumpla, os quiere poner un gobernador de los senores Mexicanos, al qual aueis de obedecer y tener en lugar de la real persona, el qual se llama Coacuech, y con esto os podeis ir en norabuena a vuestras tierras y ciudades porque al rey no le podeis hablar." (Cap. XXI, pp. 18(5 and 187). The steward for Cuetlaxtlan was chosen by the " Snalie-woman; " or at least his choice was proclaimed by tliat officer. (Cap. XXIII, p. 199) : "Acauado el sacriflcio y despedidos los giiespedes, Tlacaelel, con consejo del rey, enuio un virey a Coaixtlavac para que tuviese cargo de aquella provincia y de los tributos reales, el qual se llamaua Cuauxocliitl " 2"' This results from the fact that the " CihuacohuatI " announced the newly chosen "Calpixqui." In this case he plainly acted as foreman of the council, proclaiming their choice. 2^8 1 have already, in note 4, disposed of the statements of Sahagun (Lib. VIII. cap. XXIV, p. 313): ''y luego elegian gobernadores y oficiales que presidiesen en aquella provincia, no de los naturales de ella, sino de los que la habian conquistado." In further explanation thereof, I beg to call attention to some statements of the interpreters of the Codex 3fendoza (\tliites XX and XXI): "Los pueblos flgnrados en los dos pianos siguientes, resumidos axjui, son diez y ocho pueblos, segun que estan eutitulados. For 694 nations of those by whom he was surrounded and to report forth- with any suspicious movements or uttei-ances that came to his notice. Thus he appeared, in the eyes of the people among whom he resided, as a spy, whose reports might, at any time, bring down upon them the wratli of their conquerors. Again, it was his duty to control the bringing in of the articles promised as tribute, at stated times. Consequently he was the hateful tax- gatherer, the living monument of their defeat with all its unfortu- los Seiiores de Mexico tenian pnesto uii gobernador llaraado Petlacalcatl, aimque en cada un pueblo tenian puesto nn Calpixque, que es conio Mayordomo, que tenian a cargo de hacer recojer las rentas y tributos que los dichos Sefiores tributaban al Sefiorio de Mexico y todos los dichos niayordonios acudian al dicho Petlacalcatl, conio sii governador; " (plates XXII and XXIII): " . . . . tenian puestos Calpixques, en cada uno de ellos, y en lo mas principal doniinaba sobre todos ellos un governador, para que los mantubiese en paz y justicia, y les hiciese cumplir siis tributos y porque no se rebelasen ; " (plates XXIV and XXV) : " Y a que fiiesen bien regidos y governa- dos, los Sefiores de Mexico en cada uno de ellos tenian puestos Calpixques, y sol)re todos les Cal|)ixques un governador, isersona principal de Mexico, y ansi misnio los Calpixques eran Mexicanos, lo qual se liacia ^ probeya por los dichos Sefiores y a seguridad, para que no les rebelasen, y ft que les adniinistrasen justicia y oyesen en policia." It follows from the above that the "Governors" were placed, not so much over the tribes, as over tlie "calpixca" themselves, and indeed the "Petlacalcatl," " man of the house of chests." was the head-steward, to wliom sill tlie other stewards had to direct their consignments of tribute. Consequently, it is not to be understood as "governor of a province," but only "governor of the stewards," which is totally diffei-ent. Besides, thei-e is positive evidence to the effect, that the Mexicans and their associates never interfered with the autonomy of tributary tribes. Andres de Tdpia C^ lielacion," etc., p. 592): "Los que tomaba de guerra de(;ian tequitin tlacotle, que quiere decir, tributan como esclavos. En estos ponia m.iyoj-domos y recogedores y recaudadores; y aunque los seiiores mandaban su gente, era debnjo de la mano destos de Mexico. . . . Zurita {'^ liapport," etK., p. GS): " Les chefs, restant seigneurs comme avant la guerre, conservaient la jurisdiction civile et criniinelle dans toute I'etendue de leurs domaines." When the tribes of the gulf coast (the Totonacas, etc.) arose against the Me.xicans, muniering the stewards who had been placed among them, tliey were speedily over- come again, and when they attributed their revolt to the intrigues of their head-cliiefs, asking the Mexicans to punish tliem lor it, the Mexicans replied, according to Durdn (Cap. XXIV, p. 204) : "nosotros no-tr.'.emos autoridad para matar a nadie sine es en guerra: vuestros seiiores no ban parecido en esta gueria ni los emos visto, pero no por eso se escaparan, pues vuestras razones y dci-eo y lo que pedis, se dira al rey nuestro senor Blonteguma, y el mandara que se execute lo que nosotros dexareinos ordenado, y luego sin mas dilacion los traed aqui a todos ante nosotros y a inuy buen recaudo." Afterwards: "enviaron a CuaiiiiochtlL'.-y il Tlilancalqiri, que eran de los mayores oydores del consejo supremo, para que executasen aquella justicia." Tlie two chiefs wei'e cruelly butchered (p. 20()). This story is also related by Tezosomoc (Cap. XXXV, pp. 55 and 5(i), and it is evidently the instance referred to and illustratt d by the Codex Mendoza (plate LXVII). The foregoing tells us that even in a case of dangerous treachery and rebellion such as the above, llie Mexicans did not claim the right to interfere in the internal affairs of the conquered tribe, of tlieir own accord, but that it required the positive request of that tribe to cause them to act in the premises. Fiirthermore, the position of the " chief of men " as military executor is clearly defliied : " y el mandara que se execute lo que nosotros dexarenios ordenado." A very important statement 1 695 nate results. It cevtainl}' required men of capaeit}^ and experience to fill such a position, and we need not wonder, therefore, if the " calpixca," whom Cortes met among the Totonacas of the coast, wore the distinctive tokens of chiefs. ^^^ The conditions of tribute were various. Some tribes delivered their contributions every eighty days, whilst others sent them in annually. >^'*° In most cases, they had to be carried to Mexico- Tenuchtitlan by the tributaries, or at least, the delivery was at their ciiarge.^'^i This was done frequently by prisoners of war, made by the tributary pueblo and sent as part of the tribute itself.^o^ The "calpixqui" superintended this intercourse, he verified the articles received, and again dispatched them, properly, to the " seat and home " of the Mexicans. All this necessitated 2»9 nernal Diez de CastUlo (Cap. XLVI, pp. 40 and 41). 3"" The most complete record of tributes which we possess, .until now, is contained in tlie so-Ciilled Codex Mendoza i Parte Segunda, plates XJX to LVII. inclusive). A fujl discussion of tlie multlfai'ious details thereof is impossible here. It would requii'e an essaj- by itself, wliicli, liowevcr instructive it might be, wouhl largely exceed the limits ol' tills paper. Of course, not all the authorities agree with them. I mercl}' I'efer, in addition, to Durdn (Cap. XXV), Oviedo (Lib. XXXIII, cap. LI, pp. 535 ,• 'H and '7), Cluvigero (Lib VIl, cap. XV). Ixtlilxochitl ('• Hint, des CMchiiiiSqnes." Cap. XXXV), the latter as well as Torgiteniada (Lib. II, cap. LIJI, pp. IfiTand IGS) confining himself to the Tezcucans and their tiibutaries exclusively. See iurthermore, Zurita (pp. 21(5, 247 and 2-lS), Ramirez de Fuevleal (Letter, p. 251). It is ^Iso interetling to consult the statements gathered, on the ti'ibute question, from tribes subject to the JMexicans. See, on Chalco, Fray Domingo de la Anunciacion {Letter dated; Chalco, 20 Sept., 1554, 2d " Recueil" of Sir. Ternaux-Compans. pp. 333 and 334) : on AfaUatziiico, Zurita (pp. 394- 397), Herrera (Dec. Ill, lib. IV, cap. XVIII, p. 140). The latter mostly copies from Zurita. Finally, much information as to the details can be gathered from the '• Codice liamirez" (pp. 63 and 65), and esjjecially from the traditions on ihe forays and dashes of the Mexicans contained in tlie specilically Blexicau sources already quoted. SOI Tezozomoc (Cap. XXVH, p. 41, Cap. XXXIII, p. 52, Cap. LXl, p. 102, etc., etc.), Durdn (Cap. LXIX, p. 171): " Pues mira que lo aneis de llevar a Mexico vosotros mesmos. EUos respondieion que les placia de lo lleuar alia y seruillos, . . . ." (Cap. XXII, p. 191): "y que se obligasen a traello a Mexico. . . ." (Cap. XXIV, p. 20G, Cap. XXV, p. 203, etc., etc., etc.) ^"'^ Durdn (Cap. XXV, pp. 212 and 213). Such female slaves became concubines. The various tribes exchanged also their prisoners of war, one tribe buying (exchanging for pro9 Torquemada (Lib. XIV, cap. VI, pp. .'ill, .o4.5), copied by Vi'tancurt (Parte Ila, Trat. 11°, cap. 1°, pp. 370 and 371), Clavigero (Lib. VII, cap. X, pp. 4(58 and -109). 310 Also by the Codex Mendoza (Interpretation to plates XX, XXl, etc.). 311 See note 309, also Tezozomoc and Imuran. 812 This is so frequently mentioned by Tezozomoc, that I forbear detailed quotations. 313 Tezozomoc (" Cronica Mexicana," sundry places, too numerous to refer to). 698 honseholds,^^^ still, on many occasions, whether festive or in the hour of need, the crops raised thereon would not be sufficient, and thus other stores were laid up and lield for prudential reasons. -^^^ Over these stores the " Petlacalcatl" presided. This officer was, in all probability, appointed by the council, and he was account- able in the first place to the "• Cihuacohuatl," who kept a register or list of the articles recei\'ed as well as of their apportionment- These rude paintings on prepared skin, or tissue, have given rise to the fable that "archives'' existed at the aboriginal pueblos of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.^^^ The stores required for worship and for the support of the "medicine-men" were, as far as the central or tribal "house of God" was concerned, also, taken from this tribute, and assigned to the "medicine-men" according to their need. But the bulk of the tribute, presumably, went to the kins, who apporiioned it among their members, after reserving the necessary quota for their government and for worship. In this manner tlig proceeds of tribal association finally reached the individual, — not through the tribe unless he was an outcast, but through the kin, — and thus the latter again appears as the working unit of organized society, even in the vital matter of subsistence. The procuring of subsistence, by means of wai'fare, is the widest field of tiibal action known to aboriginal Mexico. It links to- gether kin and tribe, and furnishes a raison d'etre for the highest known form of tribal societ}^ — tlie confederacy. After what has been said in this and the preceding essaj^s, it is superfluous to recur, in detail, to the confederacy formed by the three " Nahuatl" tribes, of Mexico, Tezcuco and Tlacopan. Its "articles of agreement" have been stated elsewhere; and we know the prominent position, in a military point of view', occupied by tiie Mexican tribe in this partnership, formed, as it was, for the purpose of war and plunder. All that remains for us to en)phasize is the fact, that this inter-tribal connection in the Mexican valley did not extend further than a tri-partite association for the afore- said purposes. There was no interference on the part of the conquerors, in the affairs of the conquered, no attempt gradually 314" Tenure of Lands" (pp. 419 and 4'2C). si^See the concuiTeiit reports about the gre;it drouth, while *' Wrathy chief -who shoots arrows heavenward" (•'Montezuma Ilhuicauiina") was "chief of men." 3i«This very interesting and important question will soon be I'ully discussed by a very competent auiliority, 1 consequently forbear entering into any examination tliereof. 699 to cast the heterogeneous elements into one uniform mould, because there was no idea of any form of society other than that based upon kin, and of this, the tribe, characterized by inde- pendent territory', a dialect of its own and a common name and worship, formed the highest governmental expression. We liave thus, invohintaiily almost, retraced our steps to the point of departure and justified, as we believe, our original propo- sitions. We have tried to show that there was, in aboriginal Mexico, neither state, nor nation, nor political society of any kind. We have found a |)opulation separated into tribes representing dialectical variations of speech, e:ich tribe autonomous in matters of government, and occasionally forming confederacies for purposes of self-defence and conc^uest. Out of that confederacy, brought so prominently forward by the events of the Spanish conquest, we have selected on account of its military pre-eminence, one tribe, — the ancient Mexicans— and we have shown that it was an organic body composed of twenty anlonomous kins for pur- l)oses of nuilual protection and subsistence. A social organi- zation resting u[)on s^uch a foundation must, of necessity, have been a democratic body. Indeed, we have found that each kin was governed iiy strictly elective officeis, sul»ject to removal at the plea^^ure of their constituents; that the twenty kins, for their mutual benefit, had delegated their powers to transact business with outsiders to a council of the lril)e, in which every kin wiis represented b}' one member and consequently, had the same voice and vote as either one of the others. Tiie execution of the decrees ol this comicil was left to elective ollicers, whose power was limited to military conunand, and whom the tribe might depcjse at pleas- ure. With the exce[)tion of some very inlerior positioJis, these olticers had not the power of app(jintiiig others to oltiee, not even their assistants of high rank. The dignity of chief, so commonly transformed into hereditary nobility, has been found to have been, merely, a reward of merit and carrietl with it no other [)rerogatives than personal consideration and