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LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 
 
 8 C S Dfi IS O A D W A Y . 
 
 .To. 93. 
 
 LETTER 
 
 PETER COOPER 
 
 SLAVE EMANOIPATIOi^r 
 
 NEW YORK, JULY, 1S63. 
 
 NEW YOEK: 
 
 Wm. C. Bryant & Co., Printers, 41 Nassau Street, cor. Liberty. 
 
 1863, 
 
LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY. 
 
 TTie objects of tJie Society are expressed in fhe following Eesolvr- 
 tior.^fonncdly adoj)ted hy the unanimous vote of the Society, 
 at its first Meeting, 14 F^ruary, 1863. 
 
 Resolved, That the object of this organization is, and shall be confined to 
 the distribution of Journals and Documents of unquestionable and uncondi- 
 tional loyalty throughout the United States, and particularly in the Armies 
 now engaged in the suppression of the Eebellioci, and to counteract, as far as 
 practicable, the efforts now being made by the enemies of the Government 
 and the advocates of a disgraceful peace to circulate journals and documents 
 of a disloyal character. 
 
 Persons sympathising with the objects of this Society and xoish- 
 ing to contribute funds for its sujpport, may address 
 
 MOKRIS KETCIiUM, Esq., Treasurer, 40 Exchange Place, 
 
 Receipts will he prompt returned. 
 
 '05 
 
LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 
 
 3- 
 
 863 ISROVIJAVAY. 
 
 J\*o. a.l. 
 
 LETTER OF PETER COOPER, 
 
 SLAVE EMA^ISTGIPATION-. 
 
 New York, Januan', 1862. 
 
 Abkaham Lincoln, 1 ■'resident of the United States : 
 
 Honored and Respected Sir, — The deplorable scenes tbroiigli 
 which onr country is now passing form iny only apology for 
 venturing to send you a few lines, desiring, if ])ossible, to 
 strengthen the arm of Government by any and all means in 
 my power. 
 
 The maintenance of our Union of States in all its integrity 
 and completeness is, to my mind, the nation's pearl of great 
 price, that can never be abandoned while there are life and 
 ])ower to preserve and defend it. 
 
 The grand question that nov\' claims the united wisdom of the 
 statesman, philosopher, and iiatiiot, is how best to preserve and 
 render more perfect this Union with the least possible exj-ense 
 of life and treasure. 
 
 The true statesman will always regulate his acts by the re- 
 quirements of truth and justice. lie will endeavor to keep iu. 
 view the causes that produce the blessings we enjoy, and the 
 evils we encounter. • ■ 
 
To do this, he will gather wisdom by studying the course of 
 human events, wliere pride and selfishness have strewed the 
 course of time with all the wrecks and wretchedness whose 
 friglitful inonuinents still stand like beacon-lights in the path- 
 way «•!" nations, to warn us to beware lest a woi"se fate befall us. 
 The experience of seventy years has taught me to believe that 
 the evils brouglit on us by the folly and rashness of our 
 Southern neighbors have resulte<l from the different circum- 
 stances of climate, birth, education, and the peculiar institu- 
 tions with which they have been surrounded. So that if we 
 had been born in exact!}- their circumstances and condition, we 
 should have been as they ; and if they had been born to all 
 the circun^iStances and conditions that have surrounded us, th.ey 
 would have been as we — showing that it is the almost omni- 
 potent power of circumstances that has made us to differ in our 
 opinions, feelings, and interests — God having made us to differ 
 not only in color, but in habits, capacity, and fitness for dif- 
 ferent countries, climates, and pursuits. It is the knowledge 
 and application of this fact to life, that render obedience to the 
 requirements of Christian charity possible, and cause it to be 
 the greatest of all virtues, for the very reason that the exercise 
 of charity is so constantly required to enable us to bear with the 
 weakness and imperfections of each other. 
 
 It is a fact that the enslavement of human beings has so far 
 infused its insidious poison into the very hearts of tiie Southern 
 people, that they have come to believe and declare the evil of 
 slavery to be a good, and to require tlie power of Government 
 to be exerted to maintain, extend, and perpetuate an institution 
 that enables thousands to sell their own children, to be en- 
 slaved, with all their posterity, into hopeless bondage. 
 
 It is terrible to know that the South is now waging war to 
 strengthen this unnatural system. They demand for it stronger 
 guarantees, additional protection ; and some even demand the 
 right to reopen the trade and importation of African slaves. 
 Tiiis course on the part of the South, has compelled the people 
 ot' the Xorth to use the power of the nation to preserve, in all 
 i^tj integrity, the Constitution^ and those laws made in compliance 
 with it — laws which arc quite as important for the South as 
 the North, and absolutely necessary to avoid future wai*s, and 
 
to secure peace and prosperity for all the States. This war has 
 forced on the nation's government the duty to use the most 
 effectual means possible to exterminate the vile heresy of seces- 
 sion, in order to restore the supremacy of the Constitution and 
 the laws. 
 
 During the sessions of the last and preceding Congress, I 
 ventured to recommend to Hon. John Sherman and other Ilo- 
 publican members, that they should declare their intentions by 
 some decided action calculated to force conviction on the 
 Southern mind that the Republican party intended to secure to 
 the South every equitable right which they could claim by 
 virtue of any and all the obligations of the Constitution. I am 
 fully of the opinion that the proposition of Mr. Adams to erect 
 I*^ew Mexico into a State, and to repeal the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, should have been adopted, placing that 
 measure of peace on its original foundation. 
 
 Such a course would have left the South without the shadow 
 of excuse for the course that they have adopted. Such a policy 
 would have strengthened the Union sentiment throughout the 
 South to a degree that would have secured the Border States 
 to the Union, and rendered it impossible for their desperate 
 leaders to have made headway against them. 
 
 The question that now requires to be decided is, to adopt 
 the plan best calculated to restore peace and prosperity to the 
 nation. 
 
 It is now to be decided whether respect and obedience to the 
 laws will more surely result from a continued manifestation of 
 our determination to perform every obligation of the Constitu- 
 tion in a kind and liberal spirit, rather than rely entirely upon 
 a display and application of force. 
 
 The evidence should be constantly kept before the people, 
 showing that every use and application of force will be resorted 
 to — not willingly, but of necessity — for our good as a nation, to 
 secure the invaluable treasure bequeathed to us in trust for our- 
 selves, our posterity, and the world. 
 
 In order that we of the l^orth may perform our duty M'iseh' 
 and well, we cannot too often refer to the circumstances that 
 attended the formation of the Constitution under which we live. 
 
 It had required the power and force of all the States united 
 
1-ve 
 
 to cram tlielr independence of the mother country. To preserve 
 that independence, it became absolutelj necessary for the sepa" 
 rate sovereign and independent States to yield up snch specified 
 portions of the sovereign power tlicy possessed as would forma 
 complete and perfect union in a constitutional -ovcrnmcnt 
 combining the strength and power of all the StateSj^'to be used 
 to maintain the perfect union and government they had formed, 
 for the i>urpose of facilitating commerce, and securing full pro- 
 tection to all tlie rights they had reserved. 
 
 In the original formation of that Constitution, it became ab- 
 solutely necessary to make a compromise with that great and 
 all-pervading interest which had then already entered into the 
 very life-blood of the uation, rendering the formation of an 
 union ofStates hopeless without such a compromise as Avould 
 secure the return of that species of properly held bound to labor 
 to their owners. It should be borne in mind that we of the 
 North did enter into a contract and agreement with that great 
 interest, by wliich we (of the North) did secure a most valuable 
 equivalent— one vitally important to regulate the commerce of 
 a nation, and i^reserve internal peace and harmony for the whole 
 country. These were advantages tliat were only possible to 
 such an union of States as would combine the strength of all for 
 the preservation and security of each individuaf and everv 
 State. 
 
 It is well for us to remember that the inheritance of slaverv 
 was forced on our fathers by the unyielding policv of tlie mo- 
 ther country ; that it has gn)wn into sucii a va^t and formidable 
 interest as to place it beyond the reacii of all sudden and violent 
 means or remedies. In the opinion of Silas Wright, it had be- 
 come to the franiers of the Constitution perfectly^apparent that 
 the very idea of a republican confederation of States must be 
 abandoned, or this seeming difficulty must be encountered of 
 orgumzmg a free republican government with the existence of 
 slavery in the States. 
 
 He tlien asks if such men as formed the Constitution could 
 doubt what was tlioir duty, and what choice they should make, 
 when the existence of slavery was not to be aflected any further 
 than to secure an eiid to the inhuman practice of importino- 
 slaves. ' ^ 
 
Mr. Wright says tlife question was then to be settled whether 
 we should tolerate domestic slavery, or continue the white race 
 in endless subjection by entirely abandoning all efforts to or- 
 ganize a free republic, thereby making themselves the endur- 
 ing objects of oppression, Avitliout securing any prospect of 
 deliverance to the colored race. 
 
 And all this suffering to determine whether the black man 
 shall earn his bread in this State or that one ; Avhether he shall 
 obey a master bound by law and interest to provide for his 
 wants, or whether ho shall be mastered by circumstances that 
 Mr. Jefferson declared will promptly extinguish his race, by 
 the sufferings to which the}' must inevitably be subjected by 
 living Avith a race with whom amalgamation would be a cruel- 
 ty, to which Thomas Jefferson says no lover of his kind or 
 country can innocently consent. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that the several States could not 
 have been persuaded to abolish all laws which irritated the 
 South, while doing nothing to alleviate the condition of 
 slaves. 
 
 The several States should have been urged by every influence 
 that Government could exert, to so amend their laws as to re- 
 move every appearance of bad faith as to a conformity M'ith the 
 requirements of the Constitution. 
 
 It is clearly the duty of all the free States to yield up fugi- 
 tives from labor on demand, as our part of the obligations of 
 the Constitution, This has been done in nearly all cases 
 tlH\)Ughout "the free States, notwithstanding the system of 
 slavery is opposed to all the best feelings of our nature, and 
 against the spirit and progress of the age. 
 
 The constitutional requirement to return fugitive slaves on 
 their being denuinded by Southern men, having been acknowl- 
 edged and performed by the States, has been reaffirmed by an 
 almost unai^mous vote in Congress, with a request to the sev- 
 eral States not only to repeal their j^ersonal liberty bills, but 
 also to pass such an amendment to the Constitution as would 
 put it out of the power of the North to interfere with the insti- 
 tutions of the South. 
 
 Theae honest efforts on the part of the jSTorth to maintain 
 peace and friendship were met by a relentless war, waged for 
 
the destruction of the Constitution and tlic dissolution of the 
 Union. 
 
 This act of causeless war, committed by States now in open 
 rebellion, has relieved our country and Government from all 
 obli<^ations to uphold or defend an institution so at war with 
 natural ""^islici' mid all tlio doiirest rights of a common hu- 
 manity. 
 
 'i'he National Ciovernment is required, by the obligations of 
 tlic Constitution, to execute the laws in such a manner as will 
 moft eti'cctnally promote the general welfare, establish justice, 
 anJ secure domestic tranquillity, with the guarantee of a Re- 
 publican form of Government to ever}'- State. 
 
 The fjaithfnl performance of this duty requires the Govern- 
 ment to use all the means that God and nature has placed 
 within our power to exterminate the heresy of secession, and 
 thus remove a cause leading directlj^ to anarchy and war. 
 
 To avoid such a calamity, we must preserve, maintain, and 
 defend the Constitution and Union of Stales on the same prin- 
 ciple that Ave would destroy a city to save a nation. 
 
 The strength, power, and progress of this rebellion make it 
 necessary for the Government of our country to adopt the most 
 certain and efi'cctual means to bring tin's terrible war to an 
 end. 
 
 It is now necessary to determine whether it is possible to 
 overcome and hold an agricultural people, so great in number, 
 occupying so large an extent of fertile country, while we allow 
 their slave labor, on which they depend, to remain quiet and 
 undisturbed in the production of the very means necessary to 
 enable their rebellious Government to carry on a war for our 
 destruction. 
 
 The continuance of this rebellion will soon satisfy every 
 soldier and man of the North that the slave who cultivates the 
 fields is as much a power to be met and overcome as the rebel 
 arnn'es that arc now pointing the engines of death at the 
 nation's liberties and life. 
 
 If I am not mistaken, the time has come when it is the duty of 
 Congress to invoke every constitutional power of the Govern- 
 ment to quell this rebellion, and throw the expenses of this war 
 on the persons and property of all those found in arms against 
 the Government, the Constitution, and the laws. 
 
In order to sliow our determination to secure to tlic South nil 
 their rights, it should he prochiiiued, in all kindness, from the 
 highest authorit}^ of tlie nation, that the people of the north 
 have no desire for conquest, and no thought of suhj ligation 
 heyond what is made absolutely necessary to save our nation 
 from being brolcen up and ruined by a combination of inte- 
 rested and designing men, whose business it has been to mis- 
 lead and deceive their people. 
 
 This combination, formed as it is of ambitious men, by fiilse 
 representations has prevailed on their people to believe tliat we 
 of the north were determined to make war on their institutions, 
 in open violation of all the requirements of the Constitution. 
 
 So fiir from this being true, there was not one in a hundred 
 of the people of the IsTorth who w^ould, if they could, have in- 
 terfered with the rights intended to be secured by the obliga- 
 tions of the Constitution. They were, as a body, determined 
 to perform their jiart of the contract for the eqnivalent they 
 had received, until fully absolved from an agreement that could 
 only have been entered into and excused by the force of cir- 
 cumstances entirely beyond their control. 
 
 The time has now come when Southern men must know that 
 the Union must be preserved, and it is for tiiem to determine 
 whether they will persevere in their rebellion until the North 
 shall be compelled, in the most reluctant Pclf defence, to render 
 contraband of war the slaves and property of all persons found 
 in arms against the laws and Government of the country. 
 
 It should be remembered by all, that slavery is in itself a 
 perpetual war in its natural struggles for freedom, and that this 
 struggle can never cease until men by nature choose slavery in 
 preference to freedom, and until men actually prefer being 
 forced, instead of performing free compensated labor. 
 
 The poet declared an unalterable truth when he said : 
 
 " Man must soar ; 
 An obstinate activity within, 
 An unsuppressive spring will toss him up, 
 In spite of fortune's load. Kot kings alone — ■ 
 Each villager has his ambition, too. 
 No sultan prouder than his fettered slave. 
 Slaves build their little Babylons of straw, 
 Echo the proud Assyrian in their hearts, 
 
8 
 
 And cry, ' Behold the wonders of my might.' 
 And wliy ? Because immortal ii3 their Lord ; 
 And souls immortal must forever heave 
 
 Diirino- all tlic i)ast, wlicn slavery was regarded as au evil 
 entailed on tlie country ]jy a power over which they had no 
 control, it did not corrupt the lieart of the people as it now 
 does when a controlling power in the South has determined to 
 make tlieir system of slavery the very corner- stone of the 
 American nation. This greatest of all national evils must not, 
 cannot be allowed, while there is a power possible to maintain 
 our Union of States — a Union that has given us seventy years 
 of peace at home, with honor and respect throughout the world. 
 I'he advice of Napoleon to a young American is appropriate to 
 the present condition of our country. He said: "Cultivate 
 union, or your empire will be like a colossus of gold — of gold 
 fallen to the earth, broken in pieces, and a prey to foreign and 
 domestic Saracens." 
 
 AVith profound and sincere respect, 
 I subscribe myself. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 PETER COOPEK. 
 
OFFICERS OF THE 
 
 LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 
 
 S63 BROADYTAY, NEW YORK. 
 
 President. 
 
 CHARLES KINa. 
 
 Treasurer. 
 
 MORRIS KETCHUM. 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS, Jr. 
 
 Finance Committee* 
 
 CHARLES BUTLER, Chairman. 
 
 OEORQE GRISWOLD, JACKSON S. SCHULTZ, 
 
 MORRIS KETCHUM, A. C. RICHARDS, 
 
 ■CHARLES H. MARSHALL, L. P. MORTON, 
 
 HENRY A. HURLBUT, SETH B. HUNT, 
 
 THOMAS N. DALE, DAVID DOWS, 
 
 WILLIAM A. HALL, JOSIAH M. FISKE, 
 
 T. B. CODDINGTON, JAMES McKAYE. 
 
 Publication Committee. 
 
 FRANCIS LIEBER, Chairman. 
 G. P. LOWREY, Secretary. 
 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 WILLIAM T. BLODGETT, Chairman. 
 GEORGE WARD NICHOLS, Secretary. 
 
The Loyal Publication Society has already issued a large 
 number of t?lips and Pamphlets which have been widely cir- 
 culated. Amongst the most important are the following : 
 
 Xo. 1. Future of the North "West, by liohert Dale Oicen. 
 
 2. Echo from the Army. 
 
 3. Union Mass Meeting, S[)ceches of Brady, Van Duren. d-c. 
 
 4. Three Voices: the Soldier, Farmer and Poet. 
 
 5. Voices from the Army. 
 G. Northern True Men. 
 
 7. Speech of iMajor-GenerarEutler. 
 
 8. Separation; War without End. Ed. Lahoidaye. 
 
 9. The Venom and the Antidote. 
 
 10. A few words in behalf of the Loyal Women of the United 
 
 States, by One of Themselves. 
 
 11. No Failure for the North. Atlantic Alonilily. 
 
 12. Address to King Cotton. Eugene Pelleian. 
 
 13. How a Free People conduct a long War. Stille. 
 
 1-i. The Preservation of the Union, a Nationnl Economic Ncccssily. 
 
 15. Elements of Discords in Sccessia, &c., &c. 
 
 16. No Party now, all for our Country. Dr. Francis Lieber. 
 
 17. The Cause of the War. Col Charles Anderson. 
 
 IS. Opinions of the early Presidents and of the Fathers of the 
 
 llepublic upon Slavery, and upon Negroes as Men and Soldiers. 
 
 19. €inl)cit unb i^rcil)cit, von §exmann tl after. 
 
 20. Military Despotism ! Suspension of the Habeas Corpus ! Sec. 
 
 21. Letter addressed to the Opcra-IIouse Meeting, Cincinnati, 
 
 by Col. Charles Anderson. 
 
 22. Emancipation is Peace. By liohert Dale Owen. 
 
 23. Letter of Peter Cooper on Slave Emancipation. 
 
 Loyal Leagues, Clubs, or individuals may obtaiu any of our 
 Publications at the cost price, by ai)plicatioii to the Executive 
 Committee, or by calling at the Rooms of the Society, No. 8G3 
 Broadway, where all information may be obtained relating to 
 the Society. 
 
 54_ 
 

 
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