.PHX Hollinger Corp. pH 8.5 D 515 .P42 Copy l Are the Germans the Chosen People 9 ADDRESS Delivered at the Business Men's Glub, Cincinnati January 28th, 1918 BY RABBI DAVID PHILIPSON $ TV FOREWORD After I had heard the address by Dr. Philipson at the Business Men's Club I felt that the message should reach a wider circle than was comprised in the company present It seemed to me that the climax of the ad- dress in which the speaker pointed out the results of militarism and showed forth the high purpose of America in entering the war must appeal to all Americans and freedom lovers. For these reasons I asked the privilege of having the address printed for wide distribution. Additional copies can be secured by addressing the undersigned. MAURICE I. JOSEPH. 1242 Harrison Avenue Cincinnati, Ohio February 12, 1918 Are the Germans the Ghosen People? The statement has been made frequently of late years that the modern Germans in their claim that they are God's chosen people are the latter day counterpart of the ancient Jews, who are thus termed in the Bible. Preachers and writers in Germany make the direct comparison in unmistakable terms as when one of these preachers declares unreservedly : "As was Israel among the heathen, so is Germany amongst the nations, the pious heart of Europe," and another asserts no less apodictically : "In a moment we, the children of modern humanity, have become the heir of Israel, the people of the Old Testament. We shall be the bearers of God's promises, the living proof that it is not man who creates history, but God through man." The conviction that they are the chosen people of these latter ages has become a leading article of German belief ; it has imbued the German peo- ple with a feeling of superiority over all other nations ; they have become obsessed with the idea that they are God's favorites ; they speak of God as the. German God, implying thereby that other peoples are without the pale of His special concern. It is, however, not only Germans who have instituted the comparison between themselves and ancient Israel in this matter of being God's chosen people, but leading speakers and thinkers in other lands, when discussing the state of the modern German mind, are fond of adducing the same comparison. It was only recently that I heard a distinguished American professor say this emphatically and without modification. As I listened to his words the thought presented itself forcibly to my mind that this frequently reiterated statement could and should be subjected to careful examination. For I felt that this comparison was super- ficial and far from the truth inasmuch as the term "chosen peo- ple" received an entirely different interpretation by the leading spirits of ancient Israel, namely the prophets, from that given it by the spokesmen of modern Germany as revealed in the writings and utterances of the foremost framers of opinion in that realm in recent days. Before addressing myself, however, to the special theme under consideration, attention must be called to the fact that the "chosen people" idea was widespread in ancient days. The Jews were not alone in considering themselves the favorites of their God. Many, if not all, nations of antiquity looked upon themselves in the same light. Thus the neighboring peoples of ancient Israel, Moab and Ammon, considered themselves respectively the chosen of their deities, Chemosh on the one hand and Milcom on the other; the Babylonians held the belief that they were the chosen favorites of Marduk, the chief god in their pantheon-; and so with other peoples. Each of these nations considered itself the favorite of its national deity who, according to the popular belief, fought on its side in war, discomfited its enemies, showered it with favors and distinguished it by the grant of unusual privi- leges, to the disadvantage of other peoples. There can be no doubt that in early days the Jews snared in this interpretation of what it signified to be God's chosen people. But with the passing of time a different meaning was read into the conception by those soaring spirits, the prophets of Israel, and this inter- pretation of the idea became paramount in the course of the development of Judaism during the centuries. According to this new valuation of the term, Israel was chosen not for favors, but for service. The great prophet of the sixth pre-Christian century, known as Isaiah of Babylon, defined the people of Israel by the significant term, "Servant of the Lord." This prophet brings out this thought in a number of famous passages of which I need quote only one. Says the prophet in the name of God, "Behold My servant whom I uphold, Mine elect in whom My soul delighteth. I have put My spirit upon him, he shall make the right go forth among the nations. ... I the Lord have called thee in righteousness . . . and set thee for a covenant of the people, for a light of the nations, to open the blind eyes, to bring out the prisoners from the dungeon and them that sit in darkness from the prison house." (Isaiah XLII : 1, 6 and 7.) In this striking passage, as well as in others that might be quoted, the choice is interpreted in terms of service. Israel, the servant of the Lord and upon whom rested the spirit of the Lord, was chosen for responsibilities, not for privileges ; was called in right- eousness, that is to promulgate the doctrine of the might of right, or as it was put by a brother prophet, "Not by might and not by strength, but by My spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts." And in this light has the conception of the chosen people been taken by the leaders of the synagogue ever since. In the prayers God is thanked for having chosen Israel and for having called him to God's service that through Israel, sanctified by observing God's commandments, His holy name might be known in all the earth. I believe I may state without fear of contradiction that this sig- nificance first attached to the "chosen people" idea by the prophet twenty-six hundred years ago, as applied to Israel, is now gen- erally accepted by authoritative thinkers among Jews. How different the interpretation given the term by the molders of opinion in modern Germany ! There is the widest gap between the interpretation in terms of service by the prophets of ancient Israel and the interpretation in terms of power and favoritism by the prophets of modern Germany. We find in this latter a reversion to the old idea of the deity choosing a people for favors, of the deity fighting on the side of the chosen, of the deity giving victory to the arms of the chosen. What is the Nietzschean doctrine of the superman but this belief carried to the nth degree ? What are the paeans sung by Houston Stewart Chamberlain and his like on the supremacy of the blond Teutonic race in all things but a variation of this same belief? What is the boastful claim for the superiority of German Kultur but a harping on the same string? Here is the bald and frequently brutal assertion of the right of might, the motto of the warrior nations of all times, not the teaching of the might of right, the doctrine of the prophets of Israel, the founder of Christianity and all the highest spirits of humanity. Lest it appear that these statements are made ex parte, I will let loudly acclaimed modern German leaders and prophets speak for themselves. So general and frequent are the boastful asser- tions of German superiority to all others that it has been found possible to compile whole volumes of excerpts from the writings and speeches of German philosophers, preachers, poets, authors and men of affairs. Within the past year or two such volumes have appeared under titles like "Hallelujah and Hurrah !" "Out of Their Own Mouths," "Speaking of Prussians," "Made in Germany," "Gems of German Thought" and "Kultur and Con- quest." For the sake of illustrating my special theme, namely, the setting forth of the contrast between the prophetic Jewish conception of service as the obligation of the chosen people and the modern German conception of force, I will select a few out of the many striking expressions wherewith the writings of Treitzschke, Bernhardi, Chamberlain, Nietzsche, Tannenberg, Lasson, Sombert, et hoc genus omne teem. The first time that the term chosen people is applied to Israel in the Bible is in the nineteenth chapter of the book of Exodus, introductory to the giving of the Ten Commandments, humanity's magna charta of morality. We there read, "If ye will hearken to My voice indeed and keep My covenant, then ye shall be Mine own treasure from among all peoples, and ye shall be to Me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." (Exodus XIX :5.) In other words, they would be a chosen people if they would keep God's covenant, the Ten Commandments, the great charter which was entrusted to them. Modern Germany's prophet has given us a new version of the Commandments that offers a re- markable contrast to this conception. In the book which is generally considered as containing the ripest flowering of his thought, "Thus Spake Zarathustra," Nietzsche has a chapter entitled "Old and New Tables." The old tables are to be dis- carded, the new, containing his reading of the moral life, are to take their place. Hear some of this new doctrine. "Do you say it is a good cause by which a war is hallowed? I say unto you, it is a good war which hallows every cause. War and courage have done greater things than the love of one's neighbor. ... Be not con- siderate of thy neighbor. What thou doest can no one do to thee again. Lo, there is no requital. . . . 'Thou shalt not steal !' 'Thou shalt not kill !' Such precepts were once called holy. Is there not even in all life stealing and killing? And for such precepts to be called holy, was not truth itself slain thereby? . . , This new table, O my brethren, put I up over you, 'Become hard !' " Here modern Germany's prophet, the creator of the concep- tion of the superman, out of which has grown the thought of the Germans as the super people, gives a new reading not only to the Commandments, but also to that consummate expression of Jesus' teaching, the Golden Rule. Jesus said, "Do unto others as you would have them do to you;" Zarathustra Nietzsche says, "Be not considerate of thy neighbor. What thou doest can no one do to thee again. Lo, there is no requital." And for the old tables containing such commands as "Thou shalt not kill !" "Thou shalt not steal !" he substitutes his new table, "Become hard !" For him and for his disciples, the Ten Commandments and the Golden Rule are outgrown. They were for slaves. One of Nietzsche's favorite terms is "Slave morality," as applied to the moral teachings of Judaism and Christianity. Truly a vast contrast! According to the older prophets, the observance of the Commandments and the implied service to humanity was the prime condition towards becoming the chosen people! Ac- cording to the newer prophet of Germany, this observance made slaves, not a chosen people ! For the latter the new command- ment, "Become hard," expresses the latest revelation. Fully indeed has this new reading of the commandments been accepted by the military masters of Germany who are directing the des- tinies of this people and whose diabolical course has brought upon the world the greatest disaster of all the ages through the unspeakable deeds of the German soldiery in the lands which they have overrun ! That Nietzsche's teaching has not been per- mitted to remain mere theory, but has been there translated into inhuman practices, is clearly apparent. How completely this revelation given through Nietzsche has become the rule of action of the military party appears from a soldier's rendering of that teaching. Even more brutally, if that were possible, General Von der Goltz expresses this new rendering of the command- ments, when in his "Ten Commandments of the German Soldier" he says : "War is not a work of charity and in the soldier's heart there is no compassion. The soldier must be hard. It is better to let a hundred 8 women and children belonging to the enemy die of hunger than to let a single German soldier suffer." Truly a worthy disciple of the prophet! The soldier! The soldier ! he is supreme. One hundred women and children are of no account as comparison with him. Humanity is thrown to the winds. It is also interesting to note that the prophet who has exerted such a tremendous influence in shaping the thought of modern Germany and in producing the modern German state of mind has placed a new valuation not only on the Ten Commandments, the supreme teaching of the Old Testament, but also upon the Sermon on the Mount, the outstanding teaching of the New Testament. Hear this new interpretation of one of the famous beatitudes : "We have heard it said, Blessed are the peace-makers, but I say unto you, Blessed are the war-makers, for they shall be called, if not the chil- dren of Jahveh, then the children of Odin, who is greater than Jahveh." Once again might against right, force against love, war against peace ! Nietzsche has many disciples besides the general just named, who repeated in almost identical words the new commandment for the direction of life, "Become hard." Militarism is the Ger- man cult. It is the practical outcome of the notion of the teach- ing of the will to power and the conquering might of force so constantly urged by Nietsche. All these things hang together. The might of their militarism is the proof to the Germans that they are the chosen people. They will impose their will upon all weaker peoples. They will take what they want. Nothing which stands in the way of the accomplishment of desire must be taken into consideration. Treaties are only scraps of paper. Small nations have no rights which must be respected. "Might is the supreme right and the dispute as to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of war," declares Bernhardi. If Belgium obstructs the path, it is Germany's right to invade and steal Belgium, to sack Belgian cities, destroy Belgian seats of learn- ing, burn, outrage, plunder, kill; the right of the strong is the last word; hear it again, "Might is the supreme right." This, the slogan of the latter day chosen people, as "right is the supreme might," was the watchword of the ancient prophet, for Bern- hardi has learned well the lessons of Germany's acclaimed his- torian, Heinrich von Treitzschke, the interpreter of the blood and iron theory of history; one of Treitzschke's leading theses is expressed in the phrase, "The small nations have no right of existence and ought to be swallowed up." Carrying out this instruction of the interpreter of history a la German militarism, Bernhardi declares flatly: "The Germans must, regardless of the rights and interests of other peoples, fight their way to pre- dominance and force upon humanity German Kultur and spirit." But I hear it said by apologists that these expressions of Von der Goltz, Bernhardi, and their kind, horrible as they are, are to be expected from soldiers and militarists. Their training has distorted their point of view. War is their business and they look at all things through that glass. Little as such an apology avails to excuse the inhuman, brutal and savage expressions of military writers and still more savage deeds of military commanders, still even it loses all force when it becomes clear that men in civil life, men occupying high posts in the professional world, even professors in universities, preachers in churches, authors in literary circles, give voice to similar sentiments. These well nigh incredible things explain the state of mind of the German people. Their professors, their preachers, their writers are teaching, preaching and expounding the same doctrines as the militarists, the doctrine that the Ger- mans are the chosen people, the doctrine of the right of might, the doctrine of German superiority to all the world. These germs have inoculated the German people, they have learned well the lesson dinned into them for the past thirty years and more in school and church. It is all a part of the system. Teachers and professors are dependents of the military state and uphold its doctrines. Preachers are the appointees of the state for the church is a state church. This explains such strange phenomena which startled the world as the declaration issued by ninety-three professors shortly after the beginning of the war in 1914, some of them among the most famed not only in Germany, but in the world, like Harnack, Eucken, Deissmann and others equally dis- tinguished, in which declaration these men defended and vindi- cated the course of Germany, and that other document of June 30, 1915, touching the status of Belgium, signed by over a thou- sand professors, clergymen, judges, writers, etc., in which it is stated, "We must keep Belgium firmly in our hands as regards political and military matters and as regards economic interests. In no matter is the German nation more united in its opinion; to it the retention of Belgium is an indubitable matter of honor." Such perversion of the right seems scarcely credible. Stolen, outraged Belgium must be retained ! That perversion is the direct result of the training the German people had received from its teachers, professors, preachers, writers and journalists under the direction and guidance of its military masters. How direct, how unequivocal that teaching was shall now appear from a few examples selected from a great number that might be adduced. Let a professor speak. Werner Sombart has come to be well known in this country through his books on the history of commerce and other economic works ; his writings have had a 10 great vogue in his native land. He gave utterance in 1915 to the simon pure belief of the German people in its destiny as the chosen people in these modest terms : "As the emblem of the Germans, the eagle soars high above all the birds of the world, so the German should feel himself raised above all the peoples who surround him and whom he sees at an immeasurable depth below him. Here also it is true that nobility implies obligations. The idea that we are the chosen people imposes upon us very great duties — and only duties. Above all things we must maintain ourselves as a strong nation. We are determined to be and to remain a strong German nation and a strong German state and ... if it is necessary to extend our ter- ritorial possessions so that the increasing body of the nation shall have room to develop itself, we will take for ourselves as much territory as seems to us necessary. We shall also set our foot wherever it seems to us important for strategic reasons in order to preserve our unassailable strength. That is all!" That is all ! Take it or leave it ! These words explain the actions of the bully among nations ! We will seize by our strong right arm what we need ! Here is the new meaning of the chosen people a la Teutonic militarism. Not one word of service as the obligation of the chosen people. Said the ancient Jewish prophet of Israel's duty as the elect of God: "He shall make the right go forth according to the truth;" declares the modern German professor as the supreme duty imposed upon the Ger- mans as the chosen people, "Above all things in the world, we must maintain ourselves as a strong nation. We are determined to be and remain a strong German nation and a strong German state." Look on this picture and on that! Let the professor speak again, and this time the eminent Biblical scholar whom in the pre-bellum days students every- where looked up to as speaking with authority in his chosen field, Adolf Deissmann. In an address on War and Religion, this great scholar, who as the apologist for the scandalous acts of the militaristic regime, has shamed his former reputation, used these astounding words : "The French Ambassador in London is understood to have said at a banquet that so-called scholars and professors have preached the religion of barbarism. His words — I venture that paradox — pretty nearly express my thought. What people beyond the channel call barbarism history will some day call primitive strength. In this age which has witnessed the most gigantic mobilization of physical and mental forces which the world has ever seen, we certainly proclaim — no, it is not we who proclaim it, but it reveals itself — the religion of power." We rub our eyes. Have we read correctly? Is it possible that a cultured man of the twentieth century has pronounced such words? This unashamed defense of a shameful position is inexpressibly painful. To such a depth hast thou caused a great mind to fall, O German militarism! This is German Kul- tur! Yes, we proudly say it, there is a vast gulf between what we call culture and what the German professor dubs Kultur! 11 What the French Ambassador whom Deissmann quotes refers to is the above mentioned declaration signed by the ninety-three leading professors and scholars, of whom Deissmann was one. Far from repudiating this historic document whereof some day when Germany will come to her senses she will be heartily ashamed, this professor glorifies it. He glories in the shame! Degradation cannot go much further! He speaks of the mobili- zation of physical and mental forces, but he significantly omits mention of the spiritual forces. Yes, Germany is physically and intellectually powerful, but spiritually, oh, how weak! Once more let me contrast the modern German professor in his defi- nition of the religion of his people as the chosen people with the ancient prophet. Says the modern German professor, "We cer- tainly proclaim the religion of power;" says the ancient Jewish prophet in his further definition of Israel as the servant of the Lord, "A bruised reed he will not break and a dimly burning wick he will not quench," and in the same spirit that other great prophet of Jewish birth and training, the founder of Christianity, declared, "Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth." Now that the professors have been heard through their rep- resentatives, I would call to the witness chair a representative of writers whose books have gained great popularity. In a recent article entitled "Economic Imperialism," in the Century Maga- zine for July, 1917, David Jayne Hill, our former Ambassador to Germany, refers to the widespread vogue of a book by Otto Richard Von Tannenberg. The book is named "Grossdeutsch- land" and appeared in 1911 ; thousands upon thousands of copies were sold. This popular author throws further light upon the subject we are considering when he speaks thus of Germany's mission : "A policy of sentiment is folly. Enthusiasm for humanity is idiocy. Charity should begin among one's compatriots. Politics is business. Right and wrong are notions needed in civil life only. The German people is always right, because it is the German people, and because it numbers 87,000,000. Our fathers have left us much to do!" And again: "The period of preparation lasted for a long time (1871-1911) — forty years of toil on land and sea, the end constantly in view. The need now is to begin the battle, to vanquish and to conquer ; to gain new territories ; lands for colonization for the German peasants, fathers of future warriors and for the future conquests. . . . 'Peace' is a detestable word; peace between Germans and Slavs is like a treaty made on paper, between water and fire. . . . Since we have the force, we have not to seek reasons." If anything, these statements are even more direct and un- abashed than the words of the professors. No equivocation here ! What arrogance ! "The German people is always right, because it is the German people !" What knock-down arguments ! "Since we have the force, we have not to seek reasons !" Always force ! always power! Who can doubt that in his brutal frankness 12 this writer expresses the true inwardness of the modern German militaristic mind. For German militarism, peace is a detestable word, unless it be a German peace; the forty years of prepara- tion had as their purpose the exploitation of the weak, the con- quest of the unprepared, the rape of neighboring lands. The voice of the war guns thundered at unsuspecting Liege and Namur; the tramp, tramp of the grey German hosts resounded on Belgian roads and in Belgian streets ; they struck quickly, they struck violently, because they had the power. Contrast once more the clash of warfare which German militarism let loose in 1914 and which has made the European war zone a hell on earth ever since, with the ancient prophet's characterization of Israel as the chosen people : "He shall not cry, nor lift up nor cause his voice to be heard in the streets." The war cry, the battle din marks the chosen according to the apostle of force, the quiet ministrations of the gentle servant of the Lord is the prophet's delineation. This list of witnesses would not be complete unless we heard from those who have a particular right to speak when the topic is one which has always had a religious connotation. From ear- liest times the thought of the chosen people has been connected with the Deity. The choice is made by God. Therefore it is necessary to let be heard the interpreters of religion as made in modern Germany. These preachers are the mouthpieces of the state church. They uphold the state in all its enterprises. That they believe what they preach I have not the least doubt. That their congregations also believe it there can be no question. This too largely contributes to what I termed above the German state of mind. This German state of mind is the most serious feature of the whole terrible situation. This is what the Allies are really fighting against. Until this state of mind is changed, German militarism will remain intrenched. Every agency has been em- ployed by the war lords who occupy Germany's seats of the mighty to produce this state of mind and admirably have they succeeded, for they have enlisted as their missionaries not only the school and the press, but also the church. In a war sermon delivered in 1915, the Rev. Walter Lehmann asked his hearers: "Am I exaggerating when I say that we feel at the present time, when lying, passion, selfishness prevail around us, that we are actually the people God has chosen for his heirs, feel ourselves in this fight, if not the chosen people — yet, in all humility — the instrument of God? This the secret strong well-spring of the national movement is a kind of German piety. The German God has become living." And expatiating further on this idea of the German God, he says in another place: "We have God on our side. Can the Russians, the French, the Serbians, the English say this ? No, not one of them. Only we Germans can say it. If God is for us, who can be against us? It is enough for us to be a part of God. ... A nation which is God's seed corn for the future. . . . 19 Germany is the center of God's plan for the world. . . . God and Germany- belong- to each other." As one reads these and similar utterances by German preach- ers, one must fain ask himself, has the world gone backward thousands of years? Hebrew prophets, Christian apostles, men of light and leading among all nations in all parts of the world have taught for centuries that God is the Father of all mankind. Here all this is thrown overboard, the crudest nationalistic doc- trine about God is preached. A German God, what a limitation of the Lord of all the universe! True, in ancient Israel, God was first regarded as the God of Israel only, but that was thou- sands of years ago; later in Israel the prophets arose, who con- ceived God as the God of all the earth, the Father of all men. Such, too, was the teaching of the founder of Christianity, and such surely has been the preachment in all places in this western world for many years. And now this reversion in Germany. The German God! Not the God of all the nations. But Lehmann stands not alone in his frenzied exaltation of the German people as the chosen people and as the especial fa- vorites of the German God. A brother preacher, creature also of the state church, bound to uphold the militaristic system and policy, the Rev. J. Rump, waxes enthusiastic on the subject of German glory in this strain: "It has long been an honor and a joy, a source of renown to be a German — the year 1914 has made it a title of nobility. What Geibel once prophesied in the distich* so often quoted, now can and shall and must at last become a reality in the life of nations that by the German nature, that nature blessed by the grace and hallowed by the spirit of God, shall the whole world be healed." And this after the rape of Belgium! This after the indescribable outrages in France! What word but blasphemy can fitly describe such an utterance from a spot called holy ? And what shall be said of the outburst of Pastor D. Baumgarten, another of these preacher panegyrists of the murderers of the innocent, the militarists of Germany, a man who debased the pulpit by singing the praises of the assas- sins of the deep in these startling words: . "Any one who cannot bring himself to approve from the bottom of his heart the sinking of the Lusitania . . . and give himself up to honest joy at this victorious exploit of German defensive power — such a one we deem no true German." But enough! enough! To depths of infamy indeed has a church sunk, accredited representatives of which can thus glorify murder. Such an utterance, coupled with the official govern- mental act of striking Lusitania medals, are to us indeed incom- prehensible. To this pass has militarism brought this people. *Und es mag am deutschem Wesen, Einmal noch die Welt genesen. 14 Madness possesses these Germans. Or else they would not dare pride themselves on being the chosen people. Chosen people! Nay, nay. In spite of all their achievements in science, industry, manufacture, mental research and intellectual investigation, they are barbarians. Their greatest man, Goethe, had a truer insight into the German nature than have the ecclesiastical and profes- sorial panegyrists whose words we have heard. Well nigh one hundred years ago Goethe, in one of his conversations with Eckerman, said: "The Germans are of yesterday. No doubt in the last one hundred years we have been cultivating ourselves quite diligently, but it may take a few centuries yet before our countrymen have absorbed sufficient intel- lect and higher culture for it to be said of them that it is a long time since they were barbarians." It is almost a century since Goethe thus expressed himself ; he claimed that a few centuries would have to pass before the Germans would have definitely left barbarism behind them. They have not yet done so. Scratch the German militarist and you find the barbarian. A chosen people! No, no; rather a bar- barous people ! Goethe, we thank thee for that correct diagnosis. And now just one testimonial more. The all-highest, the supreme war lord, the head and front of the offending which has plunged a world into deepest woe, even the Kaiser, who in view of the horrors which have resulted from his act in precipi- tating the war, has been well termed the greatest criminal of the ages, gave classical expression to the doctrine we have been considering, when in his proclamation to the army of the east in 1914 he adjured his warriors thus: "Remember that you are the chosen people ! The spirit of the Lord has descended upon me because I am the Emperor of the Germans. I am the instrument of the Almighty. I am his sword, I am his agent. War and death to all those who shall oppose my will. War and death to those who oppose my mission; Let them- perish, all the enemies of the German people. God demands their destruction, God who by my mouth bids you to do his will!" And this in the twentieth Christian century! We shudder at this blasphemy! It is doubtful whether any more frightful word fell from the lips of even the most barbarous monarchs of the twentieth pre-Christian century. And this man believes himself to be the divinely appointed ruler of the German people, and the German people assents ! Such is his conception of the chosen people! Such the conception of all his myrmidons in the army, .the university, the church, the public prints ! No word here of service for humanity — only German expansion, German exaltation, German glory ! Power, power, power ! Might, might, might ! This is the kernel of the situation with which the world is confronted. As long as a nation believes as does the German 15 people that it was chosen to impose its will upon the world and to become the world's master by force, so long is the world in danger. To combat this danger, America entered the war. The President of the United States in one of his remarkable addresses to Congress stigmatized this German militarism by the term "Thing," as though it were a monster incapable of other desig- nation. And such indeed it is. He declared that this thing must be removed from the face of the earth. To help to so remove it is America's purpose. To my mind the day on which America allied herself with the nations of Europe who are fighting for the world's freedom ranks with that most glorious moment when the embattled farmers of New England fired the shot heard 'round the world. America is fighting not for her own glory, but for an ideal ; not for territory nor indemnity, but to make the world safe for democracy and democracy safe for the world. Proud are we of our country, not because we are the greatest of the world's republics, not because of our wide territory or our un- exampled prosperity, not because of our tremendous riches or our mighty possibilities, not because of our mines and our mills, our factories and our shops, but proud are we because our coun- try has again found her soul, because in this extremest crisis that the cause of the world's freedom has ever known, in this dark hour when the mailed fist of militarism is casting its dire shadow over a greater extent of Europe's surface than this gen- eration has ever known, she has stepped into the breach and has answered the call that through all the ages has come to the truly chosen. I have the firm conviction that just as in the prophet's vision Israel of old was chosen and called for service, so in this latest age of the world's history this nation has been called for service, this nation has been chosen. I hear the words of the Eord speaking to America through the prophet even as He spake to ancient Israel : "I the Lord have called thee in right- eousness and have taken hold of thy hand and kept thee and set thee for a covenant of the peoples, for a light of the nations; to open the blind eyes, to bring out the prisoners from the dun- geon and those that sit in darkness out of the prison house." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 021 547 332 6 16