Author QW| Class W-3-8..L. Book ..#.r..-=39 Title Imprint 10—30899-1. SPO LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 00052403^2 -•— -•% ~~..-.,\\ x~rz SPEECH OF THK HON. FRANCIS W/PICKENS, OK 80UTH CAROLINA, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, On the 23d of May, 1S36, THE HOUSE BEING IN COMMITTED OF THK WHOLE OS THE FORTIFICATION Bllik* WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY BUFF GBBEPf. 1836. *% — - .— ' ■ ■ — **- C'l SPEECH OF MR, PICKETS, OF SOUTH CAROLINA ; Delivered in the House of Representative?, May 23, 1336, the House being in Committee of the Whole on the FORTIFICATION BILL. Mr. Pickens said it was not agreeable for him to trespass upon the atten- tion of the committee, and he trusted he never could be induced to do so except from considerations of duty. Mr. Chairman: This debate has taken a wide range, and doctrines have been advanced and sentiments avowed, against which I feel bound to raise ray most solemn protest. The chairman of the Committee of " Ways and Means" (Mr. Cambreleng) withdrew an amendment on a former bill embracing the same principles, but declared that he would consider the whole debate as open upon the present occasion. However, before I proceed to reply to what has been advanced by other gentlemen, I propose to make a few observations on the general principles which shall govern my vote on the bill immediately under the consideration of the committee. As to appropriations towards those fortifications calculated to give efficiency and protection to our navy, I perhaps would be inclined tq ga as far as most gentlemen. I am in favor of those that are important for these purposes, and no other, so far as the Atlantic coast is concerned. I look upon it as one of the most idle and visionary schemes that has ever been conceived, to attempt a military line of fortifications on our Atlantic coast similar to those which European governments have adopted. Our population, comparativeiy speaking, is sparse, and we have a coast equal in extent to the whole western coast of Europe. Under these circumstances, our resources would not justify an attempt to encircle ourselves with a system of fortifications on a plan similar to those which more populous and far less extensive countries have adopted. Besides, we have no border powers against which it may be necessary to protect ourselves. We are remote from all other powers — with an immense and increasing commerce. Our physical position, and all the circumstances with which we are surrounded, proclaim a navy to be our only system of enlarged national defence. Our expenditures for fortifications ought to be made exclusively with a view to give protection and energy to our navy. With our extensive coast, you may make fortifications for land defence, and have your system, as you may suppose, perfect; but give your enemy ascendancy upon the ocean,, and they will land their forces at what- ever points they may think proper. No commercial country can rely for defence upon any thing but a well regulated navy. 2 Our true policy of defence is to increase and strengthen it by judicious points of fortification, so as to enable us to protect our whole coast by a stronger naval power than any nation would be able to concentrate against us. With this view, and looking to the natural division of our coast into four great bays, as it were, — the first from Passamaquaddy to Cape Cod, the second from Cape Cod to Cape Hatteras, the third from Cape Hatteras to Cape Florida, and the fourth to the Sabine, — I would say that extensive navy yards with efficient fortifications, should be established at the most suitable points between these different capes, so that an ordinary naval force, with brave and enterprising men, could easily defend the whole frontier, and at the same time protect our commerce. For instance, I would have such a navy -yard with fortifications at or near Boston — the same at or near New York — then at Norfolk and the mouth of the Chesapeake — the same at Charleston — and then at Pensacola, for the defence of the gulph and the commerce of the West. I would place these points on the best and strongest footing, equal to any in Europe, and make little or no expenditures on any other poin'\ so far as our Atlantic frontier is concerned. It is all idle and visionary to attempt to place our coast in a perfect state of defence by stationary fortifications — this can alone be done by those that move upon the face of the deep. There is scarcely any fortification but what can be passed under favorable tides and winds, and it is a military maxim that there is none but what can be taken. Look to those that were erected at Antwerp, with so much skill and labor, on the same plan of fortress Monroe, and which Bonaparte himself pronounced impregnable, and what was the result? The French battered them to the ground in twenty-four hours. The truth is, that for an invading force on land we must at last rely upon *< high minds and brave hearts," with bayonets, and not fortifications. Besides, sir, the genius of our institutions is at war with a standing army. But extend your visionary and wanton schemes of fortifications, and they call for an increased force to keep them in repair. Sir, I rejoice to say, that I believe the majority of the officers of your present army are men worthy to be trusted with the liberties of their country. But increase your military points, and call for a corresponding increase of men, and then place all under profli- gate and ambitious rulers, and there is no patriot who will not tremble for the consequences to his country. Mr. Chairman: There has been a great change in the condition and resources of our country within the last few years. Under the application of steam power to our coast and rivers., remote sections have been brought together, and the energies of the community have been condensed. Our weakness, arising from a sparse population, has been to a great extent overcome. If this be the effect of steam as applicable to the water, what must be the opera- tion of things under the tremendous schemes that are now in progress to bring the interior West to the sea coast by means of railroads ? I would rather have one railroad running from' our coast into that brave and enter- prising country, for the purposes of defence, than all the fortifications your overflowing treasury can erect. For military purposes, heretoiore, commu- nities have been strong in proportion to the denseness of their population. But the recent triumphs of invention and art over nature seem likely to develope new energy and resources, and may change the whole scheme of military defences in an extensive and widely populated country. Under these views,, I shall never vote for any fortification that cannot !:>e shown to be o» necessary for the strength and support of the navy. I would desire to have but few points, and place them on the most liberal and substantial basis. It is nothing but a wanton waste of the public money to attempt to embrace too many interests, and cover too many points. But, sir, I will now look at the operation of this system in another point of view. While you have been expending, for the last twenty years, millions upon millions in certain sections of this Union, other extensive sections have been to a great extent entirely neglected. When my colleague (Mr. Thomp- son) some weeks, "ince, with so much ability, demonstrated the unequal ope- ration of your ni I appropriations, he drew but a just picture of this Go- vernment in all iscal operations. As to our navy I am disposed to make some allowances appropriations heretofore, from the fact that our tonnage has been owned nd our large commercial transactions have, in a great measure, taken i those sections where the demand and supplies for a navy and its ap i u were naturally called for. But we have now reached a new era in om s, when other sections and other interests must be attended to. Here. e your Government has been profuse in its expendi- tures for the defence t, those portions of your country which you boast of being naturally the strongest, while you hava neglected those portions- which you have proclaimed to be the weakest. Is this the sound policy that should direct the energies of a fostering Government to protect equally the exposed points of a united people? Let it not be supposed that we complain of the unequal disbursements, merely for the dollars and cents involved. No; it is because the operation is deeply connected with the great principles of liberty. As a people under one Government, we present a different state of things from any other peo- ple. We are one for certain great purposes, and separate for others. As far as the pecuniary and fiscal transactions of Government are concerned, it is not to be disguised that we have sectional interests differently affected. As far as the States are concerned, we have in each peculiar sentiments, habits, and feelings. To preserve these is the very essence of our separate inde- pendence and existence. No people can be free at>i independent who are habitually and systematically excluded from the favors and benefits of the Government that acts upon them. Let it become fixed, as a settled policy, that the West and the South are only to feel this Government in its exactions, while other sections are to feel it in its disbursements — let it be known that we are to be converted into Roman provinces, from which you are to collect treasure and wealth to be distributed amongst those who may be styled 4 pledge the resources of this nation for the great purposes of self- preservation? Is this Congress to do nothing that can bind those who are to come after us? Go back at once and tear up your Declaration of Indepen- dence itself — scatter into a thousand pieces the parchment of your Constitu- tion, and substitute, in the place thereof, the shouts of a mob proclaiming their triumphs of to-day, or the power of a lawless multitude waving over a blood-stainsd land the sceptre of anarchy to-morrow. No legislation bind posterity!! Where is faith? Where is honor? Where is public law? Where is public morality? Sir, this is a doctrine at war with peace, policy, and honor. It breaks down all that is venerable, virtuous, and consecrated in the institutions of civilization itself. If this be the doctrine that the gen- tleman, and the party with which he is identified, intend practically to enforce in this country, I can tell him'that, when he attempts it, a hundred thousand plumes will wave over a hundred thousand lances, couched to vindicate all those sacred rights which have been acquired under the plighted faith of this Government. But, sir, the gentleman dropped another remark that struck me with pecu- liar force. He asserted thatthe time would soon come when the Government should sell the public lands to non,e but emigrants who were actual settlers. Where is the right under the Constitution by which this Government would attempt to exclude any class of free citizens from purchases of the public domain? Where is the right by which you shall claim to distribute it amongst a particular class? If it. be intended by this to feed the appetite and minister to the desires of that class who may have no peculiar ties or interests to Mnd them to the place of their nativity — if it be intended to catch that class who move through the land from one end to the other, having no home, and feeling for no country, then it is vile agrarianism. Has it come to this, tha a man is to be excluded from the benefits and privileges under this Government because, by industry, economy, or enterprise, he should be so fortunate as to accumulate property, cr because he may happen to be associated with others who have? Are citizens whose ties and interests may bind them to reside iu one State, to be excluded from holding a freehold in another? If this system of selling alone to a certain class, be intended by the gentle- man as an equal division of the public domain, then he should remember that when the Roman people came to receive their distribution from the public granaries, they became prostituted and debased. When their conquering Generals came loaded with the spoils of devastated provinces, and were enabled to deal out bread and bounties to this class or that class, then, through bribery and corruption, they bought their way to power over the prostrate liberties of their coun' lint the gentleman made another declaration, which I confess filled my heart with the most gloomy forebodings for the future. After speaking of the bloated state of things in the country at present, he conclude;] by de- claring that "the whole nation was now one common gambling house!" Considering the position he occupies in this House, and the relation he bears to the dominant party that now rules this confederacy — considering that from his residence, he must be intimately acquainted with the secret springs of speculation and commerce — I confess I heard this solemn declaration with no ordinary emotions. This nation one common gambling house! And who made it so? Let those who hold the reins of Government answer this aw- ful question. Mr. Chairman, next to the omnipotence and omnipresence of that superintending Providence that moves upon the affairs of the world, there is no power that exercises so great an influence over the feelings, the sen- timents, and the very nature of man, as the Government that acts upon him, and those who administer its authority. Let an individual become abandoned and profligate, and the consequences of his vice and iniquity are for the most part confined to himself, and those immediately around him. But let those who hold in their hands the destinies of a great people become corrupt and lawless — let them trample over the great fundamental principles of the Go- vernment — let them become ambitious and profligate — and the consequences are felt in the remotest circles of society; the highest and the lowest come under this tremendous influence. Look over the world and see its fairest portions, where civilization, art, and refinement once held their softand min- gled sway, now laid low in ruin and decay. Go, walk by the broken columns of the Parthenon, or stand on the grave of Miltiades — go and visit the tomb of Virgil, or the villas of Tolly — and why is it that you hear no longer the voice of the orator, or see no more the poet and the warrior? Is it be- cause the uplifted hand of God has for ever blighted those fairest portions of his creation? No, no; it comes from the iniquity of corrupt, fallen, am- bitious man. It is his usurping hand that has laid these fair regions low, and made a degenerate, desponding, and broken hearted people. And, sir, when it is now announced, that our "nation is one common gambling house," let those who sit on the seats of power tremble for the future. They may pass through this world, and receive its applause — they may proclaim in triumph that they have received the approbation of their country, and when the gnawings of a guilty conscience shall be felt, they may pour upon it the sweet unction that rises from the huzzas of a passing mob; but when they shall have gone through these scenes, and shall come to that last sad day when the secrets and recesses of the human heart shall be laid open before a tribunal that is never deceived and that never errs — when they rise before the searching eye of an avenging God, then let the question be asked, who made this nation one common gambling house; and, if I mistake not, you will see them quake and tremble as did Babylon's corrupt and re- velling crew when they beheld upon the wall the handwriting that announced their guilt and proclaimed their destiny. Mr. Chairman: I propose to examine, who "made usone common gambling house." Another gentleman from New York, (Mr. McKean,) took this occasion to pass an eulogy upon the present administration. lie also exhibited the claims of the different candidates for the Presidency, making all merely sectional, except one, who stood upon bioad and enlarged principles that embraced the' whole Union, — who stood pledged to carry out the principles of the present administration. And this gentleman, at the conclusion of Ids remarks, with quite as much modesty as discretion, thought proper to read us a lecture on parties, deprecating all party topics, as not to be drawn into discussion on this great bill of so much interest. Yes, sir, this Phara- 10 saical party, who arrogate to themselves all virtue, and thank God that they are not as other men, have the effrontery to call upon us to hold our peace, while they stand pledged to carry out the principles of the present administration! Let us briefly look back and see what are these principles. One of the first avowals of principle was the indirect pledge made by the President in his famous letter to the Tennessee Legislature, in which he laid it down that no member of Congress should be appointed to office during his membership, and for two years afterwards. The next great pledge made in the canvass was that no man should be dismissed from office for opinion sake. This principle was indirectly avowed by the war made upon those who were supposed to have done so. Then came the celebrated inaugural, in which reform! reform! stood out in bold relief in every line. The "Augean stables were to be cleansed." Now, I hold that the public pledges which a man makes before the world, are as binding upon him by all the principles of sound morality as his pledged honor in private, and he who would wantonly disregard the one would violate the other. Those public men who notoriously set at defiance all the pledges that they have ever made, go very far to set an example well calculated to produce looseness of morality and general profligacy, all tending to make the nation a common "gambling.house," where falsehood and treachery hold a triumphant sway. What has been the fact with reference to the first pledge, to which I have alluded? More members of Congress have been appointed to office than under an}' three administrations since the commencement of the Government. And as to dismissals from office for political opinions, I have only to state the remarkable fact, that in all the administrations of this Government up to the present, all the dismissals together amount to only seventy-four, while in this administration there have been upwards of nine hundred; and two hundred and thirty of them important officers. Is this the principle the gentleman (Mr. McKean) would advocate? As to the reform pledged in the inaugural, we have had it. This modern reform has come over us with all its blessings. True, there has been a change, but it has only been a change from those who were in office, to the vilest and most lawless crew that were ever raised up under the dispensations of Providence to scourge a degenerate and ungfateful people. Sycophancy and servility have taken the place of all the heroic and manly virtues. The rooks, together with obscene birds, have perched themselves in the high places of the land, and we sit here beneath surrounded daily with their filth and putrified corruption. Office holders (now become miserable dependants) and office seekers infest every turn and corner; and let it be known that any man has influence from his being the tool of those who have patronage to confer, and he is overwhelmed with the bowing and cringing of these slaves and beggars. Crowds of miserable hungry beings creep and crawl, in the darkness of midnight, through the hidden recesses and gloomy avenues that lead up to the throne of royal fa- vor. These creatures, generated as they are in despotism, are pervading the country and becoming more loathsome than the creeping lice or "slimy frogs of Egypt" ever were in the days of God's judgments. This, sir, is the reform with which we are blessed. Mr. Chairman, we cannot shut our eyes to what we see passing around us. The Government is virtually changed, and the people seem to be sink- ing into acquiescence. The dismissal of the first cabinet, upon the notorious principles involved, was an open avowal that arbitrary will should govern \ II even in private circles. The war waged upon all the constituted authorities of the land — upon the Supreme Court — upon the Senate — and even at first upon this House, because they were favorable to a recharter of the U. S. Bank — and then the appeals constantly made to the people as one aggregate mass — all, all, announced in language not to be mistaken, that the Constitutional Republic of States was to be broken down, and that a simple democracy of brutal numbers, with an elective and unlimited monarch ? was to be raised over the ruins. The President has habitually, through flattery, appealed to the passions and prejudices of all that is ignoble and low in society, to sustain him in his reckless career upon the institutions of his country. In this he has pursued the course of all those who have intended to usurp the liberties of the people. Caesar, when he crossed the Rubicon, did it to bless the people and preserve the laws. He refused the crown that was urged upon him, and then took it to please the people. By what authority is it that the President makes his appeals to the people, as contra-distinguished from the laws and constitution of his country ? He was elected, not by a simple ma- jority of the whole, but by majorities from the States. Every principle in the constitution is against making this a simple majority Government. It was made, and can alone be altered by States. The States are equal in one branch; and even the representation in this House is differently modified from different States. Change this state of things, and convert it into a simple un»mixed democracy, and you immediately raise one interest in society in deadly hostility against another, which must end, as all simple democra- cies have done, in a dictator or an elective but unlimited monarchy. To restrain the Executive interest in all Governments, there must be created some independent and antagonist interest in society, which shall be habitually felt in the practical operation of the Government. You have wisely abolished the aristocracy of the old world; but unless we substitute for it, in the action of this Government, the territorial interests of the States, to be felt in full effect through a co-ordinate branch, we have improved nothing on English liberty. The Executive, without this check, necessarily becomes the source of all honor and power, and absorbs all other interests. Is this not the fact now? Is there a practical man here who does not know that the Executive is at this moment the controlling and unrestrained power of this confederacy? Is it not proclaimed with triumph that he has a ma- jority in both Houses? Where then is the practical check ? I maintain, sir, that the Government in fact is changed, and has become absolute! Look at the history of the times, and doubt it if you can! Some two years since the President issued a proclamation for the open purpose of bringing down civil war upon an independent State of this Union. This extraordinary document declared that the States "were not and never were at any period sovereign and independent." This assertion was directly in the face of all history, for the Declaration of Independence itself announced that "these colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent States." The second article of confederation declares that "each Slate retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence." And yet, notwithstanding this bare-faced falsehood, what was the result? This instrument, by which the sovereignty, pride, self-respect, and independence of the States were cloven down by a single dash, was received amid hallelujahs; and the very States that were disgraced by it, instead of calling up the spirit of the entombed 12 Constitution, bowed down in subserviency, while the whole nation, by uni- versal acclamation, seemed to join in the modern apotheosis of its nominal author. Is there any man now, who looks back coolly, that does not believe this to be the proclamation that changed the Republic? And here let me refer to an instance as illustrating the change of the times, and to show that the whole country, the high and the low, are sinking under delusion into the universal " humbuggery " of the day. Last summer I observed an account of a large meeting in the refined, polished, and hospit- able city of Boston, called to attend the ceremony of presenting their dis- tinguished and intellectual citizen with a silver cup, on which was inscribed "the defender of the constitution." Who sustained the principles of the proclamation? who embodied them in the "Force Bill"? who carried that measure through, and placed it on the statute book, consecrating the usurpa- tion of all power in the hands of the Executive? This "defender of the constitution." And it is remarkable that he, in the very speech in which he returned his thanks, declared that the constitution was virtually changed, and that all power was now in the hands of the Executive. I refer to this scene merely to show, that even the intelligent and educated are falling under the delusions of the day, and if they be so blind, what must be ex- pected from others who bask in power and live by deception? I hope there is no man now, who can look back upon these two measures to which I have alluded, and then see what he now knows to exist around him, without learning some impressive and solemn lessons as to the downward career of the Republic. But to return. While triumphal arches were raised, upon which was inscribed "the principles of the proclamation, the principles of New England" — while he whose whole life had been an open war upon all law was receiving in the halls of Universities the flattering unction of " Dr. of the learned laws" poured upon his head — what was the remarkable fact? He was then actually penning the order for the lawless seizure of the whole treasure of the nation. Considering the state of things, this was a sagacious and profound move, and those who planned it well understood the downward progress of events, and the recorded history of liberty. Usurpation upon usurpation had been perpetrated. The great principles of the constitution had been subverted This measure was absolutely necessary to sustain the power that had been acquired, and to transmit it to a successor. It diverted public attention from what had been done. Despotism and usurpation, in other countries, rely upon the sword and a standing army to sustain themselves; but from the na- ture of our institutions they are compelled here to rely upon leagued banks, money, office holders and office seekers, bribery and corruption. Law- less power here relies upon deception and fraud, while elsewhere it relies upon force. I question very much whether, in this country, we can ever have even the privilege of an appeal to revolution. Each State has its own peculiar local interests and peculiar public opinion. This almost forbids all s\stem and concert of action, and he \v"ho is at the head of affairs must have little talent indeed, if with his tremendous power and patronage, he is not able to play off one part of the community against the other. But there is another cause which 1 fear may prove fatal to the prospects of liberty. I very much doubt whether even a reform can ever take place. With our immense system of 13 credit, extending itself into all the ramifications of the community — with our seven hundred banks pressing down upon all the secret spri ngs of society 9 and transacting business upon calculations made for the future — I say I doubt whether, under this vast and complicated system, the various interests of which no man can fathom, whether even reform can ever take place. All those who may be directly or indirectly (and who is not?) interested in this stupendous system, would prefer to acquiesce under a despotism rather than to run the hazard of a change from reform or revolution. Those who seized the monied resources of the nation well knew the resistless power they were to wield, controlling as it does, directly and indi- rectly, at least one hundred millions of capital. Other people have to submit to the sword drawn over them by a conqueror, who may at least have the manliness of courage to command some respect, but we have to submit to a mean and infamous despotism, sustained by a monied power, controlling, through bribery and corruption, all that is abandoned and profligate in society. No wonder that " the whole nation is one common gambling house." Let us now look to a more recent event as distinctly marking this great change in our Government. And on this point I will take the facts as stated with so much spirit by the gallant gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) and which I have never seen the slightest pretence to deny. I allude to the last night of the last Congress, when scenes occurred of the deepest importance to the liberties of this country. It was then that the President, with the first officer of his cabinet, and the second officer of the Government, came into the dark recesses of this Capitol, and, through his vile minions and miserable tools, defeated a measure of vast importance before this House for the notorious purpose of waging a popular war upon the Senate. Crom- well went into the House of Commons at the head of armed men and ordered its dissolution. But here, sir, we have a President who comes not like a soldier, but at the head of his servile courtiers and sycophants, and practically asserts his ascendancy over both branches of our Legislature by management and duplicity. Is this our independence under the constitution? Is this the check that we were designed to exercise by the provisions of that noble instrument? Where is the spirit of our forefathers? Better, far better for us to be "dogs and bay the moon," or " toads and feed on the vapor of a dungeon," than to hold our seats here only to disgrace the memory of those who have gone before us. I know that we are apt to become indifferent and callous under the habitual contemplation of evils which seem almost to forbid a remedy. And it is from this that liberty is lost. We sit here and see things which we have not the courage or manliness to resist. What is now passing before this country in the history of the day? An attempt is now openly being made to expunge the constitution, and drag down the Senate in humble penitence before a master for having dared to express an independent sentiment. If this succeeds, it will be the consum- mation of our downfall. Sir: I am aware that under certain circumslances an individual may desire that his crimes should be expunged from the memory of man — I am aware that there are those who would desire to convert the whole earth into one universal pandimoneum, only that they might become prominent from their very iniquity and reign triumphant from their very guilt. But I am totally at a loss to understand the feelings tha ; could prompt any human being to desire to see a whole body ot men, intended by our ancestors to be ( / 14 exalted and independent, bowing around the throne of a lawless and reckless man — bearing in their hands the Constitution to be burned, that the smoke thereof may rise to satiate his vengeance and appease his wrath. Sir, it is, it is the reign of Cssjar, and we arc cowards, dastards, slaves, if we submit to this state of things, and shall deserve to have our children raise before us their little hands, and shake their manacles, saying thou did it, thou did it. Mr. Chairman, I have said that this is the reign of Caesar. Sir, I have read the history of the Roman people to little advantage, if I am to be de- ceived at this late day in what I see passing around me. We are now where that people were when the empire was to be divided between Anthony Oc- tavius and Lepidus. Caesar had folded his r.;bes and perished under the dagger of Brutus. And although we may have none at present with the fine talents and acquirements of Anthony, yet. we have many with his private profligacy and abandoned principles. As to Lepidus, I need only point to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. R. M. Johnson,) but as he is a member of this House I forbear to trace the parallel at present. The beardless Octavius had done nothing to identify himself with the glory and the honor of his country, but he became prominent from the fact that he was supposed to in- herit the sympathy that was then running so strong in favor of the fallen Caesar. Wary, artful, and sagacious, he saw his position and made the most of it. We too have a modern Octavius, who, winding his way under the robes of royal favor, proclaims himself the true and anointed successor, pledged to carry out the principles of his master. What other earthly claim has the Vice President to his present position, except that he is supposed to be the chosen favorite of him who has trampled over the liberties of his country? The gentleman from New York (Mr. M'Kean) has declared him to be the snly candidate who has claims upon the whole Union. For the present I pass by an investigation into his political principles, and shall only refer to one document, which speaks a language not to be mistaken, and develops the feelings and the nature of the man — which writes his history and his character more fully than all the volumes that can be composed by a flattering biographer. No man can read it without knowing its author. It is a letter written from London, in answer to a committee in New York, who condoled with him for his rejection as minister to the court of St. James. I will read from it the following extract in relation to Genl. Jackson: "In testifying to my public conduct, they are pleased to speak with eulo- gium of me, as contributing, while in the cabinet, to the success of the pre- sent administration. That signal success, I feel called upon to declare, is pre-eminently due to the political sagacity, unwearying industry, and upright straight forward course of our present venerated chief. All the humble merit I can claim is, that of having exerted myself to the utmost to execute his patriotic and single-hearted views, and of having sacrificed all personal considerations to ensure their success, when threatened with extra- neous embarrassments. That my exertions were arduous, painful, and in- cessant, I may without vanity assert; whether my sacrifices have not been repaid with unmerited detraction and reproach, I leave to my countrymen to determine. Still I shall ever regard my situation in that cabinet as one of the most fortunate events of my life, placing as it did me in close and familiar relation with one who has well been described by Mr. Jefferson as ••'possessing more of the Roman in his character than any man living," and whose administration will be looked to, in future times, as a golden era in 15 our history. To have served under suck a chief, at su?h a time, and to have won his confidence and esteem, is a sufficient glory; and of that, thank God, my enemies cannot deprive me." Mr. Chairman, I am perfectly aware that many a man might have uttered such sentiments without any extraordinary degradation. If they had come from one who had for ever retired into private life, it would have been of no great importance. If they had come from one who was humble and lowly, and had received private favors from a benefactor, it would have attracted no attention. But coming as they did from one who was artful and saga- cious — who had fixed his eye on the first offices of his country with an ambition that has never varied — who was gazing with eagerness for partisan support — I say, sir, that under all the circumstances of the case, they are base, vile, degraded, and degrading sentiments, which no freeman ever con- ceived in his heart, and none but a flatterer ever uttered. If I am to have a leader , in the name of all that is lofty and honorable, let him be one who has the feelings, the independence, the heart of a man. If I am to follow, let it not be one who cringes before, and fawns upon the hand of a master. Every feeling of my soul revolts with scorn and indignation at such senti- ments. But, sir, look around, and what is the glaring fact in the history of the day? These sentiments have had their weight. Is not the whole patronage and power of this Government, at this moment, wielded for the open purpose of rewarding their author? Is it to be disguised that the Baltimore convention assembled to nominate a successor under the dictation of the President? Is there a man, who has sagacity to perceive consequences, that doubts it? Let those things succeed, and it is idle to talk about a free government. We may have the exterior of freedom, but it will be a whitened sepulchre, fair and beautiful to look on, but full of corruption and rottenness within. I commit no man nor no party, but I here take opportunity to lay down the doctrine that he who comes into power under such circum- stances, comes in, to all intents and purposes, as much a usurper as if he had come in by the sword of revolution. Such a government is to be obeyed merely from political expediency, and not constitutional obligation. What difference, in fact, is there between a government brought upon the country by presidential dictation, fraud, and patronage, and one forced upon us by the arms of a conqueror? In those countries where the succession may be fixed by the hereditary laws of the land — where things have grown up from time immemorial, and become the fixed principles of the constitution, a people can make claims to freedom, if the succession take place consistent with their institutions. But in this country, where we have a written constitution, every line of which maintains the freedom of the elective franchise, from the highest to the low- est, if we submit to dictation or appointment, directly or indirectly, from any earthly power, we are slaves in feeling and in fact, and shall deserve our destiny. The janissaries of Turkey could at one time bow-string a sultan, and en- throne his successor. A Roman despot could at one time make his horse a consul, while his degenerate countrymen cowered beneath the imperial eagles waving along the lines of Prastorean bands. Cromwell anointed himself as one prepared to be a martyr, and called upon his round-head fol- lowers to baptize him in the blood of Charles the First, that he might come out a saint fit to wear the robes of a dictator, and claim the sworn allegiance of a deluded and enslaved people. 16 True, we have no janissaries — no Praetorean bands — no army of the com- monwealth, as yet. But we have what is meaner, baser, and more degrading — we have a hundred thousand office holders and office seekers — monied corporations from one end of the Union to the other — we have the patron- age of this Government and the power and popularity of the President — all, all acting together in concert, and devoted to the sole object of appointing a successor, and transmitting ill-gotten power to those who will fawn to re- ceive it. 1 care not what may be the principles to be avowed by such an administration, I make open uncompromising war against the mode and manner of appointment. How long are these things to last? Are they to be borne by a free people? Think you that one half of this great nation is for ever to be ruled over by the other half, upon such principles as these? Think you that the intellectual and virtuous of a great people are for ever to be trampled over and spurned by ignorance and brutal numbers? No, sir, it is not nature to bear it. The worm that crawls in the dust will turn when tread on. And shall man, rational man, sink himself lower than the vilest of creation? Sir, if these things are to be borne, go first and tear from the pages of history those leaves which transmit to posterity our glory and our honor — go first and gather together the Declarations of our Independence and make of them a bon-fire — go first to the graves of our gallant dead, harrow up their bones, and scatter to the four winds of Heaven their dust and their ashes — tell our little children these men are unworthy to be remembered, and their deeds to be imitated; we must then do more — change the very names of our own children — aye, we must change their very natures — turn back the current that now runs warm from their hearts, and run it into new channels pull fdown the star-spangled banner and trample it in the dust beneath your feet — then, and not until then, shall we be prepared to wear in peace the chains of slaves and the livery of bondsmen. Mr. Chairman, I am aware that I have uttered sentiments ill calculated to suit the public ear — I know, sir, that I have uttered sentiments which for ever cut me off from all hope of favor from this Government, or with those who are destined to control it. But I stand hereto speak the truth to my country. What is a man born for? Is it that, through deception and sycophancy, he may wind his way to power? Is it that, for the day, he may catch passing popularity, that miserable mushroom thing which springs up in the moisture and darkness of night, only to wither and die under the beams of the noon-day sun? No, sir, man lives that he may live hereafter, in the hearts and affections of his countrymen, for having vindicated their interests, their honor, and their liberties. This, in my opinion, is the highest destiny that awaits an earthly career.