Class Book. AN APPEAL IN FAVOR OF THAT CLASS OF AMERICANS CALLED AFRICANS By Mrs. x CHILD, AUTHOR OF THK MOTHER'S BOOK, THE GIRL'S OWN BOOK, THE FRUGAL HOUSEWIFE, ETC. " We have offended, Oh ! my countrymen ! We have offended very grievously, And been most tyrannous. From east to west A groan of accusation pierces Heaven ! The wretched plead against us ; multitudes, Countless and vehement, the sons of God, Our brethren ! Coleridge. NEW-YORK : PUBLISHED BY JOHN S. TAYLOR 1836. Copy-right secured according to law. TO THE REV. S. J. MAY, OF BROOKLYN, CONNECTICUT, THIS VOLUME is MOST K ESPECTFUL-LY INSCRIBED, AS A MARK OF CRATITUPE. FOR HIS EARNEST AND DISINTERESTED EFFORTS IN AN UNPOPULAR BUT MOST RIGHTEOUS CAUSE. PREFACE Reader, I beseech you not to throw down this vol- ume as soon as you have glanced at the title. Read it, if your prejudices will allow, for the very truth's sake : — If I have the most trifling claims upon your good will, for an hour's amusement to yourself, or benefit to your children, read it for my sake : — Read it, if it be merely to find fresh occasion to sneer at the vulgarity of the cause : — Read it, from sheer curiosity to see what a woman (who had much better attend to her household concerns) will say upon such a sub- ject : — Read it, on any terms, and my purpose will be gained. The subject I have chosen admits of no encomiums on my country ; but as I generally make it an object to supply what is most needed, this circumstance is unimportant ; the market is so glutted with flattery, that a little truth may be acceptable, were it only for its rarity. I am fully aware of the unpopularity of the task I have undertaken; but though I expect ridicule and censure, it is not in my nature to fear them. A few years hence, the opinion of the world will be a matter in which I have not even the most transient interest ; but this book will be abroad on its mission of humanity, long after the hand that wrote it is min- gling with the dust. Should it be the means of advancing, even one sin- gle hour, the inevitable progress of truth and justice, I would not exchange the consciousness for all Roth- child's wealth, or Sir Walter's fame. INDEX Page Page. Gholson, Mr . . . 102 Mams, John, .... 109 Adams, J. Quincy, 109 Grecian Slavery, . . 47, 53, 54, 56 Africa benighted by Slavery, 9 Happiness of Slaves, . . . 140 African Repository, Extracts Hayne, Mr \(t'\ from, . . . 123, 133 ,137 Hayti, . . ■ . . 86, 121 African Individuals of distinc- Hebrews, . . . 48,52,55 tion, . . . .157 tc 167 Helots, 47 Amalgamation. . . . 132 200 Humanity of masters, how far a Ancient and Modern Slavery com- protection, .... 72 pared, 38 Indian treatment of Slaves, . 46 Anti-Slavery Society, . 142 Inequality of laws for offences, . 60 Appleton, Mr 78 Insurrections, .... 194 Baptism supposed to confer free- Intellect of Africans, . . 151,170 dom, 58 Internal slave-trade, . . .33 Bible opposed to slavery, 32 Interest to treat slaves well, . 30 Blood-hounds, .... 27. Jefferson, Thomas, . . .22 Brown, Moses, .... 98 Kenrick, John, . . . .215 Brodnax, Mr. .... 79 Kidnapping, . . . 34, 65 Capt. Riley, 73 Labor compulsory and uncompen- Charles 5th, refused to sanction sated, 41 the slave-trade, 8 Lafayette 97 Child follows the condition of its Laws regulating labor, . 43, 44 mother, 40 Laws obstruct emancipation, . 54 Christianity abolished slavery, . 58 Laws to perpetuate ignorance, 59, 67, 70 Clay, Henry, .... 77 136 Laws against Free Colored Peo- Clothing of Slaves, 44 ple, 63 Code Noir, . . . .46, 49, 54 Louis 13th, 8 Colonization, .... 123 Marriages, laws concerning, . 196 Cruelties to Slaves, . 17, 24, 26, 28 Martineau, Harriet, . . .83 Devonshire, Duchess of, 215 Masters have absolute power to Democracy of the North, 112 punish, 49 District of Columbia, . 216 Miller, Gov. of S. Carolina, . 103 Duelling 113 Missouri Question, . . . 120 Dymond, Jonathan, 147 Moral Character of Africans, . 177 Eastern and Western Virginia, . 119 Moss, Mary and Helen, . . 24 Effect of Slavery on the Masters, 22 New-England kept in check by Egyptians, 149 jealousy of the Slave States, 114 Elizabeth of England tolerated North and South, . . .3! the trade, .... 8 Ohio and Kentucky, . . . 86 87 Offences punished in Slaves, . 61 English formerly sold to Irish, . 58 Park, Mungo, .... 1-77 Entailed upon us by England, 75 Pauperism, comparative in West Ethiopians 149 Indies, 90 176 Petitions, 216 Evidence of colored persons not Pinckney, Charles, . . . 103 admitted, . . . 45,48 Political power of Slave States, . Ill Faulkner, Mr 79 Portuguese, ... 7, 48, 54 23 Prejudice against color almost un- Fierceness and pride induced bv known in other countries, 135, 208 Slavery, . . . . 113 Prejudice cherished bv Coloniza- Food of Slaves, .... 44 tion 133 French planter's ideas of religion Prejudice, instances of, . 198 to 209 for Slaves, .... 58 Quakers, 213 Free Labor 76 Relisious privileges of Slaves, . 57 Garrison, Mr. .... 209 Roane, Mr 139 Gentoo Code, .... 52 Roman Slaves, . . 47,54,56 VI INDEX. Runaways, . Sectional dislike, Slave Trade, beginning of, Slave Ship, description of, Slave Trade, cruelties of, Page 62,71 . 121 7 . 12 17 Slave Trade defended in House of Commons, .... 19 Slave Trade sanctioned by Con- stitution of the United States for twenty years, . . .36 Sla\ e cut in pieces, ... 26 Slave Codes, different degrees of mildness, . . . .39 Slavery, hereditary and perpetual,- 42 Slaves cannot own property, 46, 71 Slaves considered as chattels, . 45 Slaves in Africa, 48 Slaves never allowed to resist, . 52 Slaves in U S. cannot redeem themselves, . . 53 Page Slaves unprotected in domestic relations, .... 54 Slave Representation, . . 105 Slavery veiled in the Constitution, 106 Son, who murdered his father to obtain freedom, ... 23 Southerners do not desire the abo- lition of Slavery, . . .100 Southerner, conversation with, . 133 Spanish Slaves, . . 7,48,54,56 St. Domingo, .... 86 Sutcliff's Travels, ... 81 Toussaint L'Ouverture, • . 16ft Turkey, 5ft Union, 119 Washington's Slaves, ... 96 Washington had doubts, . .107 Wirt. William 102 Wrigh*, Gov. of Maryland, . . ICft Zhinga, 154 AN APPEAL, &o. CHAPTER I. BRIEF HISTORY OF NEGRO SLAVERY.— ITS INEVITABLE EFFECT UPON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. The lot is wretched, the condition sad, Whether a pining discontent survive, And thirst for change ; or habit hath subdued The soul depressed; dejected — even to love Of her dull tasks and close captivity. Wobdswoeth My ear is pained, My soul is sick with every day's report Of wrong and outrage, with which this earth is filled. There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart, It does not feel for man. Cowper. While the Portuguese were exploring Africa, in 1442, Prince Henry ordered Anthony Gonsalez to carry back certain Moorish prisoners, whom he had seized two years before near Cape Bajador : this order was obeyed, and Gonsalez received from the Moors, in exchange for the captives, ten negroes, and a quantity of gold dust. Un- luckily, this wicked speculation proved profitable, and other Portuguese were induced to embark in it. In 1492, the West India islands were discovered by Co- lumbus. The Spaniards, dazzled with the acquisition of a new world and eager to come into possession of their wealth, compelled the natives of Iiispaniola to dig in the mines. The native Indians died rapidly, in consequence of hard work and cruel treatment ; and thus a new market . was opened for the negro slaves captured by the Portuguese. They were accordingly introduced as early as 1503. Those who bought and those who sold were alike prepared to trample on the rights of their fellow-beings, by that most demoralizing of all influences, the accursed love of gold. Cardinal Ximenes, while he administered the government* before the accession of Charles the Fifth, was petitioned to 8 BRIEF HISTORY allow a regular commerce in African negroes. But he re- jected the proposal with promptitude and firmness, alike honorable to his head and heart. This earliest friend of the Africans, living in a comparatively unenlightened age, has peculiar claims upon our gratitude and reverence. In 1517, Charles the Fifth granted a patent for an annual supply of four thousand negroes to the Spanish islands. He proba- bly soon became aware of the horrible and ever-increasing evils, attendant upon this traffic ; for twenty-five years after he emancipated every negro in his dominions. But when he resigned his crown and retired to a monastery, the colo- nists resumed their shameless tyranny. Captain Hawkins, afterward Sir John Hawkins, was the first Englishman, who disgraced himself and his country by this abominable trade. Assisted by some rich people in London, he fitted out three ships, and sailed to the African coast, where he burned and plundered the towns, and car- ried off three hundred of the defenceless inhabitants to His- paniola. Elizabeth afterwards authorized a similar adventure with one of her own vessels. " She expressed her concern lest any of the Africans should be carried off without their free consent; declaring that such a thing would be detestable, and call down the vengeance of Heaven upon the under- takers." For this reason, it has been supposed that the queen was deceived — that she imagined the negroes were transported to the Spanish colonies as voluntary laborers. But history gives us slight reasons to judge Elizabeth so favorably. It was her system always to preserve an ap- pearance of justice and virtue. She was a shrewd, far- sighted politician ; and had in perfection the clear head and cold heart calculated to form that character. Whatever she might believe of the trade at its beginning, she was too deeply read in human nature, not to foresee the inevitable consequence of placing power in the hands of avarice. A Roman priest persuaded Louis the Thirteenth to sanc- tion slavery for the sake of converting the negroes to Chris- tianity ; and thus this bloody iniquity, disguised with gown, hood, and rosary, entered the fair dominions of France. To be violently wrested from his home, and condemned to toil without hope, by Christians, to whom he had done no wrong, was, methinks, a very odd beginning to the poor negro's course of religious instruction ! OF NEGRO SLAVERY. 51 When this evil had once begun, it, of course, gathered strength rapidly ; for all the bad passions of human nature were eagerly enlisted in its cause. The British formed settlements in North America, and in the West Indies ; and these were stocked with slaves. From 1680 to 1786, two million, one hundred and thirty thousand negroes were im- ported into the British colonies ! In almost all great evils there is some redeeming feature — some good results, even where it is not intended : pride and vanity, utterly selfish and wrong in themselves, often throw money into the hands of the poor, and thus tend to excite industry and igenuity, while they produce comfort. But slavery is all evil — within and without — root and branch, — bud, blossom and fruit ! In order to show how dark it is in every aspect — how in- variably injurious both to nations and individuals, — I will select a few facts from the mass of evidence now before me. In the first place, its effects upon Africa have been most diastrous. All along the coast, intercouse with Europeans has deprived the inhabitants of their primitive simplicity, without substituting in its place the order, refinement, and correctness of principle, attendant upon true civilization. The soil of Africa is rich in native productions, and hon- orable commerce might have been a blessing to her, to Eu- rope, and to America; but instead of that, a trade has been substituted, which operates like a withering curse, upon all concerned in it. There are green and sheltered valleys in Africa, — broad and beautiful rivers, — and vegetation in its loveliest and most magnificent forms. — But no comfortable houses, no thriving farms, no cultivated gardens ; — for it is not safe to possess permanent property, where each little state is surrounded by warlike neighbors, continually sending out their armed bands in search of slaves. The white man offers his most tempt- ing articles of merchandise to the negro, as a price for the flesh and blood of his enemy; and if we, with all our boasted knowledge and religion, are seduced by money to do such grievous wrong to those who have never offended us, what can we expect of men just emerging from the lim- ited wants of savage life, too uncivilized to have formed any habits of steady industry, yet earnestly coveting the pro- ductions they know not how to earn ! The inevitable conse- quence is, that war is made throughout that unhappy conti- 10 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY. nent, not only upon the slightest pretences, but often without any pretext at all. Villages are set on fire, and those who fly from the flames, rush upon the spears of the enemy Private kidnapping is likewise carried on to a great extent 7 for he who can catch a neighbor's child is sure to find a ready purchaser ; and it sometimes happens that the captor and his living merchandise are both seized by the white slave-trader. Houses are broken open in the night, and de- fenceless women and children carried away into captivity. If boys, in the unsuspecting innocence of youth, come near the white man's ships, to sell vegetables or fruit, they are ruthlessly seized and carried to slavery in a distant land. Even the laws are perverted to this shameful purpose. If a chief wants European commodities, he accuses a parent of witchcraft ; the victim is tried by the ordeal of poisoned water ;* and if he sicken at the draught, the king claims a right to punish him by selling his whole family. In African legislation, almost all crimes are punished with slavery ; an-om the South, speak of seeing a number of mulat- toes in attendance where they visited, whose resemblance to the head of the family was too striking not to be immediately observed. What sort of feeling must be excited in the minds of those slaves by being constantly exposed to the tyranny or caprice of their own brothers and sisters, and by the knowledge that these near relations, will on a division of the estate, have power to sell them off with the cattle ? But the vices of white men eventually provide a scourge for themselves. They increase the negro race, but the negro can never increase theirs ; and this is one great rea- son why the proportion of colored population is always so large in slaveholding countries. As the ratio increases more and more every year, the colored people must event- ually be the stronger party ; and when this result happens, slavery must either be abolished, or government must furnish troops, of whose wages the free states must pay their pro- portion. As a proof of the effects of slavery on the temper, I will relate but very few anecdotes. The first happened in the Bahamas. It is extracted from a despatch of Mr. Huskisson to the governor of those isl- ands : " Henry and Helen Moss have been found guilty of a misdemeanor, for their cruelty to their slave Kate ; and those facts of the case, which seem beyond dispute, appear to be as follows : " Kate was a domestic slave, and is stated to have been guilty of theft : she is also accused of disobedience, in re- fusing to mend her clothes and do her work ; and this was the more immediate cause of her punishment. On the twenty-second of July, eighteen hundred and twenty-six, she was confined in the stocks, and she was not released till the eighth of August following, being a period of seventeen * A short time ago a reverend and very benevolent gentleman sug- gested as the subject of a book, The Beauty of Human Relations, — What a bitter jest it would be, to send him this voiume, with the in- formation that I had complied with his request! ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 25 days. The stocks were so constructed that she could not sit up or lie down at pleasure, and she remained in them night and day. During this period she was flogged repeat- edly, one of the overseers thinks about six times ; and red pepper was rubbed upon her eyes to prevent her sleeping. Tasks were given her, which, in the opinion of the same overseer, she was incapable of performing; sometimes be- cause they were beyond her powers, at other times because she could not. see to do them, on account of the pepper having been rubbed on her eyes ; and she was flogged for failing to accomplish these tasks. A violent distemper had prevailed on the plantation during the summer. It is in evidence, that on one of the days of Kate's confinement, she complained of fe- ver; and that one of the floggings she received was the day after she made the complaint. When she was taken out of the stocks, she appeared to be cramped, and was then again flogged. The very day of her release, she was sent to field labor, (though heretofore a house-servant;) and on the even- ing of the third day ensuing was brought before her owners, as being ill, and refusing to work ; and she then again com plained of having fever. They were of opinion that she had none then, but gave directions to the driver, if she should be ill, to bring her to them for medicines in the morn- ing. The driver took her to the negro-house, and again flogged her ; though at this time apparently without orders from her owners to do so. In the morning at seven o'clock she was taken to work in the field, where she died at noon. " The facts of the case are thus far incontrovertibly es- tablished ; and I deeply lament, that, heinous as the offences are which this narrative exhibits, I can discover no material palliation of them amongst the other circumstances detailed in the evidence." A bill of indictment for murder was preferred against Mr. and Mrs. Moss : the grand jury threw it out. Upon two other bills, for misdemeanors, a verdict of guilty was returned. Five months' imprisonment, and a fine of three hundred pounds, was the only punishment for this deliberate and shocking cruelty ! In the next chapter, it will be seen that similar misde- meanors are committed with equal impunity in this country. I do not know how much odium Mr. and Mrs. Moss generally incurred in consequence of this transaction ; but many of " the most respectable people in the island peti- 3 26 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY tioned for a mitigation of their punishment, visited them in prison, did every thing to identify themselves with them, and on their liberation from jail, gave them a public dinner as a matter of triumph !" The witnesses in their favor even went so far as to insist that their character stood high for humanity among the neighboring planters. I believe there never was a class of people on earth so determined to uphold each other, at all events, as slave- owners. The following account was originally written by the Rev. William Dickey, of Bloomingsburgh, to the Rev. John Ran- kin, of Ripley, Ohio. It was published in 1826, in a little volume of letters, on the subject of slavery, by the Rev. Mr. Rankin, who assures us that Mr. Dickey was well acquainted with the circumstances he describes. " In the county of Livingston, Kentucky, near the mouth of Cumberland river, lived Lilburn Lewis, the son of Jef- erson's sister. He was the wealthy owner of a considerable number of slaves, whom he drove constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The consequence was, they would run away. Among the rest was an ill -grown boy, about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was sent to the spring for water, and, in returning, let fall an elegant pitcher, which dashed to shivers on the rocks. It was night, and the slaves were all at home. The mas- ter had them collected into the most roomy negro-house, and a rousing fire made." (Reader, what follows is very shocking ; but I have already said we must not allow our nerves to be more sensitive than our consciences. If such things are done in our country, it is important that we should know of them, and seriously reflect upon them.) "The door was fastened, that none of the negroes, either through fear or sympathy, should attempt to escape ; he then told them that the design of this meeting was to teach them to remain at home and obey his orders. All things being now in train, George was called up, and by the assistance of his younger brother, laid on a broad bench or block. The master then cut off his ancles with a broad axe. In vain the unhappy victim screamed. Not a hand among so many dared to interfere. Having cast the feet into the fire, he lectured the negroes at some length. He then proceeded to cut off his limbs below the knees. The sufferer besought him to begin with his head. It was in vain — the master went on ON ALI, CONCERNED IN IT. Tt thus, until trunk, arms, and head, were all in the fire. Still protracting the intervals with lectures, and threatenings of like punishment, in case any of them were disobedient, or ran away, or disclosed the tragedy they were compelled to witness. In order to consume the bones, the fire was briskly stirred until midnight : when, as if heaven and earth com- bined to show their detestation of the deed, a sudden shock of earthquake threw down the heavy wall, composed of rock and clay, extinguished the fire, and covered the remains of George. The negroes were allowed to disperse, with charges to keep the secret, under the penalty of like punishment. When his wife asked the cause of the dreadful screams she had heard, he said that he had never enjoyed himself so well at a ball as he had enjoyed himself that evening. Next morning, he ordered the wall to be rebuilt, and he himself superintended, picking up the remains of the boy, and placing them within the new wall, thus hoping to conceal the mat- ter. But some of the negroes whispered the horrid deed ; the neighbors tore down the wall, and finding the remains, they testified against him. He was bound over to await the sitting of the court ; but before that period arrived, he com- mitted suicide." " N. B. This happened in 1811 ; if I be correct, it was on the 16th of December. It was on the Sabbath." Mr. Rankin adds, there was little probability that Mr. Lewis would have fallen under the sentence of the law. Notwithstanding the peculiar enormity of his offenco, there were individuals who combined to let him out of prison, in order to screen him from justice. Another instance of summary punishment inflicted on a runaway slave, is told by a respectable gentleman from South Carolina, with whom I am acquainted. He was young, when the circumstance occurred, in the neighborhood of his home ; and it filled him with horror. A slave being missing, several planters united in a negro hunt, as it is called. They set out with dogs, guns, and horses, as they would to chase a tiger. The poor fellow, being discovered, took refuge in a tree ; where he was deliberately shot by his pursuers. In some of the West Indies, blood-hounds are employed to hunt negroes ; and this fact is the foundation of one of the most painfully interesting scenes in Miss Martineau's Deme- rara. A writer by the name of Dallas has the hardihood to assert that it is mere sophistry to censure the practice of 28 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY training dogs to devour men. He asks, " Did not the Asi- atics employ elephants in war ? If a man were bitten by a mad dog, would he hesitate to cut off the wounded part in order to save his life ?" It is said that when the first pack of blood-hounds arrived in St. Domingo, the white planters delivered to them the first negro they found, merely by way of experiment : and when they saw him immediately torn in pieces, they were highly delighted to find the dogs so well trained to their business. Some authentic records of female cruelty would seem per- fectly incredible, were it not an established law of our nature that tyranny becomes a habit, and scenes of suffering, often repeated, render the heart callous. 'A young friend of mine, remarkable for the kindness of his disposition and the courtesy of his manners, told me that he was really alarmed at the change produced in his char- acter by a few months' residence in the West Indies. The family who owned the plantation were absent, and he saw nothing around him but slaves ; the consequence was that he insensibly acquired a dictatorial manner, and habitual disregard to the convenience of his inferiors. The candid admonition of a friend made him aware of this, and his nat- ural amiability was restored. The ladies who remove from the free States into the slave- holding ones almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first exceedingly painful ; but that they soon become habituated to it ; and, after awhile, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive servants. This reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance, who is considered an unusually fervent Christian. Yet Christianity expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. This shows how dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become accustomed to what is wrong. A judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of her relatives, who married a slave-owner, and re- moved to his plantation. The lady in question was consid- ered very amiable, and had a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. After several years' residence among her slaves, she visited New-England. " Her history was written in her face," said my friend ; " its expression had changed into that of a fiend. She brought but few slaves with her ; and those few were of course compelled to perform additional ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 29 labor. One faithful negro- woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing, ironing, and scouring. If, after a sleepless night with the restless babes, (driven from the bosom of their own mother,) she performed her toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neigh- borhood resounded with the cries of her victim. The in- strument of punishment was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her New-England visiters. For my part," continued my friend, " I did not try to be polite to her ; for I was not hypocrite enough to conceal my indignation." The following occurred near Natchez, and was told to me by a highly intelligent man, who, being a diplomatist and a courtier, was very likely to make the best of national evils: A planter had occasion to send a female slave some distance on an errand. She did not return so soon as he expected, and he grew angry. At last he gave orders that she should be severely whipped when she came back. When the poor creature arrived, she pleaded for mercy, saying she had been so very ill, that she was obliged to rest in the fields ; but she was ordered to receive another dozen lashes, for hav- ing had the impudence to speak. She died at the whipping- post ; nor did she perish alone — a new-born baby died with her. The gentleman who told me this fact, witnessed the poor creature's funeral. It is true, the master was univer- sally blamed and shunned for the cruel deed ; but the laws were powerless. I shall be told that such examples as these are of rare occurrence ; and I have no doubt that instances of excessive severity are far from being common. I believe that a large proportion of masters^are as kind to their slaves as they can be, consistently with keeping them in bondage ; but it must be allowed that this, to make the best of it, is very stinted kindness. And let it never be forgotten that the negro's fate depends entirely on the character of his master ; and it is a mere matter of chance whether he fall into merciful or unmerciful hands ; his happiness, nay, his very life, depends on chance. The slave-owners are always telling us, that the accounts of slave miseiy are abominably exaggerated ; and their plea is supported by many individuals, who seem to think that charity was made to cover sins, not to cure them. But 3* 30 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY without listening to the zealous opposers of slavery, we shall find in the judicial reports of the Southern States, and in the ordinary details of their newspapers, more than enough to startle us ; besides, we must not forget that where one in- stance of cruelty comes to our knowledge, hundreds are kept secret ; and the more public attention is awakened to the subject, the more caution will be used in this respect. Why should we be deceived by the sophistry of those whose interest it is to gloss over iniquity, and who from long habit have learned to believe that it is no iniquity ? It is a very simple process to judge rightly in this matter. Just ask yourself the question where you could find a set of men, in whose power you would be willing to place yourself, if the laws allowed them to sin against you with impunity ? But k is urged that it is the interest of planters to treat their slaves well. This argument no doubt has some force ; and it is the poor negro's only security. But it is likewise the interest of men to treat their cattle kindly ; yet we see that passion and short-sighted avarice do overcome the strongest motives of interest. Cattle are beat unmercifully, sometimes unto death ; they are ruined by being over-worked ; weak- ened by want of sufficient food ; and so forth. Besides, it is sometimes directly for the interest of the planter to work his slaves beyond their strength. When there is a sudden rise in the prices of sugar, a certain amount of labor in a given time is of more consequence to the owner of a planta- tion than the price of several slaves ; he can well afford to waste a few lives. This is no idle hypothesis — such calcu- lations are gravely and openly made by planters. Hence, it is the slave's prayer that sugars may be cheap. When the negro is old, or feeble from incurable disease, is it his master's interest to feed him well, and clothe him comforta- bly? Certainly not : it then becomes desirable to get rid of the human brute as soon as convenient. It is a common remark, that it is not quite safe, in most cases, for even pa- rents to be entirely dependant on the generosity of their chil- dren ; and if human nature be such, what has the slave to expect, when he becomes a mere bill of expense ? It is a common retort to say that New-Englanders who go to the South, soon learn to patronize the system they have considered so abominable, and often become proverbial for their severity. I have not the least doubt of the fact ; for slavery contaminates all that comes within its influence. ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 31 It would be very absurd to imagine that the inhabitants of one State are worse than the inhabitants of another, unless some peculiar circumstances, of universal influence, tend to make them so. Human nature is every where the same ; but de- veloped differently, by different incitements and temptations. It is the business of wise legislation to discover what influ- ences are most productive of good, and the least conducive to evil. If we were educated at the South, we should no doubt vindicate slavery, and inherit as a birthright all the evils it engrafts upon the character. If they lived on our rocky soil, and under our inclement skies, their shrewdness would sometimes border upon knavery, and their frugality sometimes degenerate into parsimony. We both have our virtues and our faults, induced by the influences under which we live, and, of course, totally different in their character. Our defects are bad enough ; but they cannot, like slavery, affect the destiny and rights of millions. All this mutual recrimination about horse-jockeys, gam- blers, tin-pedlers, and venders of wooden-nutmegs, is quite unworthy of a great nation. Instead of calmly examining this important subject on the plain grounds of justice and humanity, we allow it to degenerate into a mere question of sectional pride and vanity. [Pardon the Americanism, would we had less use for the word !] It is the system, not the men, on which we ought to bestow the full measure of abhorrence. If we were willing to forget ourselves, and could like true republicans, prefer the common good to all other considera- tions, there would not be a slave in the United States, at the end of half a century. The arguments in support of slavery are all hollow and deceptive, though frequently very specious. No one thinks of finding a foundation for the system in the principles of truth and justice ; and the unavoidable result is, that even in 'policy it is unsound. The monstrous fabric rests on the mere appearance of present expediency ; while, in fact, all its tendencies, individual and national, present and remote, are highly injurious to the true interests of the country. The slave-owner will not believe this. The stronger the evidence against his favorite theories, the more strenuously he defends them. It has been wisely said, " Honesty is the best policy ; but policy without honesty never finds that out." I hope none will be so literal as to suppose I intend to say that no planter can be honest, in the common acceptation of 32 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY that term. I simply mean that all who ground their argu- ments in policy, and not in duty and plain truth, are really blind to the highest and best interests of man. Among other apologies for slavery, it has been asserted that the Bible does not forbid it. Neither does it forbid the counterfeiting of a bank-bill. It is the spirit of the Holy Word, not its particular expressions, which must be a rule for our conduct. How can slavery be reconciled with the maxim, " Do unto others, as ye would that others should do unto you ?" Does not the command, " Thou shalt not steal" prohibit kidnapping? And how does whipping men to death agree with the injunction, " Thou shalt do no murder V Are we not told " to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke ?" ft was a Jewish law that he who stole a man, or sold him, or he in whose hands the stolen man was found, should suffer death ; and he in whose house a fugitive slave sought an asylum was forbidden to give him up to his master. Modern slavery is so unlike Hebrew servitude, and its regu- lations are so diametrically opposed to the rules of the Gos- pel, which came to bring deliverance to the captive, that it is idle to dwell upon this point. The advocates of this system seek for arguments in the history of every age and nation ; but the fact is, negro-slavery is totally different from any other form of bondage that ever existed ; and if it were not so, are we to copy the evils of bad governments and be- nighted ages? The difficulty of subduing slavery, on account of the great number of interests which become united in it, and the pro- digious strength of the selfish passions enlisted in its support, is by no means its least alarming feature. This Hydra has ten thousand heads, every one of which will bite or growl, when the broad daylight of truth lays opon the secrets of its hideous den. I shall perhaps be asked why I have said so much about the slave-trade, since it was long ago abolished in this coun- try ? There are several good reasons for it. In the first place, it is a part of the system ; for if there were no slaves, there could be no slave-trade ; and while there are slaves, the slave-trade will continue. In the next place, the trade is still briskly carried on in Africa, and slaves are smuggled into these States through the Spanish colonies. In the third place, a very extensive internal slave-trade is carried on in ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 33 this country. The breeding of negro-cattle for the foreign markets, (of Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, and Missouri,) is a very lucrative branch of business. Whole coffles of them, chained and manacled, are driven through our Capital on their way to auction. Foreigners, particu- larly those who come here with enthusiastic ideas of Amer- ican freedom, are amazed and disgusted at the sight.* A troop of slaves once passed through Washington on the fourth of July, while drums were beating, and standards flying. One of the captive negroes raised his hand, loaded with irons, and waving it toward the starry flag, sung with a smile of bitter irony, " Hail Columbia ! happy land !" In the summer of 1822, a coffle of slaves, driven through Kentucky, was met by the Rev. James II. Dickey, just be- fore it entered Paris. He describes it thus : " About forty black men were chained together ; each of them was hand- cuffed, and they were arranged rank and file. A chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, t connected with the hand-cuffs. Behind them were about thirty women, tied hand to hand. Every countenance wore a solemn sad- ness; and the dismal silence of despair was only broken by the sound of two violins. Yes — as if to add insult to injury, the foremost couple were furnished with a violin a-piece ; the second couple were ornamented with cockades ; while near the centre our national standard was carried by hands literally in chains. I may have mistaken some of the punc- tilios of the arrangement, for my very soul was sick. My landlady was sister to the man who owned the drove ; and from her I learned that he had, a few days previous, bought a negro- woman, who refused to go with him. A blow on the side of her head with the butt of his whip, soon brought her to the ground ; he then tied her, and carried her off. Besides those I saw, about thirty negroes, destined for the New-Orleans market, were shut up in the Paris jail, for safe- keeping. But Washington is the great emporium of the internal slave-trade ! The United States jail is a perfect storehouse for slave merchants ; and some of the taverns may be seen so crowded with negro captives that they have scarcely room to stretch themselves on the floor to sleep. Judge * See the second volume of Stuart's " Three years in North America." Instead of being angry at such truths, it would be wise to profit by them. 34 THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY Morrel, in his charge to the grand jury at Washington, in 1816, earnestly called their attention to this subject. He said, " the frequency with which the streets of the city had been crowded with manacled captives, sometimes even on the Sabbath, could not fail to shock the feelings of all hu- mane persons ; that it was repugnant to the spirit of our political institutions, and the rights of man ; and he believed- it was calculated to impair the public morals, by familiar- izing scenes of cruelty to the minds of youth." A free man of color is in constant danger of being seized and carried off by these slave-dealers. Mr. Cooper, a Rep- resentative in Congress from Delaware, told Dr. Torrey, of Philadelphia, that he was often afraid to send his servants out in the evening, lest they should be encountered by kid- nappers. Wherever these notorious slave-jockeys appear in our Southern States, the free people of color hide them- selves, as they are obliged to do on the coast of Africa. The following is the testimony of Dr. Torrey, of Philadel- phia, published in 1817 : " To enumerate all the horrid and aggravating instances of man-stealing, which are known to have occurred in the State of Delaware, within the recollection of many of the citizens of that State, would require a volume. In many cases, whole families of free colored people have been at- tacked in the night, beaten nearly to death with clubs, gagged and bound, and dragged into distant and hopeless captivity, leaving no traces behind, except the blood from their wounds. " During the last winter, the house of a free black family was broken open, and its defenceless inhabitants treated in the manner just mentioned, except, that the mother escaped from their merciless grasp, while on their way to the State of Maryland. The plunderers, of whom there were nearly half a dozen, conveyed their prey upon horses ; and the woman being placed on one of the horses, behind, improved an opportunity, as they were passing a house, and sprang off. Not daring to pursue her, they proceeded on, leaving her youngest child a little farther along, by the side of the road, in expectation, it is supposed, that its cries would at- tract the mother ; but she prudently waited until morning, and recovered it again in safety. " I consider myself more fully warranted in particular- izing this fact, from the circumstances of having been at Newcastle, at the time that the woman was brought with ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 35 her child, before the grand jury, for examination ; and of having seen several of the persons against whom bills of in- dictment were found, on the charge of being engaged in the perpetration of the outrage ; and also that one or two of them were the same who were accused of assisting in seiz- ing and carrying off another woman and child whom I dis- covered at Washington. A monster in human shape, was detected in the city of Philadelphia, pursuing the occupation of courting and marrying mulatto women, and selling them as slaves. In his last attempt of this kind, the fact having come to the knowledge of the African population of this city, a mob was immediately collected, and he was only saved from being torn in atoms, by being deposited in the city prison. They have lately invented a method of attaining their object, through the instrumentality of the laws : — Having selected a suitable free colored person, to make a pitch upon, the kidnapper employs a confederate, to ascertain the distin- guishing marks of his body ; he then claims and obtains him as a slave, before a magistrate, by describing those marks, and proving the truth of his assertions, by his well-instructed accomplice. " From the best information that I have had opportuni- ties to collect, in travelling by various routes through the States of Delaware and Maryland, I am fully convinced that there are, at this time, within the jurisdiction of the United States, several thousands of legally free people of color, toiling under the yoke of involuntary servitude, and trans- mitting the same fate to their posterity ! If the probability of this fact could be authenticated to the recognition of the Congress of the United States, it is presumed that its members, as agents of the constitution, and guardians of the public liberty, would, without hesitation, devise means for the res- toration of those unhappy victims of violence and avarice, to their freedom and constitutional personal rights. The work, both from its nature and magnitude, is impracticable to in- dividuals, or benevolent societies ; besides, it is perfectly a national business, and claims national interference, equally with the captivity of our sailors in Algiers." It may indeed be said, in palliation of the internal slave- trade, that the horrors of the middle passage are avoided. But still the amount of misery is very great. Husbands and wives, parents and children, are rudely torn from each other ; — there can be no doubt of this fact : advertisements are 3b THE EFFECT OF SLAVERY very common, in which a mother and her children are of fered either in a lot, or separately, as may suit the purchaser. In one of these advertisements, I observed it stated that the youngest child was about a year old.* The captives are driven by the whip, through toilsome journeys, under a burning sun ; their limbs fettered ; with nothing before them but the prospect of toil more severe than that to which they have been accustomed. f The disgrace of such scenes in the capital of our republic cannot be otherwise than painful to every patriotic mind ; while they furnish materials for the most pungent satire to other nations. A United States senator declared that the sight of a. drove of slaves was so insupportable that he al- ways avoided it when he could ; and an intelligent Scotch, man said, when he first entered Chesapeake Bay, and cast his eye along our coast, the sight of the slaves brought his heart into his throat. How can we help feeling a sense of shame, when we read Moore's contemptuous couplet, " The fustian flag that proudly waves, In splendid mockery, o'er a land of slaves ?" The lines would be harmless enough, if they were false ; the sting lies in their truth. Finally, I have described some of the horrors of the slave- trade, because when our constitution was formed, the gov- ernment pledged itself not to abolish this traffic until 1808. We began our career of freedom by granting a twenty years' lease of iniquity — twenty years of allowed invasion of other men's rights — twenty years of bloodshed, violence, and fraud ! And this will be told in our annals — this will be heard of to the end of time ! While the slave-trade was allowed, the South could use it to advance their views in various ways. In their represen- tation to Congress, five slaves counted the same as three freemen ; of course, every fresh cargo was not only an in- crease of property, but an increase of political power. Ample time was allowed to lay in a stock of slaves to supply the * In Niles's Register, vol. xxxv, page 4, 1 find the following : " Dealing in slaves has become a large business. Establishments are made at sev- eral places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These places are strongly built, and well supplied with thumbscrews, gags, cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody. But the laws per- mit the traffic, and it is suffered." f In the sugar-growing States the condition of the negro is much more pitiable than where co'ton is the staple commodity. ON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 37 new slave states and territories that might grow up ; and when this was effected, the prohibition of foreign commerce in human flesh, operated as a complete tariff, to'protect the domestic supply. Every man who buys a slave promotes this traffic, by raising the value of the article ; every man who owns a slave, indirectly countenances it ; every man who allows that slavery is a lamentable necessity, contributes his share to support it ; and he who votes for admitting a slave-hold- ing State into the Union, fearfully augments the amount of this crime. 38 COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVERY, CHAPTER II. COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVERY, IN DIFFERENT AGES AND NATIONS. E'en from my tongue some heartfelt truths may fall And outraged Nature claims the care of all. These wrongs in any place would force a tear ; But call for stronger, deepersfeeling here." Oh, sons of freedom ! equalize your laws — Be all consistent — plead the negro's cause — Then all the nations in your code may see, That, black or white, Americans are free." Between ancient and modern slavery there is this re- markable distinction — the former originated in motives of humanity ; the latter is dictated solely by avarice. The ancients made slaves of captives taken in war, as an ame- lioration of the original custom of indiscriminate slaughter ; the moderns attack defenceless people, without any provo- cation, and steal them, for the express purpose of making them slaves. Modern slavery, indeed, in all its particulars, is more odious than the ancient ; and it is worthy of remark that the condi- tion of slaves has always been worse just in proportion to the freedom enjoyed by their masters. In Greece, none were so proud of liberty as the Spartans ; and they were a prov- erb among the neighboring States for their severity to slaves. The slave code of the Roman republic was rigid and tyran- nical in the extreme ; and cruelties became so common and excessive, that the emperors, in the latter days of Roman power, were obliged to enact laws to restrain them. In the modern world, England and America are the most conspic uous for enlightened views of freedom, and bold vindication of the equal rights of man ; yet in these two countries slave laws have been framed as bad as they were in Pagan, iron- hearted Rome ; and the customs are in some respects more oppressive ; — modern slavery unquestionably wears its very IN DIFFERENT AGES AND NATIONS. 39 worst aspect in the Colonies of "England and the United States of North America. I hardly know how to decide their re- spective claims... My countrymen are fond of pre-eminence, and I am afraid they deserve it here — especially if we throw into the scale their loud boasts of superiority over all the rest of the world in civil and religious freedom. The slave codes of the United States and of the British West Indies were originally almost precisely the same ; but their laws have been growing milder and milder, while ours have in- creased in severity. The British have the advantage of us in this respect — they long ago dared to describe the monster as it is ; and they are now grappling with it, with the over- whelming strength of a great nation's concentrated energies. — The Dutch, those sturdy old friends of liberty, and the French, who have been stark mad for freedom, rank next for the severity of their slave laws and customs. The Spanish and Portuguese are milder than either. I will give a brief view of some of our own laws on this subject ; for the correctness of which, I refer the reader to Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws of the United States of America. In the first place, we will inquire upon what ground the negro slaves in this country are claimed as prop- erty. Most of them are the descendants of persons kid- napped on the coast of Africa, and brought here while we were British Colonies ; and as the slave-trade was openly sanctioned more than twenty years after our acknowledged independence, in 1783, and as the traffic is still carried on by smugglers, there are, no doubt, thousands of slaves, now living in the United States, who are actually stolen from Africa.* A provincial law of Maryland enacted that any white woman who married a negro slave should serve his master during her husband's lifetime, and that all their children should be slaves. This law was not repealed until the end of eighteen years, and it then continued in full force with regard to those who had contracted such marriages in the intermediate time ; therefore the descendants of white women so situated may be slaves unto the present day. The doc- trine of the common law is that the offspring shall follow the condition of the father ; but slave law (with the above tem- porary exception) reverses the common law, and provides * In the new slave States, there are a great many negroes, who can speak no other language than some of the numerous African dialects. 40 COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVER V, that children shall follow the condition of the mother. Hence mulattoes and their descendants are held in perpetual bond- age, though the father is a free white man. " Any person whose maternal ancestor, even in the remotest degree of dis- tance, can be shown to have been a negro, Indian, mulatto, or a mestizo, not free at the time this law was introduced, although the paternal ancestor at each successive genera- tion may have been a white free man, is declared to be the subject of perpetual slavery." Even the code of Jamaica, is on this head, more liberal than ours ; by an express law, slavery ceases at the fourth degree of distance from a negro ancestor : and in the other British West Indies, the estab- lished custom is such, that quadroons or mestizoes (as they call the second and third degrees) are rarely seen in a state of slavery. Here, neither law nor public opinion favors the mulatto descendants of free white men. This furnishes a convenient game to the slaveholder — it enables him to fill his purse by means of his own vices ; — the right to sell one half of his children provides a fortune for the remainder. — Had the maxim of the common law been allowed, — i. e. that the offspring follows the condition of the father, — the mu- lattoes, almost without exception, would have been free, and thus the prodigious and alarming increase of our slave pop- ulation might have been prevented. The great augmenta- tion of the servile class in the Southern States, compared with the West India colonies, has been thought to indicate a much milder form of slavery ; but there are other causes, which tend to produce the result. There are much fewer white men in the British West Indies than in our slave States ; hence the increase of the mulatto population is less rapid. Here the descendants of a colored mother never become free ; in the West Indies, they cease to be slaves in the fourth gen- eration, at farthest ; and their posterity increase the free colored class, instead of adding countless links to the chain of bondage. The manufacture of sugar is extremely toilsome, and when driven hard, occasions a great waste of negro life ; this cir- cumstance, together with the tropical climate of the West Indies, furnish additional reasons for the disproportionate in- crease of slaves between those islands and our own country, where a comparatively small quantity of sugar is cultivated. It may excite surprise, that Indians and their offspring are comprised in the doom of perpetual slavery 5 yet not only is IN DIFFERENT AGES AND NATIONS. 41 incidental mention of them as slaves to be met with in the laws of most of the States of our confederacy, but in one, at least, direct legislation may be cited to sanction their enslave- ment. In Virginia, an act was passed, in 1679, declaring that " for the better encouragement of soldiers, whatever In dian prisoners were taken in a war, in which the colony was then engaged, should be free purchase to the soldiers taking them;" and in 1682, it was decreed that "all ser- vants brought into Virginia, by sea or land, not being Chris- tians, whether negroes, Moors, mulattoes, or Indians, (except Turks and Moors in amity with Great Britain) and all In- dians, which should thereafter be sold by neighboring Indians^ or any other trafficking with us, as slaves, should be slaves to all intents and purposes." These laws ceased in 1691 ; but the descendants of all Indians sold in the intermediate time are now among slaves. In order to show the true aspect of slavery among us, I will state distinct propositions, each supported by the evi- dence of actually existing laws. 1. Slavery is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants, to the latest posterity. 2. The labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensa- ted ; ivhile the kind of labor, the amount of toil, and the time allowed for rest, are dictated solely by the master. No bar- gain is made, no wages given. A pure despotism governs the human brute ; and even his covering and provender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on the master's discretion. 3. The slave being considered a personal chattel, may be sold, or pledged, or leased, at the will of his master. He may be exchanged for marketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts, or taxes, either of a living, or a de- ceased master. Sold at auction, " either individually, or in lots to suit the purchaser," he may remain with his family, or be separated from them for ever. 4. Slaves can make no contracts, and have no legal right 4 o any property, real or personal. Their own honest earn- ngs, and the legacies of friends belong, in point of law, to their masters. 5. Neither a slave, nor free colored person, can be a idtness against any white or free man, in a court of justice, however atrocious may have been the crimes they have seen him com- 4* 42 COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVER i', mU : but they may give testimony against a fellow-slave, or free colored man, even in cases affecting life. 6. The slave may be punished at his master's discretion — without trial — without any means of legal redress, — whether his offence be real, or imaginary : and the master can trans- fer the same despotic power to any person, or persons, he may choose to appoint. 7. The slave is not allowed to resist any free man under any circumstances : his only safety consists in the fact that his owner may bring suit, and recover, the price of his body, in case his life is taken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. 8. Slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary for their personal safety. 9. The slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic rela- tions. 10. The laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where the master is willing to enfranchise them. 11. The operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religious instruction and consolation. 12. The ivhole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state of the lowest ignorance, 13. There is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. What is a trifling fault in the ivhite man, is con- sidered highly criminal in the slave ; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollars only, are punished in the negro with death. 14. The laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color. Proposition 1. — Slavery hereditary and perpetual. In Maryland the following act was passed in 1715, and is still in force : " All negroes and other slaves, already im- ported, or hereafter to be imported into this province, and all children now born, or hereafter to be born, of such ne- groes and slaves, shall be slaves during their natural lives." The law of South Carolina is, " All negroes, Indians, (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulat- toes, and mestizoes, who are now free, excepted,) mulattoes or mestizoes, who now are, or shall hereafter be in this prov ince, and all their issue born, or to be born, shall be a During the famous debate in the Virginia Legislature, in the winter of 1832, Mr. Brodnax made the following remark : " That slavery in Virginia is an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would be more than idle for any human being to doubt or deny. It is a mildew which has blighted every region it has touched, from the creation of the world. Illustrations from the history of other countries and other times might be instructive and profitable, had we the time to review them ; but we have evidence tending to the same conviction nearer at hand and accessible to daily observation, in the short his- tories of the different States of this great confederacy, which are impressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their character." During the same session, Mr. Faulkner of Virginia said : "Sir, I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall, the avowed advocate of slavery. The day has gone by, when such a voice could be listened to with 80 FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. patience, or even forbearance. I even regret, sir, that we should find one amongst us, who enters the lists as its apol. ogisz, except on the ground of uncontrolable necessity. If there be one, who concurs with the gentleman from Bruns- wicK (Mr. Gholson) in the harmless character of this insti- tution, let me request him to compare the condition of the slaveholding portion of this Commonwealth — barren, deso- late, and seared as it were by the avenging hand of Heaven, — with the descriptions which we have of this same country from those who first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change ascribable? Alone to the withering and blasting effects of slavery. If this does not satisfy him, let me re- quest him to extend his travels to the Northern States of this Union, — and beg him to contrast the happiness and content- ment which prevails throughout the country — the busy and cheerful sounds of industry — the rapid and swelling growth of their population — their means and institutions of education — their skill and proficiency in the useful arts — their enter- prise and public spirit — the monuments of their commercial and manufacturing industry; — and, above all, their devoted attachment to the government from which they derive their protection, with the division, discontent, indolence, and pov- erty of the Southern country. To what, sir, is all this as- cribable? To that vice in the organization of society, by which one half of its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling against the other half — to that unfortunate state of society in which freemen regard labor as disgraceful — and slaves shrink from it as a burden tyranically imposed upon them — to that condition of things, in which half a million of your population can feel no sympathy with the society in the prosperity of which they are forbidden to participate, and no attachment to a government at whose hands they receive nothing but injustice. " If this should not be sufficient, and the curious and in- credulous inquirer should suggest that the contrast which has been adverted to, and is so manifest, might be traced to a difference of climate, or other causes distinct from slavery itself, permit me to refer him to the two States of Kentucky and Ohio. No difference of soil — no diversity of climate — no diversity in the original settlement of those two States, can account for the remarkable disproportion in their national advancement. Separated by a river alone, they seem to have been purposely and providentially designed to exhibit in their FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. 81 future histories the difference, which necessarily results from a country free from, and a country afflicted with, the curse of slavery. The same may be said of the two States of Missouri and Illinois. " Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil — it is an institution which presses heavily against the best interests of the State. It banishes free white labor — it exterminates the mechanic — the artisan — the manufacturer. It deprives them of occu- pation. It deprives them of bread. It converts the en- ergy of a community into indolence — its power into imbe- cility — its efficiency into weakness. Sir, being thus injuri- ous, have we not a right to demand its extermination ! Shall society suffer, that the slavehold 3r may continue to gather his vigintial crop of human flesh? What is his mere pe- cuniary claim, compared with the great interests of the com- mon weal? Must the country languish and die, that the slaveholder may flourish? Shall all interest be subservient to one ? — all rights subordinate to those of the slaveholder ? Has not the mechanic — have not the middle classes their rights? — rights incompatible with the existence of slavery ?" Sutcliff, in his Travels in North America, says : " A person not conversant with these things would naturally think that where families employ a number of slaves, every thing about their houses, gardens, and plantations, would be kept in the best order. But the reverse of this is generally the case. I was sometimes tempted to think that the more slaves there were employed, the more disorder appeared. I am persuaded that one or two hired servants, in a well- regulated family, would preserve more neatness, order, and comfort, than treble the number of slaves. " There is a very striking contrast between the appear- ance of the horses or teams in Pennsylvania, and those in the Southern States, where slaves are kept. In Pennsylvania we meet with great numbers of wagons, drawn by four or more fine fat horses, the carriages firm and well made, and covered with stout good linen, bleached almost white ; and it is not uncommon to see ten or fifteen together, travelling cheerfully along the road, the driver riding on one of his horses. Many of these come more than three hundred miles to Philadelphia, from the Ohio, Pittsburg, and other places; and I have been told by a respectable friend, a native of Philadelphia, that more than one thousand covereu carriages frequently come to Philadelphia market." IKi FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. " The appearance of things in the slave States is quite the reverse of this. We sometimes meet a ragged black boy or girl driving a team, consisting of a lean cow or a mule, sometimes a lean bull, or an ox and a mule ; and I have seen a mule, a bull, and a cow, each miserable in its appearance, composing one team, with a half-naked black slave or two, riding or driving, as occasion suited. The carriage or wagon, if it maybe called such, appeared in as wretched a condition as the team and its driver. Sometimes a couple of horses, mules, or cows, &c, would be dragging a hogshead of tobacco, with a pivot, or axle, driven into each end of the hogshead, and something like a shaft attached, by which it was drawn, or rolled along the road. I have seen two oxen and two slaves pretty fully employed in getting along a single hogs- head ; and some of these come from a great distance inland." The inhabitants of free States are often told that they can- not argue fairly upon the subject of slavery because they know nothing about its actual operation ; and any expression of their opinions and feelings with regard to the system, is attributed to ignorant enthusiasm, fanatical benevolence, or a wicked intention to do mischief. But Mr. Clay, Mr. Brodnax, and Mr. Faulkner, belong to slaveholding States ; and the two former, if I mistake not, are slave-owners. They surely are qualified to judge of the system ; and I might fill ten pages with other quota- tions from southern writers and speakers, who acknowledge that slavery is a great evil. There are zealous partisans indeed, who defend the system strenuously, and some of them very eloquently. Thus, Mr. Hayne, in his reply to Mr. Webster, denied that the south suffered in consequence of slavery ; he maintained that the slaveholding States were prosperous, and the principal cause of all the prosperity in the Union. He laughed at the idea of any danger, however distant, from an overgrown slave population, and supported the position by the fact that slaves had always been kept in entire subjection in the British West Indies, where the white population is less than ten per cent, of the whole. But the distinguished gentleman from South Carolina did not mention that the peace establishment of the British West Indies costs England two million pounds annually ! Yet such is the fact. This system is so closely entwined with the apparent inter- ests and convenience of individuals, that it will never want for able defenders, so long as it exists. But I believe I do FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. 83 not misrepresent the truth, when I say the prevailing opinion at the South is, that it would have been much better for those States, and for the country in general, if slavery had never been introduced. Miss Martineau, in her most admirable little book on Demerara, says : " Labor is the product of mind as much as of body ; and to secure that product, we must sway the mind by the natural means — by motives. Laboring against self-interest is what nobody ought to expect of white men — much less pC slaves. Of course every man, woman and child, would rather play for nothing than work for nothing. " It is the mind, which gives sight to the eye, and hearing to the ear, and strength to the limbs ; and the mind cannot be purchased. Where a man is allowed the possession of himself, the purchaser of his labor is benefitted by the vigor of his mind through the service of his limbs : where man is made the possession of another, the possessor loses at once and for ever all that is most valuable in that for which he has paid the price of crime. He becomes the o\v ler of that which only differs from an idiot in being less easily drilled into habits, and more capable of effectual revenge. " Cattle are fixed capital, and so are slaves : But slaves differ from cattle on the one hand, in yielding (from internal opposition) a less return for their maintenance ; and from free laborers on the other hand, in not being acted upon by the inducements which stimulate production as an effort of mind as well as of body. In all three cases the labor is purchased. In free laborers and cattle, all the faculties work together, and to advantage ; in the slave they are opposed ; and therefore he is, so far as the amount of labor is concerned, the least valuable of the three. The negroes can invent and improve — witness their ingenuity in their dwellings, and their skill in certain of their sports; but their masters will never possess their faculties, though they have purchased their limbs. Our true policy would be to divide the work of the slave between the ox and the hired laborer; we should get more out of the sinews of the one and the soul of the other, than the produce of double the number of slaves." As a matter of humanity, let it be remembered that men having more reason than brutes, must be treated with much greater severity, in order to keep them in a state of abject submission. It seems unnecessary to say that what is unjust and unrrier- 84 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. ciful, can never be expedient ; yet men often write, talk, and act, as if they either forgot this truth, or doubted it. There is genuine wisdom in the following remark, extracted from the petition of Cambridge University to the Parliament of Eng- land, on the subject, of slavery : " A firm belief in the Prov- idence of a benevolent Creator assures us that no system, founded on the oppression of one part of mankind, can be beneficial to another." But the tolerator of slavery will say, "No doubt the sys- tern is an evil ; but we are not to blame for it ; we received it from our English ancestors. It is a lamentable necessity; —we cannot do it away if we would : — insurrections would be the inevitable result of any attempt to remove it" — and having quieted their consciences by the use of the word lam- entable, they think no more upon the subject. These assertions have been so often, and so dogmatically repeated, that many truly kind-hearted people have believed there was some truth in them. I myself, (may God forgive me for it!) have often, in thoughtless ignorance, made the same remarks. An impartial and careful examination has led me to the conviction that slavery causes insurrections, while emanci- pation prevents them. The grand argument of the slaveholder is that sudden freedom occasioned the horrible massacres of St. Domingo. — If a word is said in favor of abolition, he shakes his head, and points a warning finger to St. Domingo ! But it is a re- markable fact that this same vilified island furnishes a strong argument against the lamentable necessity of slavery. In the first place, there was a bloody civil war there before the act of emancipation was passed ; in the second place enfran- chisement produced the most blessed effects: in the third place, no difficulties whatever arose, until Bonaparte made his atrocious attempt to restore slavery in the island. Colonel Malenfant, a slave proprietor, resident in St. Do- mingo at the time, thus describes the effect of sudden enfran- chisement, in his Historical and Political Memoir of the Col- onies : " After this public act of emancipation, the negroes re- mained quiet both in the South and in the West, and they continued to work upon all the plantations. There were es- tates which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, the negroes POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 85 continued their labors where there were any, even inferior agents, to guide them ; and on those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions ; but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blacks continued to labor as quietly as before." Colonel Malenfant says, that when many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, the ne- groes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them in their work. He adds, " If you will take care not to talk to them of the restoration of slavery, but to talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chain them down to their labor. How did Toussaint succeed ? — How did I succeed before his time in the plain of the Culde-Sae on the plantation Gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to the slaves? Let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves, be asked : they will all reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work : and yet this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. I inspired the same activity into three other plantations of which I had the management. If all the negroes had come from Africa within six months, if they had the love of independence that the Indians have, I should own that force must be employed ; but ninety-nine out of a hundred of the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure the things that are necessary for them; that there is no other method of satis- fying their wants and their tastes. They know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so." Such was the conduct of the negroes for the first nine months after their liberation, or up to the middle of 1794. In the latter part of 1796, Malenfant says, "the colony was flourishing under Toussaint, the whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the negroes continued to work for them." General Lecroix, who published his " Memoirs for a History of St. Domingo" in 1819, says, that in 1797 the most wonderful progress had been made in agriculture. " The Colony," says he, " marched as by en- chantment towards its ancient splendor : cultivation pros- pered ; every day produced perceptible proof of its progress." General Vincent,* who was a general of brigade of artillery * Clarkson's Thoughts, p. 2. 8 86 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. in St. Domingo and a proprietor of estates in the island, was sent by Toussaint to Paris in 1801 to lay before the Direc . tory the new constitution which had been agreed upon in St. Domingo. He arrived in France just at the moment of the peace of Amiens, and found that Bonaparte was prepar- ing an armament for the purpose of restoring slavery in St. Domingo. He remonstrated against the expedition ; he sta- ted that it was totally unnecessary and therefore criminal, for every thing was going on well in St. Domingo. The proprietors were in peaceable possession of their estates ; cul- tivation was making rapid progress ; the blacks were indus- trious and beyond example happy. He conjured him, there- fore, not to reverse this beautiful state of things ; but his efforts were ineffectual, and the expedition arrived upon the shores of St. Domingo. At length, however, the French were driven from the island. Till that time the planters had retained their property, and then it was, and not till then, that they lost their all. In 1804, Dessalines was proclaimed Emperor; in process of time a great part of the black troops were disbanded, and returned to cultivation again. From that time to this, there has been no want of subordination or industry among them." The following account of Hayti at a later period is quoted from Mr. Harvey's sketches of that island, during the latter part of the reign of Christophe : " Those who by their exertions and economy were ena- bled to procure small spots of land of their own, or to hold the smaller plantations at an annual rent, were diligently engaged in cultivating coffee, sugar, and other articles, which they disposed of to the inhabitants of the adjacent towns and villages. It was an interesting sight to behold this class of the Haytians, now in possession of their freedom, coming in groups to the market nearest which they resided, bringing the produce of their industry for sale ; and after- wards returning, carrying back the necessary articles of ' living which the disposal of their commodities had enabled I them to purchase ; all evidently cheerful and happy. Nor could it fail to occur to the mind that their present condition furnished the most satisfactory answer to that objection to ij the general emancipation of slaves, founded on their alleged' unfitness to value and improve the benefits of liberty. ''Though of the same race and possessing the same gen-, eral traits of character as the negroes of the other Westt POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 87 India islands, they are already distinguished from them by habits of industry and activity, such as slaves are seldom known to exhibit. As they would not suffer, so they do not require, the attendance of one acting in the capacity of a driver with the instrument of punishment in his hand." "In Guadaloupe, the conduct of the freed negroes was equally satisfactory. The perfect subordination which was established and the industry which prevailed there, are proved by the official Reports of the Governor of Guadaloupe, to the French government. In 1793 liberty was proclaimed universally to the slaves in that island, and during their ten years of freedom, their governors bore testimony to their regular industry and uninterrupted submission to the laws.'* "During the first American war, a number of slaves ran away from their North American masters and joined the British army. When peace came, it was determined to give them their liberty, and to settle them in Nova Scotia, upon grants of land, as British subjects and as free men. Their number, comprehending men, women and children, was two thousand and upwards. Some of them worked upon little portions of land as their own ; others worked as carpenters ; others became fishermen ; and others worked for hire in various ways. In time, having embraced Christianity, they raised places of worship of their own, and had ministers of their own from their own body. They led a harmless life, and gained the character of an industrious and honest people from their white neighbors. A few years afterwards, the land in Nova Scotia being found too poor to answer, and the climate too cold for their constitutions, a number of them to the amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, vol- unteered to form a new colony which was then first thought of at Sierra Leone, to which place they were accordingly conveyed. Many hundreds of the negroes who had formed the West Indian black regiments were removed in 1819 to Sierra Leone, where they were set at liberty at once, and founded the villages of Waterloo, Hastings, and others. Sev- eral hundred maroons, (runaway slaves and their descend- ants,) being exiled from Jamaica, were removed in 1801 to Sierra Leone, where they were landed with no other prop- erty than the clothes which they wore and the muskets which they carried in their hands. A body of revolted slaves were banished from Barbadoes in 1816, and sent also to Sierra Leone. The rest of the population of this colony consists 88 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. almost entirely of negroes who have been recaptured from slave ships, and brought to Sierra Leone in the lowest state of misery, debility and degradation : naked, diseased, desti- tute, wholly ignorant of the English language, in this wretch- ed, helpless condition, they have been suddenly made free, and put into possession at once of the rights and privileges of British subjects. All these instances of sudden emancipation have taken place in a colony where the disproportion between black and white is more than a hundred to one. Yet this mixed population of suddenly emancipated slaves — runaway slaves — criminal slaves — and degraded recaptured negroes, are in their free condition living in order, tranquillity and comfort, and many of them in affluence." "During the last American war, seven hundred and seventy- four slaves escaped from their masters, and were at the termi- nation of the war settled in Trinidad as free laborers, where they are earning their own livelihood with industry and good conduct. The following extract of a letter, received in 1829 from Trinidad by Mr. Pownall, will show the usefulness and respectability of these liberated negroes. ' A field negro brings four hundred dollars, but most of the work is done by free blacks and people from the main at a much cheaper rate ; and as these are generally employed by foreigners, this ac- counts for their succeeding better than our own countrymen, who are principally from the old islands, and are unaccus- tomed to any other management than that of slaves ; how- ever, they are coming into it fast. In Trinidad, there are upwards of fifteen thousand free people of color ; there is not a single pauper amongst them; they live independently and comfortably, and nearly half of the property of the island is said to be in their hands. It is admitted that they are highly respectable in character, and are rapidly advancing in knowl- edge and refinement.' Mr. Mitchell, a sugar planter who had resided twenty-seven years in Trinidad, and who is the superintendent of the liberated negroes there, says he knows of no instance of a manumitted slave not maintaining himself. In a paper printed by the House of Commons in 1827, (No. 479,) he says of the liberated blacks under his superintend- ence, that each of them possessed an allotment of land which he cultivated, and on which he raised provisions and other articles for himself and his family ; his wife and children aiding him in the work. A great part, however, of the time of the men (the women attending to the domestic menage) POSSIBILITY OP SAFE EMANCIPATION. 89 was freely given to laboring on the neighboring plantations, on which they worked not in general by the day, but by the piece. Mr. Mitchell says that their work is well executed, and that they can earn as much as four shillings a day. If, then, these men who have land on which they can support themselves are yet willing to work for hire, how is it possi- ble to doubt that in case of general emancipation, the freed negroes who would have no land of their own would gladly work for wages ?" "A few years ago, about one hundred and fifty negro slaves, at different times, succeeded in making their escape from Ken- tucky into Canada. Captain Stuart, who lived in Upper Can- ada from 1817 to 1822, was generally acquainted with them, and employed several of them in various ways. He found them as good and as trustworthy laborers, in every respect, as any emigrants from the islands, or from the United States, or as the natives of the country. In 1828, he again visited that country, and found that their numbers had increased by new refugees to about three hundred. They had purchased a tract of woodland, a few miles from Amherstburgh, and were settled on it, had formed a little village, had a minister of their own number, color, and choice, a good old man of some talent, with whom Captain Stuart was well acquainted, and though poor, were living soberly, honestly and industrious- ly, and were peacefully and usefully getting their own living. In consequence of the Revolution in Colombia, all the slaves who joined the Colombian armies, amounting to a consider- able number, were declared free. General Bolivar enfran- chised his own slaves to the amount of between seven and eight hundred, and many proprietors followed his example. At that time Colombia was overrun by hostile armies, and the masters were often obliged to abandon their property. The black population (including Indians) amounted to nine hundred thousand persons. Of these, a large number was suddenly emancipated, and what has been the effect? Where the opportunities of insurrection have been so frequent, and so tempting, what has been the effect? M. Ravenga declares that the effect has been a degree of docility on the part of the Hacks, and a degree of security on the part of the whites, un- known in any preceding period of the history of Colombia." " Dr. Walsh* states that in Brazil there are six hundred * Walsh's Notes on Brazil, vol. ii. page 365. 8* 90 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. thousand enfranchised persons, either Africans or of African descent, who were either slaves themselves or are the de- scendants of slaves. He says they are, generally speaking, * well conducted and industrious persons, who compose in- discriminately different orders of the community. There are among them merchants, farmers, doctors, lawyers, priests and officers of different ranks. Every considerable town in the interior has regiments composed of them.' The ben- efits arising from them, he adds, have disposed the whites to think of making free the whole negro population." " Mr. Koster, an Englishman living in Brazil, confirms Mr. Walsh's statement.* ' There are black regiments,' he observes, ' composed entirely and exclusively of black Creole soldiers, commanded by black Creole officers from the cor- poral to the colonel. I have seen the several guard -houses of the town occupied by these troops. Far from any ap- prehension being entertained on this score, it is well known that the quietude of this country, and the feeling of safety which every one possesses, although surrounded by slaves, proceed from the contentedness of the free people.' ' : " The actual condition of the hundred thousand emanci- pated blacks and persons of color in the British West India Colonies, certainly gives no reason to apprehend that if a general emancipation should take place, the newly freed slaves would not be able and willing to support themselves. On this point the Returns from fourteen of the Slave Colo- nies, laid before the House of Commons, in 1826, give satis- factory information : they include a period of five years from January 1, 1821, to December 31, 1825, and give the fol- lowing account of the state of pauperism in each of these colonies. "Bahamas. — The only establishment in the colony for the relief of the poor, appears to be a hospital or poor-house. The number passing through the hospital annually was, on the average, fifteen free black and colored persons and thir- teen whites. The number of free black and colored persons is about double that of the whites ; so that the proportion of white to that of colored paupers in the Bahamas, is nearly two to one. " Barbadoes. — The average annual number of persons supported in the nine parishes, from which returns have * Amelioration of Slavery, published in No. 16 of the Pamphleteer. POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 91 been sent, is nine hundred and ninety-eight, all of whom, with a single exception, are white. The probable amount of white persons in the island is fourteen thousand five hun- dred — of free black and colored persons, four thousand five hundred. " Berbice. — The white population appears to amount to about six hundred, the free black and colored to nine hun- dred. In 1822, it appears that there were seventeen white and two colored paupers. " Demerara. — The free black and colored population, it is supposed, are twice the number of the whites. The ave- rage number of white pensioners on the poor fund appears to be fifty-one, that of colored pensioners twenty-six. In oc- casional relief, the white paupers receive about three times as much as the colored. "Dominica. — The white population is estimated at about nine hundred ; the free black and colored population was ascertained, in 1825, to amount to three thousand one hun- dred and twenty-two. During the five years ending in No- vember, 1825, thirty of the former class had received relief from the poor fund, and only ten of the latter, making the proportion of more than nine white paupers to one colored one in the same number of persons. "Jamaica is supposed to contain twenty thousand whites, and double that number of free black and colored persons. The returns of paupers from the parishes which have sent returns, exhibit the average number of white paupers to be two hundred ninety-five, of black and colored paupers, one hundred and forty-eight ; the proportion of white paupers to those of the other class, according to the whole population, being as four to one. "Nevis. — The white population is estimated at nbout eight hundred, the free black and colored at about eighteen hun- dred. The number of white paupers receiving relief is stated to be twenty-five ; that of the other class, two ; being in the proportion of twenty-eight to one. " St. Christophers. — The average number of white pau- pers appears to be one hundred and fifteen ; that of the other class, fourteen; although there is no doubt that the popula- tion of the latter class greatly outnumbers that of the former. " Tortola. — In 1825 the free black and colored population amounted to six hundred and seven. The whites are esti- mated at about three hundred. The number of white pau- 92 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. pers relieved appears to be twenty-nine : of the other class, four: being in the proportion of fourteen to one. " In short, in a population of free black and colored per- sons amounting to from eighty thousand to ninety thousand, only two hundred and twenty-nine persons have received any relief whatever as paupers during the years 1821, to 1825 ; and these chiefly the concubines and children of des- titute whites ; while of about sixty-five thousand whites, in the same time, sixteen hundred and seventy-five received relief. The proportion, therefore, of enfranchised persons receiving any kind of aid as paupers in the West Indies, is about one in three hundred and seventy: whereas the pro- portion among the whites of the West Indies is about one in forty ; and in England, generally one in twelve or thirteen — in some counties, one in eight or nine. " Can any one read these statements, made by the colo- nists themselves, and still think it necessary to keep the negroes in slavery, lest they should be unable to maintain themselves if free ? "In 1823, the Assembly of Grenada passed a resolution, declaring that the free colored inhabitants of these colonies, were a respectable, well behaved class of the community, were possessed of considerable property, and were entitled to have their claims viewed with favor. "In 1824, when Jamaica had been disturbed for months by unfounded alarms relating to the slaves, a committee of the legislative assembly declared that 'the conduct of the freed people evinced not only zeal and alacrity, but a warm interest in the welfare of the colony, and every way identi- fied them with those who are the most zealous promoters of its internal security.' The assembly confirmed this favora- ble report a few months ago, by passing a bill conferring on all free black and colored persons the same privileges, civil and political, with the white inhabitants. "In the orders issued in 1829, by the British Government, in St. Lucia, placing all freemen of African descent upon the footing of equal rights with their white neighbors, the loyalty and good conduct of that class are distinctly ac- knowledged, and they are declared f to have shown, hitherto, readiness and zeal in coming forward for the maintenance of order.' As similar orders have been issued for Trinidad, Berbice, and the Cape of Good Hope, it may be presumed that the conduct of the free blacks and colored persons in POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 93 those colonies has likewise given satisfaction to Govern- ment. " In the South African Commercial Advertiser, of the 9th of February, 1831, we are happy to find recorded one more of the numerous proofs which experience affords of the safety and expediency of immediate abolition. " Three thousand prize negroes have received their free- dom ; four hundred in one day ; but not the least difficulty or disorder occurred ; — servants found masters — masters hired servants ; all gained homes, and at night scarcely an idler ivas to he seen. In the last month, one hundred and fifty were liberated under precisely similar circumstances, and with the same result. These facts are within our own observation ; and to state that sudden and abrupt emancipa- tion would create disorder and distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason, but the plea of all men who are ad- verse to emancipation. " As far as it can be ascertained from the various docu- ments which have been cited, and from others, which, from the fear of making this account too long, are not particularly referred to, it appears that in every place and time in which emancipation has been tried, not one drop of white blood has been shed, or even endangered by it ; that it has everywhere greatly improved the condition of the blacks, and in most places has removed them from a state of degradation and suffering to one of respectability and happiness. Can it, then, be justifiable, on account of any vague fears of we know not what evils, to reject this just, salutary and hitherto uninjurious measure ; and to cling to a system which we know, by certain experience, is producing crime, misery and death, during every day of its existence?" In Mexico, September 15, 1829, the following decree was issued ; "Slavery is for ever abolished in the republic ; and consequently all those individuals, who, until this day, looked upon themselves as slaves, are free." The prices of slaves were settled by the magistrates, and they were required to work with their master, for stipulated wages, until the debt was paid. If the slave wished to change masters he could do so, if another person would take upon himself the liability of payment, in exchange for his labor ; and provided the master was secured against loss, he was obliged to consent to the transaction. Similar transfers might take place to accommodate the master, but never without the consent of 94 POSSIBILITY OP SAFE EMANCIPATION. the servant. The law regulated the allowance of provisions, clothing, &c, and if the negro wished for more, he might have it charged, and deducted from his wages ; but lest masters should take advantage of the improvidence of their servants, it was enacted, that all charges exceeding half the earnings of any slave, or family of slaves, should be void in law. The duties of servants were defined as clearly as pos- sible by the laws, and magistrates appointed to enforce them ; but the master was entrusted with no power to punish, in any manner whatever. It was expressly required that tho masters should furnish every servant with suitable means of religious and intellectual instruction. A Vermont gentleman, who had been a slaveholder in Mississippi, and afterward resident at Matamoras, in Mexico, speaks with enthusiasm of the beneficial effects of these reg- ulations, and thinks the example highly important to the United States. He declares that the value of the plantations was soon increased by the introduction of free labor. " No one was made poor by it. It gave property to the servant, and increased the riches of the master." The republics of Buenos Ayres, Chili, Bolivia, Peru, Co- lombia, Guatemala and Monte Video, likewise took steps for the abolition of slavery, soon after they themselves came into possession of freedom. In some of these States, means were taken for the instruction of young slaves, who were all enfranchised by law, on arriving at a certain age ; in others, universal emancipation is to take place after a certain date, fixed by the laws. The empire of Brazil, and the United States are the only American nations, that have taken no measures to destroy this most pestilent system ; and I have recently been assured by intelligent Brazilians, that public opinion in that country is now so strongly opposed to slavery that something effectual will be done toward abolition, at the very next meeting of the Cortes. If this should take place, the United States will stand alone in most hideous pre- eminence. When Nccker wrote his famous book on French finances, he suggested a universal compact of nations to suppress the slave trade. The exertions of England alone have since nearly realized his generous plan, though avarice and cun- ning do still manage to elude her vigilance and power. She has obtained from Spain, Portugal, France, Holland, and Den- mark, a mutual right to search all vessels suspected of being POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 95 engaged in this wicked traffic* I believe I am correct in say- ing that ours is now the only flag, which can protect this ini- quity from the just indignation of England. When a mutual right of search was proposed to us, a strong effort was made to blind the people with their own prejudices, by urging tho old complaint of the impressment of seamen ; and alas, when has an unsuccessful appeal been made to passion and preju- dice ? It is evident that nothing on earth ought to prevent co-operation in a cause like this. Besides, "It is useless for us to attempt to linger on the skirts of the age that is depart- ing. The action of existing causes and principles is steady and progressive. It cannot be retarded, unless we would * blow out all the moral lights around us ;' and if we refuse to keep up with it, we shall be towed in the wake, whether we are willing or not."f When I think of the colonies established along the coast of Africa — of Algiers, conquered and civilized — of the in- creasing wealth and intelligence of Hayti — of the powerful efforts now being made all over the world to sway public opinion in favor of universal freedom — of the certain emanci- pation of slaves in all British Colonies — and above all, the evident union of purpose existing between the French and English cabinets, — I can most plainly see the hand of God working for the deliverance of the negroes. We may re- sist the blessed influence if we will ; but we cannot conquer. Every j^ear the plot is thickening around us, and the nations of the earth, either consciously or unconsciously, are hasten- ing the crisis. The defenders of the slave system are situated like the man in the Iron Shroud, the walls of whose prison daily moved nearer and nearer, by means of powerful ma- chinery, until they crushed all that remained within them. But to return to the subject of emancipation. Nearly every one of the States north of Mason and Dixon's line once held slaves. These slaves were manumitted without blood- shed, and there was no trouble in making free colored la- borers obey the laws. I am aware that this desirable change must be attended with much more difficulty in the Southern States, simply be- cause the evil has been suffered until it is fearfully over- * The British Government actually paid Spain four hundred thousand pounds, as an indemnity to those engaged in the slave trade, on condition that the traffic should be abolished by law throughout her dominions. f Speech of Mr. Brodnax, of Virginia. 96 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. grown ; but it must not be forgotten that while they are using their ingenuity and strength to sustain it for the pres- ent, the mischief is increasing more and more rapidly. If this be not a good time to apply a remedy, when will be a better ? They must annihilate slavery, or slavery will an nihilate them. It seems to be forgotten that emancipation from tyranny is not an emancipation from law ; the negro, after he is made free, is restrained from the commission of crimes by the same laws which restrain other citizens : if he steals, he will be imprisoned : if he commits murder, he will be hung. It will, perhaps, be said that the free people of color in the slave portions of this country are peculiarly ignorant, idle, and vicious ? It may be so : for our laws and our in- fluence are peculiarly calculated to make them bad members of society. But we trust the civil power to keep in order the great mass of ignorant and vicious foreigners continually pouring into the country ; and if the laws are strong enough for this, may they not be trusted to restrain the free blacks ? In those countries where the slaves codes are mild, where emancipation is rendered easy, and inducements are offered to industry, insurrections are not feared, and free people of color form a valuable portion of the community. If we per- sist in acting in opposition to the established laws of nature and reason, how can we expect favorable results? But it is pronounced unsafe to change our policy. Every progres- sive improvement in the world has been resisted by despot- ism, on the ground that changes were dangerous. The Em- peror of Austria thinks there is need of keeping his subjects ignorant, that good order may be preserved. But what he calls good order, is sacrificing the happiness of many to the advancement of a few ; and no doubt knowledge is unfavor- able to the continuation of such a state of things. It is pre- cisely so with the slaveholder ; he insists that the welfare of millions must be subordinate to his private interest, or else all good order is destroyed. It is much to be regretted that Washington enfranchised his slaves in the manner he did ; because their poverty and indolence have furnished an ever ready argument for those who are opposed to emancipation.* To turn slaves adrift * With all my unbounded reverence for Washington, I have, I confess, sometimes found it hard to forgive him for not manumitting his slaves POSSIBILITY OP SAFE EMANCIPATION. 97 in their old age, unaccustomed to take care of themselves, without employment, and in a community where all the pre- judices were strongly arrayed against free negroes, was cer- tainly an unhappy experiment. But if slaves were allowed to redeem themselves progres- sively, by purchasing one day of the week after another, as they can in the Spanish colonies, habits of industry would be gradually formed, and enterprise would be stimulated, by their successful efforts to acquire a little property. And if they afterward worked better as free laborers than they now do as slaves, it would surely benefit their masters as well as themselves. That strong-hearted republican, La Fayette, when he re- turned to France in 1785, felt strongly urged by a sense of duty, to effect the emancipation of slaves in the Colony of Cayenne. As most of the property in the colony belonged to the crown, he was enabled to prosecute his plans with less difficulty than he could otherwise have done. Thirty thousand dollars were expended in the purchase of planta- tions and slaves for the sole purpose of proving by experi- ment the safety and good policy of conferring freedom. Be- ing afraid to trust the agents generally employed in the colony, he engaged a prudent and amiable man at Paris to undertake the business. This gentleman, being fully in- structed in La Fayette's plans and wishes, sailed for Cayenne. The first thing he did when he arrived, was to collect all the cart-whips, and other instruments of punishment, and have them burnt amid a general assemblage of the slaves ; he then made known to them the laws and rules by which the estates would be governed. The object of all the reg- ulations was to encourage industry by making it the means of freedom. This new kind of stimulus had a most favora- ble effect on the slaves, and gave promise of complete suc- cess. But the judicious agent died in consequence of the long before his death. A fact which has lately come to my knowledge, gave me great joy ; for it furnishes a reason for what had appeared to me unpardonable. It appears that Washington possessed a gang of negroes in right of his wife, with which his own negroes had intermarried. By the marriage settlement, the former were limited, in default of issue of the marriage, to the representatives of Mrs. Washington at her death; so that her "negroes could not be enfranchised. An unwillingness to sep- arate parents and children, husbands and wives, induced Washington to postpone the manumission of his own slaves. This motive is briefly, and as it were accidentally, referred to in his will. 9 98 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. climate, and the French Revolution threw every thing into a state of convulsion at home and abroad. The new re- public of France bestowed unconditional emancipation upon the slaves in her colonies ; and had she persevered in her promises with good faith and discretion, the horrors of St. Domingo might have been spared. The emancipated ne. groes in Cayenne came in a body to the agents, and declared that if the plantations still belonged to General La Fayette they were ready and willing to resume their labors for the benefit of one who had treated them like men, and cheered their toil by making it a certain means of freedom. I cannot forbear paying a tribute of respect to the vener- able Moses Brown, of Providence, Rhode Island, now living in virtuous and vigorous old age. He was a slave-owner in early life, and, unless I have been misinformed, a slave- dealer, likewise. When his attention became roused to re- ligious subjects, these facts troubled his conscience. He easily and promptly decided that a Christian could not con- sistently keep slaves; but he did not dare to trust his own nature to determine the best manner of doing justice to those he had wronged. He therefore appointed a committee, be- fore whom he laid a statement of the expenses he had in. curred for the food and clothing of his slaves, and of the number of years, during which he had had the exclusive ben- efit of their labors. He conceived that he had no right to charge them for their freedom, because God had given them an inalienable right to that possession, from the very hour of their birth ; but he wished the committee to decide what wages he ought to pay them for the work they had done. He cordially accepted the decision of the committee, paid the negroes their dues, and left them to choose such employ- ments as they thought best. Many of the grateful slaves preferred to remain with him as hired laborers. It is hardly necessary to add that Moses Brown is a Quaker. It is commonly urged against emancipation that white men cannot possibly labor under the sultry climate of our most southerly States. This is a good reason for not sending the slaves out of the country, but it is no argument against mak- ing them free. No doubt we do need their labor ; but we ought to pay for it. Why should their presence be any more disagreeable as hired laborers, than as slaves ? In Boston, we continually meet colored people in the streets, and employ them in various ways, without being endangered POSSIBILITY OP SAFE EMANCIPATION. 99 or even incommoded. There is no moral impossibility in a perfectly kind and just relation between the two races. If white men think otherwise, let them remove from cli- mates which nature has made too hot for their constitutions. Wealth or pleasure often induces men to change their abode; an emigration for the sake of humanity would be an agreea- able novelty. Algernon Sidney said, " When I cannot live in my own country, but by such means as are worse than dying in it, I think God shows me that I ought to keep my. self out of it." But the slaveholders try to stop all the efforts of benevo* lence, by vociferous complaints about infringing upon their property ; and justice is so subordinate to self-interest, that the unrighteous claim is silently allowed, and even openly supported, by those who ought to blush for themselves, as Christians and as republicans. Let men simplify their ar- guments — let them confine themselves to one single question, " What right can a man have to compel his neighbor to toil without reward, and leave the same hopeless inheritance to his children, in order that he may live in luxury and indo- lence ?" Let the doctrines of expediency return to the Father of Lies, who invented them, and gave them power to turn every way for evil. The Christian knows no appeal from the decisions of God, plainly uttered in his conscience. The laws of Venice allowed property in human beings ; and upon this ground Shylock demanded his pound of flesh, cut nearest to the heart. Those who advertise mothers to be sold separately from their children, likewise claim a right to human flesh ; and they too cut it nearest to the heart. The personal liberty of one man can never be the property of another. All ideas of property are founded upon the mu- tual agreement of the human race, and are regulated by such laws as are deemed most conducive to the general good. In slavery there is no mutual agreement ; for in that case it would not be slavery. The negro has no voice in the mat- ter — no alternative is presented to him — no bargain is made. The beginning of his bondage is the triumph of power over weakness ; its continuation is the tyranny of knowledge over ignorance. One man may as well claim an exclusive right to the air another man breathes, as to the possession of his limbs and faculties. Personal freedom is the birth, right of every human being. God himself made it the first great law of creation ; and no human enactment can render 100 POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. it null and void. n If," says Price, " you have a right to make another man a slave, he has a right to make you a clave ;" and Ramsay says, " If we have in the beginning no right to sell a man, no person has a right to buy him." Am I reminded that the laws acknowledge these vested rights in human flesh ? I answer the laws themselves were made by individuals, who wished to justify the wrong and profit by it. We ought never to have recognised a claim, which cannot exist according to the laws of God ; it is our duty to atone for the error ; and the sooner we make a be- ginning, the better will it be for us all. Must our arguments be based upon justice and mercy to the slaveholders only ? Have the negroes no right to ask compensation for their years and years of unrewarded toil? It is true that they fiave food and clothing, of such kind, and in such quantities, as their masters think proper. But it is evident that this is not the worth of their labor ; for the proprietors can give from one hundred to five and six hundred dollars for a slave, beside the expense of supporting those who are too old or too young to labor. They could not afford to do this, if the slave did not earn more than he receives in food and cloth- ing. If the laws allowed the slave to redeem himself pro- gressively, the owner would receive his money back again ; and the negro's years of uncompensated toil would be more than lawful interest. The southerners are much in the habit of saying they ideally wish for emancipation, if it could be efFected in safety; but I search in vain for any proof that these assertions are sincere. (When I say this I speak collectively; there are, no doubt, individual exceptions.) Instead of profiting by the experience of other nations, the slave-owners, as a body, have resolutely shut their eyes against the light, because they preferred darkness. Every change in the laws has riveted the chain closer and closer upon their victims ; every attempt to make the voice of reason and benevolence heard has been overpowered with threatening and abuse. A cautious vigilance against im- provement, a keen-eyed jealousy of all freedom of opinion, has characterized their movements. There can be no doubt that the majority wish to perpetuate slavery. They support it with loud bravado, or insidious sophistry, or pretended regret; but they never abandon the point. Their great desire is to keep the public mind turned in another direction. EMANCIPATION NOT SINCERELY DESIRED. 101 They are well aware that the ugly edifice is built of rotten timbers, and stands on slippery sands — if the loud voice of public opinion could be made to reverberate through its dreary chambers, the unsightly frame would fall, never to rise again. Since so many of their own citizens admit that the policy of this system is unsound, and its effects injurious, it is won- derful that they do not begin to destroy the " costly iniquity", in good earnest. But long-continued habit is very powerful ; and in the habit of slavery are concentrated the strongest evils of human nature — vanity, pride, love of power, licen- tiousness, and indolence. There is a minority, particularly in Virginia and Kentucky, who sincerely wish a change for the better ; but they are overpowered, and have not even ventured to speak, except in the great Virginia debate of 1832. In the course of that debate, the spirit of slavery showed itself without disguise. The members talked of emancipation ; but with one or two exceptions, they merely wanted to emancipate, or rather to send away, the surplus population, which they could neither keep nor sell, and which might prove dangerous. They wished to get rid of the consequences of the evil, but were determined to keep the evil itself. Some members from Western Virginia, who spoke in a better spirit, and founded their arguments on the broad principles of justice, not on the mere convenience of a certain class, were repelled with an- gry excitement. The eastern districts threatened to sepa- rate from the western, if the latter persisted in expressing opinions opposed to the continuance of slavery. From what I have uniformly heard of the comparative prosperity of Eastern and Western Virginia, I should think this was very much like the town's poor threatening to separate from the town. The mere circumstance of daring to debate on the subject was loudly reprimanded ; and there was a good deal of indignation expressed that " reckless editors, and imprudent correspondents, had presumed so far as to allude to it in the columns of a newspaper." Discussion in the Legislature was strongly deprecated until a plan had been formed ; yet they must have known that no plan could be formed, in a republican government, without previous discussion. The proposal contained within itself that self-perpetuating power, for which the schemes of slave-owners are so remarkable. 9* 102 EMANCIPATION NOT SINCERELY DESIRED. Mr. Gholson sarcastically rebuked the restless spirit of improvement, by saying " he really had been under the impression that he owned his slaves. He had lately pur- chased four women and ten children, in whom he thought he had obtained a great bargain; for he supposed they were his own property, as were his brood mares." To which Mr. Roane replied, "I own a considerable number of slaves, and am perfectly sure they are mine ; and I am sorry to add that I have occasionally, though not often, been compelled to make them feel the impression of that ownership. I would not touch a hair on the head of the gentleman's slave, any sooner than I would a hair in the mane of his horse." Mr. Roane likewise remarked, " I think slavery as much a correlative of liberty as cold is of heat. History, experience, observation and reason, have taught me that the torch of liberty has ever burned brighter when surrounded by the dark and filthy, yet nutritious atmosphere of slavery ! I do not believe in the fanfaronade that all men are by nature equal. But these abstract speculations have nothing to do with the question, which I am willing to view as one of cold, sheer state policy, in which the safety, prosperity, and hap- piness of the whites alone are concerned." Would Mr. Roane carry out his logic into all its details ? Would he cherish intemperance, that sobriety might shine the brighter ? W 7 ould he encourage theft, in order to throw additional lustre upon honesty ? Yet there seems to be pre- cisely the same relation between these things that there is between slavery and freedom. Such sentiments sound oddly enough in the mouth of a republican of the nineteenth century ! When Mr. Wirt, before the Supreme Federal Court, said that slavery was contrary to the laws of nature and of na- tions, and that the law of South Carolina concerning seizing colored seamen, was unconstitutional, the Governor directed several reproofs at him. In 1825, Mr. King laid on the table of the United States Senate a resolution to appropriate the proceeds of the public lands to the emancipation of slaves, and the removal of free negroes, provided the same could be done under and agreeable to, the laws of the re- spective States. He said he did not wish it to be debated, but considered at some future time. Yet kindly and cau- tiously as this movement was made, the whole South resented it, and Governor Troup called to the Legislature and people of Georgia, to " stand to their arms." In 1827, the people EMANCIPATION NOT SINCERELY DESIRED. 103 of Baltimore presented a memorial to Congress, praying that slaves born in the District of Columbia after a given time, specified by law, might become free on arriving at a certain age. A famous member from South Carolina called this an " impertinent interference, and a violation of the princi- ples of liberty" and the petition was not even committed. Another southern gentleman in Congress objected to the Panama mission because Bolivar had proclaimed liberty ti- the slaves. Mr. Hayne, in his reply to Mr. Webster, says : " There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly walk- ing to and fro about the earth, seeking whom it may devour ; it is the spirit of false philanthropy. When this is infused into the bosom of a statesman (if one so possessed can be called a statesman) it converts him at once into a visionary enthusiast. Then he indulges in golden dreams of national greatness and prosperity. He discovers that ' liberty is power,' and not content with vast schemes of improvement at home, which it would bankrupt the treasury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands to fulfil ' obligations to the human race, by inculcating the principles of civil and reli- gious liberty,' &c. This spirit had long been busy with the slaves of the South ; and it is even now displaying itself in vain efforts to drive the government from its wise policy in relation to the Indians." Governor Miller, of South Carolina, speaking of the tariff and " the remedy, " asserted that slave labor was preferable to free, and challenged the free States to competition on fair terms. Governor Hamilton, of the same State, in delivering an address on the same subject, uttered a eulogy upon slavery ; concluding as usual that nothing but the tariff — nothing but the rapacity of Northerners, could have nullified such great blessings of Providence, as the cheap labor and fertile soil of Carolina. Mr. Calhoun, in his late speech in the Senate, alludes in a tone of strong disapprobation, and almost of reprimand, to the remarkable debate in the Vir- ginia Legislature ; the occurrence of which offence he charges to the opinions and policy of the north. If these things evince any real desire to do away the evil, I cannot discover it. There are many who inherit the mis- fortune of slavery, and would gladly renounce the miserable birthright if they could ; for their sakes, I wish the majority were guided by a better spirit and a wiser policy. But this 104 EMANCIPATION NOT SINCERELY DESIRED. state of things cannot last. The operations of Divine Prov- idence are hastening the crisis, and move which way we will, it must come in some form or other ; if we take warning in time, it may come as a blessing. The spirit of philan- thropy, which Mr. Hayne calls ' false,' is walking to and fro in the earth ; and it will not pause, or turn back, till it has fastened the golden band of love and peace around a sinful world. The sun of knowledge and liberty is already high in the heavens — it is peeping into every dark nook and corner of the earth — and the African cannot be always ex- cluded from its beams. The advocates of slavery remind me of a comparison I once heard differently applied : Even thus does a dog, un- willing to follow his master's carriage, bite the wheels, in a vain effort to stop its progress. INFLUENCE OP SLAVERY, ETC. 105 CHAPTER IV. INFLUENCE OP SLAVERY ON TIIE POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. Casca. I believe these are portentous things Onto the climate that they point upon. Cicero. Indeed it is a strange disposed time : But men may construe things after their fashion, Clean from the purpose of the things themselves. Julius Cjesab. When slave representation was admitted into the Consti- tution of the United States, a wedge was introduced, which has ever since effectually sundered the sympathies and in- terests of different portions of the country. By this step, the slave States acquired an undue advantage, which they have maintained with anxious jealousy, and in which the free States have never perfectly acquiesced. The latter would probably never have made the concession, so contrary to their principles, and the express provisions of their State consti- tutions, if powerful motives had not been offered by the South. These consisted, first, in taking upon themselves a proportion of direct taxes, increased in the same ratio as their represen- tation was increased by the concession to their slaves. Second. — In conceding to the small States an entire equal- ity in the Senate. This was not indeed proposed as an item of the adjustment, but it operated as such ; for the small States, with the exception of Georgia, (which in fact expected to become one of the largest,) lay in the North, and were either free, or likely soon to become so. During most of the contest, Massachusetts, then one of the large States, voted with Virginia and Pennsylvania for unequal representation in the Senate ; but on the final ques- tion she was divided, and gave no vote. There was prob- ably an increasing tendency to view this part of the com- promise, not merely as a concession of the large to the small States, but also of the largely slaveholding, to the free, or IOG INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE slightly slaveholding States. The two questions of slave representation with a proportional increase of direct taxes, and of perfect equality in the Senate, were always connected together ; and a large committee of compromise, consisting of one member from each State, expressly recommended that both provisions should be adopted, but neither of them with- out the other. Such were the equivalents, directly or indirectly offered, by which the free States were induced to consent to slave representation. It was not without very considerable strug- gles that they overcame their repugnance to admitting such a principle in the construction of a republican government. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, at first exclaimed against it with evident horror, but at last, he was chairman of the committee of compromise. Even the slave States them- selves, seem to have been a little embarrassed with the dis- cordant element. A curious proof of this is given in the language of the Constitution. The ugly feature is covered as cautiously as the deformed visage of the Veiled Prophet. The words are as follows : " Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the States according to their respective numbers ; which shall be ascertained by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." In this most elaborate sentence, a foreigner would discern no slavery. None but those already acquainted with the serpent, would be able to discover its sting. Governor Wright, of Maryland, a contemporary of all these transactions, and a slaveholder, after delivering a eulogy upon the kindness of masters* expressed himself as follows : " The Constitution guaranties to us the services of these persons. It does not say slaves ; for the feelings of the framers of that glorious instrument would not suffer them to use that word, on account of its anti-congeniality — its incongeniality to the idea of a constitution for freemen. It says, ' persons held to service, or labor.' " — Governor Wright's Speech in Congress, March, 1822. This high praise bestowed on the form of our constitu- tion, reminds me of an anecdote. A clergyman in a neigh- * It was stated, at the time, that this person frequently steamed his negroes, in order to reduce their size to an equal weight for riding race- horses. This practice is understood to be common at the South. POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 107 boring State, being obliged to be absent from his parish, procured a young man to supply his place, who was very worldly in his inclinations, and very gay in his manners. When the minister returned, his people said, somewhat re- proachfully, " How could you provide such a man to preach for us ; you might at least have left us a hypocrite." While all parties agreed to act in opposition to the prin- ciples of justice, they all concurred to pay homage to them by hypocrisy of language ! Men are willing to try all means to appear honest, except the simple experiment of being so. It is true, there were individuals who distrusted this com- promise at the time, if they did not wholly disapprove of it. It is said that Washington, as he was walking thoughtfully near the Schuylkill, was met by a member of the Conven- tion, to whom, in the course of conversation, he acknowl- edged that he was meditating whether it would not be better to separate, without proposing a constitution to the people; for he was in great doubt whether the frame of governmeni, which was now nearly completed, would be better for them, than to trust to the course of events, and await future emergencies. This anecdote was derived from an authentic source, and I have no doubt of its truth : neither is there any doubt that Washington had in his mind this great compromise, the pivot on which the system of government was to turn. If avarice was induced to shake hands with injustice, from the expectation of increased direct taxation upon the South, she gained little by the bargain. With the exception of two brief periods, during the French war, and the last war with England, the revenue of the United States has been raised by duties on imports. The heavy debts and expenditures of the several States, which they had been accustomed to pro- vide for by direct taxes, and which they probably expected to see provided for by the same means in time to come, have been all paid by duties on imports. The greatest proportion of these duties are, of course, paid by the free States; for here, the poorest laborer daily consumes several articles of foreign production, of which from one-eighth to one-half the price is a tax paid to government. The clothing of the slave population increases the revenue very little, and their food almost none at all. Wherever hee labor and slave labor exist under the same government, there must be a perpetual clashing ot interests. The legislation required for one, is, in its spirit and maxims, 108 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE diametrically opposed to that required for the other. Hence Mr. Madison predicted, in the convention which formed our Federal Constitution, that the contests would be between the great geographical sections ; that such had been the division, even during the war and the confederacy. In the same convention, Charles Pinckney, a man of great sagacity, spoke of the equal representation of large and small States as a matter of slight consequence ; no difficulties, he said, would ever arise on that point ; the question would always be between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests. If the pressure of common danger, and the sense of indi- vidual weakness, during our contest for independence, could not bring the States to mutual confidence, nothing ever can do it, except a change of character. From the adoption of the constitution to the present time, the breach has been gradually widening. The South has pursued a uniform and sagacious system of policy, which, in all its bearings, direct and indirect, has been framed for the preservation and exten- sion of slave power. This system has, in the very nature of the two things, constantly interfered with the interests of the free States ; and hitherto the South have always gained the victory. This has principally been accomplished • by yoking all important questions together in pairs, and stren- uously resisting the passage of one, unless accompanied by the other. The South was desirous of removing the seat of government from Philadelphia to Washington, because the latter is in a slave territory, where republican representa- tives and magistrates can bring their slaves without danger of losing them, or having them contaminated by the princi- ples of universal liberty. The assumption of the State debts, likely to bring considerable money back to the North, was linked with this question, and both were carried. The ad- mission of Maine into th*e Union as a free State, and of Mis- souri as a slave Slate, were two more of these Siamese twins, not allowed to be separated from each other. A numerous smaller progeny may be found in the laying of imposts, and the successive adjustment of protection to navigation, the fisheries, agriculture, and manufactures. There would perhaps be no harm in this system of com- promises, or any objection to its continuing in infinite series, if no injustice were done to a third party, which is never heard or noticed, except for purposes of oppression. POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 109 I reverence the wisdom of our early legislators; but they certainly did very wrong to admit slavery as an element into a free constitution ; and to sacrifice the known and declared rights of a third and weaker paity, in order to cement a union between two stronger ones. Such an arrangement ought not, and could not, come to good. It has given the slave States a controlling power which they will always keep, so long as we remain together. President John Adams was of opinion, that this ascendency might be attributed to an early mistake, originating in what he called the " Frankford advice." When the first Congress was summoned in Philadelphia, Doctor Rush, and two or three other eminent men of Pennsylvania, met the Massa- chusetts delegates at Frankford, a few miles from Philadel- phia, and conjured them, as they valued the success of the common cause, to let no measure of importance appear to originate with the North, to yield precedence in all things to Virginia, and lead her if possible to commit herself to the Revolution. Above all, they begged that not a word might be said about " independence ;" for that a strong prejudice already existed against the delegates from New-England, on account of a supposed design to throw off their allegiance to the mother country. " The Frankford advice" was fol- lowed. The delegates from Virginia took the lead on all occasions. His son, John Q. Adams, finds a more substantial reason. In his speech on the Tariff, February 4, 1833, he said : "Not three days since, Mr. Clayton, of Georgia, called that species of population (viz. slaves) the machinery of the South. Now that machinery had twenty odd representatives* in that hall, — not elected by the machinery, but by those who owned it. And if he should go back to the history of this government from its foundation, it would be easy to prove that its de- cisions had been affected, in general, by less majorities than that. Nay, he might go farther, and insist that that very representation had ever been, in fact, the ruling power of this government." " The history of the Union has afforded a continual proof that this representation of property, which they enjoy, as well in the election of President and Vice-President of the * There are now twenty-five odd representatives — that is, representa- tives of slavcn. 10 110 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE United States, as upon the floor of the House of Represen- tatives, lias secured to the slaveholding States the entire control of the national policy, and, almost without exception, the possession of the highest executive office of the Union. Always united in the purpose of regulating the affairs of the whole Union by the standard of the slaveholding interest, their disproportionate numbers in the electoral colleges have enabled them, in ten out of twelve quadrennial elections, to confer the Chief Magistracy upon one of their own citizens. Their suffrages at every election, without exception, have been almost exclusively confined to a candidate of their own caste. Availing themselves of the divisions which, from the nature of man, always prevail in communities entirely free, they have sought and found auxiliaries in the other quarters of the Union, by associating the passions of parties, and the ambition of individuals, with their own purposes, to establish and maintain throughout the confederated nation the slave- holding policy. The office of Vice-President, a station of high dignity, but of little other than contingent power, had been usually, by their indulgence, conceded to a citizen of the other section ; but even this political courtesy was super- seded at the election before the last, and both the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States were, by the preponderancy of slaveholding votes, bestowed upon citizens of two adjoining and both slaveholding States. At this moment the President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the Chief Justice of the United States, are all citizens of that favored portion of the united republic. The last of these offices, being under the constitution held by the tenure of good behaviour, has been honored and dignified by the oc- cupation of the present incumbent upwards of thirty years. An overruling sense of the high responsibilities under which it is held, has effectually guarded him from permitting the sectional slaveholding spirit to ascend the tribunal of justice ; and it is not difficult to discern, in this inflexible impartiality, the source of the obloquy which that same spirit has not been inactive in attempting to excite against the Supreme Court of the United States itself: and of the insuperable aversion of the votaries of nullification to encounter or abide by the de- cision of that tribunal, the true and legitimate umpire of con- stitutional, controverted law." It is worthy of observation that this slave representation POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. Ill is always used to protect and extend slave power ; and in this way, the slaves themselves are made to vote for slavery : they are compelled to furnish halters to hang their posterity. Machiavel says that " the whole politics of rival states consist in checking the growth of one another." It is suf- ficiently obvious, that the slave and free States are, and must be, rivals, owing to the inevitable contradiction of their interests. It needed no Machiavel to predict the result. A continual strife has been going on, more or less earnest, ac- cording to the nature of the interests it involved, and the South has always had strength and skill to carry her point. Of all our Presidents, Washington alone had power to keep the jealousies of his countrymen in check ; and he used his influence nobly. Some of his successors have cherished those jealousies, and made effective use of them. The people of the North have to manage a rocky and re- luctant soil ; hence commerce and the fisheries early attracted their attention. The products of these employments were, as they should be, proportioned to the dexterity and hard labor required in their pursuit. The North grew opulent ; and her politicians, who came in contact with those of the South with any thing like rival pretensions, represented the commercial class, which was the nucleus of the old Federal party. The Southerners have a genial climate and a fertile soil ; but in consequence of the cumbrous machinery of slave labor, which is slow for every thing, (except exhausting the soil,) they have always been less prosperous than the free States. It is said, I know not with how much truth, but it is certainly very credible, that a great proportion of their plantations are deeply mortgaged in New-York and Phila- delphia. It is likewise said that the expenses of the planters are generally one or two years in advance of their income. Whether these statements be true or not, the most casual observer will decide, that the free States are uniformly the most prosperous, notwithstanding the South possesses a po- litical power, by which she manages to check-mate us at every important move. When we add this to the original jealousy spoken of by Mr. Madison, it is not wonderful that Southern politicians take so little pains to conceal their strong dislike of the North. A striking difference of manners, also caused by slavery, serves to aggravate other differences. Slaveholders have >12 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE the habit of command ; and from the superior ease with which it sits upon them, they seem to imagine that they were " born to command," and we to obey. In time of war, they tauntingly told us that we might furnish the men, and they would furnish the officers ; but in time of peace they find our list of pensioners so large, they complain that we did furnish so many men. At the North, every body is busy in some employment, and politics, with very few exceptions, form but a brief epi- sode in the lives of the citizens. But the Southern politi- cians are men of leisure. They have nothing to do but to ride round their plantations, hunt, attend the races, study politics for the next legislative or congressional campaign, and decide how to use the prodigious mechanical power, of slave representation, which a political Archimedes may ef- fectually wield for the destruction of commerce, or any thing else, involving the prosperity of the free States. * It has been already said, that most of the wealth in New- England was made by commerce ; consequently the South became unfriendly to commerce. There was a class in New-England, jealous, and not without reason, of thai r own commercial aristocracy. It was the policy of the South to foment their passions, and increase their prejudices. Thus was the old Democratic party formed ; and while that party honestly supposed they were merely resisting the encroach- ments of a nobility at home, they were actually playing a game for one of the most aristocratic classes in the world — viz. the Southern planters. A famous slave-owner and politician openly boasted, that the South could always put down the aristocracy of the North,, by' means of her own democracy. In this point of view, democracy becomes a machine used by one aristocratic class against another, that has less power, and is therefore less dangerous. There are features in the organization of society, resulting from slavery, which are conducive to any thing but the union of these States. A large class are without employment, are * The Hon. W. B. Seabrook, a southern gentleman, has lately written a pamphlet on the management of slaves, in which he says : "An addi- tion of one million dollars to the private fortune of Daniel Webster, would not give to Massachusetts more than she now possesses in the federal councils. On the other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into the scale, by which her representation in Congress is determined." POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 113 accustomed to command, and have a strong contempt for habits of industry. This class, like the nobility of feudal times, are restless, impetuous, eager for excitement, and prompt to settle all questions with the sword. Like the fierce old barons, at the head of their vassals, they are ever ready to resist and nullify the central power of the State, whenever it interferes with their individual interests, or even approaches the strong holds of their prejudices. All history shows, that men possessing hereditary, despotic power, cannot easily be brought to acknowledge a superior, either in the adminis. trators of the laws, or in the law itself. It was precisely such a class of men that covered Europe with camps, for upwards of ten centuries. A Southern governor has dignified duelling with the name of an "institution;" and the planters generally, seem to regard it as among those which they have denominated their " peculiar institutions." General Wilkinson, who was the son of a slave-owner, expresses in his memoirs, great abhor, rence of duelling, and laments the powerful influence which his father's injunction, when a boy, had upon his after life : " James," said the old gentleman, " if you ever take an in- suit, I will disinherit you." A young lawyer, who went from Massachusetts to reside at the South, has frequently declared that he could not take any stand there as a lawyer, or a gentleman, until he had fought : he was subject to continual insult and degradation, until he had evinced his readiness to kill, or be killed. It is obvious that such a state of morals elevates mere physical courage into a most undue importance. There are indeed emergencies, when all the virtues, and all the best affections of man, are intertwined with personal bravery ; but this is not the kind of courage, which makes duelling in fashion. The patriot nobly sacrifices himself for the good of others ; the duellist wantonly sacrifices others to himself. Browbeating, which is the pioneer of the pistol, charac- terizes, particularly of late years, the Southern legislation. By these means, they seek to overawe the Representatives from the free States, whenever any question even remotely connected with slavery is about to be discussed ; and this, united with our strong reverence for the Union, has made our legislators shamefully cautious with regard to a subject, which peculiarly demands moral courage, and an abandon- ment of selfish considerations. If a member of Congress 10* 114 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE does stand his ground firmly, if he wants no preferment or profit, which the all-powerful Southern influence can give, an effort is then made to intimidate him. The instances are numerous in which Northern men have been insulted and challenged by their Southern brethren, in consequence of the adverse influence they exerted over the measures of the Federal government. This turbulent evil exists only in our slave States ; and the peace of the country is committed to their hands whenever twenty-five votes in Congress can turn the scale in favor of war. The statesmen of the South have generally been planters. Their agricultural products must pay the merchants — foreign and domestic, — the ship-owner, the manufacturer, — and all others concerned in the exchange or manipulation of them. It is universally agreed that the production of the raw ma- terials is the least profitable employment of capital. The planters have always entertained a jealous dislike of those engaged in the more profitable business of the manufacture and exchange of products ; particularly as the existence of slavery among them destroys ingenuity and enterprise, and compels them to employ the merchants,, manufacturers, and sailors, of the free States.* Hence there has ever been a tendency to check New- England, whenever she appears to shoot up with vigorous rapidity. Whether she tries to live by hook or by crook, there is always an effort to restrain her within certain limited bounds. The embargo, passed with- out limitation of time, (a thing unprecedented,) was fastened upon the bosom of her commerce, until life was extinguished. The ostensible object of this measure, was to force Great Britain to terms, by distressing the West Indies for food. But while England commanded the seas, her colonies were not likely to starve ; and for the sake of this doubtful exper- iment, a certain and incalculable injury was inflicted upon the Northern States. Seamen, and the numerous classes of mechanics connected with navigation, were thrown out of employment, as suddenly as if they had been cast on a desert island by some convulsion of nature. Thousands of families were ruined by that ill-judged measure. Has any government a right to inflict so much direct suffering on a very large portion of their own people, for the sake of an * Virginia has great natural advantages for becoming a manufacturing country ; but slavery, that does evil to all and good to none, produces a state of things which renders that impossible. POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 115 indirect and remote evil which may possibly be inflicted on an enemy ? It is true, agriculture suffered as well as commerce ; but agricultural products could be converted into food and cloth- ing ; they would not decay like ships, nor would the pro- ducers be deprived of employment and sustenance, like those connected with navigation. Whether this step was intended to paralyze the North or not, it most suddenly and decidedly produced that effect. We were told that it was done to save our commerce from falling into the hands of the English and French. But our merchants earnestly entreated not to be thus saved. At the very moment of the embargo, underwriters were ready to insure at the usual rates. The non-intercourse was of the same general character as the embargo, but less offensive and injurious. The war crowned this course of policy ; and like the other measures, was carried by slave votes. It was emphatically a Southern, not a national war. Individuals gained glory by it, and many of them nobly deserved it ; but the amount of benefit which the country derived from that war might be told in much fewer words than would enumerate the mischiefs it produced. The commercial States, particularly New-England, have been frequently reproached for not being willing to go to War for the protection of their own interests ; and have been charged with pusillanimity and ingratitude for not warmly seconding those who were so zealous to defend their cause. Mr. Hayne, during the great debate with Mr. Webster, in the Senate, made use of this customary sarcasm. It is revived whenever the sectional spirit of the South, or party spirit in the North, prompts individuals to depreciate the talents and character of any eminent Northern man. The Southern States have even gone so far on this subject, as to assume the designation of " patriot States ," in contra-distinc- tion to their northern neighbors — and this too, while Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall are still standing ! It certainly was a pleasant idea to exchange the appellation of slave States for that of patriot States — it removed a word which in a re- public is unseemly and inconsistent. Whatever may be thought of the justice and expediency of the last war, it was certainly undertaken against the earnest wishes of the commercial States — two thirds of the 116 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE Representatives from those States voted in opposition to the measure. According to the spirit of the constitution it ought not to have passed unless there were two thirds in favor of it. Why then should the South have insisted upon conferring a boon, which was not wanted ; and how happened it, that Yankees, with all their acknowledged shrewdness in money- matters, could never to this day perceive how they were pro- tected by it ? Yet New-England is reproached with cow- ardice and ingratitude to her Southern benefactors ! If one man were to knock another down with a broad -axe, in the attempt to brush a fly from his face, and then blame him for not being sufficiently thankful, it would exactly illustrate the relation between the North and the South on this subject. If the protection of commerce had been the real object of the war, would not some preparations have been made for a navy ? It was ever the policy of the slave States to de- stroy the navy. Vast conquests by land were contemplated, for the protection of Northern commerce. Whatever was intended, the work of destruction was done. The policy of the South stood for awhile like a giant among ruins. New- England received a blow, which crushed her energies, but could not annihilate them. Where the system of {ree labor prevails, and there is work of any kind to be done, there is a safety-valve provided for any pressure. In such a com- munity there is a vital and active principle, which cannot be long repressed. You may dam up the busy waters, but they will sweep away obstructions, or force a new channel. Immediately after the peace, when commerce again began to try her broken wings, the South took care to keep her down, by multiplying permanent embarrasments, in the shape of duties. The direct tax (which would have borne equally upon them, and which in the original compact was the equiv- alent for slave representation,) was forthwith repealed, and commerce was burdened with the payment of the national debt. The encouragement of manufactures, the consump- tion of domestic products, or living within ourselves, was then urged upon us. This was an ancient doctrine of the demo- cratic party. Mr. Jefferson was its strongest advocate. Did he think it likely to bear unfavorably upon " the nation of shopkeepers and pedlers ?"* The Northerners adopted it with sincere views to economy, and more perfect inde- * Mr. Jefferson's description of New-England. POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 117 pendence. The duties were so adjusted as to embarrass commerce, and to guard the interests of a few in the North, who from patriotism, party spirit, or private interest, had established manufactures on a considerable scale. This sys- tem of protection opposed by the North, was begun in 1816 by Southern politicians, and enlarged and confirmed by them in 1824. It was carried nearly as much by Southern influ- ence, as was the war itself; and if the votes were placed side by side, there could not be a doubt of the identity of the interests and passions, which lay concealed under both. But enterprise, that moral perpetual motion, overcomes all obstacles. Neat and flourishing villages rose in every val- ley of New-England. The busy hum of machinery made music with her neglected waterfalls. All her streams, like the famous Pactolus, flowed with gold. From her discour- aged and embarrassed commerce arose a greater blessing, apparently indestructible. Walls of brick and granite could not easily be overturned by the Southern lever, and left to decay, as the ship-timber had done. Thus Mordecai was again seated in the king's gate, by means of the very system intended for his ruin. As soon as this state of things be- came perceptible, the South commenced active hostility with manufactures. Doleful pictures of Southern desolation and decay were given, and all attributed to manufactures. The North was said to be plundering the South, while she, poor dame, was enriching her neighbors, and growing poor upon her extensive labors. (If this statement be true, how much gratitude do we owe the negroes;, for they do all the work that is done at the South. Their masters only serve to keep them in a condition, where they do not accomplish half as much as they otherwise would.) New-England seems to be like the poor lamb that tried to drink at the same stream with the wolf. " You make the water so muddy I can't drink," says the wolf: "I stand below you," replied the lamb, " and therefore it cannot be," "You did me an injury last year," retorted the wolf. " I was not born last year," rejoined the lamb. " Well, well," exclaimed the wolf, " then it was your father or mother. I'll eat you, at all events." The bitter discussions in Congress have grown out of this strong dislike to the free States ; and the crown of the whole policy is nullification. The single State of South Carolina has undertaken to abolish the revenues of the whole nation . 118 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE and threatened the Federal Government with cecession from the Union, in case the laws were enforced by any other means, than through the judicial tribunals. " It is not a little extraordinary that this new pretention of South Carolina, the State which above all others enjoys this unrequited privilege of excessive representation, released from all payment of the direct taxes, of which her proportion would be nearly double that of any non-slaveholding State, should proceed from that very complaint that she bears an unequal proportion of duties of imposts, which, by the con. stitution of the United States, are required to be uniform throughout the Union. Vermont, with a free population of two hundred and eighty thousand souls, has five represen- tatives in the popular House of Congress, and seven Electors for President and Vice-President. South Carolina, with a free population of less than two hundred and sixty thousand souls, sends nine members to the House of Representatives, and honors the Governor of Virginia with eleven votes for the office of President of the United States. If the rule of representation were the same for South Carolina and for Vermont, they would have the same number of Representa- tives in the House, and the same number of Electors for the choice of President and Vice-President. She has nearly double the number of both." What would the South have? They took the management at the very threshold of our government, and, excepting the rigidly just administration of Washington, they have kept it ever since. They claimed slave representation and obtained it. For their convenience the revenues were raised by imposts instead of direct taxes, and thus they give little or nothing in exchange for their excessive representation. They have increased the slave States, till they have twenty- five votes in Congress — They have laid the embargo, and declared war — They have controlled the expenditures of the nation — They have acquired Louisiana and Florida for an eternal slave market, and perchance for the manufactory of more slave States — They have given five presidents out of seven to the United States — And in their attack upon manu- factures, they have gained Mr. Clay's concession bill. " But all this availeth not, so long as Mordecai the Jew sitteth in the king's gate." The free States must be kept down. But change their policy as they will, free States cannot be kept down. There is but one way to ruin them ; and that is to make them POLITICS OP THE UNITED STATES. 119 slave States. If the South with all her power and skill cannot manage herself into prosperity, it is because the difficulty lies at her own doors, and she will not remove it. At one time her deserted villages were attributed to the undue patronage bestowed upon settlers on the public lands : at another, the tariff is the cause of her desolation. Slavery, the real root of the evil, is carefully kept out of sight, as a "delicate sub. ject," which must not be alluded to. It is a singular fact in the present, age of the world, that delicate and indelicate subjects mean precisely the same thing. If any proof were wanted, that slavery is the cause of all this discord, it is furnished by Eastern and Western Virginia. They belong to the same State, and are protected by the same laws ; but in the former, the slaveholding interest is very strong — while in the latter, it is scarcely any thing. The result is, warfare, and continual complaints, and threats of separation. There are no such contentions between the different sections of free States; simply because slavery, the exciting cause of strife, does not exist among them. The constant threat of the slaveholding States is the dis- solution of the Union ; and they have repeated it with all the earnestness of sincerity, though there are powerful reasons why it would not be well for them to venture upon that un- tried state of being. In one respect only, are these threats of any consequence — they have familiarized the public mind with the subject of separation, and diminished the reverence, with which the free States have hitherto regarded the Union. The farewell advice of Washington operated like a spell upon the hearts and consciences of his countrymen. For many, many years after his death, it would almost have been deemed blasphemy to speak of separation as a possible event. I would that it still continued so ! But it is now an every-day occurrence, to hear politicians, of all parties, con- jecturing what system would be pursued by different sections of the country, in case of a dissolution of the Union. This evil is likewise chargeable upon slavery. The threats of separation have uniformly come from the slaveholding States ; and on many important measures the free States have been awed into acquiescence by their respect for the Union. Mr. Adams, in the able and manly report before alluded to, says : " It cannot be denied that in a community spreading over a large extent of territory, and politically founded upon the principles proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, 120 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE but differing so widely in the elements of their social condi- tion, that the inhabitants of one-half the territory are wholly free, and those of the other half divided into masters and slaves, deep if not irreconcilable collisions of interest must abound. The question whether such a community can exist under one common government, is a subject of profound, phi- losophical speculation in theory. Whether it can continue long to exist, is a question to be solved only by the experi- ment now making by the people of this Union, under that national compact, the constitution of the United States." The admission of Missouri into the Union is another clear illustration of the slaveholding power. That contest was marked by the same violence, and the same threats, as have characterized nullification. On both occasions the planters were pitted against the commercial and manufacturing sec- tions of the country. On both occasions the democracy of the North was, by one means or another, induced to throw its strength upon the Southern lever, to increase its already prodigious power. On both, and on all occasions, some little support has been given to Northern principles in Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina ; because in portions of those States there is a considerable commercial interest, and some encouragement of free labor. So true it is, in the minutest details, that slavery and freedom are always arrayed in opposition to each other. At the time of the Missouri question, the pestiferous effects of slavery had become too obvious to escape the observation of the most superficial statesman. The new free States ad- mitted into the Union enjoyed tenfold prosperity compared with the new slave States. Give a free laborer a barren rock, and he Will soon cover it with vegetation ; while the slave and his task-master, would change the garden of Eden to a desert. But Missouri must be admitted as a slave State, for two strong reasons. First, that the planters might perpetuate their predominant influence by adding to the slave represen- tation, — the power of which is always concentrated against the interests of the free States. Second, that a new market might be opened for their surplus slaves. It is lamentable to think that two votes in favor of Missouri slavery, were given by Massachusetts men ; and that those two votes would have turned the scale. The planters loudly threatened to dissolve the Union, if slavery were not extended beyond the POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 121 Mississippi. If the Union cannot be preserved without crime, it is an eternal truth that nothing good can be preserved by crime. The immense territories of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida, are very likely to be formed into slave States ; and every new vote on this side, places the free States more and more at the mercy of the South, and gives a renewed and apparently interminable lease to the duration of slavery. The purchase or the conquest of the Texas, is a favorite scheme with Southerners, because it would occasion such an inexhaustible demand for slaves. A gentleman in the Vir- ginia convention thought the acquisition of the Texas so certain, that he made calculations upon the increased value of negroes. We have reason to thank God that the jeal- ousy of ihe Mexican government places a barrier in that direction. The existence of slavery among us prevents the recog- nition of Haytian independence. That republic is fast in- creasing in wealth, intelligence and refinement. — Her com- merce is valuable to us and might become much more so. But our Northern representatives have never even made an effort to have her independence acknowledged, because a colored ambassador would be so disagreeable to our preju- dices. Few are aware of the extent of sectional dislike in this country ; and I would not speak of it, if I thought it pos- sible to add to it. The late John Taylor, a man of great natural talent, wrote a book on the agriculture of Virginia, in which he acknowledges impoverishment, but attributes it all to the mismanagement of overseers. In this work, Mr. Taylor has embodied more of the genuine spirit, the ethics and politics, of planters, than any other man ; excepting perhaps, John Randolph in his speeches. He treats mer- chants, capitalists, bankers, and all other people not planters, as so many robbers, who live by plundering the p.Uve-owner, apparently forgetting by what plunder they themselves live. Mr. Jefferson and other eminent men from the South, have occasionally betrayed the same strong prejudices ; but they were more 'guarded, lest the democracy of the North should be undeceived, and their votes lost. Mr. Taylor's book is in high repute in the Southern States, and its senti- ments widely echoed ; but it is little known here. A year or two since, I received a letter from a publisher who largely supplies the Southern market, in which he as- ° 11 122 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY, ETC. sured me that no book from the North would sell at the South, unless the source from which it came, were carefully concealed ! Yet New-England has always yielded to South- ern policy in preference to uniting with the Middle States, with which she has, in most respects, a congeniality of in. terests and habits. It has been the constant policy of the slave States to prevent the free States from acting together. Who does not see that the American people are walking over a subterranean fire, the flames of which are fed by slavery ? The South no doubt gave her influence to General Jack- son, from the conviction that a slave-owner would support the slaveholding interest. The Proclamation against the nullifiers, which has given the President such sudden popu- larity at the North, has of course offended them. No per- son has a right to say that Proclamation is insincere. It will be extraordinary if a slave-owner does in reality depart from the uniform system of his brethren. In the President's last Message, it is maintained that the wealthy landholders, that is, the planters, are the best part of the population ;— - - it admits that the laws for raising of revenue by imposts have been in their operation oppressive to the South ; — it recommends a gradual withdrawing of protection from manu- factures ; — it advises that the public lands shall cease to be a source of revenue, as soon as practicable — that they be sold to settlers — and in a convenient time the disposal of the soil be surrendered to the States respectively in which it lies ; — lastly, the Message tends to discourage future appropria- tions of public money for purposes of internal improvement. Every one of these items is a concession to the slave- holding policy. If the public lands are taken from the na- tion, and given to the States in which the soil lies, who will get the largest share ? That best part of the population called planters. The Proclamation and the Message are very unlike each Other. Perhaps South Carolina is to obtain her own will by a route more certain, though more circuitous, than open re- bellion. Time will show. COLONIZATION SOCIETY, ETC. 123 CHAPTER V. COLONIZATION SOCIETY, AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. It is not madness That I have utter'd : — — For love of grace, Lay not that flattering unction to your soul, That not your trespass but my madness speaks : It will but skin arid film the ulcerous place ; While rank corruption, mining all within, Infects unseen. Confess yourself to Heaven ; Repent what's past ; avoid what is to come ; And do not spread the compost on the weeds, To make them ranker. Hamlet, Act III, Scene 2d. When doctrines meet with general approbation, It is not heresy, but reformation. Gakrick. So much excitement prevails with regard to these two societies at present, that it will be difficult to present a view of them which will be perfectly satisfactory to all. I shall say what appears to me to be candid and true, without any anx- iety as to whom it may please, and whom it may displease. I need not say that I have a decided predilection, because it has been sufficiently betrayed in the preceding pages ; and I allude to it for the sake of perfect sincerity, rather than from any idea that my opinion is important. The American Colonization Society was organized a little more than sixteen years ago at the city of Washington, cho- sen as the most central place in the Union. Auxiliary in- stitutions have since been formed in almost every part of the country ; and nearly all the distinguished men belong to it. The doing away of slavery in the United States, by gradu- ally removing all the blacks to Africa, has been generally supposed to be its object. The project at first excited some jealousy in the Southern States ; and the Society, in order to allay this, were anxious to make all possible concessions to slave-owners, in their Addresses, Reports, &c. In Mr. Clay's speech, printed in the first Annual Report of the So- ciety, he said, " It is far from the intention of this Society to affect, in any manner, the tenure by which a certain species of property is held. I am myself a slaveholder, and I con 124 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, sider that kind of property as inviolable as any other in the country. I would resist encroachment upon it as soon, and with as much firmness, as I would upon ai^ other property that I hold. Nor am I prepared to go as far as the gentle- man who has just spoken, (Mr. Mercer) in saying that I would emancipate my slaves, if the means were provided of sending them from the country." At the same meeting Mr. Randolph said, " He thought it necessary, being himself a slaveholder, to show that so far from being in the smallest degree connected with the aboli- tion of slavery, the proposed Society would prove one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his oivn property." In Mr. Clay's speech, in the second Annual Report, he declares : " It is not proposed to deliberate upon, or con- sider at all, any question of emancipation, or any that is connected with the abolition of slavery. On this condition alone gentlemen from the South and West can be expected to co-operate. On this condition only, I have myself aJended." In the seventh Annual Report it is said, " An effort for the benefit of the blacks, in which all parts of the country can unite, of course must not have the abolition of slavery for its immediate object ; nor may it aim directly at the in- struction of the blacks" Mr. Archer, of Virginia, fifteenth Annual Report, says : " The object of the Society, if I understand it aright, involves no intrusion on property, nor even upon prejudice ." In the speech of James S. Green, Esq. he says : " This Society have ever disavowed, and they do yet disavow that their object is the emancipation of slaves. They have no wish if they could to interfere in the smallest degree with what they deem the most interesting and fearful subject which can be pressed upon the American public. There is no people that treat their slaves with so much kindness and so little cruelty." In almost every address delivered before the Society, similar expressions occur. On the propriety of discussing the evils of slavery, without bitterness and without fear, good men may differ in opinion ; though I think the time is fast coming, when they will all agree. But by assuming the ground implied in the above remarks, the Colonization Society have fallen into the habit of glossing over the enor- mities of the slave system ; at least, it so appears to me. AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 125 In their constitution they have pledged themselves not to speak, write, or do anything to offend the Southerners ; and as there is no possible way of making the truth pleasant to those who do not love it, the Society must perforce keep the truth out of sight. In many of their publications, I have thought I discovered a lurking tendency to palliate slavery ; or, at least to make the best of it. They often bring to my mind the words of Hamlet : "Forgive me this my virtue ; For in the fatness of these pursy times, Virtue itself of vice must pardon beg ; Yea, curb and woo, for leave to do him good." Thus in an Address delivered March, 1833, we are told, " It ought never to be forgotten that the slave-trade between Africa and America, had its origin in a compassionate en- deavor to relieve, by the substitution of negro labor, the toils endured by native Indians It was the simulated form of mercy that piloted the first slave-ship across the Atlantic." I am aware that Las Cases used this argument ; but it was less unbecoming in him than it is in a philanthropist of the present day. The speaker does indeed say that " the ' infi- nite of agonies' and the infinite of crime, since suffered and committed, proves that mercy cannot exist in opposition to justice." I can hardly realize what sort of a conscience it must be, that needed the demonstration. The plain truth was, the Spaniards were in a hurry for gpld ; they overworked the native Indians, who were incon- siderate enough to die in very inconvenient numbers ; but the gold must be had, and that quickly ; and so the Africans were forced to come and die in company with the Indians. And in the nineteenth century, we are told it is our duty not to forget that this was a " simulated form of mercy !" A dissimulated form would have been the better expression. If we may believe slave-owners, the whole system, from beginning to end, is a matter of mercy. They have de- scribed the Middle Passage, with its gags, fetters, and thumb- screws, as " the happiest period of a negro's life ;" they say they do the slaves a great charity in bringing them from barbarous Africa to a civilized and Christian country ; and on the plantation, under the whip of the driver, the negroes are so happy, that a West India planter publicly declared he could not look upon them, without wishing to be himself a slave. 11* 126 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, In the speech above referred to, we are told, that as to any political interference, " the slave States are foreign States. We can alienate their feelings until they become foreign enemies ; or, on the other hand, we can conciliate them until they become allies and auxiliaries in the sacred cause of emancipation." But so long as the South insist that slavery is unavoidable, and say they will not tolerate any schemes tending to. its abolition — and so long as the North take the necessity of slavery for an unalterable truth, and put down any discus- sions, however mild and candid, which tend to show that it may be done away with safety — so long as we thus strengthen each other's hands in evil, what remote hope is there of emancipation? If by political interference is meant hostile interference, or even a desire to promote insurrection, I should at once pronounca it to be most wicked ; but if by political interference is meant the liberty to investigate this subject, as other subjects are investigated — to inquire into what has been done, and what may be done — I say it is our sacred duty to do it. To enlighten public opinion is the best way that has yet been discovered for the removal of national evils ; and slavery is certainly a national evil. The Southern States, according to their own evidence, are impoverished by it ; a great amount of wretchedness and crime inevitably follows in its train ; the prosperity of the North is continually checked by it ; it promotes feelings of rivalry between the States ; it separates our interests ; makes our councils discordant ; threatens the destruction of our government ; and disgraces us in the eyes of the world. I have often heard Americans who have been abroad, declare that nothing embarrassed them so much as being questioned about our slaves ; and that nothing was so mortifying as to have the pictures of runaway negroes pointed at in the newspapers of this republic. La Fayette, with all his ad- miration for our institutions, can never speak of the subject without regret and shame. Now a common evil certainly implies a common right to remedy ; and where is the remedy to be found, if the South in all their speeches and writings repeat that slavery must exist — if the Colonization Society re-echo, in all their Ad- dresses and Reports, that there is no help for the evil, and it is very wicked to hint that there is — and if public opinion here brands every body as a fanatic and madman, who AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 127 wishes to inquire what can be done ? The supineness of New-England on this subject, reminds me of the man who being asked to work at the pump, because the vessel was going down, answered, " I am only a passenger." An error often and urgently repeated is apt to receive the sanction of truth ; and so it is in this case. The public take it for granted that slavery is a "lamentable necessity." Nevertheless there is a way to effect its cure, if we all join sincerely, earnestly, and kindly in the work ; but if we ex- pend our energies in palliating the evil, or mourning over its hopelessness, or quarrelling about who is the most to blame for it, the vessel, — crew, passengers, and all, — will go down together. I object to the Colonization Society, because it tends to put public opinion asleep, on a subject where it needs to be wide awake. The address above alluded to, does indeed inform us of one thing which we are at liberty to do : " We must go to the master and adjure him, by all the sacred rights of humanity, by all the laws of natural justice, by his dread responsibilities, — which, in the economy of Providence, are always co-extensive and commensurate with power, — to raise the slave out of his abyss of degradation, to give him a par- ticipation in the benefits of mortal existence, and to make him a member of the intellectual and moral world, from which he, and his fathers, for so many generations, have been exiled." The practical utility of such a plan needs no comment. Slave-owners will smile when they read it. I will for a moment glance at what many suppose is still the intention of the Colonization Society, viz., gradually to remove all the blacks in the United States. The Society has been in operation more than fifteen years, during which it has transported between two and three thousand free people of color. There are in the United States two million of slaves and three hundred thousand free blacks ; and their numbers are increasing at the rate of seventy thousand an- nually. While the Society have removed less than three thousand, — five hundred thousand have been born. While one hundred and fifty free blacks have been sent to Africa in a year, two hundred slaves have been born in a day. To keep the evil just where it is, seventy thousand a year must be transported. How many ships, and how many millions of money, would it require to do this ? It would cost three 128 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, million five hundred thousand dollars a year, to provide for the safety of our Southern brethren in this way ! To use the language of Mr. Hayne, it would " bankrupt the treasury of the world" to execute the scheme. And if such a great number could be removed annually, how would the poor fellows subsist ? Famines have already been produced even by the few that have been sent. What would be the result of landing several thousand destitute beings, even on the most fertile of our own cultivated shores ? And why should they be removed? Labor is greatly needed, and we are glad to give good wages for it. We encourage emigration from all parts of the world ; why is it not good policy, as well as good feeling, to improve the colored people, and pay them for the use of their faculties ? For centuries to come, the means of sustenance in this vast country must be much greater than the population ; then why should we drive away people, whose services may be most useful ? If the moral cultivation of negroes received the attention it ought, thousands and thousands would at the present moment be gladly taken up in families, factories, &c. And, like other men, they ought to be allowed to fit them- selves for more important usefulness, as far and as fast as they can. There will, in all human probability, never be any de- crease in the black population of the United States. Here they are, and here they must remain, in very large numbers, do what we will. We may at once agree to live together in mutual good-will, and perform a mutual use to each other — or we may go on, increasing tyranny on one side, and jealousy and revenge on the other, until the fearful elements complete their work of destruction, and something better than this sinful republic rises on the ruins. Oh, how ear- nestly do I wish that we may choose the holier and safer path ! To transport the blacks in such annual numbers as has hitherto been done, cannot have any beneficial effect upon the present state of things. It is Dame Partington with her pail mopping up the rushing waters of the Atlantic ! So far as this gradual removal has any effect, it tends to keep up the price of slaves in the market, and thus perpetuate the system. A writer in the Kentucky Luminary, speaking of colonization, uses the following argument : " None are obliged to follow our example ; and those who do not, will find the value of their negroes # creased by the departure of ours." AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 129 If the value of slaves is kept up, it will be a strong tempta tion to smuggle in the commodity ; and thus while one ves- sel carries them out. from America, another will be bringing them in from Africa. This would be like dipping up the water of Chesapeake Bay into barrels, conveying it across the Atlantic, and emptying it into the Mediterranean : the Chesapeake would remain as full as ever, and by the time the vessel returned, wind and waves would have brought the same water back again. Slaveowners have never yet, in any part of the world, been known to favor, as a body, any scheme, which could ultimately tend to abolish slavery ; yet in this country, they belong to the Colonization Society in large numbers, and agree to pour from their State treasuries into its funds. In- dividuals object to it, it is true ; but the scheme is very generally favored in the slave States. The following extract from Mr. Wood's speech in the Legislature of Virginia, will show upon what ground the owners of slaves are willing to sanction any schemes of be- nevolence. The " Colonization Society may be a part of the grand system of the Ruler of the Universe, to provide for the transfer of negroes to their mother country. Their introduction into this land may have been one of the inscruta- ble ways of Providence to confer blessings upon that race — it may have been decreed that they shall be the means of conveying to the minds of their benighted countrymen, the blessing of religious and civil liberty. But I fear there is little ground to believe the means have yet been created to effect so glorious a result, or that the present race of slaves are to be benefited by such a removal. J shall trust that many of them may be carried to the south-western States as slaves. Should this door be closed, how can Virginia get rid of so large a number as are now annually deported to the different States and Territories where slaves are wanted ? Can the gentleman show us how from twelve thousand to twenty thousand can be annually carried to Liberia ?" Yet notwithstanding such numbers of mothers and children are yearly sent from a single State, " separately or in lots," to supply the demands of the internal slave-trade, Mr. Hayne, speaking of freeing these people and sending them away, says : " It is wholly irreconcilable with our notions of hu- manity to tear asunder the tender ties, which they had formed among us to gratify the feelings of a false philanthropy !" 130 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, As for the removal of blacks from this country, the real fact is this ; the slave States are very desirous to get rid of their troublesome surplus of colored population, and they are willing that we should help to pay for the transportation. A double purpose is served by this ; for the active benevo- lence which is eager to work in the cause, is thus turned into a harmless and convenient channel. Neither the planters nor the Colonization Society, seem to ask what right we have to remove people from the places where they have been born and brought up, — where they have a home, which, however miserable, is still their home, — and where their relatives and acquaintances all reside. Africa is no more their native country than England is ours,* — nay, it is less so, because there is no community of language or habits; — besides, we cannot say to them, as Gilpin said to his horse, " 'Twas for your pleasure you came here, you shall go back for mine." In the Virginia debate of 1832, it was agreed that very few of the free colored people would be willing to go to Africa ; and this is proved by several petitions from them, praying for leave to remain. One of the Virginian legisla- tors said, " either moral or physical force must be used to compel them to go ;" some of them advised immediate coer- cion ; others recommended persuasion first, until their num- bers were thinned, and coercion afterward. I believe the resolution finally passed the House without any proviso of this sort ; and I mention it merely to show that it was gen- erally supposed the colored people would be unwilling to go. The planters are resolved to drive the free blacks away ; and it is another evil of the Colonization Society that their funds and their influence co-operate with them in this pro- ject. They do not indeed thrust the free negroes off, at the point of the bayonet ; but they make their laws and customs so very unequal and oppressive, that the poor fellows are surrounded by raging fires on every side, and must leap into the Atlantic for safety. In slave ethics I suppose this is called " moral force." If the slave population is left to its own natural increase, the crisis will soon come ; for labor * At the close of the last war, General Jackson issued a proclamation to the colored people of the South, in which he says : " I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds." AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 131 will be so very cheap that slavery will not be for the interest of the whites. Why should we retard this crisis? In the next place, many of the Colonizationists (I do not suppose it applies to all) are averse to giving the blacks a good education ; and they are not friendly to the establish- ment of schools and colleges for that purpose. Now I would ask any candid person why colored children should not be educated ? Some say, it will raise them above their situa- tion ; I answer, it will raise them in their situation — not above it. When a High School for white girls was first talked of in this city, several of the wealthy class objected to it ; because, said they, " if everybody is educated, we shall have no servants." This argument is based on selfish- ness, and therefore cannot stand. If carried into operation, the welfare of many would be sacrificed to the convenience of a few. We might as well protest against the sunlight, for the benefit of lamp-oil merchants. Of all monopolies, a monopoly of knowledge is the worst. Let it be as active as the ocean — as free as the wind — as universal as the sun- beams ! Lord Brougham said very wisely, "If the higher classes are afraid of being left in the rear, they likewise must hasten onward." With our firm belief in the natural inferiority of negroes, it is strange we should be so much afraid that knowledge will elevate them quite too high for our convenience. In the march of improvement, we are several centuries in advance ; and if, with this obstacle at the very beginning, they can out- strip us, why then, in the name of justice, let them go ahead ! Nay, give them three cheers as they pass. If any nation, or any class of men, can obtain intellectual pre-eminence, it is a sure sign they deserve it ; and by this republican rule the condition of the world will be regulated as surely as the waters find their level. Besides, like all selfish policy, this is not true policy. The more useful knowledge a person has, the better he fulfils his duties in any station ; and there is no kind of knowledge, high or low, which may not be brought into use. But it has been said, that information will make the blacks discontented ; because, if ever so learned, they will not be allowed to sit at the white man's table, or marry the white man's daughter. In relation to this question, I would ask, " Is there any- body so high, that they do not see others above them?" 132 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, The working classes of this country have no social comjmn nication with the aristocracy. Every day of my life I see people who can dress better, and live in better houses, than I can afford. There are many individuals who would not choose to make my acquaintance, because I am not of their caste — but I should speak a great untruth, if I said this made me discontented. They have their path and I have mine ; I am happy in my own way, and am willing they should be happy in theirs. If asked whether what little knowledge I have produces discontent, I should answer, that it made me happier, infinitely happier, than I could be without it. Under every form of government, there will be distinct classes of society, which have only occasional and transient communication with each other ; and the colored people, whether educated or not, will form one of these classes. By giving them means of information, we increase their hap- piness, and make them better members of society. I have often heard it said that there was a disproportionate number of crimes committed by the colored people in this State. The same thing is true of the first generation of Irish emi- grants; but we universally attribute it to their ignorance, and agree that the only remedy is to give their children as good an education as possible. If the policy is wise in one instance, why would it not be so in the other ! As for the possibility of social intercourse between the dif- ferent colored races, / have not the slightest objection to it, provided they were equally virtuous, and equally intelligent ; but I do not wish to war with the prejudices of others ; I am willing that all, who consult their consciences, should keep them as long as ever they can. One thing is certain, the blacks will never come into your houses, unless you ask them ; and you need not ask them unless you choose. They are very far from being intrusive in this respect. With regard to marrying your daughters, I believe the feeling in opposition to such unions is quite as strong among the colored class, as it is among white people. While the prejudice exists, such instances must be exceedingly rare, because the consequence is degradation in society. Believe me, you may safely trust to any thing that depends on the pride and selfishness of unregenerated human nature. Perhaps, a hundred years hence, some negro Rothschild may come from Hayti, with his seventy million of pounds, and persuade some white woman to sacrifice herself to him. AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 133 — Stranger things than this do happen every year. — But before that century has passed away, I apprehend there will be a sufficient number of well-informed and elegant colored women in the world, to meet the demands of colored patricians. Let the sons and daughters of Africa both be educated, and then they will be fit for each other. They will not be forced to make war upon their white neighbors for wives : nor will they, if they have intelligent women of their own, see any thing so very desirable in the project. Shall we keep this class of people in everlasting degradation, for fear one of their descendants may marry our great-great-great-great- grandchild ? While the prejudice exists, such unions cannot take place ; and when the prejudice is melted away, they will cease to be a degradation, and of course cease to be an evil. My third and greatest objection to the Colonization Society is, that its members write and speak, both in public and pri- vate, as if the prejudice against skins darker colored than our own, was a fixed and unalterable law of our nature, which cannot possibly be changed. The very existence of the Society is owing to this prejudice : for if we could make all the colored people white, or if they could be viewed as impartially as if they were white, what would be left for the Colonization Society to do ? Under such circumstances, they would have a fair chance to rise in their moral and in- tellectual character, and we should be glad to have them remain among us, to give their energies for our money, as the Irish, the Dutch, and people from all parts of the world are now doing. I am aware that some of the Colonizationists make large professions on this subject ; but nevertheless we are con- stantly told by this Society, that people of color must be re- moved, not only because they are in our way, but because they must always be in a state of degradation here — that they never can have all the rights and privileges of citizens — and all this is because the prejudice is so gi'.-eat. " The managers consider it clear that causes exist and are operating to prevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class, in this coun- try, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. Christianity will not do for them here, what it will do for them in Africa. This is not the fault of the colored man, nor Christianity 12 134 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, but an ordination of Providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of Nature !" — Last Annual Report of Ameri- can Colonization Society. " The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society — prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor edu- cation, nor religion itself, can subdue — mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of degradation inevitable and incurable. .The African in this country be- longs by birth to the very lowest station in society ; and from that station he can never rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his virtues, what they may. They constitute a class by them- selves — a class out of which no individual can be elevated, and below which none can be depressed." — African Reposi- tory, vol. iv, pp. 118, 119. This is shaking hands with iniquity, and covering sin with a silver veil. Our prejudice against the blacks is founded in sheer pride ; and it originates in the circumstance that people of their color only, are universally allowed to be slaves. We made slavery, and slavery makes the prejudice. No christian, who questions his own conscience, can justify him- self in indulging the feeling. The removal of this prejudice is not a matter of opinion — it is a matter of duty. We have no right to palliate a feeling, sinful in itself, and highly in- jurious to a large number of our fellow-beings. Let us no longer act upon the narrow-minded idea, that we must al- ways continue to do wrong, because we have so long been in the habit of doing it. That there is no necessity for the prejudice is shown by facts. In England, it exists to a much less degree than it does here. If a respectable colored per- son enters a church there, the pews are readily opened to him ; if he appears at an inn, room is made for him at the table, and no laughter, or winking, reminds him that he be- longs to an outcast race. A highly respectable English gentleman residing in this country has often remarked that nothing filled him with such utter astonishment as our pre- judice with regard to color. There is now in old England a negro, with whose name, parentage, and history, I am well acquainted, who was sold into West Indian slavery by his New-England master; (I know his name.) The unfor- tunate negro became free by the kindness of an individual, and has now a handsome little property and the command of a vessel. He must take care not to come into the ports of our Southern republics ! — The anecdote of Prince Saun- AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 135 ders is well known ; but it will bear repeating. He called upon an American family, then residing in London. The fashionable breakfast hour was very late, and the family were still seated at the table. The lady fidgetted between the contending claims of politeness and prejudice. At last, when all but herself had risen from the table, she said, as if struck by a sudden thought, " Mr. Saunders, I forgot to ask if you had breakfasted." " I thank you, madam," replied the colored gentleman ; " but I have engaged to breakfast with the Prince Regent this morning." Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Brougham have often been seen in the streets of London, walking arm in arm with people of color. The same thing is true of Brissot, La Fayette, and several other distinguished Frenchmen. In this city, I never but once saw such an instance : When the Philadel- phia company were here last summer, I met one of the offi- cers walking arm in arm with a fine-looking black musician. The circumstance gave me a good deal of respect for the white man ; for I thought he must have kind feelings and correct principles, thus fearlessly to throw off a worse than idle prejudice. In Brazil, people of color are lawyers, clergymen, mer- chants and military officers; and in the Portuguese, as well as the Spanish settlements, intermarriages bring no degra- dation. On the shores of the Levant, some of the wealth- iest merchants are black. If we were accustomed to see intelligent and polished negroes, the prejudice would soon disappear. There is certainly no law of our nature which makes a dark color repugnant to our feelings. We admire the swarthy beauties of Spain ; and the finest forms of stat- uary are often preferred in bronze. If the whole world were allowed to vote on the question, there would probably be a plurality in favor of complexions decidedly dark. Every body knows how much the Africans were amused at the sight of Mungo Park, and what an ugly misfortune they considered his pale color, prominent nose, and thin lips. Ought we to be called Christians, if we allow a prejudice so absurd to prevent the improvement of a large portion of the human race, and interfere with what all civilized nations consider the most common rights of mankind ? It cannot be that my enlightened and generous countrymen will sanction any thing so narrow-minded and so selfish. Having found much fault with the Colonization Society, 136 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, it is pleasant to believe that one portion of their enterprise affords a distant prospect of doing more good than evil. They now principally seek to direct the public attention to the founding of a colony in Africa ; and this may prove beneficial in process of time. If the colored emigrants were educated before they went there, such a Colony would tend slowly, but certainly, to enlighten Africa, to raise the char- acter of the negroes, to strengthen the increasing liberality of public opinion, and to check the diabolical slave-trade. If the Colonizationists will work zealously and judiciously in this department, pretend to do nothing more, and let others work in another and more efficient way, they will deserve the thanks of the country ; but while it is believed that they do all the good which can be done in this important cause, they will do more harm in America, than they can atone for in Africa. Very different pictures are drawn of Liberia ; one party represents it as thriving beyond description, the other insists that it will soon fall into ruin. ' It is but candid to suppose that the colony is going on as well as could possibly be ex- pected, when we consider that the emigrants are almost uni- versally ignorant and vicious, without property, and without habits of industry or enterprise. The colored people in our slave States must, almost without exception, be destitute of information ; and in choosing negroes to send away, the masters would be very apt to select the most helpless and the most refractory. Hence the superintendents of Liberia have made reiterated complaints of being flooded with ship- loads of " vagrants." These causes are powerful draw- backs. But the negroes in Liberia have schools and churches, and they have freedom, which, wherever it exists, is always striving to work its upward way. There is a palpable contradiction in some of the statements of this Society. " We are told that the Colonization Society is to civilize and evangelize Africa. ' Each emigrant,'' says Henry Clay, the ablest advocate which the Society has yet found, ' is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion and free institutions ! !' " " Who are these emigrants — these missionaries ?" " The Free people of color. ' They, and they only,'' says the African Repository, ' are qualified for colonizing Af. AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 137 " What are their qualifications ? Let the Society answer in its own words : " ' Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves.' " — African Repository, vol. ii, p. 328. " ' A horde of miserable people — the objects of universal suspicion — subsisting by plunder.' " — C. F. Mercer. " ' An anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth.' " — African Repository, vol. vii, p. 230. "' Of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the free colored.' " — Tenth Annual Report of Colonization Society. An Education Society has been formed in connection with the Colonization Society, and their complaint is principally that they cannot find proper subjects for instruction. Why cannot such subjects be found ? Simply because our fero- cious prejudices compel the colored children to grow up in ignorance and vicious companionship, and when we seek to educate them, we find their minds closed against the genial influence of knowledge. When I heard of the Education Society, I did hope to find one instance of sincere, thorough disinterested good-will for the blacks. But in the constitution of that Society, I again find the selfish principle predominant. They pledge them- themselves to educate no colored persons unless they are solemnly bound to quit the country. The abolitionists are told that they must wait till the slaves are more fit for free- dom. But if this system is pursued, when are they to be more fit for freedom? — Never — never — to the end of time. Whatever other good the Colonization Society may do, it seems to me evident that they do not produce any beneficial effect on the condition of colored people in America; and indirectly they produce much evil. In a body so numerous as the Colonization Society, there is, of course, a great variety of character and opinions. I presume that many among them believe the ultimate ten- dency of the Society to be very different from what it really is. Some slave-owners encourage it because they think it cannot decrease slavery, and will keep back the inconve- nient crisis when free labor will be cheaper than slave labor; others of the same class join it because they really want to do some act of kindness to the unfortunate African race, and all the country insist upon it that this is the only way ; some politicians in the free States countenance it from similar mo- 12* 138 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, tives, and because less cautious measures might occasion a loss of Southern votes and influence ; the time-serving class — so numerous in every community, — who are always ready to flatter existing prejudices, and sail smoothly along the current of popular favor, join it, of course ; but I am willing to believe that the largest proportion belong to it, because they have compassionate hearts, are fearful of injuring their Southern brethren, and really think there is no other way of doing so much good to the negroes. With this last- mentioned class, I sympathize in feeling, but differ in opinion. The Anti-Slavery Society was formed in January, 1832. Its objects are distinctly stated in the second Article of their constitution, which is as follows : " Art. 2. The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States ; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites." From this it will be seen that they think it a duty to give colored people all possible means of education, and instead of removing them away from the prejudice, to remove the prejudice away from them. They lay it down as a maxim that immediate emancipa- tion is the only just course, and the only safe policy. They say that slavery is a common evil, and therefore there is a common right to investigate it, and search for modes of re- lief. They say that New- England shares, and ever has shared, in this national sin, and is therefore bound to atone for the mischief, as far as it can be done. The strongest reason why the Anti-Slavery Society wish for the emancipation of slaves, is because they think no other course can be pursued which does not, in its very nature, involve a constant violation of the laws of God. In the next place, they believe there is no other sure way of providing for the safety of the white population in the slave States. I know that many of the planters affect to laugh at the idea of fearing their slaves ; but why are their laws framed with such cautious vigilance ? Why must not negroes of different plantations communicate together? Why are they not al- lowed to be out in the evening, or to carry even a stick to defend themselves, in case of necessity ? In the Virginia Legislature a gentleman said, "It was AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 139 high time for something to be done when men did not dare to open their own doors without pistols at their belts ;" and Mr. Randolph has publicly declared that a planter was merely " a sentry at his own door." Mr. Roane, of Virginia, asks, — " Is there an intelligent man who does not know that this excess of slavery is increasing, and will continue to increase in a ratio which is alarming in the extreme, and must overwhelm our descendants in ruin ? Why then should we shut our eyes and turn our backs upon the evil ? Will delay render it less gigantic, or give us more Herculean strength to meet and subdue it at a future time ? Oh, no — delay breeds danger — procrastination is the thief of time, and the refuge of sluggards." It is very true that insurrection is perfect madness on the part of the slaves ; for they are sure to be overpowered. But such madness has happened ; and innocent women and children have fallen victims to it. A few months ago, I was conversing with a very mild and judicious member of the Anti-Slavery Society, when a gentleman originally from the South came in. As he was an old acquaintance, and had been a long time resident in New-England, it was not deemed necessary, as a matter of courtesy, to drop the conversation. He soon became ex- cited. "Whatever you may think, Mrs. Child," said he, " the slaves are a great deal happier than either of us ; the less people know the more merry they are." I replied, " I heard you a short time since talking over your plans for educating your son ; if knowledge brings wretchedness, why do you not keep him in happy ignorance ?" " The fashion of the times requires some information," said he ; " but why do you concern yourself about the negroes? Why don't you excite the horses to an insurrection, because they are obliged to work, and are whipped if they do not?" "One horse does not whip another," said I ; " and besides, I do not wish to promote insurrections. I would on the contrary, do all I could to prevent them." " Perhaps you do not like the comparison between slaves and horses," rejoined he ; " it is true, the horses have the advantage." I made no reply ; for where such ground is assumed, what can be said ; besides, I did not then, and I do not now, believe that he expressed his real feelings. He was piqued, and spoke un- advisedly. This gentleman denied that the lot of the ne- groes was hard. He said they loved their masters, and 140 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, their masters loved them ; and in any cases of trouble or illness, a man's slaves were his best friends. I mentioned some undoubted instances of cruelty to slaves ; he acknowl- edged that such instances might very rarely happen, but said that in general the masters were much more to be pitied than the negroes. A lady, who had been in South Carolina when an insurrection was apprehended, related several an- ecdotes concerning the alarm that prevailed there at the time : and added, " I often wish that none of my friends lived in a slave State." " Why should you be anxious?" rejoined the Southern gentleman ; " You know that they have built a strong citadel in the heart of the city, to which all the inhabitants can repair in case of insurrection." " So," said I, " they have built a citadel to protect them from their happy, contented servants — a citadel against their best friends /" I could not but be amused at the contradictions that occurred during this conversation. That emancipation has in several instances been effected with safety has been already shown. But allowing that there is some danger in discontinuing slavery, is there not likewise danger in continuing it? In one case, the danger, if there were any, would soon be subdued ; in the other, it is continually increasing. The planter tells us that the slave is very happy, and bids us leave him as he is. If laughter is a sign of happiness, the Irishman, tumbling in the same mire as his pigs, is happy. The merely sensual man is no doubt merry and heedless ; but who would call him happy? Is it not a fearful thing to keep immortal beings in a state like beasts? The more the senses are subjected to the moral and intellectual powers, the happier man is, — the more we learn to sacrifice the present to the future, the higher do we rise in the scale of existence. The negro may often enjoy himself, like the dog when he is not beaten, or the hog when he is not starved ; but let not this be called happiness. How far the slave laws are conducive to the enjoyment of those they govern, each individual can judge for himself. In the Southern papers, we continually see pictures of run- away negroes, and sometimes the advertisements identify them by scars, or by letters branded upon them. Is it nat- ural for men to run away from comfort and happiness, espe- cially when any one who meets them may shoot them, like a dog ! and when whipping nearly unto death is authorized AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 141 as the punishment? I forbear to describe how much more shocking slave- whipping is than any thing we are accustomed to see bestowed upon cattle. But the advocates of slavery tell us, that on the negro's own account, it is best to keep him in slavery ; that without a master to guide him and take care of him, he is a wretched being ; that freedom is the greatest curse that can be bestowed upon him. Then why do their Legislatures grant it as a reward for " meritorious services to the State ?" Why do benevolent masters bequeath the legacy of freedom, " in consideration of long and faithful service ?" Why did Jef ferson so earnestly, and so very humbly request the Legisla- ture of Virginia to ratify the manumission of his five favorite slaves 1 Notwithstanding the disadvantageous position of free ne groes in a community consisting of whites and slaves, it u evident that, even upon these terms, freedom is considered a blessing. The Anti-Slavery Society agree with Harriet Martineau in saying, " Patience with the men, but no patience with the principles. As much patience as you please in enlightening those who are unaware of the abuses, but no patience with social crimes !" The Colonization Society are always reminding us that the master has rights as well as the slave : The Anti-Slavery Society urge us to remember that the slave has righU as well as the master. I leave it for sober sense to determine which of these claims is in the greatest danger of being for- gotten. The abolitionists think it a duty to maintain at all times, and in all places, that slavery ought to be abolished, and that it can be abolished. When error is so often repeated it becomes very important to repeat the truth ; especially as good men are apt to be quiet, and selfish men are prone t'» be active. They propose no plan — they leave that to the wisdom of Legislatures. But they never swerve from the principle that slavery is both wicked and unnecessary.- — Their object is to turn the public voice against this evil, by a Dlain exposition of facts. Perhaps it may seem of little use for individuals to main- tain any particular principle, while they do not attempt to prescribe the ways and means by which it can be carried into operation : But the voice of the public is mighty, either 142 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, for good or evil ; and that far-sounding echo is composed of single voices. Schiller makes his Fiesco exclaim, " Spread out the thunder into its single tones, and it becomes a lullaby for children ; pour it forth in one quick peal and the royal sound shall move the heavens!" If the work of abolition must necessarily be slow in its progress, so much the more need of beginning soon, and working vigorously. My life upon it, a safe remedy can be found for this evil, whenever we are sincerely desirous of doing justice for its own sake. The Anti-Slavery Society is loudly accused of being sedi- tious, fanatical, and likely to promote insurrections. It seems to be supposed, that they wish to send fire and sword into the South, and encourage the slaves to hunt down their masters. Slave-owners wish to have it viewed in this light, because thoy know the oubjoct will not bear discussion ; and men here, who give the tone to public opinion, have loudly re- peated the charge — some from good motives, and some from bad. I once had a very strong prejudice against anti-slavery ; — (I am ashamed to think how strong — for mere prejudice should never be stubborn,) but a candid examination has convinced me, that I was in an error. I made the common mistake of taking things for granted, without stopping to investigate. This Society do not wish to see any coercive or danger- ous measures pursued. They wish for universal emanci- pation, because they believe it is the only way to prevent insurrections. Almost every individual among them, is a strong friend to Peace Societies. They wish to move the public mind on this subject, in the same manner that it has been moved on other subjects : viz., by open, candid, fearless discussion. This is all they want to do; and this they are determined to do, because they believe it to bo an important duty. For a long time past, public sympathy has been ear- nestly directed in the wrong way; if it could be made to turn round, a most happy change would be produced. There are many people at the South who would be glad to have- a safe method of emancipation discovered ; but instead of encourag- ing them, all our presses, and pulpits, and books, and con- versation, haVe been used to strengthen the hands of those who wish to perpetuate the " costly iniquity." Divine Prov- idence always opens the way for the removal of evils, indi- AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 143 vidual or national, whenever man is sincerely willing to have them removed ; it may be difficult to do right, but it is never impossible. Yet a majority of my countrymen do, in effect, hold the following language : " We know that this evil can- not be cured ; and we will speak and publish our opinion on every occasion : but you must not, for your lives, dare to assert that there is a possibility of our being mistaken." If there were any apparent wish to get rid of this sin and disgrace, I believe the members of the Anti-Slavery Society would most heartily and courageously defend slave-owners from any risk they might incur in a sincere effort to do right. They would teach the negro that it is the Christian's duty meekly and patiently to suffer wrong ; but they dare not excuse the white man for continuing to inflict the wrong. They think it unfair that all arguments on this subject should be founded on the convenience and safety of the master alone. They wish to see the white man's claims have their due weight ; but they insist that the negro's rights ought not to be thrown out of the balance. At the time a large reward was offered for the capture of Mr. Garrison, on the ground that his paper excited insur- rections, it is a fact, that he had never sent or caused to be sent, a single paper south of Mason and Dixon's line. He afterwards sent papers to some of the leading politicians there ; but they of course were not the ones to promote negro insurrections. "But," it has been answered, "the papers did find their way there." Are we then forbidden to publish our opinions upon an important subject, for fear somebody will send them somewhere? Is slavery to remain a sealed book in this most communicative of all ages, and this most inquisitive of all countries? If so, we live under an actual censorship of the press. This is like what the Irishman said of our paved cities — tying down the stones, and letting the mad dogs run loose. If insurrections do occur, they will no doubt be attributed to the Anti-Slavery Society. But we must not forget that there were insurrections in the West Indies long before the English abolitionists began their efforts ; and that masters were murdered in this country, before the Anti-Slavery So- ciety was thought of. Neither must we forget that the increased severity of the laws is very likely to goad an op- pressed people to madness. The very cruelty of the laws against resistance under any circumstances, would be thought 144 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, to justify a white man in rebellion, because it gives resistance the character of self-defence. " The law," says Blackstone, " respects the passions of the human mind ; and when ex- ternal violence is ofFered to a man himself, or those to whom he bears a near connexion, makes it lawful in him to do himself that immediate justice, to which he is prompted by nature, and which no prudential motives are strong enough to restrain." As it respects promoting insurrections by discussing this subject, it should be remembered that it is very rare for any colored person at the South to know how to read or write. Furthermore, if there be any danger in the discussion, our silence cannot arrest it ; for the whole world is talking and writing about it. A good deal of commotion has been ex- cited in the South because some mustard has arrived there, packed in English newspapers, containing Parliamentary speeches against slavery ; — even children's handkerchiefs seem to be regarded as sparks falling into a powder maga- zine. How much better it would be not to live in the midst of a powder magazine. The English abolitionists have labored long and arduously. Every inch of the ground has been contested. After obtain- ing the decision that njgroes brought into England were freemen, it took them thirty-five years to obtain the abolition of the slave trade. But their progress, though slow and difficult, has been certain. The slaves are now emancipated in every British colony ; and in effecting this happy change, not one drop of blood has been spilt, nor any property de- stroyed, except two sheds, called trash houses, which were set on fire by some unknown hand. In Antigua and Bermuda, emancipation was unqualified; that is, the slaves at once received the stimulus of wages. In those Islands, there has not been the slightest difficulty. In the other colonies, the slaves were made apprentices, and obliged to work five years more, before they received their freedom, and magistrates decided what proportion of time should be employed for their own benefit. The planters had been so violent in opposition to abolition, and had prophesied such terrible disasters resulting from it, that they felt some anxiety to have their prophecies fulfilled. The abolition act, by some oversight, did not stipulate that while the ap- prentices worked without wages, they should have all the privileges to which they had been accustomed as slaves. AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 145 It had been a universal practice for one slave to cook for all the rest, so that their food was ready the moment they left the field ; and aged female slaves tended the little chil- dren, while their mothers were at work. The planters changed this. Every slave was obliged to go to his cabin, whether distant or near, and cook his own dinner ; and the time thus lost must be made up to the masters from the hours set apart for the benefit of the apprentices. The aged slaves were likewise sent into the field to work, while mothers were obliged to toil with infants strapped at their backs. Under these circumstances, the apprentices very naturally refused to work. They said, " We are worse off than when we were slaves ; for they have taken away privileges to which we were accustomed in bondage, without paying us the wages of freemen." Still under all these provocations, they offered merely passive resistance. The worst enemies of the cause have not been able to discover that a single life has been lost in the West Indies, or a single plantation de- stroyed in consequence of emancipation ! It is a lamentable proof of the corrupt state of the American press, on the sub- ject of slavery, that the irritating conduct of the West Indian planters has been passed over in total silence, while every effort has been made to represent the passive resistance of the apprentices as some great Cl raw-head and bloody-bones story." While the good work was in progress in England, it was for a long time called by every odious name. It was even urged that the abolition of the slave trade would encourage the massacre of white men. Clarkson, who seems to have been been the meekest and most patient of men, was stig- matized as an insurrectionist. It was said he wanted to bring all the horrors of the French Revolution into England, merely because he wanted to abolish the slave trade. It was said Liverpool and Bristol would sink, never to rise again, if that traffic were destroyed. The insurrection at Barbadoes, in 1816, was ascribed to the influence of missionaries infected with the wicked phi- lanthropy of the age ; but it was discovered that there was no missionary on the island at the time of that event, nor for a long time previous to it. The insurrection at Deme- rara, several years after, was publicly and angrily ascribed to the Methodist missionaries ; they were taken up and im- f prisoned ; and it was lucky for these innocent men, that out 13 146 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, of their twelve hundred black converts, only twi had joined the rebellion. Ridicule and reproach has been abundantly heaped upon the laborers in this righteous cause. Power, wealth, talent, pride, and sophistry, are all in arms against them ; but God and truth is on their side. The cause of anti-slavery is rap- idly gaining ground. Wise heads as well as warm hearts, are joining in its support. In a few years I believe the opinion of New-England will be unanimous in its favor. Maine, which enjoys the enviable distinction of never hav- ing had a slave upon her soil, has formed an Anti-Slavery Society composed of her best and most distinguished men. Those who are determined to be on the popular side, should be cautious how they move just now : It is a trying time for such characters, when public opinion is on the verge of a great change. Men who think upon the subject, are fast coming to the conclusion that slavery can never be much ameliorated, while it is allowed to exist. What Mr. Fox said of the trade is Lrue of the system — " you may as well try to regulate mur- der." It is a disease as deadly as the cancer; and while one particle of it remains in the constitution, no cure can be effected. The relation is unnatural in itself, and therefor^ it reverses all the rules which are applied to other human relations. Thus a free government which in every other point of view is a blessing, is a curse to the slave. The lib- erty around him is contagious, and therefore the laws must be endowed with a tenfold crushing power, or the captive will break his chains. A despotic monarch can follow the impulses of humanity without scruple. When Vidius Pollio ordered one of his slaves to be cut to pieces and thrown into his fish-pond, the Emperor Augustus commanded him to emancipate immediately, not only that slave, but all his slaves. In a free State there is no such power ; and there would be none needed, if the laws were equal, — but the slave-owners are legislators, and make the laws, in which the negro has no voice — the master influences public opnion, but the slave cannot. Miss Martineau very wisely says ; " To attempt to com- bine freedom and slavery is to put new wine into old skins. Soon may the eld skins burst ? for we shall never want for better wine than they have ever held." A work has been lately published, written by Jonathan AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 147 Dymond, who was a member of the Society of Friends, in England ; it is entitled " Essays on the Principles of Moral- ity" — and most excellent Essays they are. Every sentence recognises the principle of sacrificing all selfish considera- tions to our inward perceptions of duty ; and therefore every page shines with the mild but powerful light of true Chris- tian philosophy. I rejoice to hear that the book is likely to be republished in this country. In his remarks on slavery the author says : " The supporters of the system will here- after be regarded with the same public feelings, as he who was an advocate of the slave trade now is. How is it that legislators and public men are so indifferent to their fame 1 Who would now be willing that biography should record of him, — This man defended the slave trade? The time will come when the record, — This man opposed the abolition of slavery, will occasion a great deduction from the public esti- mate of weight of character." 148 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. CHAPTER VI. INTELLECT OF NEGROES. " We must not allow negroes to be men, lest we ourselves should be suspected of not being Christians." Montesquieu. In order to decide what is our duty concerning the Afri- cans and their descendan-ts, we must first clearly make up our minds whether they are, or are not, human beings — whether they -have, or have not, the same capacities for im- provement as other men. The intellectual inferiority of the negroes is a common, though most absurd apology, for personal prejudice, and the oppressive inequality of the laws ; for this reason, I shall take some pains to prove that the present degraded condition of that unfortunate race is produced by artificial causes, not by tne laws of nature. In the first place, naturalists are universally agreed con- cerning " the identity of the human type ;" by which they mean that all living creatures, that can, by any process, be enabled to perceive moral and intellectual truths, are charac- terized by similar peculiarities of organization. They may differ from each other widely, but they still belong to the same class. An eagle and a wren are very unlike each other ; but no one would hesitate to pronounce that they were both birds : so it is with the almost endless varieties of the monkey tribe. We all know that beasts, however saga- cious, are incapable of abstract thought, or moral perception. The most wonderful elephant in the world could not command an army, or govern a state. An ourang-outang may eat, and drink, and dress, and move like a man ; but he could never write an ode, or learn to relinquish his own good for the good of his species. The human conformation, however it may be altered by the operation of physical or moral causes, differs from that of all other beings, and on this ground, the negro's claim to be ranked as a man, is univer- sally allowed by the learned. INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 149 The condition of this people in ancient times is very far from indicating intellectual or moral inferiority. Ethiopia held a conspicuous place among the nations. Her princes were wealthy and powerful, and her people distinguished for integrity and wisdom. Even the proud Grecians evinced respect for Ethiopia, almost amounting to reverence, and derived thence the sublimest portions of their mythology. The popular belief that all the gods made an annual visit to the Ethiopians, shows the high estimation in which they were held ; for we are not told that such an honor was bestowed on any other nation. In the first book of the Iliad, Achilles is represented as anxious to appeal at once to the highest authorities ; but his mother tells him : " Jupiter set off yes- terday, attended by all the gods, on a journey toward the ocean, to feast with the excellent Ethiopians, and is not ex- pected back at Olympus till the twelfth day." In Ethiopia, was likewise placed the table of the Sun, reported to kindle of its own accord, when exposed to the rays of that great luminary. In Africa was the early reign of Saturn, under the appel- lation of Ouranus, or Heaven ; there the impious Titans warred with the sky ; there Jupiter was born and nursed ; there was the celebrated shrine of Ammon, dedicated to Theban Jove, which the Greeks reverenced more highly than the Delphic Oracle ; there was the birth-place and oracle of Minerva ; and there, Atlas supported both the heavens and the earth upon his shoulders. It will be said that fables prove nothing. But there is probably much deeper meaning in these fables than we now understand ; there was surely some reason for giving them such a " local habitation." Why did the ancients represent Minerva as born in Africa, — and why are we told that Atlas there sustained the heavens and the earth, unless they meant to imply that Africa was the centre, from which religious and scientific light had been diffused ? Some ancient writers suppose that Egypt derived all the arts and sciences from Ethiopia ; while others believe pre- cisely the reverse. Diodorus supported the first opinion, — and asserts that the Ethiopian vulgar spoke the same lan- guage as the learned of Egypt. It is well known that Egypt was the great school of knowledge in the ancient world. It was the birth-place of Astronomy ; and we still mark the constellations as they 13* 150 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. were arranged by Egyptian shepherds. The wisest of the Grecian philosophers, among whom were Solon, Pythagoras and Plato, went there for instruction, as our young men now go to England and Germany. The Eleusinian mysteries were introduced from Egypt ; and the important secret which they taught, is supposed to have been the existence of one, invisible God. A large portion of Grecian mythology was thence derived ; but in passing from one country to the other, the form of these poetical fables was often preserved, while the original meaning was lost. Herodotus, the earliest of the Greek historians, informs us that the Egyptians were negroes. This fact has been much doubted, and often contradicted. But Herodotus certainly had the best means of knowing the truth on this subject ; for he travelled in Egypt, and obtained his knowledge of the country by personal observation. He declares that the Col- chians must be a colony of Egyptians, because, " like them, they have a black skin and frizzled hair." The statues of the Sphinx have the usual characteristics' of the negro race. This opinion is confirmed by Blumen- bach, the celebrated German naturalist, and by Volney, who carefully examined the architecture of Egypt. Concerning the sublimity of the architecture in this an- cient negro kingdom, some idea may be conceived from the description of Thebes given by Denon, who accompanied the French army into Egypt : " This city, renowned for numerous kings, who through their wisdom have been ele- vated to the rank of gods ; for laws, which have been re- vered without being known ; for sciences, which have been confided to proud and mysterious inscriptions ; for wise and earliest monuments of the arts, which time has respected ; — this sanctuary, abandoned, isolated through barbarism, and surrendered to the desert from which it was won ; this city, shrouded in the veil of mystery by which even colossi are magnified ; this remote city, which imagination has only caught a glimpse of through the darkness of time — was still so gigantic an apparition, that, at the sight of its scattered ruins, the army halted of its own accord, and the soldiers, with one spontaneous movement, clapped their hands." The honorable Alexander Everett, in his work on Amer- ica, says: "While Greece and Rome were yet barbarous, we find the light of learning and improvement emanating from the continent of Africa, (supposed to be so degraded INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 151 and accursed,) out of the midst of this very woolly-haired, flat-nosed, thick-lipped, coal-black race, which some persons are tempted to station at a pretty low intermediate point be- tween men and monkeys, It is to Egypt, if to any nation, that we must look as the real antiqua mater of the ancient and modern refinement of Europe. The great lawgiver of the Jews was prepared for his divine mission by a course of instruction' in all the wisdom of the Egyptians." " The great Assyrian empires of Babylon and Nineveh, hardly less illustrious than Egypt in arts and arms, were founded by Ethiopian colonies, and peopled by blacks. " Palestine, or Canaan, before its conquest by the Jews, is represented in Scripture, as well as in other histories, as peopled by blacks; and hence it follows that Tyre and Car- thage, the most industrious, wealthy, and polished states of their time, were of this color." Another strong argument against the natural inferiority of negroes may be drawn from the present condition of Africa. Major Denham's account of the Sultan of Sackatoo proves that the brain is not necessarily rendered stupid by the color of the face : " The palace as usual in Africa, consisted of a sort of inclosed town, with an open quadrangle in front. On entering the gate, he was conducted through three huts serving as guard-houses, after which he found Sultan Bello seated on a small carpet in a sort of painted and ornamented cottage. Bello had a noble and commanding figure, with a high forehead and large black eyes. He gave the traveller a hearty welcome, and after inquiring the particulars of his journey, proceeded to serious affairs. He produced books belonging to Major Denham, which had been taken in the disastrous battle of Dirkullah ; and though he expressed a feeling of dissatisfaction at the Major's presence on that occa- sion, readily accepted an apology, and restored the volumes. He only asked to have the subject of each explained, and to hear the sound of the language, which he declared to be beautiful. He then began to press his visiter with theologi- cal questions, and showed himself not wholly unacquainted with the controversies which have agitated the christian world ; indeed, he soon went beyond the depth of his visiter, who was obliged to own he was not versant in the abstruser mysteries of divinity. " The Sultan now opened a frequent and familiar commu- nication with the English envov. in which he showed himself 152 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. possessed of a good deal of information. The astronomical instruments, from which, as from implements of magic, many of his attendants started with horror, were examined by the monarch with an intelligent eye. On being shown the plani- sphere, he proved his knowledge of the planets and many of the constellations, by repeating their Arabic names. The telescope, which presented objects inverted, — the compass, by which he could always turn to the East when praying, — and the sextant, which he called ' the looking-glass of the sun,' excited peculiar interest. He inquired with evident jealousy, into some parts of English history ; particularly the conquest of India and the attack upon Algiers." The same traveller describes the capital of Loggun, be- neath whose high walls the river flowed in majestic beauty. " It was a handsome city, with a street as wide as Pall Mall, bordered by large dwellings, having spacious areas in front. Manufacturing industry was honored. The cloths woven here were superior to those of Bornou, being finely dyed with indigo, and beautifully glazed. There was even a cur- rent coin, made of iron, somewhat in the form of a horse- shoe ; and rude as this was, none of their neighbors possessed any thing similar. The women were handsome, intelligent and lively." All travellers in Africa agree, that the inhabitants, par- ticularly of the interior, have a good deal of mechanical skill. They tan and dye leather, sometimes thinning it in such a manner that it is as flexible as paper. In Ploussa, leather is dressed in the same soft, rich style as in Morocco; they manufacture cordage, handsome cloths, and fine tissue. Though ignorant of the turning machine, they make good pottery ware, and some of their jars are really tasteful. They prepare indigo, and extract ore from minerals. They make agricultural tools, and work skilfully in gold, silver and steel. Dickson, who knew jewellers and watchmakers among them, speaks of a very ingenious wooden-clock made by a negro. Hornemann says the inhabitants of Haissa give their cutting instruments a keener edge than European art- ists, and their files are superior to those of France or Eng- land. Gol berry assures us that some of the African stuffs are extremely fine and beautiful. Mungo Park says " The industry of the Foulahs, in pas- turage and agriculture, is everywhere remarkable. Their herds and flocks are nume^us, and they are opulent in a INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 153 high degree. They enjoy all the necessaries of lift in the greatest profusion. They display much skill in the manage- ment of their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kind- ness and familiarity." The same writer remarks that the negroes love instruction, and that they have advocates to defend the slaves brought before their tribunals. Speaking of Wasiboo, he says : " Cultivation is carried on here on a very extensive scale ; and, as the natives them- selves express it, ' hunger is never known.' " On Mr. Park's arrival at one of the Sego ferries for the purpose of crossing the Niger to see the king, he says : " We found a great number waiting for a passage ; they looked at me with silent wonder. The view of this exten- sive city ; the numerous canoes upon the river ; the crowded population, and the cultivated state of the surrounding coun- try, formed altogether a prospect of civilization and mag- nificence, which I little expected to find in the bosom of Africa." " The public discussions in Africa, called palavers, exhibit a fluent and natural oratory, often accompanied with much good sense and shrewdness. Above all, the passion for poe- try is nearly universal. As soon as the evening breeze be- gins to blow, the song resounds throughout all Africa, — it cheers the despondency of the wanderer through the desert • — it enlivens the social meetings — it inspires the dance, — and even the lamentations of the mourners are poured forth in measured accents. " In these extemporary and spontaneous effusions, the speaker gives utterance to his hopes and fears, his joys and sorrows. All the sovereigns are attended by singing men and women, who like the European minstrels and trouba* dours celebrate interesting events in verse, which they re- peat before the public. Like all, whose business it is to rehearse the virtues of monarchs, they are, of course, too much given to flattery. The effusions of the African muse are inspired by nature and animated by national enthusiasm. From the few specimens given, they seem not unlikely to reward the care of a collector. How few among our peas- antry could have produced the pathetic lamentation uttered in the little Bambarra cottage over the distresses of Mungo Park ! These songs, handed down from father to son, evi- dently contain all that exists among the African nations ot traditional history. From the songs of the Jillimen, or min 154 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. strels, of Soolimani, Major Laing was enabled to compile the annals of that small kingdom for more than a century."* In addition to the arguments drawn from the ancient con- ditions of Africa, and the present character of people in the interior of that country, there are numerous individual ex- amples of spirit, courage, talent, and magnanimity. History furnishes very few instances of bravery, intelli- gence, and perseverance, equal to the famous Zhinga, the negro queen of Angola, born in 1582. Like other despotic princes, her character is stained with numerous acts of fero- city and crime ; but her great abilities cannot be for a mo- ment doubted. During her brother's reign, Zhinga was sent as ambassa- dress to Loanda, to negotiate terms of peace with the Por- tuguese. A palace was prepared for her reception ; and she was received with the honors due to her rank. On en- tering the audience-chamber, she perceived that a magnifi- cent chair of state was prepared for the Portuguese Viceroy, while in front of it, a rich carpet, and velvet cushions, em- broidered with gold, were arranged on the floor for her use. The haughty princess observed this in silent displeasure. She gave a signal with her eyes, and immediately one of her women knelt on the carpet, supporting her weight on her hands. Zhinga gravely seated herself upon her back, and awaited the entrance of the Viceroy. The spirit and dignity with which she fulfilled her mission excited the admiration of the whole court. When an alliance was offered, upon the condition of annual tribute to the king of Portugal, she proudly answered : " Such proposals are for a people sub- dued by force of arms ; they are unworthy of a powerful monarch, who voluntarily seeks the friendship of the Portu- guese, and who scorns to be their vassal." She finally concluded a treaty, upon the single condition of restoring all the Portuguese prisoners. When the audi- ence was ended, the Viceroy, as he conducted her from the room, remarked that the attendant upon whose back she had been seated, still remained in the same posture. Zhinga replied : " It is not fit that the ambassadress of a great king should be twice served with the same seat. I have no further use for the woman." Charmed with the politeness of the Europeans, and the * English Family Library, No. XVI. INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 155 evolutions of their troops, the African princess long delayed her departure. Having received instruction in the christian religion, she professed a deep conviction of its truth. Whether this was sincere, or merely assumed from political motives, is uncertain. During her visit, she received baptism, being then forty years old. She returned to Angola loaded with presents and honors. Her brother, notwithstanding a solemn promise to preserve the treaty she had formed, soon made war upon the Portuguese. He was defeated, and soon after died of poison ; some said his death was contrived by Zhinga. She ascended the throne, and having artfully obtained pos- session of her nephew's person, she strangled him with her own hands. Revenge, as well as ambition, impelled her to this crime ; for her brother had, many years before, mur- dered her son, lest he should claim the crown. The Portuguese increased so fast in numbers, wealth, and power, that the people of Angola became jealous of them, and earnestly desired war. Zhinga, having formed an alli- ance with the Dutch, and with several neighboring chiefs, began the contest with great vigor. She obtained several victories, at first, but was finally driven from her kingdom with great loss. Her conquerors offered to re-establish her on the throne, if she would consent to pay tribute. She haughtily replied, " If my cowardly subjects are willing to bear shameful fetters, J cannot endure even the thought of dependence upon any foreign power." In order to subdue her stubborn spirit, the Portuguese placed a king of their own choosing upon the throne of Angola. This exasperated Zhinga to such a degree, that she vowed everlasting hatred against her enemies, and publicly abjured their religion. At the head of an intrepid and ferocious band, she, during eighteen years, perpetually harassed the Por- tuguese. She could neither be subdued by force of arms t nor appeased by presents. She demanded complete resti- tution of her territories, and treated every other proposal with the utmost scorn. Once, when closely besieged in an island, she asked a short time to reflect on the terms of sur- render. The request being granted, she silently guided her troops through the river at midnight, and carried fire and sword into another portion of the enemy's country. The total defeat of the Hollanders, and the death of her sister, who had been taken captive during the wars, softened her spiri She became filled with remorse for having re- 156 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. nounced the christian religion. She treated her prisoners more mercifully, and gave orders that the captive priests should be attended with the utmost reverence. They per- ceived the change, and lost no opportunity of regaining their convert. The queen was ready to comply with their wishes, but feared a revolt among her subjects and allies, who were strongly attached to the customs of their fathers. The priests, by numerous artifices, worked so powerfully upon the superstitious fears of the people, that they were prepared to hail Zhinga's return to the Catholic faith with joy. The queen, thus reconciled to the church, signed a treaty of peace ; took the Capuchins for her counsellors ; dedicated her capital city to the Virgin, under the name of Saint Mary of Matamba ; and erected a large church. Idolatry was forbidden, under the most rigorous penalties ; and not a few fell martyrs to Zhinga's fiery zeal. A law prohibiting polygamy excited discontent. Zhinga, though seventy-five years old, publicly patronized marriage, by espousing one of her courtiers ; and her sister was in- duced to give the same example. The Portuguese again tried to make her a vassal to the crown ; but the priests, notwithstanding their almost unlimited influence, could never obtain her consent to this degradation. In 1657, one of her tributaries having violated the treaty of peace, she marched at the head of her troops, defeated the rebel, and sent his head to the Portuguese. In 1658, she made war upon a neighboring king, who had attacked her territories ; and returned in triumph, after having compelled him to submit to such conditions as she saw fit to impose. The same year, she abolished the cruel cus- tom of immolating human victims on the tombs of princes ; and founded a new city, ornamented with a beautiful church and palace. She soon after sent an embassage to the Pope, requesting more missionaries among her people. The Pontiff's answer was publicly read in the church, where Zhinga appeared with a numerous and brilliant train. At a festival in honor of this occasion she and the ladies of her court performed a mimic battle, in the dress and armor of Amazons. Though more than eighty years old, this remarkable woman displayed as much strength, agility, and skill, as she could have done at twenty-five. She died in 1663, aged eighty-two. Arrayed in royal robes, ornamented with precious stones, with a bow and INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 157 arrow in her hand, the body was shown to her sorrowing subjects. It was then, according to her wish, clothed in the Capuchin habit, with crucifix and rosary.* The commandant of a Portuguese fort, who expected the arrival of an African envc^y, ordered splendid preparations, that he might be dazzled with the idea of European wealth. When the negro entered the richly-ornamented saloon, he was not invited to sit down. Like Zhinga, he made a signal to an attendant, who knelt upon the floor, and thus furnished him a seat. The commandant asked, " Is thy king as pow- erful as the King of Portugal ?" The colored envoy replied : " My king has a hundred servants like the king of Portugal; a thousand like thee ; and but one like myself." As he said this, he indignantly left the room. Michaud, the elder, says that in different places on the Persian Gulf, he has seen negroes as heads of great com- mercial houses, receiving orders and expediting vessels to various parts of India. Their intelligence in business is well known on the Levant. The Czar Peter of Russia, during his travels became ac- quainted with Annibal, an African negro, who was intelligent and well educated. Peter the Great, true to his generous system of rewarding merit wherever he found it, made An- nibal Lieutenant-General and Director of the Russian Artil- lery. Pie was decorated with the riband of the order of St. Alexander Nenski. His son, a mulatto, was Lieutenant- General of Artillery, and said to be a man of talent. St. Pierre and La Harpe were acquainted with him. Job Ben Solomon, was the son of the Mohammedan king of Bunda, on the Gambia. He was taken in 1730, and sold in Maryland. By a train of singular adventures he was conveyed to England, where his intelligence and dignified manners gained him many friends ; among whom was Sir Hans Sloane, for whom he translated several Arabic manu- scripts. After being received with distinction at the Court of St. James, the African Company became interested in his fate, and carried him back to Bunda, in the year 1734 His uncle embracing him, said, "During sixty years, you are the first slave I have ever seen return from the Ameri- can isles." At his father's death, Solomon became king, and was much beloved in his states. * See Biographie Universelle. 14 158 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. The son of the King of Congo, and several of the young people of rank were sent to the Portuguese universities, in the time of King Immanuel. Some of them were distin- guished scholars, and several of them promoted to the priest- hood. In 1765, a negro in England was ordained by Doctor Keppell, bishop of Exeter. In Prevot's General History of Voyages, there is an account of a black bishop who studied at Rome. Antonio Perrura Reboucas, who is at the present time Deputy from Bahia, in the Cortes of Brazil, is a distinguished lawyer, and a good man. He is learned in political economy and has written ably upon the currency of Brazil. I have heard intelligent white men from that country speak of him in terms of high respect and admiration. Henry Diaz, who is extolled in all the histories of Brazil, was a negro and slave. He became Colonel of a regiment of foot-soldiers, of his own color; and such was his reputa- tion for sagacity and valor, that it was considered a distinc- tion to be under his command. In the contest between the Portuguese and Hollanders, in 1637, Henry Diaz fought bravely against the latter. He compelled them to capitulate at Arecise, and to surrender Fernanbon. In a battle, strug- gling against the superiority of numbers, and perceiving that some of his soldiers began to give way, he rushed into the midst of them, exclaiming, " Are these the brave companions of Henry Diaz !" His example renewed their courage, and they returned so impetuously to the charge, that the almost victorious army were compelled to retreat hastily. Having wounded his left-hand in battle, he caused it to be struck off, rather than to lose the time necessary to dress it. This regiment, composed of blacks, long existed in Brazil under the popular name of Henry Diaz. Antony William Amo, born in Guinea, was brought to Eu- rope when very young. The Princess of Brunswick, Wolf- enbuttel, defrayed the expenses of his education. He pursued his studies at Halle and at Wittenberg, and so distinguished himself by his character and abilities, that the Rector and Council of Wittenberg thought proper to give public testi- mony of their respect in a letter of congratulation. In this letter they remark that Terence also was an African — that many martyrs, doctors, and fathers of the church were born in the same country, where learning once flourished, and INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 159 which by losing the christian faith, again fell back into bar barism. Amo delivered private lectures on philosophy, which are highly praised in the same letter. He became a doctor. Lislet Geoffrroy, a mulatto, was an officer of Artillery and guardian of the Depot of Maps and Plans of the Isle of France. He was a correspondent of the French Academy of Sciences, to whom he regularly transmitted meteorological observa- tions, and sometimes hydrographical journals. His map of the Isles of France and Reunion is considered the best map of those islands that has appeared. In the archives of the Institute of Paris is an account of Lislet's voyage to the Bay of St. Luce. He points out the exchangeable commodities and other resources which it presents ; and urges the impor- tance of encouraging industry by the hope of advantageous commerce, instead of exciting the natives to war in order to obtain slaves. Lislet established a scientific society at the Isle of France, to which some white men refused to belong, because its founder had a skin more deeply colored than their own. James Derham, originally a slave at Philadelphia, was sold to a physician, who employed him in compounding drugs ; he wa afterward sold to a surgeon, and finally to Doctor Robert Dove, of New-Orleans. In 1788, at the age of twen- ty-one, he became the most distinguished physician in that city, and was able to talk with French, Spanish, and English, in their own languages. Doctor Rush says, " I conversed with him on medicine, and found him very learned. I thought I could give him information concerning the treatment of dis- eases ; but I learned from him more than he could expect from me." Thomas Fuller, an African residing in Virginia, did not know how to read or write, but had great facility in arithmet- ical calculations. He was once asked, how many seconds has an individual lived when he is seventy years, seven months, and seven days old ? In a minute and a half he answered the question. One of the company took a pen, and after a long calculation, said Fuller had made the sum too large. " No," replied the negro, " the error is on your side. You did not calculate the leap years." These facts are mentioned in a letter from Doctor Rush, published in the fifth volume of the American Museum. In 1788, Othello, a negro, published at Baltimore an Essay 160 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. against Slavery. Addressing white men, he says, " Is not your conduct, compared with your principles, a sacrilegious irony ? When you dare to talk of civilization and the gospel, you pronounce your own anathema. In you the superiority of power produces nothing but a superiority of brutality and barbarism. Your fine political systems are sullied by the outrages committed against human nature and the divine majesty." Olandad Equiano, better known by the name of Gustavus Vasa, was stolen in Africa, at twelve years old, together with his sister. They were torn from each other ; and the brother, after a horrible passage in a slave-ship, was sold at Barba- does. Being purchased by a lieutenant, he accompanied his new master to England, Guernsey, and the siege of Louis- bourg. He afterwards experienced great changes of fortune, and made voyages to various parts of Europe and America. In all his wanderings, he cherished an earnest desire for free- dom. He hoped to obtain his liberty by faithfulness and zeal in his master's service ; but finding avarice stronger than benevolence, he began trade with a capital of three pence, and by rigid economy was at last able to purchase — his own body and soul ; this, however, was not effected, unti 1 he had endured much oppression and insult. He was seveiai times shipwrecked, and finally, after thirty years of vicissitude and suffering, he settled in London and published his Memoirs. The book is said to be written with all the simplicity, and something of the roughness, of uneducated nature. He gives a naive description of his terror at an earthquake, his surprise when he first saw snow, a picture, a watch, and a quadrant. He always had an earnest desire to understand navigation, as a probable means of one day escaping from slavery. Having persuaded a sea-captain to give him lessons, he ap- plied himself with great diligence, though obliged to contend with many obstacles, and subject to frequent interruptions. Doctor Irving, with whom he once lived as a servant, taught him to render salt water fresh by distillation. Some time after, when engaged in a northern expedition, he made good use of this knowledge, and furnished the crew with water they could drink. His sympathies were, very naturally, given to the weak and the despised, wherever he found them. He deplores the fate of modern Greeks, nearly as much degraded by the Turks as the negroes are by their white brethren. In 1789, INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 161 Vasa presented a petition to the British parliament, for the suppression of the slave-trade. His son, named Sancho, was assistant librarian to Sir Joseph Banks, and Secretary to the Committee for Vaccination. Another negro, named Ignatius Sancho, was born on board a Guinea ship, where his parents were both captives, destined for the South American slave market. Change of climate killed his mother, and his father committed suicide. At two years old the orphan was carried to England, and presented to some ladies residing at Greenwich. Something in his character reminded them of Don Quixote's squire, and they added Sancho to his original name of Ignatius. The Duke of Montague saw him frequently and thought he had a mind worthy of cultivation. He often sent him books, and advised the ladies to give him a chance for education ; but they had less liberal views, and often threatened to send the poor boy again into slavery. After the death of his friends, he went into the service of the Duchess of Montague, who at her death left him an annuity of thirty pounds ; beside which he had saved seventy pounds out of his earnings. Something of dissipation mixed with his love of reading, and sullied the better part of his character. He spent his last shilling at Drury Lane, to see Garrick, who was ex- tremely friendly to him. At one time he thought of perform- ing African characters on the stage, but was prevented by a bad articulation. He afterward became very regular in his habits, and mar- ried a worthy West Indian girl. After his death, two vol- umes of his letters were printed, of which a second edition was soon published, with a portrait of the author, designed by Gainsborough, and engraved by Bartolozzi. Sterne formed an acquaintance with Ignatius Sancho ; and in the third volume of his letters, there is an epistle addressed to this African, in which he tells him that varieties in nature do not sunder the bands of brotherhood ; and expresses his indignation that certain men wish to class their equals among the brutes, in order to treat them as such with impunity. Jefferson criticises Sancho with some severity, for yielding too much to an eccentric imagination ; but he acknowledges that he has an easy style, and a happy choice of expres- sions. The letters of Sancho are thought to bear some resem- blance to those of Sterne, both in their beauties and defects. 14* 162 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. Francis Williams, a negro, was born in Jamaica. The Duke of Montaigne, governor of the island, thinking him an unusually bright boy, sent him to England to school. He afterward entered the University of Cambridge, and became quite a proficient in mathematics. During his stay in. Eu- rope, he published a song which became quite popular, be- ginning, " Welcome, welcome, brother debtor." After his return to Jamaica, the Duke tried to obtain £ place for him in the council of the government, but did not succeed. He then became a teacher of Latin and mathematics. He wrote a good deal of Latin verse, a species of composition of which he was very fond. This negro is described as having been pedantic and haughty ; indulging a profound contempt for men of his own color. Where learning is a rare attainment among any people, or any class of people, this effect is very apt to be produced. Phillis Wheatly, stolen from Africa when seven or eight years old, was sold to a wealthy merchant in Boston, in 1761. Being an intelligent and winning child, she gained upon the affections of her master's family, and they allowed her un- common advantages. When she was nineteen years old, a little volume of her poems was published, and passed through several editions, both in England and the United States. Lest the authenticity of the poems should be doubted, her master, the governor, the lieutenant-governor, and fifteen other re- spectable persons, acquainted with her character and circum- stances, testified that they were really her own productions. Jefferson denies that these poems have any merit ; but I think he would have judged differently, had he been perfectly un- prejudiced. It would indeed be absurd to put Phillis Wheatly in competition with Mrs. Hemans, Mary Hewitt, Mrs. Sig- ourney, Miss Gould, and other modern waiters ; but her pro- ductions certainly appear very respectable in comparison with most of the poetry of that day. Phillis Wheatly received her freedom in 1775 ; and two years after married a colored man, who, like herself, was con- sidered a prodigy. He was at first a grocer ; but afterward became a lawyer, well known by the name of Doctor Peter. He was in the habit of pleading causes for his brethren be- fora the tribunals of justice, and gained both reputation and fortune by his practice. Phillis had been flattered and in- dulged from her earliest childhood ; and, like many literary women in old times, she acquired something of contempt for INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 163 domestic occupations. This is said to have produced unhap- piness between her and her husband. She died in 1780. Mr. Wilberforce, (on whom may the blessing of God rest for ever !) aided by several benevolent individuals, established a seminary for colored people at Clapham, a few leagues from London. The first scholars were twenty-one young negroes, sent by the Governor of Sierra Leone. The Abbe Gregoire says, " I visited this establishment in 1802, to examine the progress of the scholars ; and I found there existed no differ- ence between them and European children, except that of color. The same observation has been made, first at Paris, in the ancient college of La Marche, where Coesnon, pro- fessor of the University, taught a number of colored boys. Many members of the National Institute, who have carefully examined this college, and watched the progress of the schol- ars in their particular classes, and public exercises, will testify to the truth of my assertion." Correa de Serra, the learned Secretary of the Academy at Portugal, informs us that several negroes have been able lawyers, preachers, and professors. In the Southern States, the small black children are pro- verbially brighter and more forward than white ones of the same age. Repartees, by no means indicative of stupidity, have sometimes been made by negroes. A slave was sud- denly roused with the exclamation, " Why don't you wake, when your master calls !" The negro answered, " Sleep has no master." On a public day the New-England Museum, in Boston, was thronged with visiters to see the representation of the Salem murder. Some colored women being jostled back by a crowd cf white people, expostulated thus : " Don't you know it is always proper to let the mourners walk first ?" It argues some degree of philosophy to be able to indulge wit at the expense of what is, most unjustly, considered a degradation. Public prejudice shamefully fetters these people ; and it has been wisely said, " If we cannot break our chains, the next best thing we can do, is to play with them."* Among Bonaparte's officers there was a mulatto General of Division, named Alexander Dumas. In the army of the Alps, with charged bayonet, he ascended St. Bernard, de- * In a beautiful little volume called Mary's Journey, by Francis Graeter. 164 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. fended by a number of redoubts, took possession of the ene- my's cannon, and turned their own ammunition against them. He likewise signalized himself in the expedition to Egypt. His troop, composed of blacks and mulattoes, were every- where formidable. Near Lisle, Alexander Dumas, with only four men, attacked a post of fifty Austrians, killed six, and made sixteen prisoners. Napoleon called him the Horatius Codes of the Tyrols. On his return from Egypt, Dumas unluckily fell into the hands of the Neapolitan government, and was two years kept in irons. He died in 1807. Between 1620 and 1630, some fugitive negroes, united with some Brazilians, formed two free states in South Amer- ica, called the Great and Little Palmares; so named on ac- count of the abundance of palm trees. The Great Palmares was nearly destroyed by the Hollanders, in 1644 ; but at the close of the war, the slaves in the neighborhood of Fer- nanbouc, resolved to form an establishment, which would secure their freedom. Like the old Romans, they obtained wives by making incursions upon their neighbors, and carry- ing off the women. They formed a constitution, established tribunals of jus- tice, and adopted a form of worship similar to Christianity. The chiefs chosen for life were elected by the people. They fortified their principal towns, cultivated their gar- dens and fields, and reared domestic animals. They lived in prosperity and peace, until 1696, when the Portuguese prepared an expedition against them. The Palmarisians de- fended themselves with desperate valor, but were overcome by superior numbers. Some rushed upon death, that they might not survive their liberty ; others were sold and dis- persed by the conquerors. Thus ended this interesting re- public. Had it continued to the present time, it might have produced a very material change in the character and con- dition of the colored race. In the seventeenth century, when Jamaica was still under the dominion of the Spaniards, a party of slaves under the command of John de Bolas, regained their independence. They increased in numbers, elected the famous Cudjoe as their chief, and became very formidable. Cudjoe established a confederation among all the Maroon tribes, and by his bravery and skilful management compelled the English to make a treatv. in which thev acknowledged the freedom of INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 165 the blacks, and ceded to them for ever a portion of the terri- tory of Jamaica. The French National Assembly admitted free colored deputies from St. Domingo, and promised a perfect equality of rights, without regard to complexion. But, as usual, the white colonists made every possible exertion to set aside the claims of their darker-faced brethren. It was very short- sighted policy ; for the planters absolutely needed the friend- ship of the free mulattoes and negroes, as a defence against the slaves. Oge, one of the colored deputies, an energetic and shrewd man, was in Paris, watching political movements with intense interest, — resolved to maintain the rights of his oppressed companions, " quietly if he could — forcibly if he must." Day after day, a hearing was promised; and day after day, upon some idle pretext or other, it was deferred. Oge became exasperated. His friends in France recom- mended the only medicine ever offered by the white man to the heart-sick African,— patience — patience. But he had long observed the operation of slavery, and he knew that patience, whatever it might do for the white man, brought upon the negro nothing but contempt and accumulated wrong. Discouraged in his efforts to make head against the intrigues of the slaveholders, he could not contain his indignation : " I begin," said he to Clarkson, " not to care whether the National Assembly will hear us or not. But let it beware of the consequences. We will no longer continue to be held in a degraded light. Despatches shall go directly to St. Do- mingo ; and we will soon follow them. We can produce as good soldiers on our own estates, as those in France. Our own arms shall make us independent and respectable. If we are forced to desperate measures, it will be in vain that thousands are sent across the Atlantic to bring us back to our former state." The French government issued orders to prevent the embarkation of negroes and mulattoes ; but Oge, by the way of England, contrived to return to St. Domingo. On his arrival, he demanded the execution of decrees made in favor of his brethren, but either resisted or evaded by their white oppressors. His plea, founded in justice, and sanc- tioned by Divine authority, was rejected. The parties be- came exasperatedj and an attack ensued. The Spanish government basely and wickedly delivered Oge to his ene mies. He asked for a defender to plead his cause ; but he 166 .rELLECT OF NEGK asked in vain. Thirteen of his companions were condemned to the galleys ; more than twenty to the gibbet ; and Oge and Chavanne were tortured on the wheel. Where rests the guilt in this case? Let those blame Oge, who can. My heart and co«science both refuse to do it. Toussalnt ISOuverture, the celebrated black chieftain, was born a slave, in the year 1745, upon the plantation of Count de Noe. His amiable deportment as a slave, the patience, mildness, and benevolence of his disposition, and the purity of his conduct amid the general laxity of morals which pre- vailed in the island, gained for him many of those advantages which afterwards gave him such absolute ascendency over his insurgent brethren. His good qualities attracted the atten- tion of M. Bayou de Libertas, the agent on the estate, who taught him reading, writing, and arithmetic, — elements of knowledge, which hardly one in ten thousand of his fellow- slaves possessed. M. Bayou made him his postillion, which gave him advantages much above those of the field slaves. When the general rising of the blacks took place, in 1791, much solicitation was used to induce Toussaintto join them ; but he declined, until he had procured an opportunity for the escape of M. Bayou and his family to Baltimore, shipping a considerable quantity of sugar for the supply of their imme- diate wants. In his subsequent prosperity, he availed him- self of every occasion to give them new marks of his grati- tude. Having thus provided security for his benefactor, he joined a corps of blacks, under the orders of General Bias- sou ; but was soon raised to the principal command, Biassou being degraded on account of his cruelty and ferocity. In- deed, Toussaint was every way so much superior to the other negroes, by reason of his general intelligence and education, his prudence, activity and address, not less than his bravery, that he immediately attained a complete ascen- dency over all the black chieftains. In 1797, Toussaint received from the French government a commission of General-in-Chief of the armies of St. Domingo, and as such signed the convention with General Maitland for the evacu- ation of the island by the British. From 1798 until 1801, the island continued tranquil under the government of Tous- saint, who adopted and enforced the most judicious measures for healing the wounds of his country, and restoring its com- mercial and agricultural prosperity. His efforts would have been attended with much success, but for the ill-judged expe- INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 167 dition, which Bonaparte sent against the island, under the command of Le Clerc. This expedition, fruitless as it was in respect of its general object, proved fatal to the negro chieftain. Toussaint was noted for private virtues ; among the rest, warm affection for his family. Le Clerc brought out from France Toussaint's two sons, with their preceptor, whose orders were to carry his pupils to their father, and make use of them to work on his tenderness, and induce him to aban- don his countrymen. If he yielded, he was to be made second in command to Le Clerc ; if he refused, his children were to be reserved as hostages of his fidelity to the French. Notwithstanding the greatness of the sacrifice demanded of him, Toussaint remained faithful to his brethren. We pass over the details of the war, which at length, ended in a treaty of peace concluded by Toussaint, Dessalines and Christophe, against their better judgment, but in consequence of the effect of Le Clerc's professions upon their simple followers, who were induced to lay down their arms. Toussaint retired to his plantation, relying upon the solemn assurances of Le Clerc, that his person and property should be held sacred. Notwithstanding these assurances, he was treacherously seized in the night, hurried on board a ship of war, and con- veyed to Brest. He was conducted first to close prison in Chateaux de Joux, and from thence to Besancon, where he was plunged into a cold, wet, subterranean prison, which soon proved fatal to a constitution used only to the warm skies and free air of the West Indies. He languished through the winter of 1802-1803; and his death, which happened in April, 1803, raised a cry of indignation against the govern- ment, which had chosen this dastardly method of destroying one of the best and bravest of the negro race. Toussaint L'Ouverture is thus spoken of by Vincent, in his Reflections on the state of St. Domingo : " Toussaint L'Ouverture is the most active and indefatigable man, of whom it is possible to form an idea. He is always present wherever difficulty or danger makes his presence necessary. His great sobriety, — the power of living without repose, — the facility with which he resumes the affairs of the cabinet, after the most tiresome excursions, — of answering daily a hundred letters, — and of habitually tiring five secretaries — render him so superior to all around him, that their respect and submission almost amount to fanaticism. It is certain 168 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. no man in modern times has obtained such an influence over a mass of ignorant people, as General Toussaint possesses over his brethren of St. Domingo. He is endowed with a prodigious memory. He is a good father and a good husband." Toussaint re-established religious worship in St. Domingo ; and on account of his zeal in this respect, a certain class of men called him, in derision, the Capuchin. With the genius and energy of Bonaparte, General Tous- saint is said to have possessed the same political duplicity, and far-sighted cunning. These are qualities which almost inevitably grew out of the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed, and the obstacles with which they were obliged to contend. Wordsworth addressed the following sonnet to Toussaint, L'Ouverture : " Toussaint, thou most unhappy man of men ! Whether the whistling rustic tends his plough Within thy hearing, or thou liest now- Buried in some deep dungeon's earless den ; — Oh, miserable chieftain ! where and when Wilt thou find patience ? Yet die not ; do thou Wear rather in thy bonds a cheerful brow : Though fallen thyself, never to rise again, Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind Powers that will work for thee ; air, earth and skies ; There's not a breathing of the common wind That will forget thee ; thou hast great allies. Thy friends are exultations, agonies, And love, and man's unconquerable mind." Godwin, in his admirable Lectures on Colonial Slavery, says : " Can the West India islands, since their first dis- covery by Columbus, boast a single name which deserves comparison with that of Toussaint L'Ouverture ?" If we are willing to see and believe, we have full oppor- tunity to convince ourselves that the colored population are highly susceptible of cultivation. St. Domingo produces black legislators, scholars, and gentlemen. The very negroes who had been slaves, formed a constitution that would do credit to paler-faced statesmen — Americans may well blush at its consistent republicanism, The enemies of true freedom were very ready to predict that the government of Hayti could not continue for any length of time ; but it has now lasted nearly thirty years, constantly increasing in respectability and wealth. The affairs of Greece have been managed with much less ability INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 169 and discretion, though ail the cabinets of Europe have given assistance and advice, St. Domingo achieved her indepen- dence alone and unaided — nay, in the very teeth of prejudice and scorn. The Greeks had loans from England, and con- tributions from America, and sympathy from half the world; the decisive battle of Navarino was gained by the combined fleets of England, France and Russia. Is it asked why Hayti lias not produced any examples of splendid genius 1 In reply let me inquire, how long did the Europeans ridicule us for our poverty in literature ? When Raynal reproached the United States with not having produced one celebrated man, Jefferson requested him to wait until we had existed " as long as the Greeks before they had a Homer, the Romans a Vir- gil, and the French a Racine." Half a century elapsed before our republic produced Irving, Cooper, Sedgwick, Hal- leck, and Bryant. We must not forget that the cruel pre- judice, under which colored people labor, makes it extremely difficult for them to gain admission to the best colleges and schools ; they are obliged to contend with obstacles, which white men never encounter. It might seem wonderful that the descendants of wise Ethi- opia, and learned Egypt, are now in such a state of degra- dation, if history did not furnish a remarkable parallel in the condition of the modern Greeks. The land of Homer, Per- icles, and Plato, is now inhabited by ignorant, brutal pirates. Freedom made the Grecians great and glorious — tyranny has made them stupid and miserable. Yet their yoke has been light, compared with African bondage. In both cases the wrongs of the oppressed have been converted into an argument against them. We first debase the nature of man by making him a slave, and then very coolly tell him that he must always remain a slave because he does not know how to use freedom. We first crush people to the earth, and then claim the right of trampling on them for ever, be- cause they are prostrate. Truly, human selfishness never invented a rule, which worked so charmingly both ways ! No one thinks of doubting the intellect of Indians ; yet civilization has certainly advanced much farther in the inte- rior of Africa, than it did among the North American tribes. The Indians have strong untutored eloquence, — so have the Africans. And where will you find an Indian chieftain, whose pride, intellect, and valor, are more than a match for Zhinga's? Both of these classes have been most shamefully 15 170 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. wronged ; but public prejudice, which bows the negro to the earth, has borne with a far less crushing power upon the energies of the red man ; yet they have not produced a Shakspeare or a Newton. But I shall be asked how it is that tho nations of Africa, having proceeded so far in the arts of civilization, have made a full stop, and remained century after century without any obvious improvement ? 1 will answer this by another question : How long did the ancient Hclvetians > Gauls, and Saxons, remain in such a state of barbarism, that what they considered splendor and refine- ment, would be called poverty and rudeness, by their Ger- man, French, and English descendants? What was it that changed the intellectual and moral character of these people, after ages of ignorance and ferocity ? It was the art of print, ing. But, alas, with the introduction of printing, modern slavery was introduced ! While commerce has carried books and maps to other portions of the globe, she has sent kid- nappers, with guns and cutlasses into Africa. We have not preached the Gospel of peace to her princes ; we have in- cited them to make war upon each other, to fill our markets with slaves. While knowledge, like a mighty pillar of fire, has guided the European nations still onward, and onward, a dark cloud has settled more and more gloomily over be- nighted Africa. The lessons of time, the experience of ages, from which we have learned so much, are entirely lost to this vast continent. I have heard it asserted that the Indians were evidently superior to the negroes, because it was impossible to enslave them. Our slave laws prove that there are some exceptions to this remark ; and it must be remembered that the Indians have been fairly met in battle, contending with but one na- tion at a time ; while the whole world have combined against the Africans — sending emissaries to lurk for them in secret places, or steal them at midnight from their homes. The Indian will seek freedom in the arms of death — and so will the negro. By thousands and thousands, these poor people have died for freedom. They have stabbed themselves foi freedom — jumped into the waves for freedom — starved for freedom — fought like very tigers for freedom ! But they have been hung, and burned, and shot — and their tyrants have been their historians ! When the Africans have writers of their own, we shall hear their efforts for liberty called by the true tide of heroism in a glorious cause. We are INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 171 told in the fable that a lion, looking at the picture of one of his own species, conquered and trampled on by man, calmly said, " We lions have no painters." I shall be told that in the preceding examples I have shown only the bright side of the picture. I readily grant it ; but I have deemed it important to show that the picture has a bright side. I am well aware that most of the negro authors are remarkable principally because they are negroes. With considerable talent, they generally evince bad taste. I do not pretend that they are Scotts or Miltons ; but I wish to prove that they are mew., capable of producing their pro. portion of Scotts and Miltons, if they could be allowed to live in a state of physical and intellectual freedom. But where, at the present time, can they live in perfect freedom, cheered by the hopes and excited by the rewards, which stimulate white men to exertion 1 Every avenue to distinction is closed to them. Even where the body is suffered to be free, a hateful prejudice keeps the soul in fetters. I think every candid mind must admit that it is more wonderful they have done so much, than that they have done no more. As a class, I am aware that the negroes, with many hon- orable exceptions, are ignorant, and show little disposition to be otherwise ; but this ceases to be the case just in pro- portion as they are free. The fault is in their unnatural situation, not in themselves. Tyranny always dwarfs the intellect. Homer tells us, that when Jupiter condemns aman to slavery, he takes from him half his mind. A family of children treated with habitual violence or contempt, be- come stupid and sluggish, and are called fools by the very parents or guardians who have crushed their mental energies. It was remarked by M. Dupuis, the British Consul at Mog- adore, that the generality of Europeans, after a long cap- tivity and severe treatment among the Arabs, seemed at first exceedingly dull and insensible. " If they had been any considerable time in slavery," says he, " they appeared lost to reason and feeling ; their spirits broken ; and their facul- ties sunk in a species of stupor, which I am unable adequately to describe. They appeared degraded even below the ne- gro slave. The succession of hardships, without any pro- tecting law to which they can appeal for alleviation, or redress, seems to destroy every spring of exertion, or hope in their minds. They appear indifferent to every thing around them ; abject, servile, and brutish." 172 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. Lieutenant Hall, in his Travels in the United States, makes the following just remark : " Cut off hope for the future, and freedom for the present ; superadd a due pressure of bodily- suffering, and personal degradation ; and you have a slave, who, (of whatever zone, nation or complexion,) will be what the poor African is, torpid, debased, and lowered beneath the standard of humanity." The great Virginian, Patrick Henry, who certainly had a fair chance to observe the effects of slavery, says, " If a man be in chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken ; but let him twist the fetters off his legs and he will stand erect." The following is the testimony of the Rev. R. Walsh, on the same subject ; he is describing his first arrival at Rio Janeiro : " The whole labor of bearing and moving burdens is per- formed by these people, and the state in which they appear is revolting to humanity. Here were a number of beings entirely naked, with the exception of a covering of dirty rags, tied about their waists. Their skins, from constant ex- posure to the weather, had become hard, crusty, and seamed, resembling the coarse black covering of some beast, or like that of an elephant, a wrinkled hide scattered Y it!; • ;nty hairs. On contemplating their persons, you saw them vyitii a physical organization resembling beings of a grade below the rank of man ; long projecting heels, the gastronymic muscle wanting, and no calves to their legs ; their mouths and chins protruded, their noses flat, their foreheads retiring, having exactly the head and legs of the baboon tribe. Some of these beings were yoked to drays, on which they dragged heavy burdens. Some were chained by the neck and legs, and moved with loads thus encumbered. Some followed each other in ranks, with heavy weights on their heads, chat- tering in the most inarticulate and dismal cadence as they moved along. Some were munching young sugar-canes, like beasts of burden eating green provender ; and some were seen near the water, lying on the bare ground among filth and offal, coiled up like dogs, and seeming to expect or require no more comfort or accommodation, exhibiting a state and conformation so unhuman, that they not only seemed but actually were, far below the inferior animals around them. Horses and mules were not employed in this way ; 'hey were used only for pleasure, and not labor. They INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 173 were seen in the same streets, pampered, spirited, and richly caparisoned, enjoying a state far superior to the negroes, and appearing to look down on the fettered and burdened wretches they were passing, as on beings of an inferior rank in the creation. Some of the negroes actually seemed to envy the caparisons of their fellow-brutes, and eyed with jealousy their glittering harness. In imitation of this finery, they were fond of thrums of many-colored threads ; and I saw one creature, who supported the squalid rag that wrap- ped his waist by a suspender of gaudy worsted, which he turned every moment to look at on his naked shoulder. The greater number, however, were as unconscious of any cov- ering for use or ornament, as a pig or an ass. " The first impression of all this on my mind, was to shake the conviction I had alwaj^s felt, of the wrong and hardship inflicted on our black fellow-creatures, and that they were only in that state which God and nature had assigned them ; that they were the lowest grade of human existence, and the link that connected it with the brute ; and that the gradation was so insensible, and their natures so intermingled, that it was impossible to tell where one had terminated and the other commenced ; and that it was not surprising that peo- ple who contemplated them every day, so formed, so em- ployed, and so degraded, should forget their claims to that rank in the scale of being in which modern philanthropists are so anxious to place them. I did not at the moment myself recollect, that the white man, made a slave on the coast of Africa, suffers not only a similar mental but physical deterioration from hardships and emaciation, and becomes in time the dull and deformed beast I now saw yoked to a burden. " A few hours only were necessary to correct my first impressions of the negro population, by seeing them under a different aspect. We were attracted by the sound of mili- tary music, and found it proceeded from a regiment drawn up in one of the streets. Their colonel had just died, and they attended to form a procession to celebrate his obse- quies. They were all of different shades of black, but the majority were negroes. Their equipment was excellent; they wore dark jackets, white pantaloons, and black leather caps and belts, all which, with their arms, were in high order. Their band produced sweet and agreeable music, of the leader's own composition, and the men went through some 15* 174 INTELLECT OP NEGROES. evolutions with regularity and dexterity. They were only a militia regiment, yet were as well appointed and disciplined as one of our regiments of the line. Here then was the first step in that gradation by which the black population of this country ascend in the scale of humanity ; he advances from the state below that of a beast of burden into a military rank, and he shows himself as capable of discipline and improvement as a human being of any other color. " Our attention was next attracted by negro men and women bearing about a variety of articles for sale; some in baskets, some on boards and cases carried on their heads. They belonged to a class of small shopkeepers, many of whom vend their wares at home, but the greater number send them about in this way, as in itinerant shops. A few of these people were still in a state of bondage, and brought a certain sum every evening to their owners, as the produce of their daily labor. But a large proportion, I was informed, were free, and exercised this little calling on their own ac- count. They were all very neat and clean in their persons, and had a decorum and sense of respectability about them, superior to whites of the same class and calling. All their articles were good in their kind and neatly kept, and they sold them with simplicity and confidence, neither wishing to take advantage of others, nor suspecting that it would be taken of themselves. I bought some confectionary from one of the females, and I was struck with the modesty and pro- priety of her manner ; she was a young mother, and had with her a neatly-dressed child, of which she seemed very fond. I gave it a little comfit, and it turned up its dusky countenance to her and then to me, taking my sweetmeat and at the same time kissing my hand. As yet unacquainted with the coin of the country, I had none that was current about me, and was leaving the articles ; but the poor young woman pressed them on me with a ready confidence, repeat- ing in broken Portuguese, outo tempo. I am sorry to say, the 'other time' never came, for I could not recognise her person afterwards to discharge her little debt, though I went to the same place for the purpose. " It soon began to grow dark, and I was attracted by a number of persons bearing large lighted wax tapers, like torches, gathering before a house. As I passed by, one was put into my hand by a man who seemed in some authority, (ind I was requested to fall into a procession that was form- INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 175 ing. It was the preparation for a funeral, and on such occa- sions, I learned that they always request the attendance of a passing stranger, and feel hurt if they are refused. I joinec the party, and proceeded with them to a neighboring church. When we entered we ranged ourselves on each side of a plat- form which stood near the choir, on which was laid an open coffin, covered with pink silk and gold borders. The funeral service was chanted by a choir of priests, one of whom was a negro, a large comely man, whose jet-black visage formed a strong and striking contrast to his white vestments. He seemed to perform his part with a decorum and sense of so- lemnity, which I did not observe in his brethren. After scat- tering flowers on the coffin, and fumigating it with incense, they retired, the procession dispersed, and we returned on board. " I had been but a few hours on shore for the first time, and I saw an African negro under four aspects of society; and it appeared to me, that in every one, his character de- pended on the state in which he was placed, and the estima- tion in which he was held. As a despised slave, he was far lower than other animals of burden that surrounded him ; more miserable in his look ? more revolting in his nakedness, more distorted in his person, and apparently more deficient in intellect, than the horses and mules that passed him by. Advanced to the grade of a soldier, he was clean and neat in his person, amenable to discipline, expert at his exercises, and showed the port and bearing of a white man similarly placed. As a citizen, he was remarkable for the respecta- bility of his appearance, and the decorum of his manners in the rank assigned him ; and as a priest, standing in the house of God, appointed to instruct society on their most important interests, and in a grade in which moral and intellectual fit- ness is required, and a certain degree of superiority is ex- pected, he seemed even more devout in his impressions, and more correct in his manners, than his white associates. I came, therefore, to the irresistible conclusion in my mind, that color was an accident affecting the surface of a man, and having no more to do with his qualities than his clothes — that God had equally created an African in the image of his person, and equally given him an immortal soul ; and that a European had no pretext but his own cupidity, for impiously thrusting his fellow-man from that rank in the creation which the Almighty had assigned him, and degrad- ing him below the lot of the brute beasts that perish." 170 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. The honorable A. H. Everett, in his able work on the polit- ical situation of America, says, " Nations, and races, like individuals, have their day, and seldom have a second. The blacks had a long and glorious one ; and after what they have been and done, it argues not so much a mistaken theory, as sheer ignorance of the most notorious historical facts, to pretend that they are naturally inferior to the whites. It would seem indeed, that if any race have a right claim to a sort of pre-eminence over others, on the fair and honorable ground of talents displayed, and benefits conferred, it is pre- cisely this very one, which we take upon us, in the pride of a temporary superiority, to stamp with the brand of essential degradation. It is hardly necessary to add, that while the blacks were the leading race in civilization and political power, there was no prejudice among the whites against their color. On the contrary, we find that the early Greeks regarded them as a superior variety of the human species, not only in intellectual and moral qualities, but in outward appearance. « The Ethiopians,' says Herodotus, ' surpass all other men in longevity, stature, and personal beauty.' " Then let the slaveholder no longer apologize for himself by urging the stupidity and sensuality of negroes. It is upon the system, which thus transforms men into beasts, that the reproach rests in all its strength and bitterness. And even if the negroes were, beyond all doubt, our inferiors in intel- lect, this would form no excuse for oppression, or contempt. The use of law and public opinion is to protect the weak against the strong ; and the government, which perverts these blessings into means of tyranny, resembles the priest, who administered poison with the Holy Sacrament. Is there an American willing that the intellectual and the learned should bear despotic sway over the simple and the ignorant ? If there be such a one, he may consistently vin- dicate our treatment of the Africans. MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 177 CHAPTER VII. ORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES, " Fleecy locks and black complexion Cannot forfeit Nature's claim ; Skins may differ, but affection Dwells in black and white the same. " Slaves of gold ! whose sordid dealings Tarnish all your boasted powers, Prove that you have human feelings, Ere you proudlv question ours." The Negro's Complaint; by Cowpeb The opinion that negroes are naturally inferior in intel- lect is almost universal among white men ; but the belief that they are worse than other people, is, I believe, much less extensive : indeed, I have heard some, who were by no means admirers of the colored race, maintain that they were very remarkable for kind feelings, and strong affections. Homer calls the ancient Ethiopians "the most honest of men ;" and modern travellers have given innumerable in- stances of domestic tenderness, and generous hospitality in the interior of Africa. Mungo Park informs us that he found many schools in his progress through the country, and ob- served with pleasure the great docility and submissive deport- ment of the children, and heartily wished they had better instructers and a purer religion. The following is an account of his arrival at Jumbo, in company with a native of that place, who had been absent several years : " The meeting between the blacksmith and his relations was very tender; for these rude children of nature, free from restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and most expressive manner. Amidst these transports, the aged mother was led forth, leaning upon a staff. Every one made way for her, and she stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that her 178 CHARACTER OF N. ears once more heard the music of his voice. From this interview, I was fully convinced, that whatever difference there is between the negro and the European, in the confor- mation of the nose, and the color of the skin, there is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common nature." At a small town in the interior, called Wawra, he says, "In the course of the day, several women, hearing that I was going to Sego, came and begged me to inquire of Man- song, the king, what was become of their children. One woman, in particular, told me that her son's name was Ma- madee ; that he was no heathen ; but prayed to God morn- ing and evening ; that he had been taken from her about three years ago by Mansong's army, since which she had never heard from him. She said she often dreamed about him, and begged me, if I should see him m Bambarra, or in my own country, to tell him that his mother and sister were still alive." At Sego, in Bambarra, the king, being jealous of Mr. Park's intentions, forbade him to cross the river. Under these discouraging circumstances, he was advised to lodge at a distant village ; but there the same distrust of the white man's purposes prevailed, and no person would allow him to enter his house. He says, " I was regarded with astonish- ment and fear, and was obliged to sit all day without food, under the shade of a tree. The wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavy rain, and the wild beasts are so very numerous in the neighborhood, that I should have been under the necessity of resting among the branches of the tree. About sunset, however, as I was preparing to pass the night in this manner, and had turned my horse loose, that he might graze at liberty, a woman, returning from the labors of the field, stopped to observe me. Perceiving that I was weary and dejected, she inquired into my situation, which I briefly explained to her ; whereupon, with looks of great compas- sion, she took up my saddle and bridle and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into her hut, she lighted a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. Finding that I was hungry, she went out, and soon returned with a very fine fish, which being broiled upon some embers, she gave me for supper. The women then resumed their task of spinning cotton, and lightened their labor with songs, one of which must have been composed MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 179 180 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. extempore, for I was myself the subject of it. It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in a kind of chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, and the words literally translated, were these : " The winds roar'd, and the rains fell ; The poor white man, faint and weary, Came and sat under our tree. — He has no mother to bring him milk ; No wife to grind his corn. CHORUS. " Let us pity the white man ; No mother has he to bring him milk v No wife to grind his corn." The reader can fully sympathize with this intelligent and liberal-minded traveller, when he observes, " Trifling as this recital may appear, the circumstance was highly affecting to a person in my situation. I was oppressed with such unex- pected kindness, and sleep fled from my eyes. In the morn- ing, I presented my compassionate landlady with two of the four brass buttons remaining on my waistcoat ; the only rec ompense I could make her." The Duchess of Devonshire, whose beauty and talent gained such extensive celebrity, was so much pleased with this African song, and the kind feelings in which it origina- ted, that she put it into English verse, and employed an emi- nent composer to set it to music : The loud wind roar'd, the rain fell fast ; The white man yielded to the blast ; He sat him down beneath our tree, For weary, faint, and sad was he ; And ah, no wife or mother's care, For him the milk or corn prepare. CHORUS. The white man shall our pity share; Alas ! no wife, or mother's care, For him the milk or corn prepare. The storm is o'er, the tempest past, And mercy's voice has hush'd the blast ; The wind is heard in whispers low ; The white man far away must go ; — But ever in his heart will bear Remembrance of the negro's care. CHORUS. Go, white man, go — but with thee bear The negro's wish, the negro's prayer, Remembrance of the negro's care. MORAL CHARACTER OP NEGROES. 181 At another time, Mr. Park thus continues his narrative : " A little before sunset, I descended on the northwest side of a ridge of hills, and as I was looking about for a convenient tree, under which to pass the night, (for I had no hopes of reaching any town) I descended into a delightful valley, and soon afterward arrived at a romantic village called Kooma. I was immediately surrounded by a circle of the harmless villagers. They asked me a thousand questions about my country, and in return for my information brought corn and milk for myself, and grass for my horse ; kindled a fire, in the hut where I was to sleep, and appeared very anxious to serve me." Afterward, being robbed and stripped by a banditti in the wilderness, he informs us that the robbers stood considering whether they should leave him quite destitute ; even in their minds, humanity partially prevailed over avarice ; they re- turned the worst of two shirts, and a pair of trowsers ; and as they went away, one of them threw back his hat. At the next village, Mr. Park entered a complaint to the Dooty, or chief man, who continued very calmly smoking while he listened to the narration ; but when he had heard all the par- ticulars, he took the pipe from his mouth, and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak with an indignant air, he said, " You shall have every thing restored to you — I have sworn it." Then, turning to an attendant, he added, " Give the white man a draught of water ; and with the first light of morning go over the hills, and inform the Dooty of Bammakoo, that a poor white man, the king of Bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of FooWoo's people." He then invited the traveller to remain with him, and share his provisions, until the messenger returned. Mr. Park accepted the kind offer most gratefully : and in a few days his horse and clothes were restored to him. At the village of Nemacoo, where corn was so scarce that the people were actually in a state of starvation, a negro pitied his distress and brought him food. At Kamalia, Mr. Park was earnestly dissuaded by an African named Karfa, from attempting to cross the Jalonka wilderness during the rainy season ; to which he replied that there was no alternative — for he was so poor, that he must either beg his subsistence from place to place, or perish with hunger. Karfa eagerly inquired if he could eat the food of the country, adding that, if he would stay with him, he should 16 182 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. have plenty of victuals, and a hut to sleep in ; and that after he had been safely conducted to the Gambia, he might make what return he thought proper. He was accordingly pro- vided with a mat to sleep on, an earthern jar for holding water, a small calabash for a drinking cup, and two meals a day, with a supply of wood and water, from Karfa's own dwelling. Here he recovered from a fever, which had tor- mented him several weeks. His benevolent landlord came daily to inquire after his health, and see that he had every thing for his comfort. Mr. Park assures us that the simple and affectionate manner of those around him contributed not a little to his recovery. He adds, " Thus was I delivered, by the friendly care of this benevolent negro, from a situa- tion truly deplorable. Distress and famine pressed hard upon me ; I had before me the gloomy wilderness of Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five successive days. I had observed, at a distance, the rapid course of the river Kokaro, and had almost marked out the place where I thought I was doomed to perish, when this friendly negro stretched out his hospitable hand for my relief." Mr. Park having travelled in company with a coffle of thirty-five slaves, thus describes his feelings as they came near the coast : " Al- though I was now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome journey, and expected in another day to meet with countrymen and friends, I could not part with my unfortu- nate fellow-travellers, — doomed as I knew most of them to be, to a life of slavery in a foreign land, — without great emotion. During a peregrination of more than five hundred miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, theso poor slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine, and frequently, of their own ac- cord, bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness. We parted with mutual regret and blessings. My good wishes and prayers were all I could bestow upon them, and it afforded me some consolation „r be told that they were sen- sible I had no more to give." The same enlightened traveller remarks, " All the negro nations that fell under my observation, though divided into a number of petty, independent states, subsist chiefly by the same means, live nearly in the same temperature, and pos- sess a wonderful similarity of disposition. The Mandingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful, inquisitive, MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 183 credulous, simple, and fond of flattery. Perhaps the most prominent defect in their character, was that insurmountable propensity, which the reader must have observed to prevail in all classes, to steal from me the few effects I was possessed of. No complete justification can be offered for this conduct, because theft is a crime in their own estimation ; and it must be observed that they are not habitually and generally guilty of it towards each other. But before we pronounce them a more depraved people than any other, it were well to con- sider, whether the lower class of people in any part of Eu- rope, would have acted, under similar circumstances, with greater honesty towards a stranger. It must be remembered that the laws of the country afforded me no protection ; that every one was permitted to rob me with impunity ; and that some part of my effects were of as great value in the estima- tion of the negroes, as pearls and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a European. Let us suppose a black merchant of Hindostan had found his way into England, with a box sf jewels at his back, and the laws of the kingdom afforded him no security — in such a case, the wonder would be, not that the stranger was robbed of any part of his riches, but that any part was left for a second depredator.* Such, on sober reflection, is the judgment I have formed concerning the pilfering disposition of the Mandingo negroes toward me. " On the other hand, it is impossible for me to forget the disinterested charity, and tender solicitude, with which many of these poor heathens, from the sovereign of Sego, to the poor women, who at different times received me into their cottages, sympathized with my sufferings, relieved my dis- tress, and contributed to my safety. Perhaps this acknow- ledgment is more particularly due to the female part of the nation. Among the men, as the reader must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, was sometimes otherwise. It varied according to the tempers of those to whom I made application. Avarice in some, and bigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to compassion ; but I do not recollect a single instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women. In all my wanderings and wretchedness, I found them uniformly kind and compassionate ; and I can truly say, as Mr. Ledyard has eloquently said before me — ' To a * Or suppose a colored pedler with valuable goods travelling in slave states, where the laws afford little or no protection to negro property, what would probably be his fate ? 184 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. woman, I never addressed myself in the language of decency and friendship, without receiving a decent and friendly an- swer. If I was hungry, or thirsty, wet, or ill, they did not hesitate, like the men, to perform a generous action. In so free and so kind a manner, did they contribute to my relief, that if I were thirsty, I drank the sweeter draught ; and if I were hungry, I ate the coarsest meal with a double relish. ' " It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and amia- ble sympathy of nature, thus spontaneously manifested to me in my distress, is displayed by these poor people as occasion requires, much more strongly toward those of their own nation and neighborhood. Maternal affection, neither sup- pressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the solicitudes of civilized life, is every where conspicuous among them, and creates reciprocal tenderness in the child. ' Strike me,' said a negro to his master, who spoke disrespectfully of his pa- rent, ' but do not curse my mother.' The same sentiment I found to prevail universally." " I perceived, with great satisfaction, that the maternal solicitude extended not only to the growth and security of the person, but also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of the character ; for one of the first lessons, which the Man- dingo women teach their children, is the practice of truth. A poor unhappy mother, whose son had been murdered by a Moorish banditti, found consolation in her deepest distress from the reflection that her boy, in the whole course of his blameless life, had never told a lie." Adanson, who visited Senegal, in 1754, describes the ne- groes as sociable, obliging, humane, and hospitable. " Their amiable simplicity," says he, " in this enchanting country, recalled to me the idea of the primitive race of man ; I thought I saw the world in its infancy. They are distin- guished by tenderness for their parents, and great respect for the aged." Robin speaks of a slave at Martinico, who having gained money sufficient for his own ransom, preferred to purchase his mother's freedom. Proyart, in his history of Loango, acknowledges that the negroes on the coast, who associate with Europeans, are in- clined to licentiousness and fraud ; but he says those of the interior are humane, obliging, and hospitable. Golberry re- peats the same praise, and rebukes the presumption of white men in despising " nations improperly called savage, among whom we find men of integrity, models of filial, conjugal, and MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 185 paternal affection, who know all the energies and refinements of virtue ; among whom sentimental impressions are more deep, because they observe, more than we, the dictates of nature, and know how to sacrifice personal interest to the ties of friendship." Joseph Rachel, a free negro of Barbadoes, having become rich by commerce, consecrated all his fortune to acts of charity and beneficence. The unfortunate of all colors shared his kindness. He gave to the needy, lent without hope of return, visited prisoners, and endeavored to reform the guilty. He died in 1758. The philanthropists of England speak of him with the utmost respect. Jasmin Thoumazeau was born in Africa, 1714, and sold at St. Domingo, 1736. Having obtained his freedom, he re- turned to his native country, and married a negro girl of the Gold Coast. In 1756, he established a hospital for poor ne- groes and mulattoes. During more than forty years, he and his wife devoted their time and fortune to the comfort of such invalids as sought their protection. The Philadelphian So- ciety, at the Cape, and the Agricultural Society of Paris, decreed medals to this worthy and benevolent man. Louis Desrouleaux was the slave of M. Pinsum, a captain in the negro trade, who resided at St. Domingo. The mas- ter having amassed great riches, went to reside in France, where circumstances combined to ruin him. Depressed in fortune and spirits, he returned to St. Domingo ; but those who had formerly been proud of his friendship, now avoided him. Louis heard of his misfortunes and immediately went to see him. The scales were now turned ; the negro was rich, and the white man poor. The generous fellow offered every assistance, but advised M. Pinsum by all means to re- turn to France, where he would not.be pained by the sight of ungrateful men. " But I cannot gain a living there," replied the white man. " Will the annual revenue of fifteen thousand francs be sufficient 1" asked Louis. The French- man's eyes filled with tears. The negro signed the contract, and the pension was regularly paid, till the death of Louis Desrouleaux, in 1774. Benoit of Palermo, also named Benoit of Santo Fratello, sometimes called The Holy Black, was a negro, and the son of a female slave. Roccho Pirro, author of the Sicilia Sacra, eulogizes him thus : " Nigro quidem corpore sed candore animi prase] arisimus quern miraculis Deus con f estatum esse 16* 186 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. voluit." " His body was black, but it pleased God to testify- by miracles the whiteness of his soul." He died at Palermo, in 1589, where his tomb and memory are much revered. A few years ago, it was said the Pope was about to authorize his canonization. Whether he is yet registered as a saint in the Calendar, I know not ; but many writers agree that he was a saint indeed — eminent for his virtues, which he prac- tised in meekness and silence, desiring no witness but his God. The moral character of Toussaint L'Quverture is even more worthy of admiration than his intellectual acuteness. What can be more beautiful than his unchanging gratitude to his benefactor, his warm attachment to his family, his high- minded sacrifice of personal feeling to the public good ? He was a hero in the sublimest sense of the word. Yet he had no white blood in his veins — he was all negro. The following description of a slave-market at Brazil is from the pen of Doctor Walsh : " The men were generally less interesting objects than the women ; their countenances and hues were very varied, according to the part of the Afri- can coast from which they came ; some were soot-black, having a certain ferocity of aspect that indicated strong and fierce passions, like men who were darkly brooding over some deep-felt wrongs, and meditating revenge. When any one was ordered, he came forward with a sullen indifference, threw his arms over his head, stamped with his feet, shouted to show the soundness of his lungs, ran up and down the room, and was treated exactly like a horse put through his paces at a repository ; and when done, he was whipped to his stall. " Many of them were lying stretched on the bare boards ; and among the rest, mothers with young children at their breasts, of which they seemed passionately fond. They were all doomed to remain on the spot, like sheep in a pen, till they were sold ; they have no apartment to retire to, no bed to repose on, no covering to protect them ; they sit naked all day, and lie naked all night, on the bare boards, or benches, where we saw them exhibited. " Among the objects that attracted my attention in this place were some young boys, who seemed to have formed a society together. I observed several times in passing by, that the same little group was collected near a barred win- dow ; they seemed very fond of each other, and their kindly feelings were never interrupted by peevishness ; indeed, the MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 187 temperament of a negro child is generally so sound, that he is not affected by those little morbid sensations, which are the frequent cause of crossness and ill-temper in our children. I do not remember that I ever saw a young black fretful, or out of humor; certainly never displaying those ferocious fits of petty passion, in which the superior nature of infant whites indulges. I sometimes brought cakes and fruit in my pocket, and handed them in to the group. It was quite de- lightful to observe the generous and disinterested manner in which they distributed them. There was no scrambling with one another ; no selfish reservation to themselves. The child to whom I happened to give them, took them so gently, looked so thankfully, and distributed them so generously, that I could not help thinking that God had compensated their dusky hue, by a more than usual human portion of amiable qualities." Several negroes in Jamaica were to be hung. One of them was offered his life, if he would hang the others ; he preferred death. A negro slave who was ordered to do it, asked time to prepare ; he went into his cabin, chopped off his right hand with an axe, and then came back, saying he was ready. Sutcliffin his Travels, speaks of meeting a cofrle of slaves in Maryland, one of whom had voluntarily gone into slavery, in hopes of meeting her husband, who was a free black and had been stolen by kidnappers. The poor creature was in treacherous hands, and it is a great chance whether she ever saw her husband again. An affecting instance of negro friendship may be found in 1 Bay's Report, 260-3. A female slave in South Carolina was allowed to work out in the town, on condition that she paid her master a certain sum of money, per month. Being strong and industrious, her wages amounted to more than had been demanded in their agreement. After a time she earned enough to buy her freedom ; but she preferred to devote the sum to the emancipation of a negro girl, named Sally, for whom she had conceived a strong affection. For a long time the master pretended to have no property in his slave's manumitted friend, never paid taxes for her, and often spoke of her as a free negro. But, from some motive or other, he afterward claimed Sally as his slave, on the ground that no slave could make any purchase on his own account, or possess any thing which did not legally belong to his master. It is an honor to Chief Justice Rutledge that his charge was given 188 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. in a spirit better than the laws. He concluded by saying, " If the wench choose to appropriate the savings of her extra labor to the purchase of this girl, in order to set her free, will a jury of the country say, No? I trust not. I hope they are too upright and humane, to do such manifest vio- lence to such an extraordinary act of benevolence." By the prompt decision of the jury, Sally was declared free.* In speaking of the character of negroes, it ought not to be omitted that many of them were brave and faithful soldiers during our Revolution. Some are now receiving pensions for their services. At New-Orleans, likewise, the conduct of the colored troops was deserving of the highest praise. It is common to speak of the negroes as a very unfeeling race ; and no doubt the charge has considerable truth when applied to those in a state of bondage ; for slavery blunts the feelings, as well as stupifies the intellect. The poor negro is considered as having no right in his wife and chil- dren. They may be suddenly torn from him to be sold in a distant market ; but he cannot prevent the wrong. He may see them exposed to every species of insult and indignity ; but the law, which stretches forth her broad shield to guard the white man's rights, excludes the negro from her protec- tion. They may be tied to the whipping-post and die under moderate punishment ; but he dares not complain. If he murmur, there is the tormenting lash ; if he resist, it is death. And the injustice extends even beyond the grave ; for the story of the slave is told by his oppressor, and the manly spirit which the poor creature shows, when stung to the very heart's core, is represented as diabolical revenge. A short time ago, I read in a Georgia paper, what was called a horrid transaction, on the part of the negro, A slave stood by and saw his wife whipped, as long as he could pos- sibly endure the sight ; he then called out to the overseer, who was applying the lash, that he would kill him if he did not use more mercy. This probably made matters worse ; at all events the lashing continued. The husband goaded to frenzy, rushed upon the overseer, and stabbed him three times. White men ! what would you do, if the laws admitted that your wives might " die" of " moderate punishment" ad- * Stroud says of the above, " This is an isolated case, of pretty early date ; it deserves to be noticed because it is in opposition to the spirit of the laws, and to later decisions of the courts." MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 189 ministered by your employers ? The overseer died, and his murderer was either burned or shot, — I forget which. The Georgia editor viewed the subject only on one side — viz., the monstrous outrage against the white man — the negro's wrongs passed for nothing ! It was very gravely added to the account (probably to increase the odiousness of the slave's offence,) that the overseer belonged to the Presbyterian church ! I smiled, — because it made me think of a man, whom I once heard described as "a most excellent Christian, that would steal timber to build a church." This instance shows that even slaves are not quite desti- tute of feeling — yet we could not wonder at it, if they were. Who could expect the kindly affections to expand in such an atmosphere ! Where there is no hope, the heart becomes paralyzed : it is a merciful arrangement of Divine Provi- dence, by which the acuteness of sensibility is lessened when it becomes merely a source of suffering. But there are exceptions to this general rule ; instances of very strong and deep affection are sometimes found in a state of hopeless bondage. Godwin, in his eloquent Lec- tures on Colonial Slavery, quotes the following anecdote, as related by Mr. T. Pennock, at a public meeting in England : "A few years ago it was enacted, that it should not be legal to transport once established slaves from one island to another ; and a gentleman owner, finding it advisable to do so before the act came in force, the removal of a great part of his live stock was the consequence. He had a female slave, a Methodist, and highly valuable to him, (not the less so for being the mother of eight or nine children,) whose husband, also of our connection, was the property of another resident on the island, where I happened to be at the time. Their masters not agreeing on a sale, separation ensued, and I went to the beach to be an eye-witness of their behavior in the greatest pang of all. One by one, the man kissed his children, with the firmness of a hero, and blessing them, gave as his last words — (oh ! will it be believed, and have no influence upon our veneration for the negro ?) * Farewell ! Be honest, and obedient to your master V At length he had to take leave of his wife : there he stood, (I have him in my mind's eye at this moment,) five or six yards from the mother of his children, unable to move, speak, or do any thing but gaze, and still to gaze, on the object of his long affection, soon to cross the blue waves for ever from his aching sight. 190 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. The fire of his eyes alone gave indication of the passion with- in, until after some minutes standing thus, he fell senseless on the sand, as if suddenly struck down by the hand of the Almighty. Nature could do no more ; the blood gushed from his nostrils and mouth, as if rushing from the terrors of the conflict within ; and amid the confusion occasioned by the circumstance, the vessel bore off his family for ever from the island ! After some days he recovered, and came to ask advice of me. What could an Englishman do in such a case 1 I felt the blood boiling within me ; but I conquered. I browbeat my own manhood, and gave him the humblest advice I could." The following account is given by Mr. Gilgrass, one of the Methodist missionaries at Jamaica : " A master of slaves, who lived near us in Kingston, exercised his barbarities on a Sabbath morning while we were worshiping God in the Chapel ; and the cries of the female sufferers have frequently interrupted us in our devotions. But there was no redress for them, or for us. This man wanted money ; and one of the female slaves having two fine children, he sold one of them, and the child was torn from her maternal affection. In the agony of her feelings, she made a hideous howling ; and for that crime she was flogged. Soon after he sold her other child. This < turned her heart within her,' and im- pelled her into a kind of madness. She howled night and day in the yard ; tore her hair ; ran up and down the streets and the parade, rending the heavens with her cries, and lit- erally watering the earth with her tears. Her constant cry was, ' Da wicked massa, he sell me children. Will no buckra master pity nega ? What me do ! Me have no child /' As she stood before my window, she said, lifting her hands towards heaven, ' Do, me master minister, pity me ! Me heart do so, (shaking herself violently,) me heart do so, because me have no child. Me go a massa house, in ?nassa yard, and in me hut, and me no see em ;' and then her cry went up to God. I durst not be seen looking at heir." A similar instance of strong affection happened in the city of Washington, December, 1815. A negro woman, with her two children, was sold near Bladensburg, to Georgia traders ; but the master refused to sell her husband. When the coffle reached Washington, on their way to Georgia, the poor creature attempted to escape, by jumping from the garret window of a three-story brick tavern. Her arms MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 191 and back were dreadfully broken. When asked why she had done such a desperate act, she replied, " They brought me away, and wouldn't let me see my husband ; and I didn't want to go. I was so distracted that I didn't know what 1 was about : but I didn't want to go — and I jumped out of the window" The unfortunate woman was given to the landlord as a compensation for having her taken care of at his house ; her children were sold in Carolina ; and thus was this poor forlorn being left alone in her misery. In all this wide land of benevolence and freedom, there was no one who could protect her : for in such cases, the laws come in, with iron grasp, to check the stirrings of human sympathy. Another complaint is that slaves have most inveterate habits of laziness. No doubt this is true — it would be strange indeed if it were otherwise. Where is the human being, who will work from a disinterested love of toil, when his labor brings no improvement to himself, no increase of comfort to his wife and children? Pelletan, in his Memoirs of the French Colony of Senegal, says, " The negroes work with ardor, because they are now unmolested in their possessions and enjoyments. Since the suppression of slavery, the Moors make no more inroads upon them, and their villages are rebuilt and re-peopled." Bosnian, who was by no means very friendly to colored people, says : " The negroes of Cabomonte and Juido, are indefatigable cultivators, economical of their soil, they scarcely leave a foot-path to form a communication between the dif- ferent possessions ; they reap one day, and the next they sow the same earth, without allowing it time for repose." It is needless to multiply quotations ; for the concurrent testimony of all travellers proves that industry is a common virtue in the interior of Africa. Again, it is said that the negroes are treacherous, cunning, dishonest, and profligate. Let me ask you, candid reader, what you would be, if you labored under the same unnatural circumstances ? The daily earnings of the slave, naV, his very wife and children, are constantly wrested from him, under the sanction of the laws ; is this the way to teach a scrupulous regard to the property of others ? How can purity be expected from him, who sees almost universal licen- tiousness prevail among those whom he is taught to regard as his superiors? Besides, we must remember how entirely un- protected the negro is in his domestic relations, and how very 192 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. frequently husband and wife are separated by the caprice, or avarice, of the white man. I have no doubt that slaves are artful ; for they must be so. Cunning is always the re- sort of the weak against the strong ; children, who have violent and unreasonable parents, become deceitful in self- defence. The only way to make young people sincere and frank, is to treat them with mildness and perfect justice. The negro often pretends to be ill in order to avoid labor ; and if you were situated as he is, you would do the same. But it is said that the blacks are malignant and revengeful. Granting it to be true, — is it their fault, or is it owing to the cruel circumstances in which they are placed ? Surely there are proofs enough that they are naturally a kind and gentle people. True, they do sometimes murder their mas- ters and overseers ; but where there is utter hopelessness, can we wonder at occasional desperation ? I do not believe that any class of people subject to the same influences, would commit fewer crimes. Dickson, in his letters on slavery, informs us that among one hundred and twenty thousand negroes and Creoles of Barbadoes, only three murders have been known to be committed by them in the course of thirty years ; although often provoked by the cruelty of the planters." In estimating the vices of slaves, there are several items to be taken into the account. In the first place, we hear a great deal of the negroes' crimes, while we hear very little of their provocations. If they murder their masters, news- papers and almanacs blazon it all over the country ; but if their masters murder them, a trifling fine is paid, and nobody thinks of mentioning the matter. I believe there are twenty negroes killed by white men, where there is one white man killed by a black. If you believe this to be mere conjecture, I pray you examine the Judicial Reports of the Southern States. The voice of humanity, concerning this subject, is weak and stifled ; and when a master kills his own slave we are not likely to hear the tidings — but the voice of avarice is loud and strong ; and it sometimes happens that negroes "die under a moderate punishment" administered by other hands : then prosecutions ensue, in order to recover the price of the slave ; and in Ms way we are enabled to form a tole- rable conjecture concerning the frequency of such crimes. I have said that we seldom hear of the grievous wrongs which provoke the vengeance of the slave; I will tell an MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 193 anecdote, which I know to be true, as a proof in point. Within the last two years, a gentleman residing in Boston, was summoned to the West Indies in consequence of troubles on his plantation. His overseer had been killed by the slaves. This fact was soon made public ; and more than one ex- claimed, " what diabolical passions these negroes have !" To which I replied, that I only wondered they were half as good as they were. It was not long, however, before I dis- covered the particulars of the case : and I took some pains that the public should likewise be informed of them. The overseer was a bad, licentious man. How long and how much the slaves endured under his power I know not, but at last, he took a fancy to two of the negroes' wives, ordered them to be brought to his house, and in spite of their entrea- ties and resistance, compelled them to remain as long as he thought proper. The husbands found their little huts deserted, and knew very well where the blame rested. In such a case, you would have gone to law ; but the law does not recog- nise a negro's rights — he is the property of his master, and subject to the will of his agent. If a slave should talk of being protected in his domestic relations, it would cause great merriment in a slaveholding State ; the proposition would be deemed equally inconvenient and absurd. Under such circumstances, the negro husbands took justice into their own hands. They murdered the overseer. Four innocent slaves were taken up, and upon very slight circumstantial evi- dence were condemned to be shot ; but the real actors in this scene passed unsuspected. When the unhappy men found their companions were condemned to die, they avowed the fact, and exculpated all others from any share in the deed. Was not this true magnanimity? Can you help respecting those negroes ? If you can, I pity you. Since the condition of slaves is such as I have described, are you surprised at occasional insurrections? You may regret it most deeply ; but can you wonder at it. The fa- mous Captain Smith, when he was a slave in Tartary, killed his overseer and made his escape. I never heard him blamed for it — it seems to be universally considered a simple act of self-defence. The same thing has often occurred with regard to white men taken by the Algerines. The Poles have shed Russian " blood enough to float our navy;" and we admire and praise them, because li.ey did it in resistance of oppression. Yet they have suffered less than 17 194 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. black slaves, all the world over, are suffering. We honor our forefathers because they rebelled against certain princi- ples dangerous to political freedom ; yet from actual, per. sonal tyranny, they suffered nothing: the negro on the con- trary, is suffering all that oppression can make human nature suffer. Why do we execrate in one set of men, what we laud so highly in another? I shall be reminded that insur- rections and murders are totally at variance with the pre- cepts of our religion; and this is most true. But according to this rule, the Americans, Poles, Parisians, Belgians, and all who have shed blood for the sake of liberty, are more to blame than the negroes ; for the former are more enlightened, and can always have access to the fountain of religion ; while the latter are kept in a state of brutal ignorance — not allowed to read their Bibles — knowing nothing of Chris- tianity, except the examples of their masters, who profess to be governed by its maxims. I hope I shall not be misunderstood on this point. I am not vindicating insurrections and murders ; the very thought makes my blood run cold. I believe revenge is always wicked ; but I say, what the laws of every country acknow- ledge, that great provocations are a palliation of great crimes. When a man steals food because he is starving, we are more disposed to pity, than to blame him. And what can human nature do, subject to continual and oppressive wrong — hope- less of change — not only unprotected by law, but the law itself changed into an enemy — and to complete the whole, shutout from the instructions and consolations of the Gospel ! No wonder the West India missionaries found it very diffi- cult to decide what they ought to say to the poor, suffering negroes ! They could indeed tell them it was very impolitic to be rash and violent, because it could not, under existing circumstances, make their situation better, and would be very likely to make it worse; but if they urged the maxims of religion, the slaves might ask the embarrassing question, is not our treatment in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel ? Our masters can read the Bible — they have a chance to know better. Why do not Christians deal justly by us, before they require us to deal mercifully with them ? Think of all these things, kind-hearted reader. Try to judge the negro by the same rules you judge other men ; and while you condemn his faults, do not forget his manifold prov- ocations. PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. 195 CHAPTER VIII. PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR, AND OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. " A negro has a soul, an' please your honor, said the Corporal, (doubtingly.) " I am not much versed. Corporal," quoth my Uncle Toby, " In things of that kind ; but I suppose God would not leave him without one any more than thee or me." » "It would be putting one sadly over the head of the other," quoth the Corporal. " It would so," said my Uncle Toby. " Why then, an' please your honor, is a black man to be used worse than a white one." " I can give no reason," said my Uncle Toby. " Only," cried the Corporal, shaking his head, " because he has no one to stand up for him." " It is that very thing, Trim," quoth my Uncle Toby, " which recommends him to protection." While we bestow our earnest disapprobation on the sys- tem of Slavery, let us not flatter ourselves that we are in reality any better than our brethren of the South. Thanks to our soil and climate, and the early exertions of the excel- lent Society of Friends, the form of slavery does not exist among us ; but the very spirit of the hateful and mischievous thing is here in all its strength. The manner in which we use what power we have, gives us ample reason to be grate- ful that the nature of our institutions does not intrust us with more. Our prejudice against colored people is even more inveterate than it is at the South. The planter is often at- tached to his negroes, and lavishes caresses and kind words upon them, as he would on a favorite hound : but our cold- hearted, ignoble prejudice admits of no exception — no inter- mission. The Southerners have long continued habit, apparent inte- rest and dreaded danger, to palliate the wrong they do ; but we stand without excuse. They tell us that Northern ships and Northern capital have been engaged in this wicked busi- ness; and the reproach is true. Several fortunes in this city have been made by the sale of negro blood. If these criminal transactions are still carried on, they are done in silence and secrecy, because public opinion has made them disgraceful. But if the free States wished to cherish the system of slavery 196 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. for ever, they could not take a more direct course than they now do. Those who are kind and liberal on all other sub- jects, unite with the selfish and the proud in their unrelent- ing efforts to keep the colored population in the lowest state of degradation ; and the influence they unconsciously exert over children early infuses into their innocent minds the same strong feelings of contempt. The intelligent and well-informed have the least share of this prejudice ; and when their minds can be brought to reflect upon it, I have generally observed that they soon cease to have any at all. But such a general apathy pre- vails and the subject is so seldom brought into view, that few are really aware how oppressively the influence of society is made to bear upon this injured class of the community. When I have related facts, that came under my own obser- vation, I have often been listened to with surprise, which gradually increased to indignation. In order that my read- ers may not be ignorant of the extent of this tyrannical pre- judice, I will as briefly as possible state the evidence, and leave them to judge of it, as their hearts and consciences may dictate. In the first place, an unjust law exists in this Common- wealth, by which marriages between persons of different color is pronounced illegal. . I am perfectly aware of the gross ridicule to which I may subject myself by alluding to this particular ; but I have lived too long, and observed too much, to be disturbed by the world's mockery. In the first place, the government ought not to be invested with power to con- trol the affections, any more than the consciences of citizens. A man has at least as good a right to choose his wife, as he has to choose his religion. His taste may not suit his neigh- bors ; but so long as his deportment is correct, they have no right to interfere with his concerns. In the second place, this law is a useless disgrace to Massachusetts. Under existing circumstances, none but those whose condition in life is too low to be much affected by public opinion, will form such alliances ; and they, when they choose to do so, will make such marriages, in spite of the law. I know two or three instances where women of the laboring class have been united to reputable, industrious colored men. These husbands regularly bring home their wages, and are kind to their fami- lies. If by some of the odd chances, which not unfrequently qccu'- in the world, their wives should become heirs to anv OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 197 property, the children may be wronged out of it, because the law pronounces them illegitimate. And while this injustice exists with regard to honest, industrious individuals, who are merely guilty of differing from us in a matter of taste, neither the legislation nor customs of slaveholding States exert their influence against immoral connexions. In one portion of our country this fact is shown in a very peculiar and striking manner. There is a numerous class at New-Orleans, called Quateroons, or Quadroons, because their colored blood has for several successive generations been intermingled with the white. The women are much distinguished for personal beauty and gracefulness of motion ; and their parents frequently send them to France for the ad- vantages of an elegant education. White gentlemen of the first rank are desirous of being invited to their parties, and often become seriously in love with these fascinating but unfortunate beings. Prejudice forbids matrimony, but uni- versal custom sanctions temporary connexions, to which a certain degree of respectability is allowed, on account of the peculiar situation of the parties. These attachments often continue for years — sometimes for life — and instances are not unfrequent of exemplary constancy and great propriety of deportment. What eloquent vituperations we should pour forth, if the contending claims of nature and pride produced such a tissue of contradictions in some other country, and not in our own ! There is another Massachusetts law, which an enlightened community would not probably suffer to be carried into exe- cution under any circumstances ; but it still remains to dis- grace the statutes of this Commonwealth. It is as follows : " No African or Negro, other than a subject of the Em- peror of Morocco, or a citizen of the United States, (proved so by a certificate of the Secretary of the State of which he is a citizen,) shall tarry within this Commonwealth longer than two months ; and on complaint a justice shall order him to depart in ten days ; and if he do not then, the justice may commit such African or Negro to the House of Cor- rection, there to be kept at hard labor ; and at the next term of the Court of Common Pleas, he shall be tried, and if con- victed of remaining as aforesaid, shall be whipped not exceed- ing ten lashes ; and if he or she shall not then depart, such process shall be repeated, and punishment inflicted, toties quoties." Stat. 1788, Ch. 54. 17* 198 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. An honorable Haytian or Brazilian, who visited this coun- try for business or information, might come under this law, unless public opinion rendered it a mere dead letter. There is among the colored people an increasing desire for information, and laudable ambition to be respectable in manners and appearance. Are we not foolish as well as sinful, in trying to repress a tendency so salutary to them- selves, and so beneficial to the community ? Several individ- uals of this class are very desirous to have persons of their own color qualified to teach something more than mere reading and writing. But in the public schools, colored chil- dren are subject to many discouragements and difficulties ; and into the private schools they cannot gain admission. A very sensible and well-informed colored woman in a neighboring town, whose family have been brought up in a manner that excited universal remark and approbation, has been extremely desirous to obtain for her eldest daughter the advantages of a private school ; but she has been resolutely repulsed on account of her complexion. The girl is a very light mu- latto, with great modesty and propriety of manners ; perhaps no young person in the Commonwealth was less likely to have a bad influence on her associates. The clergyman respected the family, and he remonstrated with the instructer; but while the latter admitted the injustice of the thing, he excused himself by saying such a step would occasion the loss of all his white scholars. In a town adjoining Boston, a well behaved colored boy was kept out of the public school more than a year, by vote of the trustees. His mother, having some information her- self, knew the importance of knowledge, and was anxious to obtain it for her family. She wrote repeatedly and urgently ; and the schoolmaster himself told me that the correctness of her spelling, and the neatness of her hand-writing, formed a curious contrast with the notes he received from many white parents. At last, this spirited woman appeared before the committee, and reminded them that her husband, having for many years paid taxes as a citizen, had a right to the privileges of a citizen ; and if her claim were refused, or longer postponed, she declared her determination to seek justice from a higher source. The trustees were, of course, obliged to yield to the equality of the laws, with the best grace they could. The boy was admitted, and made good progress in his studies. Had his mother been too ignorant OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 199 to know her rights, or too abject to demand them, the lad would have had a fair chance to get a living out of the State as the occupant of a workhouse, or penitentiary. The attempt to establish a school for African girls at Canterbury, Connecticut, has made too much noise to need a detailed account in this volume. I do not know the lady who first formed the project, but I am told that she is a benevolent and religious woman. It certainly is difficult to imagine any other motives than good ones, for an undertak- ing so arduous and unpopular. Yet had the Pope himself attempted to establish his supremacy over that Common- wealth, he coujd hardly have been repelled with more de- termined and angry resistance. Town-meetings were held, the records of which are not highly creditable to the parties concerned. Petitions were sent to the Legislature, beseech- ing that no African school might be allowed to admit indi- viduals not residing in the town where said school was es- tablished ; and strange to relate, this law, which makes it impossible to collect a sufficient number of pupils, was sanc- tioned by the State. A colored girl, who availed herself of this opportunity to gain instruction, was warned out of town, and fined for not complying ; and the instructress was im- prisoned for persevering in her benevolent plan. It was said, in excuse, that Canterbury would be inun- dated with vicious characters, who would corrupt the morals of the young men ; that such a school would break down the distinctions between black and white ; and that marriages between people of different colors would be the probable result. Yet they assumed the ground that colored people must always be an inferior and degraded class — that the prejudice against them must be eternal ; being deeply founded in the laws of God and nature. Finally, they endeavored to represent the school as one of the incendiary proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society ; and they appealed to the Col- onization Society, as an aggrieved child is wont to appeal to its parent. The objection with regard to the introduction of vicious characters into a village, certainly has some force ; but are such persons likely to leave cities for a quiet country town, in search of moral and intellectual improvement ? Is it not obvious that the best portion of the colored class are the very ones to prize such an opportunity for instruction ? Grant that a large proportion of these unfortunate people are vicious 200 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. — is it not our duty, and of course our wisest policy, to try to make them otherwise ? And what will so effectually ele- vate their character and condition, as knowledge ? I beseech you, my countrymen, think of these things wisely, and in season. As for intermarriages, if there be such a repugnance be- tween the two races, founded in the laws of nature, methinks there is small reason to dread their frequency. The breaking down of distinctions in society, by means of extended information, is an objection which appropriately belongs to the Emperor of Austria, or the Sultan of Egypt. I do not know how the affair at Canterbury is generally considered i but I have heard individuals of all parties and all opinions speak of it — and never without merriment or indignation. Fifty years hence, the black laws of Connec- ticut will be a greater source of amusement to the antiquarian, than her famous blue laws. A similar, though less violent opposition arose in conse- quence of the attempt to establish a college for colored people at New-Haven. A young colored man, who tried to obtain education at the Wesleyan college in Middletown, was obliged to relinquish the attempt on account of the persecution of his fellow students. Some collegians from the South objected to a colored associate in their recitations ; and those from New-England promptly and zealously joined in the hue and cry. A small but firm party were in favor of giving the colored man a chance to pursue his studies without insult or interruption ; and I am told that this manly and disinterested band were all Southerners. As for those individuals, who exerted their influence to exclude an unoffending fellow-citi- zen from privileges which ought to be equally open to all, it is to be hoped that age will make them wiser — and that they will learn, before they die, to be ashamed of a step attended with more important results than usually belong to youthful follies. It happens that these experiments have all been made in Connecticut ; but it is no more than justice to that State to remark that a similar spirit would probably have been man- ifested in Massachusetts, under like circumstances. _ At our debating clubs and other places of public discussion, the demon of prejudice girds himself for the battle, the moment negro colleges and high schools are alluded to. Alas, while we carry on our lips that religion which teaches us to " love OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 201 our neighbors as ourselves," how little do we cherish its blessed influence within our hearts ! How much republi- canism we have to speak of, and how little do we practise ! Let us seriously consider what injury a negro college could possibly do us. It is certainly a fair presumption that the scholars would be from the better portion of the colored population ; and it is an equally fair presumption that knowl- edge would improve their characters. There are already many hundreds of colored people in the city of Boston. In the street they generally appear neat and respectable ; and in our houses they do not " come between the wind and our nobility. " Would the addition of one or two hundred more even be perceived ? As for giving offence to the Southerners by allowing such establishments — they have no right to in- terfere with our internal concerns, any more than we have with theirs. Wny should they not give up slavery to please us, by the same rule that we must refrain from educating the negroes to please them ? If they are at liberty to do wrong, we certainly ought to be at liberty to do right. They may talk and publish as much about us as they please ; and we ask for no other influence over them. It is a fact not generally known that the brave Kosciusko left a fund for the establishment of a negro college in the United States. Little did he think he had been fighting for a people, who would not grant one rood of their vast territory for the benevolent purpose ! According to present appearances, a college for colored persons will be established in Canada; and thus by means of our foolish and wicked pride, the credit of this philanthropic enterprise will be transferred to our mother country. The preceding chapters show that it has been no un- common thing for colored men to be educated at English, German, Portuguese, and Spanish Universities. In Boston there is an Infant School, three Primary Schools, and a Grammar School. The two last are, I believe, sup- ported by the public ; and this fact is highly creditable. I was much pleased with the late resolution awarding Franklin medals to the colored pupils of the grammar school; and I was still more pleased with the laudable project, orig- inated by Josiah Holbrook, Esq., for the establishment of a colored Lyceum. Surely a better spirit is beginning to work in this cause ; and when once begun, the good sense and good feeling of the community will bid it go on and prosper. 202 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. How much this spirit will have to contend with is illustrated by the following fact. When President Jackson entered this city, the white children of all the schools were sent out in uniform, to do him honor. A member of the Committee pro- posed that the pupils of the African schools should be invited likewise ; but he was the only one who voted for it. He then proposed that the yeas and nays should be recorded ; upon which, most of the gentlemen walked off, to prevent the question from being taken. Perhaps they felt an awk- ward consciousness of the incongeniality of such proceedings with our republican institutions. By order of the Committee the vacation of the African schools did not commence until the day after the procession of the white pupils ; and a note to the instructor intimated that the pupils were not expected to appear on the Common. The reason g^ven was because " their numbers were so few ;" but in private conversation, fears were expressed lest their sable faces should give offence to our slaveholding President. In all probability the sight of the colored children would have been agreeable to Gen- eral Jackson, and seemed more like home, than any thing he witnessed. In the theatre, it is not possible for respectable colored people to obtain a decent seat. They must either be ex- eluded, or herd with the vicious. A fierce excitement prevailed, not long since, because a colored man had bought a pew in one of our churches. I heard a very kind-hearted and zealous democrat declare his opinion that " the fellow ought to be turned out by constables, if he dared to occupy the pew he had purchased." Even at the communion-table, the mockery of human pride is mingled with the worship of Jehovah. Again and again have I seen a solitary negro come up to the altar meekly and timidly, after all the white communicants had retired. One Episcopal clergyman of this city, forms an honorable excep- tion to this remark. When there is room at the altar, Mr. ■ often makes a signal to the colored members of his church to kneel beside their white brethren ; and once, when two white infants and one colored one were to be baptized, and the parents of the latter bashfully lingered far behind the others, he silently rebuked the unchristian spirit of pride, by first administering the holy ordinance to the little dark- skinned child of God. An instance of prejudice lately occurred, which I should OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 203 find it hard to believe, did I not positively know it to be a fact. A gallery pew was purchased in one of our churches for two hundred dollars. A few Sabbaths after, an address was delivered at that church, in favor of the Africans. Some colored people, who very naturally wished to hear the dis- course, went, into the gallery ; probably because they thought they should bo deemed less intrusive there than elsewhere. The man who had recently bought a pew. found it occupied by colored people, and indignantly retired with his family. The next day, he purchased a pew in another meeting-house, protesting that nothing would tempt him again to make use of seats, that had been occupied by negroes. A well known country representative, who makes a very loud noise about his democracy, once attended the Catholic church. A pious negro requested him to take off his hat, while he stood in the presence of the Virgin Mary. The white man rudely shoved him aside, saying, " You son of an Ethiopian, do you dare to speak to me !" I more than once heard the hero repeat this story ; and he seemed to take peculiar satisfaction in telling it. Had he been less ignorant, he would not have chosen " son of an Ethiopian" as an ignoble epithet ; to have called the African his own equal would have been abundantly more sarcastic. The same republi- can dismissed a strong, industrious colored man, who had been employed on the farm during his absence. " I am too great a democrat," quoth he, " to have any body in my house, who don't sit at my table ; and I'll be hanged, if I ever eat with the son of an Ethiopian." Men whose education leaves them less excuse for such illiberality, are yet vulgar enough to join in this ridiculous prejudice. The colored woman, whose daughter has been mentioned as excluded from a private school, was once smug- gled into a stage, upon the supposition that she was a white woman, with a sallow complexion. Her manners were modest and prepossessing, and the gentlemen were very polite to her. But when she stopped at her own door, and was handed out by her curly-headed husband, they were at once surprised and angry to find they had been riding with a mulatto — and had, in their ignorance, been really civil to her ! A worthy colored woman, belonging to an adjoining town, wished to come into Boston to attend upon a son, who was ill. She had a trunk with her, and was too feeble to walk. She 204 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. begged permission to ride in the stage. But the passengers with noble indignation, declared they would get out, if she were allowed to get in. After much entreaty, the driver suffered her to sit by him upon the box. When he entered the city, his comrades began to point and sneer. Not having sufficient moral courage to endure this, he left the poor wo- man, with her trunk, in the middle of the street, far from the place of her destination ; telling her, with an oath, that he would not carry her a step further. A friend of mine lately wished to have a colored girl admitted into the stage with her, to take care of her babe. The girl was very lightly tinged with the sable hue, had handsome Indian features, and very pleasing manners. It was, however, evident that she was not white ; and there- fore the passengers objected to her company. This of course, produced a good deal of inconvenience on one side, and mor- tification on the other. My friend repeated the circumstance to a lady, who, as the daughter and wife of a clergyman, might be supposed to have imbibed some liberality. The lady seemed to think the experiment was very preposterous; but when my friend alluded to the mixed parentage of the girl, she exclaimed, with generous enthusiasm, " Oh, that alters the case, Indians certainly have their rights." Every year a colored gentleman and scholar is becoming less and less of a rarity — thanks to the existence of the Haytian Republic, and the increasing liberality of the world ! Yet if a person of refinement from Hayti, Brazil, or other countries, which we deem less enlightened than our own, should visit us, the very boys of this republic would dog his footsteps with the vulgar outcry of " Nigger ! Nigger!" I have known this to be done, from no other provocation than the sight of a colored man with the dress and deportment of a gentleman. Were it not that republicanism, like Chris- tianity, is often perverted from its true spirit by the bad pas- sions of mankind, such things as these would make every honest mind disgusted with the very name of republics. I am acquainted with a gentleman from Brazil who is shrewd, enterprising, and respectable in character and man- ners ; yet he has experienced almost every species of indig- nity on account of his color. Not long since, it became necessary for him to visit the southern shores of Massachu- setts, to settle certain accounts connected with his business. His wife was in a feeble state of health, and the physicians OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 205 had recommended a voyage. For this reason, he took pas- sage for her with himself in the steam-boat ; and the captain, as it appears, made no objection to a colored gentleman's money. After remaining on deck some time, Mrs. attempted to pass into the cabin ; but the captain prevented her ; saying, " You must go down forward." The Brazilian urged that he had paid the customary price, and therefore his wife and infant had a right to a place in the ladies' cabin. The captain answered, " Your wife a'n't a lady ; she is a nigger." The forward cabin was occupied by sailors ; was entirely without accommodations for women, and admitted the sea- water, so that a person could not sit in it comfortably without keeping the feet raised in a chair. The husband stated that his wife's health would not admit of such expo- sure ; to which the captain still replied, " I don't allow any niggers in my cabin." With natural and honest indignation, the Brazilian exclaimed, " You Americans talk about the Poles ! You are a great deal more Russian than the Rus- sians." The affair was concluded by placing the colored gentleman and his invalid wife on the shore, and leaving them to provide for themselves as they could. Had the cabin been full, there would have been some excuse ; but it was occu- pied only by two sailors' wives. The same individual sent for a relative in a distant town on account of illness in his family. After staying several weeks, it became necessary for her to return ; and he procured a seat for her in the stage. The same ridiculous scene occurred ; the passengers were afraid of losing their dignity by riding with a neat re- spectable person, whose face was darker than their own. No public vehicle could be obtained, by which a colored citizen could be conveyed to her home ; it therefore became abso- lutely necessary for the gentleman to leave his business and hire a chaise at great expense. Such proceedings are really inexcusable. No authority can be found for them in religion, reason, or the laws. The Bible informs us that "a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of great authority under Candace, Queen of the Ethiopians, who had charge of all her treasure, came to Jerusalem to worship." Returning in his chariot, he read Esaias, the Prophet ; and at his request Philip went up into the chariot and sat with him, explaining the Scriptures. Where should we now find an apostle, who would ride in the same chariot with an Ethiopian ! 18 206 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. Will any candid person tell me why respectable colored people should not be allowed to make use of public con- veyances, open to all who are able and willing to pay for the privilege? Those who enter a vessel, or a stage-coach, cannot expect to select their companions. If they can afford to take a carriage or boat for themselves, then, and then only, they have a right to be exclusive. I was lately talking with a young gentleman on this subject, who professed to have no prejudice against colored people, except so far as they were ignorant and vulgar ; but still he could not tolerate the idea of allowing them to enter stages and steam-boats. " Yet, vou allow the same privilege to vulgar and ignorant white men, without a murmur," I replied ; " Pray give a good republican reason why a respectable colored citizen should be less favored." For want of a better argument, he said — (pardon me, fastidious reader) — he implied that the presence of colored persons was less agreeable than Otto of Rose, or Eau de Cologne ; and this distinction, he urged was made by God himself. I answered, " Whoever takes his chance in a public vehicle, is liable to meet with uncleanly white passengers, whose breath may be redolent with the fumes of American cigars, or American gin. Neither of these arti- cles have a fragrance peculiarly agreeable to nerves of deli- cate organization. Allowing your argument double the weight it deserves, it is utter nonsense to pretend that the inconvenience in the case I have supposed is not infinitely greater. But what is more to the point, do you dine in a fashionable hotel, do you sail in a fashionable steam-boat, do you sup at a fashionable house, without having negro ser- vants behind your chair. Would they be any more disa- greeable, as passengers seated in the corner of a stage, or a steam-boat, than as waiters in such immediate attendance upon your person ?" Stage-drivers are very much perplexed when they attempt to vindicate the present tyrannical customs ; and they usually give up the point, by saying they themselves have no preju- dice against colored people — they are merely afraid of the public. But stage-drivers should remember that in a popular government, they, in common with every other citizen, form a part and portion of the dreaded public. The gold was never coined for which I would barter my individual freedom of acting and thinking upon any subject, or knowingly interfere with the rights of the meanest human OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 207 being. The only true courage is that which impels us to do right without regard to consequences. To fear a populace is as servile as to fear an emperor. The only salutary restraint is the fear of doing wrong. Our representatives to Congress have repeatedly rode in a stage with colored servants at the request of their masters. Whether this is because New-Englanders are willing to do out of courtesy to a Southern gentleman, what they object to doing from justice to a colored citizen, — or whether those representatives, being educated men, were more than usually divested of this absurd prejudice, — I will not pretend to say. The state of public feeling not only makes it difficult for the Africans to obtain information, but it prevents them from making profitable use of what knowledge they have. A colored man, however intelligent, is not allowed to pursue any business more lucrative than that of a barber, a shoe- black, or a waiter. These, and all other employments, are truly respectable, whenever the duties connected with them ire faithfully performed ; but it is unjust that a man should, )n account of his complexion, be prevented from performing nore elevated uses in society. Every citizen ought to have x fair chance to try his fortune in any line of business, which he thinks he has ability to transact. Why should not colored men be employed in the manufactories of various kinds ? If their ignorance is an objection, let them be enlightened, as speedily as possible. If their moral character is not suffi- ciently pure, remove the pressure of public scorn, and thus supply them with motives for being respectable. All this can be done. It merely requires an earnest wish to over- come a prejudice, which has " grown with our growth and strengthened with our strength," but which is in fact opposed to the spirit of our religion, and contrary to the instinctive good feelings of our nature. When examined by the clear light of reason, it disappears. Prejudices of all kinds have their strongest holds in the minds of the vulgar and the ignorant. In a community so enlightened as our own, they must gradually melt away under the influence of public dis- cussion. There is no want of kind feelings and liberal sen- timents in the American people ; the simple fact is, they have not thought upon this subject. An active and enterprising community are not apt to concern themselves about laws and customs, which do not obviously interfere with their interests or convenience ; and various political and prudential motives 208 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. have combined to fetter free inquiry in this direction. Thus we have gone on, year after year, thoughtlessly sanctioning, by our silence and indifference, evils which our hearts and consciences are far enough from approving. It has been shown that no other people on earth indulge so strong a prejudice with regard to color, as we do. It is urged that negroes are civilly treated in England, because their numbers are so few. I could never discover any great force in this argument. Colored people are certainly not sufficiently rare in that country to be regarded as a great show, like a giraffe, or a Sandwich Island king ; and on the other hand, it would seem natural that those who were more accustomed to the sight of dark faces would find their aver- sion diminished, rather than increased. The absence of prejudice in the Portuguese and Spanish settlements is accounted for, by saying that the white people are very little superior to the negroes in knowledge and re- finement. But Doctor Walsh's book certainly gives us no reason to think meanly of the Brazilians ; and it has been my good fortune to be acquainted with many highly intelli- gent South Americans, who were divested of this prejudice, and much surprised at its existence here. If the South Americans are really in such a low state as the argument implies, it is a still greater disgrace to us to be outdone in liberality and consistent republicanism by men so much less enlightened than ourselves. Pride will doubtless hold out with strength and adroitness against the besiegers of its fortress ; but it is an obvious truth that the condition of the world is rapidly improving, and that our laws and customs must change with it. Neither ancient nor modern history furnishes a page more glorious than the last twenty years in England ; for at every step, free principles, after a long and arduous struggle, have conquered selfishness and tyranny. Almost all great evils are resisted by individuals who directly suffer injustice or inconvenience from them ; but it is a peculiar beauty of the abolition cause that its defenders enter the lists against wealth, and power, and talent, not to defend their own rights, but to protect weak and injured neighbors, who are not allowed to speak for themselves. Those who become interested in a cause laboring so heavily under the pressure of present unpopularity, must expect to be assailed by every form of bitterness and sophis- OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 209 try. At times, discouraged and heart-sick, they will perhaps begin to doubt whether there are in reality any unalterable principles of right and wrong. But let them cast aside the fear of man, and keep their minds fixed on a few of the simple, unchangeable laws of God, and they will certainly receive strength to contend with the adversary. Paragraphs in the Southern papers already begin to imply that the United States will not look tamely on, while Eng- land emancipates her slaves ; and they inform us that the inspection of the naval stations has become a subject of great importance since the recent measures of the British Parlia- ment. A republic declaring war with a monarchy, because she gave freedom to her slaves, would indeed form a beau- tiful moral picture for the admiration of the world ! Mr. Garrison was the first person who dared to edit a newspaper, in which slavery was spoken of as altogether wicked and inexcusable. For this crime the Legislature of Georgia have offered five thousand dollars to any one who will " arrest and prosecute him to conviction under the laws of that State." An association of gentlemen in South Caro- lina have likewise offered a large reward for the same object. It is, to say the least, a very remarkable step for one State in this Union to promulgate such a law concerning a citizen of another State, merely for publishing his opinions boldly. The disciples of Fanny Wright promulgate the most zealous and virulent attacks upon Christianity, without any hindrance from the civil authorities ; and this is done upon the truly rational ground that individual freedom of opinion ought to be respected — that what is false cannot stand, and what is true cannot be overthrown. We leave Christianity to take care of itself; but slavery is a "delicate subject," — and whoever attacks that must be punished. Mr. Garrison is a disinterested, intelligent, and remarkably pure-minded man, whose only fault is that he cannot be moderate on a subject which it is exceedingly difficult for an honest mind to examine with calmness. Many who highly respect his character and motives, regret his tendency to use wholesale and unquali- fied expressions; but it is something to have the truth told, even if it be not in the mildest way. Where an evil is powerfully supported by the self-interest and prejudice of the community, none but an ardent individual will venture to meddle with it. Luther was deemed indiscreet even by those who liked him best; yet a more prudent man would never 210 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. have given an impetus sufficiently powerful to heave the great mass of corruption under which the church was buried. Mr. Garrison has certainly the merit of having first called public attention to a neglected and very important subject.* I believe whoever fairly and dispassionately examines the question, will be more than disposed to forgive the occasional faults of an ardent temperament, in consideration of the dif- ficulty of the undertaking, and the violence with which it has been opposed. The palliator of slavery assures the abolitionists that their benevolence is perfectly quixotic — that the negroes are happy and contented, and have no desire to change their lot. An answer to this may, as I have already said, be found in the Judicial Reports of slaveholding States, in the vigilance of their laws, in advertisements for runaway slaves, and in the details of their own newspapers. The West India planters make the same protestations concerning the happiness of their slaves ; yet the cruelties proved by undoubted and unanswerable testimony are enough to sicken the heart. It is said that slavery is a great deal worse in the West Indies than in the United States ; but I believe precisely the reverse of this proposition has been true within late years ; for the English government have been earnestly trying to atone for their guilt, by the introduction of laws expressly framed to guard the weak and defenceless. A gentleman who has been a great deal among the planters of both countries, and who is by no means favorable to anti-slavery, gives it as his decided opinion that the slaves are better off in the West Indies, than they are in the United States. It is true we hear a great deal more about West Indian cruelty than we do about our own. English books and periodicals are con- tinually full of the subject ; and even in the colonies, news- papers openly denounce the hateful system, and take every opportunity to prove the amount of wretchedness it produces. In this country, we have not, until very recently, dared to publish any thing upon the subject. Our books, our reviews, our newspapers, our almanacs, have all been silent, or exerted their influence on the wrong side. The negro's crimes are * This remark is not intended to indicate want of respect for the early exertions of the Friendb, in their numerous manumission societies ; or for the efforts of that staunch, fearless, self-sacrificing friend of freedom— Benjamin Lundy ; but Mr. Garrison was the first that boldly attacked slavery as a sin, and Colonization as its twin sister. OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 211 repeated, but his sufferings are never told. Even in our geographies it is taught that the colored race must always be legraded. Now and then anecdotes of cruelties committed n the slaveholding States are told by individuals who wit- lessed them ; but they are almost always afraid to give their lames to the public, because the Southerners will call them ' a disgrace to the soil," and the Northerners will echo the sentiment. The promptitude and earnestness with which New- England has aided the slaveholders in repressing all discus- sions which they were desirous to avoid, has called forth many expressions of gratitude in their public speeches, and private conversation ; and truly we have well earned Ran- dolph's favorite appellation, " the white slaves of the North," by our tameness and servility with regard to a subject where good feeling and good principle alike demand a firm and independent spirit. We are told that the Southerners will of themselves do away slavery, and they alone understand how to do it. But it is an obvious fact that all their measures have tended to perpetuate the system ; and even if we have the fullest faith that they mean to do their duty, the belief by no means ab- solves us from doing ours. The evil is gigantic ; and its removal requires every heart and head in the community. It is said that our sympathies ought to be given to the masters, who are abundantly more to be pitied than the slaves. If this be the case, the planters are singularly disin- terested not to change places with their bondmen. Our sym- pathies have been given to the masters — and to those masters who seemed most desirous to remain for ever in their pitiable condition. There are hearts at the South sincerely desirous of doing right in this cause ; but their generous impulses are checked by the laws of their respective States, and the strong disapprobation of their neighbors. I know a lady in Georgia who would, I believe, make any personal sacrifice to instruct her slaves, and give them freedom ; but if she were found guilty of teaching the alphabet, or manumitting her slaves, fines and imprisonment would be the consequence ; if she sold them, they would be likely to fall into hands less merciful than her own. Of such slave-owners we cannot speak with to much respect and tenderness. They are comparatively few in number, and stand in a most perplexing situation ; it is a duty to give all our sympathy to them. It is mere mockery to say, what is so often said, that the Southerners, 212 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. as a body, really wish to abolish slavery. If they wished it, they certainly would make the attempt. When the ma- jority heartily desire a change, it is effected, be the difficul- ties what they may. The Americans are peculiarly respon- sible for the example they give ; for in no other country does the unchecked voice of the people constitute the whole of government. We must not be induced to excuse slavery by the plausible argument that England introduced it among us. The wick- edness of beginning such a work unquestionably belongs to her ; the sin of continuing it is certainly our own. It is true that Virginia, while a province, did petition the British gov- ernment to check the introduction of slaves into the colonies; and their refusal to do so was afterward enumerated among the public reasons for separating from the mother country : but it is equally true that when we became independent, the Southern States stipulated that the slave-trade should not be abolished by law until 1808. The strongest and best reason that can be given for our supineness on the subject of slavery, is the fear of dissolving the Union. The Constitution of the United States demands our highest reverence. Those who approve, and those who disapprove of particular portions, are equally bound to yield implicit obedience to its authority. But we must not forget that the Constitution provides for any change that may be required for the general good. The great machine is con- structed with a safety-valve, by which any rapidly increasing evil may be expelled whenever the people desire it. If the Southern politicians are determined to make a Si- amese question of this also — if they insist that the Union shall not exist without slavery — it can only be said that they join two things, which have no affinity with each other, and which cannot permanently exist together. They chain the living and vigorous to the diseased and dying ; and the former will assuredly perish in the infected neighborhood. The universal introduction of free labor is the surest way to consolidate the Union, and enable us to live together in harmony and peace. If a history is ever written entitled "The Decay and Dissolution of the North American Republic," its author will distinctly trace our downfall to the existence of slavery among us. There is hardly any thing bad, in politics or "religion, that has not been sanctioned or tolerated by a suffering commu- OUR DUTIES TN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 213 nity, because certain powerful individuals were able to identify the evil with some other principle long consecrated to the hearts and consciences of men. Under all circumstances, there is but one honest course ; and that is to do right, and trust the consequences to Divine Providence. " Duties are ours ; events are God's." Policy, with all her cunning, can devise no rule so safe, salutary, and effective, as this simple maxim. We cannot too cautiously examine arguments and excuses brought forward by those whose interest or convenience is connected with keeping^ their fellow-creatures in a state of ignorance and brutality ; and such we shall find in abun- dance, at the North as well- as the South. I have heard the abolition of slavery condemned on the ground that New. England vessels would not be employed to export the pro. duce of the South, if they had free laborers of their own. This objection is so utterly bad in its spirit, that it hardly deserves an answer. Assuredly it is a righteous plan to retard the progress of liberal principles, and " keep human nature for ever in the stocks," that some individuals may make a few hundred dollars more per annum ! Besides, the experience of the world abundantly proves that all such forced expedients are unwise. The increased prosperity of one country, or of one section of a country, always contri- butes, in some form or other, to the prosperity of other states. To " love our neighbor as ourselves," is, after all, the shrewdest way of doing business. In England, the abolition of the traffic was long and stoutly resisted, in the same spirit, and by the same arguments, that characterize the defence of the system here ; but it would now be difficult to find a man so reckless, that he would not be ashamed of being called a slave-dealer. Public opinion has nearly conquered one evil, and if rightly directed, it will ultimately subdue the other. Is it asked what can be done? I answer, much, very much, can be effected, if each individual will try to deserve the commendation bestowed by our Saviour on the woman of old — " She hath done what she could." The Friends, — always remarkable for fearless obedience to the inward light of conscience, — early gave an example worthy of being followed. At their annual meeting in Penn- sylvania, in 1688, many individuals urged the incompatibility of slavery and Christianity ; and their zeal continued until, 214 PREJUDICE AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. in 1776, all Quakers who bought or sold a slave, or refused to emancipate those they already owned, were excluded from com-munion with the society. Had it not been for the early exertions of these excellent people, the fair and flourishing State of Pennsylvania might now, perchance, be withering under the effects of slavery. To this day, the Society of Friends, both in England and America, omit no opportunity, public or private, of discountenancing this bad system ; and the Methodists (at least in England) have earnestly labored in the same glorious cause. The famous Anthony Benezet, a Quaker in Philadelphia, has left us a noble example of what may be done for con- science' sake. Being a teacher, he took effectual care that his scholars should have ample knowledge and christian im- pressions concerning the nature of slavery ; he caused articles to be inserted in the almanacs likely to arrest public attention upon the subject ; he talked about it, and wrote letters about it ; he published and distributed tracts at his own expense ; if any person was going a journey, his first thought was how he could make him instrumental in favor of his benevolent purposes ; he addressed a petition to the Queen for the sup- pression of the slave-trade ; and another to the good Countess of Huntingdon, beseeching that the rice and indigo plantations belonging to the orphan-house, which she had endowed near Savannah, in Georgia, might not be cultivated by those who encouraged the slave-trade ; he took care to increase the comforts and elevate the character of the colored people within his influence ; he zealously promoted the establish- ment of an African school, and devoted much of the two last years of his life to personal attendance upon his pupils. By fifty years of constant industry he had amassed a small fortune : and this was left after the decease of his widow, to the support of the African school. Similar exertions, though on a less extensive scale, were made by the late excellent John Ken rick, of Newton, Mass. For more than thirty years the constant object of his thoughts, and the chief purpose of his life, was the abolition of slavery. His earnest conversation aroused many other minds to think and act upon the subject. He wrote letters, inserted articles in the newspapers, gave liberal donations, and circulated pamphlets at his own expense. Cowper contributed much to the cause when he wrote the Negro's Complaint," and thus excited the compassion of OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 215 his nun ] etc ra« Wedgewood aided the work, when be caused cameos to be struck, representing a kneeling Af- rican in chains, and thus made even capricious fashion an avenue to the heart. Clarkson assisted by patiei gation of evidence ; and Fox and Wflberfbrce by eloquent speeches. Mungo Park gave his powerful influence by the kind and liberal manner in which he always represented the Africans. The Duchess of Devonshire wrote verses and caused them to be set to music ; and wherever those lines were sung, some hearts were touched in favor of tl :. This fascinating woman made even her far-famed beauty serve in the cause of benevolence. Fox was returned for Parliament through her influence, and she is said to have procured more than one vote, by allowing the yeomanry of England to kiss her beautiful cheek. All are not able to do so much as Anthony Benezet and John Ken rick have done; but we can all do something. We can speak kindly and respectfully of colored people upon all occasions.; we can repeat to our children such traits as are honorable in their character and history ; we can avoid making odious caricatures of negroes ; we can teach boys that it is unmanly and contemptible to insult an unfortunate class of people by the vulgar outcry of ;; Nigger^ ! — Ni . Even Mahmoud of Turkey rivals us in liberality — for he long ago ordered a fine to be levied upon those who called a Christian a dog ; and in his dominions the vrejudi.ee is so great that a Christian must be a degraded being. A resi- dence- in Turkey might be profitable to those Christians who patronize the eternity of prejudice ; it would afford an op- portunity of testing the goodness of the rule, by showing how it works both ways. If we are not able to contribute to African schools, or do not choose to do so, we can at least refrain from opposing them. If it be disagreeable to allow colored people the same rights and privileges as other citizens, we can do with our prejudice, what most of us often do with better feeling — we can conceal it. Our almanacs and newspapers can fairly show both sides of the question ; and if they lean to either party, let it not be to the strongest. Our preachers can speak of slavery, as they do of other evils. Our poets can find in this subject abundant room for sentiment and pathos. Our orators (pro- 216 OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT* vided they do not want office) may venture an allusio*. te onr m-" glorious institutions." The union of individual influence produces a vast amount of moral force, which is not the less powerful because it is often unperceived. A mere change in the direction of our efforts, without any increased exertion, would in the course of a few years, produce an entire revolution of public feeling. This slow but sure way of doing good is almost the only means by which benevolence can effect its purpose. Sixty thousands petitions have been addressed to the Eng- lish parliament on the subject of slavery, and a large number of them were signed by women. The same steps here would be, with one exception, useless and injudicious ; because the general government has no control over the legislatures of individual States. But the District of Columbia forms an exception to this rule. There the United States have power to abolish slavery ; and it is the duty of the citizens to peti- tion year after year, until a reformation is effected. But who will present remonstrances against slavery 1 The Hon. John Q. Adams was intrusted with fifteen petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ; yet clearly as that gentleman sees and defines the pernicious effects of the system, he offered the petitions only to protest against them! Another petition to the same effect, intrusted to another Massachusetts representative, was never noticed at all. "Brutus is an honorable man: — So are they all — all honorable men." Nevertheless, there is, in this popular government, a subject on which it is impossible for the people to make themselves heard. By publishing this book I have put my mite into the treasury. The expectation of displeasing all cl-asses has not been un- accompanied with pain. But it has been strongly impressed upon my mind that it was a duty to fulfil this task ; and worldly considerations should never stifle the voice of conscience. THE END.