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 A HISTORICAL EXAMINATION 
 
 OF THE STATE OF SOCIETY IN 
 
 WESTERN AFRICA, 
 
 AS FORMED BY 
 
 PAGANISM AND MUHAMMEDANISM, SLAVERY, 
 THE SLAVE TRADE AND PIRACY, 
 
 AND OF THE REMEDIAL INFLUENCE OF 
 
 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 

COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 
 HISTORICAL EXAMINATION 
 
 OF THE STATE OF SOCIETY IN 
 
 WESTERN AFRICA, 
 
 AS FORMED BY 
 
 PAGANISM AND MUHAMMEDANISM, SLAVERY, 
 THE SLAVE TRADE AND PIRACY, 
 
 AND OF THE 
 
 REMEDIAL INFLUENCE OF COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 BY JOSEPH TRACY, 
 
 SXCRSTABT OF THS MASSACHUSETTS COLORIZATIOIf SOCIXTT 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE BOARD OF MANAGERS. 
 
 Second SE^iftion. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 PRESS OF T. R. MARVIN, 24 CONGRESS STREET. 
 
 1845. 
 
mt3 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1844, 
 
 BY T. R. MARVIN, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 The question stated. — Proceedings of Missionary Boards and Colonial Governments. 
 — Charges against the Government of American Colonies at an end. — Charges 
 against the Moral Influence of the Colonists as Individuals, and Mode of meet- 
 ing them. 
 
 " If the experiment, in its more remote consequences, should ulti- 
 mately tend to the diffusion of similar blessings through those vast 
 and unnumbered tribes yet obscured in primeval darkness, reclaim 
 the rude wanderer from a life of w^retchedness to civilization and 
 humanity, and convert the blind idolater from gross and abject super- 
 stitions to the holy charities, the sublime morality and humanizing 
 discipline of the gospel, the nation or the individual that shall have 
 taken the most conspicuous lead in achieving the benevolent enter- 
 prise, will have raised a monument of that true and imperishable 
 glory, founded in the moral approbation and gratitude of the human 
 race, unapproachable to all but the elected instruments of divine 
 beneficence." 
 
 Such was the language addressed by the American Colonization 
 Society to the Congress of the United States, in a memorial presented 
 two weeks after the formation of the Society. To the hope which 
 these words express, we are indebted for a large and valuable part of 
 countenance and aid which we have received. For some years past, 
 however, this hope has been pronounced a delusion. Men who strenu- 
 ously contend that the colored people of this country are fit for 
 social equality and intercourse with our white population, assert, not 
 very consistently, that when settled in Africa, they corrupt the morals 
 of the idolatrous natives, and actually impede the progress of civiliza- 
 tion and Christianity. 
 
 These assertions have had the greater influence, because they have 
 been thought to be corroborated by the representations of American 
 Missionaries, laboring for the conversion of the heathen in and around 
 the colonial possessions. These missionaries, it is said, represent the 
 colonies, or the colonists, or something connected with colonization, 
 as serious obstacles to the success of their labors. In this way, some 
 of our former friends have been led to disbelieve, and still greater 
 numbers to doubt, the utility of our labors. The interests of the So- 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 The Charges against the Colonies. 
 
 ciety, therefore, and of the colony, and of Africa, and of Christianity, 
 demand an investigation of the subject. 
 
 It would be easier to meet these charges, if we could ascertain exact- 
 ly what they are. But this has hitherto proved impracticable. Com- 
 mon fame has reported, that the missionaries of the American, the 
 Presbyterian, and the Protestant Episcopal Boards at Cape Palmas, 
 united, some time in 1842, in joint representation of their respective 
 Boards, containing serious charges of the nature above mentioned.* 
 It was reported also, that this document was confidential ; and that, for 
 this reason, and especially as three Boards and their missionaries were 
 interested in it, no one Board had a right to divulge its contents. As 
 this was said to be the principal document on the subject, and to con- 
 tain the substance of all the rest, the Secretary of the American Colo- 
 nization Society, at an early date, applied to the Secretaries of those 
 three Boards for a copy, or at least for the perusal of it ; but the request 
 was not granted. We do not charge this refusal upon the Secretaries 
 as a fault, or even as a mistake. We only mention it as the occasion 
 of a serious inconvenience to us. Tt has also been reported, that about 
 the same time, a certain pastor received a letter from one of those 
 missionaries, which was confidential in this sense; that it might be 
 circulated from hand to hand, and used in various ways to our preju- 
 dice, but must not be printed nor copied. This report of its charac- 
 ter, of course, precluded any application for a copy. 
 
 Now, how can any man answer a report, that some or all of several 
 very respectable persons three thousand miles o(T, have said something 
 to his disadvantage 1 A man may be seriously injured by such a re- 
 port ; but in ordinary cases, he must bear the injury as best he may, 
 and " live down " its influence if he can. In order to reply, he 
 needs to know authentically who his accusers are, and what things 
 they testify against them. 
 
 Let us see, however, whether industry and a good cause may not 
 extricate us, even from a difficulty like this. We may learn something 
 of the grounds of complaint, from the proceedings of the Boards of 
 Missions ; and we may learn from common fame, what common fame 
 has led people to suspect. From all that we have heard, the complaints 
 appear to be of two classes ; those which relate to the action of the 
 colonial governments, and those which relate to the influence of the 
 colonists as individuals. We will consider them in their order. 
 
 Several years since, there was a controversy between the colonial 
 government of Liberia and the superintendent of the Methodist Mission 
 there, growing out of a dispute concerning duties on goods, imported 
 by the superintendent for the purpose of trade. But that whole mat- 
 ter was soon settled. Another superintendent was sent out ; and since 
 
 *Some have received the erroneous impression, that all the American missionaries w Liberia 
 united in this representation. In fact, no missionary in any part of Liberia Proper, — that is, 
 none in any place under the care of the American Colonization Society, — had any concern 
 in it, or any knowlesje of it. The nearest station occupied by any of its reputed signers, was 
 ninety miles beyond the southernmost settlement of Liberia Proper. Some of them had 
 spent a few days at iMonrovia as visitors ; but for their knovvledg-e of any settlement except 
 Cape Palmas, they were almost wholly dependent on hearsay. Their representations con- 
 cerning the other settlements, if they made aiiy, aie therefore of little value, and no official 
 action has been founded on them. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Source and settlement of the Difficulties. 
 
 his death, the first has gone back, with express instructions to avoid 
 his former errors. It is not known that the government of Liberia 
 has ever had any other collision with any missionary, or missionary 
 society. 
 
 It appears from the Report of the American Board for 1842, that 
 the missionaries complained, and, as the Board thought, with reason, 
 oi' several laws of the Maryland colony at Cape Palmas, where the 
 mission was located. It has been understood, that the other Boards 
 which had missions there, entertained substantially the same views of 
 those laws. 
 
 To this it is a sufficient reply, that we have nothing to do with Cape 
 Palmas. The colony there is a distinct colony, with a government of 
 its own. It was planted, and is sustained, by the Maryland Coloniza- 
 tion Society, which is not a branch of the American, nor auxiliary to 
 it, nor any way connected with it or under its influence. To bring a 
 charge against our colony on account of the laws of Cape Palmas, is 
 as unjust as it would be to blame the government of England for the 
 laws of France. But this difficulty, too, has been settled. A few 
 words will explain its origin and its termination. — It was from the be- 
 ginning the policy of that colony, as of ours, not to exterminate or 
 expel the natives, but to amalgamate them and the colonists into one 
 people. The missions at Cape Palmas, however, were commenced as 
 missions to the heathen natives, and not to the colonists. They there- 
 fore had a tendency to raise up a native interest, distinct from that of 
 the colonists; to keep the two classes separate, and make them rivals 
 to each other, instead of uniting them as one people. In this respect, 
 the policy of the missions was in direct conflict with that of the colo- 
 ny ; and this was the true source of the conflict of opinion and feeling. 
 The case may be better understood, by viewing it in contrast with the 
 Methodist mission in Liberia. That mission is not sent to the heathen 
 exclusively, but to all the inhabitants of the territory on which they 
 labor. Of course, all who come under its influence, colonists or na- 
 tives, are drawn to the same religious meetings; all are gathered into 
 the same churches ; or, if children, brought into the same schools. 
 The whole influence oi'the mission goes to make natives and colonists 
 one people, and thus coincides with the policy of the colony. The 
 contrary policy at Cape Palmas naturally led to alienation of feeling, 
 and to acts of both the government and the missionaries, which were 
 mutually unpleasant, and some of which appear to have been unjusti- 
 fiable. The mission of the American Board was removed, for this 
 and other reasons, to the Gaboon river; and that of the Presbyterian 
 Board to Settra Krou, in Liberia Proper. That of the Episcopal 
 Board was continued and strengthened, and has made peace by avoid- 
 ing the original cause of dissension. The Report of that Board for 
 the year 1844, says: — "The relations between the colonists and the 
 missionaries at Cape Palmas during the past year appear to have been 
 of a friendly character ; and as the desire of the latter to promote, so 
 far as in them lies, the moral and religious interests of the colonists 
 becomes more and more apparent, it is believed that no obstacles to 
 the beneficial influence of the mission will be interposed." This is a 
 very explicit statement, not only of the fact, that in the judgment of 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Moral TnHuence of the Colonists. 
 
 the Episcopal Board, no such " obstacles " noio exist, or are expected 
 to exist hereafter, but of the change which has led to their removal. 
 
 At present, therefore, the government of Cape Palmas, as well as 
 that of Liberia, stands unaccused and unsuspected of any hostile bear- 
 ing upon the cause of missions. 
 
 The charge against the influence of individual colonists is less easily 
 ascertained, and therefore less easily rnet; but by a somewhat diligent 
 inquiry, we believe that we know, very nearly, the substance of it. 
 According to our best information, it is not denied that a larger propor- 
 tion of the colonists are regular communicants in the churches, than 
 in almost any other community in the world ; nor*is it pretended that 
 Sabbath-breaking, profaneness, or intemperance are very prevalent. It 
 it said, however, that most of their religion is mere animal excitement; 
 that many of the communicants are self-deceived, or hypocrites; that 
 cases of church discipline for immorality are numerous ; that many of 
 the colonists are lazy and improvident ; that some make hard bargains 
 with the natives; that many of them feel no interest in the conversion 
 or improvement of the native population ; that they neglect the 
 instruction of hired laborers from native families ; that, by the prac- 
 tice of various immoralities, they bring reproach upon Christianity ; 
 and finally, that their children are more difficult to manage in school, 
 than the children of the natives. 
 
 Now, to a certain extent, all this is doubtless true. The world 
 never saw, and probably never will see, a Christian community so 
 pure, that such complaints against it would be wholly false. That 
 the misconduct of Christians brings reproach upon the gospel and is a 
 hindrance to the progress of piety, is a standing topic of lamentation, 
 even in the most religious parts of New England ; and who doubts that, 
 in a certain sense, there is some truth in it? Much more may we ex- 
 pect it to be true among a people whose opportunities for improvement 
 have been no belter than the Liberians have enjoyed. We readily 
 concede, that these complaints have too much foundation in facts. 
 
 But who, that understands Africa, would, on this account, pronounce 
 the colony a hindrance to the progress of Christian piety, morality and 
 civilization? It cannot be, that those who rnkake such objections, or 
 those who yield to them, know what that part of the world was, before 
 the influence of the colony was felt there. Let that be once under- 
 stood, and the thought that a colony of free colored people from this 
 country could demoralize the natives, or render the work of missions 
 among them more difficult, will be effectually banished. Let us 
 inquire, then, what Western Africa was, when first known to Euro- 
 peans ; what influences have since been operating there ; what effects 
 those influences are known to have produced ; what was the character 
 of the country when the colony was first planted ; and what changes 
 have resulted from its existence. 
 
 In pursuing this inquiry, we must gather our facts from th^ whole 
 coast of Upper Guinea, extending from the mouth of the Senegal to 
 the Bight of Benin ; for, with partial exceptions among the Muham- 
 medan tribes near the Senegal, the people are substantially one ; the 
 same in their physical character, their government, their social condi- 
 tion; their superstitions, manners, and morals ; and the same influences 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Testimony of Arabian Geographers, A. D. 902—968. 
 
 have been at work among them all. In the middle portion, extending 
 from Sierra Leone to Elmina and including Liberia, this identity of 
 original character and modifying influence is most complete, and 
 illustrations taken from any part of it, are commonly applicable to the 
 whole. The correctness of these remarks will be more manifest as 
 we proceed. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Discovery of Guinea. — Rise, Progress and Influence of the Slave Trade. — Preva- 
 lence and Influence of Piracy. — Character of the Natives before the influence 
 of Colonization was felt. 
 
 We shall not dwell upon the full length gprtraits of negroes on 
 Egyptian monuments three thousand years old, because their interpre- 
 tation might be disputed ; though their dress, their attitudes, their 
 banjos, and every indication of character, show that they were then 
 substantially what they are now. We shall pass over Ethiopian 
 slaves in Roman and Carthaginian history ; because it might be diffi- 
 cult to prove that they came from the region under consideration. We 
 will begin with Ibn Haukal, the Arabian Geographer, who wrote while 
 the Saracen Ommiades ruled in Spain, and before the founding of 
 Cairo in Egypt ; that is, between A. D. 902 and 968. 
 
 Ibn Haukal very correctly describes the "land of the blacks," as an 
 extensive region, with the Great Desert on the North, the coast of the 
 ocean to the South, and not easily accessible, except from the West ; 
 and as inhabited by people whose skins are of a finer and deeper 
 black than that of any other blacks. He mentions the trade from the 
 land of the blacks, through the Western part of the Great Desert, to 
 Northern Africa, in gold and slaves ; which found their way thence to 
 other Muhammedan regions. " The white slaves," he says, "come 
 from Andalus," [Spain] "and damsels of great value, such as are sold 
 for a thousand dinars, or more."* 
 
 *This expression must not betaken too strictly. Sicily also furnished many Christian 
 slaves, and others were obtained from other parts of Europe. Since the e.xpulsioii of ilie 
 Moors from Spain, the Muhammedans of Northern Africa have been able to obtain but few 
 Christian slaves, except by piracy. They however continued to do what they could. Their 
 corsairs, principally from Algiers on the Barbary coast and Salee on the VVestern coast of 
 Morocco, seized the vessels and enslaved the crews of all Christian nations trading in those 
 seas. To avoid it, nearly, if not quite, all the maritime nations of Christendom paid them 
 an annual tribute. The United States, we believe, was tiie first nation that refused to pay 
 this tribute; and this refusal led to wars with Tripoli, Tunis and Algiers. Several European 
 powers have since followed our example. In 1815, the Emperor of Morocco stipulated by 
 treaty, that British subjects should no longer be made slaves in his dominions. Several of 
 the southern powers of Europe still pay this tribute; and while we have been preparing 
 these pages for the press, negotiations have been going on with Morocco, for releasing one 
 or two ol the northern powers from its payment. At this day, the Turks and Persians obtain 
 " black slaves " from the interior of Africa, by the way of Nubia and Egypt, and by sea from 
 Zeila and Berbera, near the outlet of the Red Sea, and from the Zanzibar coast. Accord- 
 ing to Sir T. F. Buxton, this branch of the slave trade consumes 100,000 victims annually, 
 half of whom live to become serviceable. White slaves, mosily " damsels of great value," 
 thejr procure from Circassia and oth«r regions around Mount Caucasus, 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 ]346— 1415. — French Pretensions. — Portuguese Discoveries.— Pope's Bull. 
 
 Ibn Bntuta, of Tangier, after returning from his travels in the east, 
 visited Toinbuctoo and other Muhammedan places on the northern 
 border of the negro country in 1352. The pagans beyond them en- 
 slaved each other, sold each other to the Muhammedans, or were en- 
 slaved by them, as has been done ever since. Some of them, he 
 learned, were cannibals ; and when one of the petty monarchs sent an 
 embassy to another, a fatted slave, ready to be killed and eaten, was a 
 most acceptable present. 
 
 Of Christian nations, the French claim the honor of first discover- 
 ing the coast of Guinea. It is said that the records of Dieppe, in 
 Normandy, show an agreement of certain merchants of that place and 
 Rouen, in the year 13(35, to trade to that coast. Some place the com- 
 mencement of that trade as early as 1346. Having traded along the 
 Grain Coast, and made establishments at Grand Sesters and other 
 places, they doubled Cape Palmas, explored the coast as far as Elmina, 
 and commenced a fortress there in 13S3. In 1387, Elmina was en- 
 larged, and a chapel J^uilt. The civil wars about the close of that 
 century were injurious to commerce. In 1413, the company found 
 its stock diminishing, and gradually abandoned the trade, till only 
 their establishment on the Senegal was left. There are some circum- 
 stances which give plausibility to this account ; yet it is doubted by 
 some writers, even in France, and generally disbelieved or neglected 
 by others. 
 
 The account of the discovery by the Portuguese is more authentic; 
 and its origin must be narrated with some particularity. 
 
 During the centuries of war between the Christians of Spain and 
 their Moorish invaders and oppressors, an order of knights was insti- 
 tuted, called " The Order of Christ." Its object was, to maintain 
 the war against the Moors, and also " to conquer and convert all who 
 denied the truth of their holy religion." To this, the knights were 
 consecrated by a solemn vow. Henry of Loraine was rewarded for his 
 services in these wars with the gift of Portugal, and of whatever else he 
 should take from the Moors. Under his descendants, Portugal be- 
 came a kingdom; and John I., having expelled or slaughtered the last 
 of the Moors in his dominions, passed into Africa and took Ceuta in 
 1415. He was attended in this expedition by his son, Henry, Duke 
 ofViseo, and Grand Master of the Order of Christ. Henry distin- 
 guished himself during the siege ; remained sometime in Africa to 
 carry on the war, and learned that beyond the Great Desert were the 
 country of the Senegal and the Jaloffs. With the double design of 
 conquering infidels and finding a passage to India by sea, having 
 already pushed his discoveries to Cape Bojador, he obtained a bull from 
 Pope Martin V., granting to the Portuguese an exclusive right in all 
 the islands they already possessed, and also in all territories they 
 might in future discover, from Cape Bojador to the East Indies. The 
 Pope also granted a plenary indulgence to the souls of all who might 
 perish in the enterprise, and in recovering the nations of those regions 
 to Christ and his church. And certainly, few indulgences have been 
 granted to souls that had more need of them. 
 
 The Portuguese laity were at first averse to an enterprise which 
 appeared rash and useless; but the clergy rose up in its favor, and bore 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1430 — 1445. — Portuguese Discoveries. — Comniencenient of the Slave Trade. 
 
 down all opposition. Ships were fitted out, and after some failures, 
 Gilianez doubled Cape Bojador in 1432. In 1434, Alonzo Gonzales 
 explored the coast for thirty leagues beyond. In 1435, he sailed aloncr 
 twenty-four leagues further. In an attempt to seize a party of natives, 
 some were wounded on both sides. In 1440, Antonio Gonzales made 
 the same voyage, seized about ten of the natives, all Moors, and brought 
 them away.* Nunno Tristan discovered Cape Blanco. In 1442, 
 Antonio Gonzales returned to the coast, and released one of the Moors 
 formerly carried away, on his promise to pay seven Guinea slaves for 
 his ransom. The promise was not fulfilled ; but two other Moors ran- 
 somed themselves for several blacks of different countries and some 
 gold dust. The place was hence called Rio del Oro, (Gold River,) 
 and is nearly under the Tropic of Cancer. In 1443, Nunno Tristan 
 discovered Arguin, and caught 14 blacks. In 1444, Gilianez and 
 others, in six caravels, seized 195 blacks, most of whom were Moors, 
 near Arguin, and were well rewarded by their prince. In 1445, Gon- 
 zales de Cintra, with seven of his men, were killed 14 leagues beyond 
 Rio del Oro, by 200 IMoors. In 144(>, Antonio Gonzales was sent to 
 treat with the Moors at Rio del Oro, concerning peace, commerce, 
 and their conversion to Christianity. They refused to treat. Nunno 
 Tristan brought away 20 slaves. Denis Fernandez passed by the 
 Senegal, took four blacks in a fishing boat, and discovered Cape 
 Verde. In 1447, Antonio Gonzales took 25 Moors near Arguin, and 
 took 55 and killed others at Cape Blanco. Da Gram took 54 at Ar- 
 guin, ran eight leagues further and took 50 more, losing seven men. 
 Lancelot and others, at various places, killed many and took about 
 180, of whom 20, being allies treacherously seized, were afterwards 
 sent back. Nunno Tristan entered the Rio Grande, where he and all 
 his men but four were killed by poisoned arrows. Alvaro Fernandez, 
 40 leagues beyond, had two battles with the natives, in one of which 
 he was wounded. Gilianez and others were defeated with the loss of 
 five men at Cape Verde, made 48 slaves at Arguin, and took two 
 women and killed seven natives at Palma. Gomez Perez, being dis- 
 appointed in the ransom of certain Aloors at Rio del Oro, brought 
 away 80 slaves. 
 
 Thus far from Portuguese historians. Next, let us hear the accounts 
 which voyagers give of their own doings and discoveries. The oldest 
 whose works are extant, and one of the most intelligent and trustworthy, 
 is Aluise de Cada Mosto, a Venetian in the service of Portugal. 
 
 Cada Mosto sailed in 1455. He found the people around Cape 
 Blanco and Arguin, Muhammedans. He calls them Arabs. They 
 traded with Barbary, Tombucto and the negroes. They get from ten 
 to eighteen negroes for a Barbary horse. From 700 to 800 annually 
 are brought to Arguin and sold to the Portuguese. Formerly, the Por- 
 guese used to land by night, surprise fishing villages and country places, 
 and carry off Arabs. They had also seized some of the Azenaghi, 
 who are a tawny race, north of Senegal, and who make better slaves 
 than the negroes ; but, as they are not confirmed Muhammedans, Don 
 
 * The common staiement, that the first slaves were brought home by Alonzo Gonzales, ia 
 1434, appears lo be an error. 
 
 2 
 
10 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1455 — 1481. — Discovery of Cape Mesurado. 
 
 Henry had hopes of their conversion, and had made peace with them. 
 South of the Senegal are the Jaloffs, who re savages, and extremely 
 poor. Their king lives by robbery, and \ forcing his subjects and 
 others into slavery. He sells slaves to he Azenaghi, Arabs and 
 Christians. Both sexes are very lasciviou and they are exceedingly 
 addicted to sorcery. A little south of Ca^ j Verde, he found negroes 
 who would suffer no chief to exist among them, lest their wives and 
 children should be taken and sold for slaves, " as they are in all other 
 negro countries, that have kings and lords." They use poisoned 
 arrows, " are great idolaters, without any law, and extremely cruel." 
 Further on, he sent on shore a baptized negro as an interpreter, who 
 was immediately put to death. He entered the Gambia, and was 
 attacked by the natives in 15 canoes. After a battle, in which one 
 negro was killed, they consented to a parley. They told him they had 
 heard of the dealings of white men on the Senegal ; knew that they 
 bought negroes only to eat ; would have no trade with them, but would 
 kill them and give their goods to their king. He left the river and re- 
 turned. The next year he entered the Gambia again, and went up 
 about 40 miles. He staid eleven days, made a treaty with Battimansa, 
 bought some slaves of him, and left the river because the fever had 
 seized his crew. He found some Muhammedan traders there ; but the 
 people were idolaters, and great believers in sorcery. They never go 
 far from home by water, for fear of being seized as slaves. He 
 coasted along to the Kasamansa and Rio Grande ; but finding the 
 language such as none of his interpreters could understand, returned 
 to Portugal. 
 
 In 1461, the Portuguese began to take permanent possession, by 
 erecting a fort at Arguin. 
 
 In 1462, Piedro de Cintra discovered Sierra Leone, Gallinas river, 
 which he called Rio del Fumi, because he saw nothing but smoke 
 there, — Cape Mount, and Cape Mesurado, where he saw many fires 
 among the trees, made by the negroes who had sight of the ships, and 
 had never seen such things before. Sixteen miles farther along the 
 coast, a few natives came off in canoes, two or three in each. They 
 were all naked, had some wooden darts and small knives, two targets 
 and three bows ; had rings about their ears and one in the nose, and 
 teeth strung about their necks, which seemed to be human. Such is 
 our earliest notice of what is now Liberia. The teeth were those of 
 slaughtered enemies, worn as trophies. The account of this voyage 
 was written by Cada Mosto. 
 
 In 1463, Don Henry died, and the Guinea trade, which had been 
 his property, passed into the hands of the king. He farmed it, for five 
 years, to Fernando Gomez, for 500 ducats, and an obligation to explore 
 500 additional leagues of coast. In 1471, Juan de Santerem and 
 Pedro de Escobar explored the Gold Coast, and discovered Rio del Oro 
 del Mina; that is, Gold Mine River, which a . rward -'ve name to 
 the fortress of Elmina. 
 
 In 1481, two Englishmen, John Tintam and William Fabian, began 
 to fit out an expedition to Guinea; but John II. of Portugal sent two 
 ambassadors to England, to insist on his own exclusive claims to that 
 country, and the voyage was given up. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 11 
 
 Mission to Elmina.— Bull of Demarcation.— 1481— 1492. 
 
 The same year, the king of Portugal sent ten ships, with 500 sol- 
 diers and 100, or as iome, ay, 200 laborers, and a proper compliment 
 of priests as missionaries, : Elmina. They arrived, and on the 19th 
 of January, landed, and ce ebrated the first mass in Guinea. Prayer 
 was offered for the convers- ^n of the natives, and the perpetuity of the 
 church about to be foundei i 
 
 In 1484, John II. inviteo the powers of Europe to share with him 
 the expense of these discoveries, and of " making conquests on the 
 infidels," which tended to the common benefit of all ; but they de- 
 clined. He then obtained from the Pope a bull, confirming the former 
 grant to Portugal, of all the lands they should discover from Cape 
 Bojador to India, forbidding other nations to attempt discoveries in 
 those parts of the world, and decreeing that if they should make any, 
 the regions so discovered should belong to Portugal. From this time 
 the king of Portugal, in addition to his other titles, styled himself 
 " Lord of Guinea." 
 
 The same year, Diego Cam passed the Bight of Benin, discovered 
 Congo, and explored the coast to the twenty second degree of south 
 latitude. In a few years, a treaty was made with the king of Cono-o, 
 for the conversion of himself and his kingdom. The king and several 
 of the royal family were baptized ; but on learning that they must 
 abandon polygamy, nearly all renounced their baptism. This led to 
 a war, which ended in their submission to Rome. 
 
 About the same time, the king of Benin applied for missionaries, 
 hoping thereby to draw Portuguese trade to his dominions. " But 
 they being sent, the design was discovered not to be religion, but 
 covetousness. For these heathens bought christened slaves; and the 
 Portuguese, with the same avarice, sold them after being baptized, 
 knowing that their new masters would oblige them to return to their 
 old idolatry. This scandalous commerce subsisted till the religious 
 king John III. forbade it, though to his great loss." Such was the 
 character of the Portuguese in Guinea. 
 
 And here, for the sake of placing these events in their true connec- 
 tion with the history of the world, it may be well to state, that in I48f), 
 Bartholomew Diaz doubled the Cape of Good Hope; and in 1492 
 Columbus made his first voyage to America. In 149:}, May 2, Pope 
 Alexander, "out of his pure liberality, infallible knowledge and apos- 
 tolic power," granted to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, all countries 
 inhabited by infidels, which they had discovered or miorht discover, on 
 condition of their planting and propagating there the Christian faith. 
 Another bull, issued the next day, decreed that a line drawn 100 
 leagues west of the Azores, and extending from pole to pole, should 
 divide the claims of Spain from those of Portugal ; and in June, 1494, 
 another bull removed this line of demarcation to 370 leagues west of 
 the Cape Verde Islands. In 1492, Vasco de Gama succeeded in 
 reaching In-^ by wf^ «jf the Cape of Good Hope. Thenceforth, the 
 more sple atrocities of the East and West Indies threw those on 
 
 the coast ot 'Guinea into the shade, and historians have recorded them 
 with less minuteness; so that, from this time, we are unable to give 
 aames and dates with the same precision as heretofore. We know 
 
12 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 149-2 — 1515. — Prince B(!moi. — Portuguese Settlements and Character. 
 
 however, that they continued to extend their intercourse with the 
 natives, and their possessions along the coast. 
 
 It was some time previous to 15^0, that one Bemoi came to Portu- 
 gal, representing himself as the rightful king of the Jaloffs, and re- 
 questing aid against his rivals. To obtain it, he submitted to baptism, 
 with twenty-four of his followers, and agreed to hold his kingdom as a 
 feoff of Portugal. Pedro Vaz de Cunna was sent out, with twenty 
 caravels well manned and armed, to assist him, and to build a fort at 
 the mouth of the Senegal. The fort was commenced ; but Pedro 
 found some pretext for quarrelling with Bemoi, and stabbed him to the 
 heart. Intercourse, however, was soon established extensively with 
 the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and other races in that region ; of whom the 
 Portuguese, settling in great numbers among them, became the virtual 
 lords. We find them subsequently in possession of forts or trading 
 houses, or living as colonists, at the Rio Grande, Sierra Leone, proba- 
 bly at Gallinas, Cape Alount and Cape Mesurado, certainly at the 
 Junk, Sestos and Sangwin on the coast of Liberia, at Cape Three 
 Points, Axim, Elmina, and numerous other places on the Ivory, Gold 
 and Slave Coasts. So universally predominant was their influence, 
 that in the course of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese became 
 the common language of business, and was everywhere generally un- 
 derstood by such natives as had intercourse with foreigners. A few 
 Portuguese words, such as " palaver," " fetish," and perhaps some 
 others, remain in current use among the natives to this day. 
 
 Of the character of the Portuguese on the coast, some judgment 
 may be formed from what has already been staled. It seems rapidly 
 to have grown worse and worse. It was a place of banishment for 
 criminals, convicted of various outrages, violence and robbery; a 
 place where fugitives from justice sought and found a refuge; a 
 place where adventurers who hated the restraints of law, sought free- 
 dom and impunity. " No wonder, therefore," says a writer who had 
 been at Elmina, " that the histories of those times give an account of 
 unparalleled violence and inhumanities perpetrated at the place by the 
 Portuguese, whilst under their subjection, not only against the natives 
 and such Europeans as resorted thither, but even amongst themselves." 
 Bad as the native character originally was, Portuguese influence rapidly 
 added to its atrocity. A series of wars, which commenced among 
 them about this time, illustrates the character of both. 
 
 In 1515, or as some say, in 1505, the Cumbas from the interior, 
 began to make plundering incursions upon the Capez, about Sierra 
 Leone. The Cumbas were doubtless a branch of the Giagas, another 
 division of whom emigrated, twenty or thirty years later, to the upper 
 region on the Congo river, and there founded the kingdom of Ansiko, 
 otherwise called Makoko, whose king ruled over thirteen kingdoms. 
 " Their food," says Rees' Cyclopedia, Art. Ansiko, " is said to be hu- 
 man flesh, and human bodies are hung up for sale in their shambles. 
 Conceiving that they have an absolute right to dispose of their slaves 
 at pleasure, their prisoners of war are fattened, killed and eaten, or 
 sold to butchers." Specimens of this cannibal race, from near the 
 same region, have shown themselves within a very few years. The 
 Cumbas, on invading the Capez, were pleased with the country, and 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 13 
 
 The Cuml)as and Giagas.— 1493— 1515. 
 
 resolved to settle there. They took possession of the most fertile 
 spots, and cleared them of their inhabitants, by killing and eating 
 some, and selling others to the Portuguese, who stood ready to buy 
 them. In 167H, that is, 163 years or more from its commencement, 
 this war was still going on.* 
 
 * These Giagas form one of the most horril'ly interesting subjects for investigation, in all 
 history. In Western Africa, they extended their ravages as far south as Benguela. Their 
 career in that direction seems to have been arrested by the great desert, sparsely peopled by 
 the Damaras and Namnquas. extending from Benguela to the Orange River, and presenting 
 nothing to plunder. In 1586. the missionary Santos found them at war with the Portuguese 
 settlements on the Zambeze. He describes their ravages, but without giving dales, ahnig ihe 
 eas'ern coast for a thousand miles northward to Melinda, w here they v^ere repulsed by the 
 Portuguese. Antonio Fernandez, writing from Abyssinia in 1G09, mentions an irruption of 
 the Galae, who are said to be the same people, though some dispute their identity. These 
 Galae, " a savage nation, begoilen of devils, as the vulgar report." he informs us, issued 
 from their forests and commenced their ravages a hundred years before the date of his letter j 
 that is, about the time of the invasion of Sierra Leone by the Cumbas. We find no express 
 mention of their cannibalism ; but in other respects they seem closely to resemble the Giagas, 
 Thus we find them, from the commencement of the sixieenih century far into ihe seventeenth, 
 ravaging the continent from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, and through thirty degrees of 
 latitude. As to their original location, accounts differ. Some place it b-ick of the northern 
 part of Liberia. This was evidently one region from which they emigrated. Their migra- 
 tions hence to Sierra Leone on the north and Congo and Benguela on the south, are recorded 
 facts. Here, under the name of Mani, Manez, or Monou, though comparatively few in num- 
 bers, they exercised a supremacy over and received tribute from the Q,u(jas, the Folgias, and 
 all the maritime tribes from Sierra Leone almost to Cape Palmas. East of Cape Palmas, 
 their cannibalism and general ferocity marked the character of the people quite down to the 
 coast, especially along what was called the fllaleger\tes (Bad People) and Qauqua coasts. The 
 testimony is conclusive, that the Cumbas who invaded Sierra Leone and the Giagas of Ansiko 
 and Benguela were from this region. According to other accounts, their origin was in the 
 rcion on the eastern slope of the continent, from the upper waters of the Nile and the bor- 
 ders of Abyssinia, extending southward across the equator. In most regions, they appeared 
 merely as roving banditti, remaining in a country only long enough to reduce it to desolation. 
 Every where the Giagas themselves were few, but had numerous followers, who were of the 
 same ferocious character. Every where, except perhaps among the Galae, they had the 
 same practice of makingscarson their faces by way of ornament. Every where they practiced 
 the same cann.balisni. On taking the city of Quiloa, a little south of Zanzibar, they butcher- 
 ed " three thousand Moors, for (ulure dainties, to eat at leisure." Every where their religion 
 was substantially the same, consisting mainly in worshipping the devil when about to com- 
 mence an expedition. Tiiey had various names, some of which have been already men- 
 tioned. In the east, they were also called Wunibos, Zimbas, and Muzimbas. In the same re- 
 gion, and the vicinity of Congo, they were also called J.igges, Gagas. Giachi, and it was said, 
 called themselves Agags. Compare also, of terms still in use. the Gallas, a savage people 
 on the south of Abyssinia, who are doubtless the Galae of Fernandez; the Gi>lahs, formerly 
 written Galas, north east of Rlonrovia, in the Wonnu region, of whose connection with the 
 Giagas, however, there appears to be no other evidenci' ; and the ftlumbo Jumbo, or fic- 
 titious devil, with whom the priests overawe the superstitious in the whole region soulh of 
 the Gambia. Their followers, in eastern Africa, were called CaftVi-s; but perhaps the word 
 was used in its original Airabic sense, as moaning infidels. Near the Cong;o, their (()lio\vers 
 were called Ansikos, and their principal chief, " the great JVlnkoko." wliicli some have mis- 
 taken for a national designation. Here, also, Imbe was a title of office ammig them, while 
 in the east it was applied to the whole people. In Angola lli°y were called Glndae Whether 
 an}" traces of them still remain in Eastern Africa, or around Con?" and Benguela, we are 
 too ignorant of those regions to decide. In the region of Liberia, iliere can be no doubt on 
 the subject. American missionaries at Cape Palmas ha\e seen and conversed with men 
 from the interior, who avow without hesitation their fondness (iir luunan flesh, and their 
 habit of eating it. On the Cavally river, the eastern boundary of Cape Palmas, the cannibal 
 region begins some twenty, thirty or forty miles from the coast, and extends northward, in 
 the rear of Liberia, indefinitely. Farther east, it approaches and perhaps reaches the coast. 
 In this region, prisoners of war and sometimes slaves are still slain for food. Here, too, 
 slaves are sacrificed at the ratification of a treaty, and trees are planted to mark the spot and 
 serve as records of the fact. Such trees have been poinled out lo our missionaries, by men 
 who v\ere present when they were planted. Compare, too Ihe human sacrifices of Ashanlee 
 and Dahomey, and the devil-worship of all Western Africa. — But after all, were the Giagas 
 one race of men, as coteniporary historians supposed? Or were they men of a certain 
 character, then predominaiil through nearly all Africa soulh of the Great Desert 7 
 
14 COLOZINATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1503— 1592.— The Spanish, English, French and Dutch. 
 
 The trade in slaves received a new impulse about this time, from the 
 demand for them in the Spanish West Indies. They had been intro- 
 duced into those colonies, at least as early as 1503 ; and the trade was 
 encouraged by edicts, of Ferdinand V. in 1511, and of Charles V. in 
 1515. At the close of the century, this trade was immense. Portu- 
 guese residents bought the slaves of the natives, or procured them 
 otherwise, and sold them to Spanish traders, who carried them to the 
 West Indies. 
 
 The Protestants of England and Holland felt little respect for the 
 Pope's grant of all Western Africa to Portugal ; and even the French 
 soon learned to disregard it. 
 
 The English took the lead. In 1551, and again in 1552, J'homas 
 Windham visited the coast of Morocco. The Portuguese threatened 
 him, that if found again in those seas, he and his crew should be 
 treated as " mortal enemies." Nothing daunted by these threats, he 
 sailed again the next year. He took a Portuguese partner as a guide, 
 and visited the whole coast from the river Sestos to Benin. In 1554, 
 Capt. John Lok, with three ships, reached the coast at Cape Mesurado, 
 sailed along it nearly or quite to Benin, and brought home "certain 
 black slaves," the first, so far as appears, ever brought to England. 
 From this time, voyages appear to liave been made annually, and some- 
 times several in a year, always in armed ships, and attended with 
 more or less fighting with the Portuguese, the natives, or both. In 
 1564, David Carlet attempted to trade with the negroes near Elmina. 
 The negroes, hired and instructed by the Portuguese, first secured 
 their confidence, and then betrayed Carlet, a merchant who accompa- 
 nied him, and twelve of his crew, to the Portuguese, as prisoners. 
 This mode of employing the negroes now became a common practice. 
 In 1.590, " about 42" Englishmen were taken or slain and their goods 
 seized by the Portuguese and negroes combined at Portudal and Joal, 
 on the coast of the Jaloffs. Captains Rainolds and Dassel, who were 
 there the next year, detected a similar conspiracy against themselves, 
 said by the chief conspirator to be authorized by the king of Portugal. 
 In 1588, the African Company was incorporated. 
 
 The French, we have seen, profess to have been the first traders to 
 the coast of Guinea, and to have always retained their post at the 
 Senegal. Rainolds found in 1591, that they had been there more than 
 thirty years, and were in good repute. The Spaniards, on the con- 
 trary, were detested ; and as for the Portuguese, " most of them were 
 banished men, or fugitives from justice ; men of the basest behavior 
 that he and the rest of the English had ever seen of these nations." 
 
 In 1578, the French were trading at Accra, on the Gold Coast. 
 The negroes in the vicinity, at the instigation of the Portuguese, 
 destroyed the town. There was then a standing offer, from the Portu- 
 guese to the negroes, of 100 crowns for a Frenchman's head. In 
 1582, the Portuguese sunk a French ship, and made slaves of all the 
 crew who escaped a watery grave. 
 
 There is no account of the Dutch on this coast, till the voyage of 
 Barent Erickson in 1595. The Portuguese offered to reward the ne- 
 groes, if they would kill or betray him. They also offered a reward of 
 100 florins for the destruction of a Dutch ship. About the same time, 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 15 
 
 The Portuguese driven from the Coast.— Dutch Interlopers. — 1599 — 1693. 
 
 a Dutch crew, with the exception of one or two men, was massacred 
 at Cape Coast. Of another crew, three Dutchmen were betrayed by 
 the negroes and made slaves by the Portuguese at Elmina. In 1599, 
 the negroes near Elmina, at the instigation of the Portuguese, inveigled 
 five Dutchmen into their power, beheaded them, and in a few hours 
 made drinking cups of their skulls. 
 
 But the English and Dutch continued to crowd in, and the Portu- 
 guese, who, after such atrocities, could not coexist with them on the 
 same coast, were compelled to retire. In 1 604, they were driven from 
 all their factories ip. what is now Liberia. Instead of leaving the 
 country, however, they retreated inland, established themselves there, 
 intermarried with the natives, and engaged in commerce between the 
 more inland tribes and the traders on the coast; making it a special 
 object to prevent the produce of the interior from reaching the coast, 
 except through their hands ; and for this purpose they obstructed all 
 efforts of others to explore the country. They traded with the people 
 on the Niger ; and one of their mulatto descendants told Villault, in 
 1G66, that they traded along that river as far as Benin.* Their pos- 
 terity gradually became merged and lost among the negro population ; 
 but the obstruction of intercourse with the interior became the settled 
 policy of those tribes, and has done much to retard the growth of com- 
 merce in Liberia. 
 
 In other parts the Portuguese held possession some years longer. 
 But the Dutch took their fort at Elmina in 1637, and that at Axim in 
 1642; after which they were soon expelled from the Gold and Ivory 
 Coasts. Before 1666, they had given place to the Dutch at Cape 
 Mount, and to the English at Sierra Leone. In 1621, the English 
 were trading in the Gambia, and in 1664, built James Fort near its 
 mouth. Here also the Portuguese retired inland and mingled with the 
 natives. Not many years since, some of their descendants were still 
 to be found. 
 
 The influence of the English, Dutch and French on the character 
 of the natives, was in some respects different from that of the Portu- 
 guese ; but whether it was on the whole any better, is a question of 
 some difficulty. Portuguese writers assert that the Dutch gained the 
 favor of the negroes by teaching them drunkenness and other vices; 
 that they became absolute pirates, and seized and held several places 
 on the coast, to which they had no right but that of the strongest. 
 
 The Dutch trade was, by law, exclusively in the hands of an incor- 
 porated company, having authority to seize and confiscate to its own 
 use, the vessels and cargoes of private traders found on the coast. 
 These private traders, or interlopers, as they were called, were fre- 
 quently seized by stratagem by the Dutch garrisons on the coast, and 
 treated with great severity. But they provided themselves with fast 
 sailing ships, went well armed and manned, and generally fought to the 
 last man, rather than be taken by the Company's forces. Capt. Phillips, 
 in 1693, found more than a dozen of these interlopers on the coast, 
 
 * As Ihe Niger was then supposed by Europeans to flow westward and disembogue itself 
 by the Senegal or Gambia, liiis siatenient was considered absurd ; but since the discovery of 
 the mouth of the Niger in 15enin, there is reason to suppose it true. It ought to have led to 
 an earlier discovery of the true course and outlet of that long mysterious river. 
 
16 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1600 — 1721. — English at Sierra Leone. — Prevalence of Piracy. 
 
 and had seen four or five of them at a time lying before Elmina castle 
 for a week together, trading, as it were, in defiance of it. 
 
 The English had also their incorporated company, and their private 
 traders. Of the character of the latter, we find no specification which 
 dates in this century. In 1721, there were about thirty of them settled 
 on the " starboard side " of the bay of Sierra Leone. Atkins des- 
 cribes them as " loose, privateering l)lades, who, if they cannot trade 
 fairly with the natives, will rob. Of these," he says, " John Leadstine, 
 commonly called ' Old Cracker,' is reckoned the most thriving." 
 This man, called Leadstone in Johnson's "History of the Pirates," 
 had been an old buccanier, and kept two or three guns before his 
 door, •' to salute his friends the pirates when they put in there." Such, 
 substantially, appears to have been the character of the English " pri- 
 vate traders" upon this coast from the beginning. Of the regular 
 traders, English and Dutch, a part, and only a part, seem to have been 
 comparatively decent. 
 
 The influence of the Pirates on this coast deserves a distinct con- 
 sideration. 
 
 They appeared there occasionally, as early as the year 1600, and 
 seem to have increased with the increase of commerce. For some 
 years, the piratically disposed appear to have found scope for the indul- 
 gence of their propensities among the buccaniers of the West Indies. 
 But after the partial breaking up of the buccaniers in 1688, and still 
 more after their suppression in 1697, they spread themselves over the 
 whole extent of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. The coast of Guinea 
 was one of their principal haunts, and Sierra Leone a favorite resort. 
 They not only plundered at sea, but boldly entered any port where the 
 people, whether native or European, were not strong enough to resist 
 them, and traded there on their own terms. In 1693, Phillips found 
 that the governor of Porto Praya made it a rule never to go on board 
 any ship in the harbor, lest it should prove to be a pirate, and he should 
 be detained till he had furnished a supply of provisions, for which he 
 would be paid by a bill of exchange on some imaginary person in Lon- 
 don. Avery, commonly known as " Long Ben," had thus extorted 
 supplies from the governor of St. Thomas, and paid him by a bill on 
 " the pump at Aldgate." At Cape Mesurado, Phillips found a Scotch- 
 man, of the crew of Herbert the pirate. The crew had quarrelled, 
 all the rest were killed or afterwards died of their wounds, he ran the 
 brigantine ashore near the Cape, and had since been living among the 
 natives. Capt. Snelgrave arrived at Sierra Leone, April 1, 1719. He 
 found three pirates in the harbor ; Cocklyn. Le Bouse and Davis. 
 They had lately taken ten English vessels. His first mate, Jones, be- 
 trayed him into their hands. He had with him a royal proclamation, 
 offering pardon to all English pirates who should surrender themselves 
 on or before the first of July. An old buccanier tore it in pieces. 
 They took Snelgrave's vessel for their own use, leaving an inferior one 
 for him, and left the bay about the 29th of the month. Afterwards, 
 he tells us, that more than a hundred vessels fell into the hands of 
 these pirates on the coast of Guinea, and some of the gang did im- 
 mense damage in the West Indies. A few days after sailing, Davis 
 took the Princess, of London, plundered her and let her go; but her 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 17 
 
 Prevalence of piracy. — 1721. 
 
 second mate, Roberts, joined him. He landed at Prince's Island, 
 where the Portuguese governor at first favored them, for the sake of 
 their trade, but finally assassinated Davis. The crew then chose Rob- 
 erts for their Captain, whose exploits were still more atrocious. 
 
 The same year, England, the pirate, took an English vessel near 
 Sierra Leone, murdered the captain, Skinner, and gave her to Howell 
 Harris, who, after trial and acquittal, obtained command of a merchant 
 sloop, and turned pirate. Having had "pretty good success" for a 
 while, he attacked St. Jago, in the Cape Verde Islands, but was repuls- 
 ed. He then took, plundered and destroyed the English fort St. James 
 at the mouth of the Gambia. The fort appears to have been partially 
 rebuilt immediately. In 1721, the African Company sent out the 
 Gambra Castle, Capt. Russel, with a company of soldiers under Maj. 
 Massey, to strengthen it. The new governor, Whitney, had just arriv- 
 ed. Massey, with the assistance of Lovvther, second mate, seized 
 both the fort and the ship ; and after cruising a while as a pirate, went 
 home, brought on his own trial, and was hanged. 
 
 In I7'21, Roberts, before mentioned, had become so formidable as 
 to attract the notice of the English government. Two ships of 50 
 guns each were sent out to capture him. Atkins, surgeon of the 
 squadron, has given an account of the cruise. At Elmina, in January, 
 they found that Roberts had " made a bold sweep " in August, had 
 taken a vessel a few leagues from that place, and had " committed 
 great cruelties." His three ships were well manned, "seamen every 
 where entering with them ; and when they refused, it was oftener 
 through fear, than any detestation of the practice." This shows what 
 was then the general character of English seamen in that region, and 
 what influence they must have exerted on the natives. January 15, 
 they reached Whidah. The pirates had just plundered and ransomed 
 eleven ships, and been gone twenty-four hours. They followed on to 
 the south, and by the 12th of February, took all three of their ships; 
 the crew of the last having abandoned it and fled. They found on 
 board about 300 Englishmen, 60 or 70 stout negroes, great plenty of 
 trade goods, and eight or ten thousand pounds of gold dust. The trial 
 of these pirates occupied the court at Cape Coast Castle twenty-six 
 days; 52 were executed there, 74 acquitted, 20 condemned to servi- 
 tude, and 17 sent to the Marshalsea. 
 
 The next year, Capt. George Roberts was taken by three pirates, of 
 whom Edmund Loe was the chief, at the Cape Verde Islands. While 
 there, after Loe had gone, he fell in with Charles Franklin,* who had 
 been taken some time before by Bartholomew Roberts, a pirate, had 
 
 * This case is mentioned chiefly for the sake of iiitrocluclng a note.— Franklin says that 
 "these inlamiers have a notion lliat the Bakknraus [whites] have a new world, where they 
 intend to reside, which is inconceivni'ly hetier than the oM ; but that ihere wants so inuch to 
 he dune to it, that it will he mam- a-jis hefore it can he made fit for their reception ; that 
 ihey send all the most valuable things from their old world thither, the labor of vvjiich is car- 
 ried on bv the negroes ihev yearly take out of Guinea ; that all those blacks must work and 
 slave very hard, without anv intermission or redemption, until the new woild is completely 
 fitter! up m a very beautiful manner, and the Bakkaraus are all settled theie. Hut when that 
 is done, having no farther service for the blacks, they will send ihem home to inhabit this 
 world, without ever being molested more by the whites, who will never come here again. 
 This happy time they earnestly wish for." 
 
 Such was P'ranklin's statement to Roberts in 1722, published in London in 1726, and now 
 transcribed from a copy printed in 174-.5. Is not Bakkarau about ready to spare them ? 
 
 3 
 
18 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1680 — 1730. — Influence of the Pirates. — Chaiacter of the Natives. 
 
 escaped from him at Sierra Leone, and taken refuge among the negroes 
 in the interior. 
 
 The pirates seem generally to have been content with trading at 
 Sierra Leone, without plundering the people ; though Roberts took the 
 place in 1720. They afterwards took permanent possession of the first 
 bay below the Cape, and occupied it for seven years or more, till brok- 
 en up by an expedition from France in 1730. Hence the place was 
 called " Pirate's Bay," and was so named on British charts. 
 
 The moral influence of such a concentration of piracy upon the 
 coast for nearly half a century, cannot be doubtful. The character of 
 pirates, we know, has always been made up of remorseless ferocity, 
 unscrupulous rapacity, and unbridled licentiousness. Perfectly versed 
 in all the vices of civilization, restrained by no moral principle, by no 
 feelinor of humanity, by no sense of shame, they landed whenever and 
 almost wherever tliey pleased upon the whole coast, with forces which 
 it would have been madness to resist, and compelled the inhal)itants, 
 whether negro, European or mixed, to become the partners of their 
 revels, the accomplices or dupes of their duplicity, or the victims of 
 their violence. This, added to all the other malign influences at work 
 upon the coast, gave such an education in evil, as probably was never 
 inflicted on any other portion of the human race. A few statements of 
 cotemporary writers may place this matter in a still clearer light. We 
 will confine our remarks to what is now Liberia and its vicinity, where 
 this tempest of evil seems to have fallen with special fury. 
 
 Even in the days of Portuguese ascendency, the Mesurado river was 
 called the Rio Duro, on account of the cruelty of the people. 
 
 Dapper, a Dutch writer, whose Description of Africa was published 
 about the year 1670, says of the Quojas, who were predominant from 
 Sierra Leone to the Rio Sestos, that both sexes were extremely licen- 
 tious, they were great thieves, and much addicted to witchcraft, in 
 practising which they used real poisons. On the death of a chief, it 
 was their practice to strangle one or two female slaves, to bury with 
 him. From the Sestos to Cape Palmas, the people were much the 
 same, but still more adroit at theft, and more addicted to witchcraft 
 and devil-worship. 
 
 Barbot, Agent General of the French African Company, was on the 
 coast much of the time from 1680 to 1701. He says that the English 
 had formerly a settlement at Sangwin, but abandoned it, because of 
 the ill temper of the blacks. At Bottowa, they are dexterous thieves, 
 and ought to be well looked to in dealing with them. 
 
 Phillips,* in 1693, at Grand Sesters, thought it unsafe to go up the 
 
 * Phillips sailed in the employment of the English African Cnmpany, and was evidently 
 one of ihe most humane, conscientious and intellip-ent voyagers to thai coast. He found tlie 
 people of the Quaqua coast, a iiltle beyond Cape I'alinas, to be cannibals, as most who visit- 
 ed tlieni also testify. Al Secondee, Johnson, the English factor, had bei-n surprisetl in the 
 night, cut in pieces and his goods plundered by the negroes, ai the instigation of Ihe Dutch. 
 At Whidah, Phillips bought for his two ships, 1,.'?00 slaves. Twelve of lliem wilfully drown- 
 ed themselves, and others starved ihemsebes to death. He was advised to cut (jft' the legs 
 and arms of a few, to terrify the rest, as other captains had done; but he could not think of 
 treating with such barbarity, poor creatures, who being equally the work cf God's hands, 
 are doubtless as dear to him as the whites. He saw the bodies of several eaten by the 
 sharks which followed his ship. On ai riving at Barbadoes, the ship under his immediate 
 command had lost " 14 men and 320 negroes." On each dead negro, the African Company 
 lost £10, and the ship lost the freight, £10 10s. He delivered alive 372, who sold, on an 
 average, at about £l9. Such was the slave trade, in its least horrible aspect, in 1*103. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 19 
 
 Character of the Natives.— Nesro Funeral.— 1693— 1724. 
 
 river eight miles to visit king Peter, hearing that the natives were very 
 treacherous and bloody. The people whom he saw were surly, and 
 looked like villains. Though his ship carried 36 guns, on learning the 
 temper of the people, he immediately cleared for action and left the 
 river. 
 
 Snoek was at Cape Mesurado in 1701. Only one negro came on 
 board, and he saw but a few on shore. Two English ships had two 
 months before ravaged their country, destroyed their canoes, plundered 
 their houses, and carried off some of their people. 
 
 Bosman was on the coast about the same time. His description of 
 Guinea, written in Dutch and translated into several languages, is one 
 of the best extant. " The negroes," he says, " are all, without excep- 
 tion, crafty, villainous and fraudulent, and very seldom to be trusted ; 
 being sure to slip no opportunity of cheating a European, nor indeed 
 one another." The mulattoes, he says, are "a parcel of profligate vil- 
 lains, neither true to the negroes nor us; nor indeed dare they trust 
 one another ; so that you rarely see them agree together. Whatever 
 is in its own nature worst in the Europeans and negroes, is united in 
 them." At some place, probably beyond Cape Palmas, he saw eleven 
 human sacrifices at one funeral. 
 
 Marchais was at Cape Mesurado in 1724. He says that the Eng- 
 lish, Dutch and Portuguese writers all unite in representing the natives 
 there as faithless, cunning, revengeful and cruel to the last degree; 
 and he assents to the description. He adds, that " formerly they offer- 
 ed human sacrifices; but this custom has ceased since they found the 
 profit of selling their prisoners of war to foreigners." He gives a map 
 of the Cape, and the plan of a proposed fort on its summit; and thinks 
 it might yield 1,500 or 2,000 slaves annually, besides a large amount 
 of ivory. 
 
 At the river Sestos, Marchais witnessed a negro funeral. " The 
 captain or chief of a village dying of a hard drinking bout of brandy, 
 the cries of his wives immediately spread the news through the town. 
 All the women ran there and howled like furies. The favorite wife 
 distinguished herself by her grief, and not without cause." She was 
 watched by the other women, to prevent her escape. The Marbut, or 
 priest, examined the body, and pronounced the death natural — not the 
 effect of witchcraft. Then followed washing the body, and carrying 
 it in procession through the village, with tearing of the hair, howling, 
 and other frantic expressions of grief " During this, the marbut 
 made a grave, deep and large enough to hold two bodies. He also 
 stripped and skinned a goat. The pluck served to make a ragout, of 
 which he and the assistants ate. He also caused the favorite wife to eat 
 some ; who had no great inclination to taste it, knowing it was to be her 
 last. She ate some, however ; and during this repast, the body of the 
 goat was divided in small pieces, broiled and eaten. The lamentations 
 began again ; and when the marbut thought it was time to end the 
 ceremony, he took the favorite wife by the arms, and delivered her to 
 two stout negroes. These, seizing her roughly, tied her hands and 
 feet behind her, and laying her on her back, placed a piece of wood 
 on her breast. Then, holding each other with their hands on their 
 shoulders, they stamped with their feet on the piece of wood, till 
 
20 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1713 — 1791. — Character of Natives and Traders. — Assiento Treaty. 
 
 they had broken the woman's breast. Having thus at least half des- 
 patched her, they threw her into the grave, with the remainder of the 
 goat, casting her husband's body over her, and filling up the grave with 
 earth and stones. Immediately, the cries ceasing, a quick silence suc- 
 ceeded the noise, and every one retired home as quietly as if nothing 
 had happened." 
 
 Smith was sent out by the African Company to survey the coast, in 
 172G. At Gallinas, in December, he found Benjamin Cross, whom 
 the natives had seized and kept three months, in reprisal for some of 
 their people, who had been seized by the English. Such seizures, he 
 says, were too often practiced by Bristol and Liverpool sliips. Cross 
 was ransomed for about =£50. At Cape Mount, he found the natives 
 cautious of intercourse, for fear of being seized. At Cape Mesurado, 
 in January, 1727, he saw many of the natives, but not liking to ven- 
 ture on shore, had no discourse with them. 
 
 In 1730, Snelgrave, who had been captured by pirates nine years 
 before, was again on the coast. There was then not a single European 
 factory on the whole Windward Coast, and Europeans were " shy of 
 trusting themselves on shore, the natives being very barbarous and un- 
 civilized." He never met a white man who durst venture himself up 
 the country. He mentions the suspicions and revengeful feelings of 
 the natives, occasioned by seizing them for slaves, as a cause of the 
 danger. He, too, witnessed human sacrifices. 
 
 Such was the character of what is now Liberia, after 268 years of 
 intercourse with slave traders and pirates. 
 
 Meanwhile, nations were treating with each other for the extension 
 of the slave trade. The Genoese at first had the privilege of furnish- 
 ing the Spanish Colonies with negro slaves. The French next obtain- 
 ed it, and kept it till, according to Spanish official returns, it had yield- 
 ed them $204,000,000. In 1713, the British government, by the 
 famous Assiento treaty, secured it for the South Sea Company for thir- 
 ty years. In 1739, Spain was desirous to take the business into her 
 own hands, and England sold out the remaining four years for ^'100,- 
 000, to be paid in London in three months.* 
 
 From this time to 1791, when the British Parliament began to col- 
 lect testimony concerning the slave trade, there seems to have been no 
 important change in the influences operating on the coast, or in the 
 character of its inhabitants. The collection and publication of testi- 
 mony was continued till the passage, in 1807, of the act abolishing 
 the trade. From this testimony, it appeared that nearly all the masters 
 of English ships engaged in that trade, were of the most abandoned 
 character, none too good to be pirates. Their cruelty to their own 
 men was so excessive and so notorious, that crews could never be ob- 
 tained without great difficulty, and seldom without fraud. Exciting 
 the native tribes to make war on each other for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing slaves, was a common practice. The Windward Coast, especially, 
 was fast becoming depopulated. The Bassa country, and that on the 
 Mesurado and Junk rivers, were particularly mentioned, as regions 
 
 * Rees' Cyclopedia, Art. Assiento. The staletnent may be slightly inaccurate. The 
 treaty, or "convention " with Spain in 1739, stipulated for the payment of £9.5,000, and the 
 settlement of certain other claims, the amount of which was still to be ascertained. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 21 
 
 Panyaring.— Piracy. — Liberia Founded.— 1791— 1823. 
 
 which had suffered in these wars; where the witnesses had seen the 
 ruins of villages, lately surprised and burned in the night, and rice 
 fields unharvested, because their owners had been seized and sold. 
 On other parts of the coast, the slaves were collected and kept for em- 
 barkation in factories; but on the Windward Coast, " every tree was a 
 factory," and when the negroes had any thing to sell, they signified it 
 by kindling a fire. Here, also, was the principal scene of " panyar- 
 ing;" that is, of enticing a negro into a canoe, or other defenceless 
 situation, and then seizing him. The extent of this practice may be 
 inferred from the fact, that it had a name, by which it was universally 
 known. A negro was hired to panyar a fine girl, whom an English 
 captain desired to possess. A few days after, he was panyared himself, 
 and sold to the same captain. " What ! " he exclaimed, — " buy me, a 
 great trader?" " Yes," was the reply, — " we will buy any of you, if 
 any body will sell you." It was given in evidence, that business could 
 not be transacted, if the buyer were to inquire into the title of those 
 from whom he bought. Piracy, too, added its horrors whenever the 
 state of the world permitted, and, as we shall have occasion to show, 
 was rampant when Liberia was founded. 
 
 Factories^ however, were gradually re-established and fortified ; but 
 not till the slave trade had nearly depopulated the coast, and thus di- 
 .minished the danger. Two British subjects, Bostock and ]McQ,uinn, 
 had one at Cape Mesurado. In June, 1813, His Majesty's ship Thais 
 sent forty men on shore, who, after a battle in which one of their num- 
 ber was killed, entered the factory and captured its owners. French, 
 and especially Spanish factories, had become numerous. 
 
 A large proportion, both of the slave ships and factories, were pirat- 
 ical. By the laws of several nations, the trade was prohibited, and 
 ships engaged in it liable to capture. They therefore prepared to de- 
 fend themselves. The general peace which followed the downfall of 
 Napoleon, left many privateers and their crews out of employment, and 
 they engaged at once in piracy and the slave trade. In 1818, Lord 
 Castlereagh communicated to the ambassadors of the leading powers of 
 Europe, a list of eighteen armed slavers lately on the coast, of five ves- 
 sels taken and destroyed by them, and of several battles with others; 
 and these were mentioned only as specimens. 
 
 The natives, notwithstanding the evils which the slave trade inflict- 
 ed upon them, were infatuated with it. In lSi|2I,the agents of the 
 Colonization Society attempted to purchase a tract for their first settle- 
 ment at Grand Bassa. The only obstacle was, the refusal of the peo- 
 ple to make any concession towards an abandonment of that traffic. 
 In December of that year, a contract with that indispensable condition 
 was made for Cape Mesurado. The first colonists took possession, 
 ■January 7, 182'2. In November of the same year, and again in De- 
 cember, the natives attacked the Colony in great numbers, and vvitii an 
 obstinate determination to exterminate the settlers and renew the trade 
 at that accustomed spot. In April and May, 1823, Mr. Ashmnn, gov- 
 ernor of the Colony, went on business along the coast about J50 miles, 
 to Settra Kroo. " One century ago," he remarks, " a great part of 
 this line of coast was populous, cleared of trees, and under cultivation. 
 It is now covered with a dense and almost continuous forest. This is 
 
22 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1823 — 1827. — Depopulation and Demoralization of tlie Country. 
 
 almost wholly a second growth ; commonly distinguished from the 
 original by the profusion of brambles and brushwood, which abounds 
 amongst the larger trees, and renders the woods entirely impervious, 
 even to the natives, until paths are opened by the bill-hook." 
 
 In May, 182.5, Mr. Ashmun purchased for the colony, a fine tract 
 on the St. Paul's. Of this he says : " Along this beautiful river were 
 formerly scattered, in Africa's better days, innumerable native hamlets; 
 and till within the last twenty years, nearly the whole river board, for 
 one or two miles back, was under that slight culture which obtains 
 among the natives of this country. But the population has been wast- 
 ed by the rage for trading in slaves, with which the constant presence 
 of slaving vessels and the introduction of foreign luxuries have inspir- 
 ed them. The south bank of this river, and all the intervening coun- 
 try between it and the Mesurado, have been from this cause, near- 
 ly desolated of inhabitants. A few detached and solitary planta- 
 tions, scattered at long intervals through the tract, just serve to inter- 
 rupt the silence and relieve the gloom which reigns over the whole re- 
 gion." 
 
 The moral desolation, he found to be still more complete. He 
 writes: "The two slaving stations of Cape Mount and Cage Mesurado 
 have, for several ages, desolated of every thing valuable, the interven- 
 ing very fertile and beautiful tract of country. The forests have re-, 
 niained untouched, all moral virtue has been extinguished in the 
 people, and their industry annihilated, by this one ruinous cause." 
 " Polygamy and domestic slavery, it is well known, are as universal as 
 the scanty means of the people will permit. And a licentiousness of 
 practice which none — not the worst part of any civilized community 
 on earth — can parallel, gives a hellish consummation to the frightful de- 
 formity imparted by sin lo the moral aspect of these tribes." " The 
 emigrants, from the hour of their arrival in Africa, are acted upon by 
 the vitiating example of the natives of this country. The amount and 
 etfects of this influence, I fear, are generally and egregiously under- 
 rated. It is not known to every one, how little diflference can be per- 
 ceived in the measure of intellect possessed by an ignorant rustic from 
 the United States, and a sprightly native of the coast. It may not be 
 easily credited, but the fact certainly is, that the advantage is, oftenest, 
 on the side of the latter. The sameness of color, and the correspond- 
 ing characteristics ta be expected in different portions of the same 
 race, give to the example of the natives a power and influence over the 
 colonists, as extensive as it is corrupting. For it must not be suppress- 
 ed, however the fact may be at variance with the first impressions from 
 which most African journalists have allowed themselves to sketch the 
 character of the natives, that it is vicious and contaminating in the 
 last degree. I have often expressed my doubt, whether the simple idea 
 of moral justice, as we conceive it from the early dawn of reason, has 
 a place in the thoughts of a pagan African. As a principle of practi- 
 cal morality, I am sure that no such sentiment obtains in the breast of 
 five Africans within my acquaintance. A selfishness which prostrates 
 every consideration of another's good; a habit of dishonest dealing, of 
 which nothing short of unceasing, untiring vigilance can avert the 
 consequences; an unlimited indulgence of the appetites; and the 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 23 
 
 King Boatswain.— Spanish Pirates.— 1823— 1826. 
 
 labored excitement* and unbounded gratification of lust the most un- 
 bridled and beastly — these are the ingredients of the African charac- 
 ter. And however revolting, however, on occasion, concealed by an 
 assumed decency of demeanor, such is the common character of all." 
 
 This last e.xtract was dated May 20, 1827, when Mr. Ashmun had 
 been nearly five years in Africa, and in the most favorable circumstan- 
 ces for learning the truth. 
 
 And this horrid work was still going on. In August, 1823, Mr. 
 Ashmun wrote : — " I wish to afford the Board a full view of our situ- 
 ation, and of the African character. The following incident I relate, 
 not for its singularity, for similar events take place, perhaps, every 
 month in the year; but because it has fallen under my own ol)serva- 
 tion, and I can vouch for its authenticity. King Boatswain received a 
 quantity of goods in trade from a French slaver, for which he stipulat- 
 ed to pay young slaves. He makes it a point of honor to be punctual 
 to his engagements. The time was at hand when he expected the re- 
 turn of the slaver. He had not the slaves. Looking round on the 
 peaceable tribes about him, for her victims, he singled out the Queahs, 
 a small agricultural and trading people, of most inoffensive character. 
 His warriors were skilfully distributed to the different hamlets, and 
 making a simultaneous assault on the sleeping occupants, in the dead 
 of night, accomplished, without difficulty or resistance, the annihila- 
 tion, with the exception of a few towns, of the whole tribe. Every 
 adult man and woman was murdered ; very young children generally 
 shared the fate of their parents ; the boys and girls alone were reserved 
 to pay the Frenchman." 
 
 King Boatswain was not such an untaught barbarian as some may 
 suppose. He began life without hereditary rank, served in the British 
 Navy till he attained the rank of boatswain, and afterwards gradually 
 rose among his own people by his superior intelligence and force of 
 character. In September, 1824, he seized 86 more of the Queahs. 
 
 In August, 1825, the Clarida, a Spanish slaver connected with the 
 factory at Digby, a little north of the St. Paul's, plundered an English 
 brig at anchor in Monrovia harbor. Mr Ashmun, with 22 volunteers, 
 and the captain of the brig with about an equal force, broke up the 
 factory, and released the slaves confined in it. A French and a Span- 
 ish factory, both within five miles of Monrovia, uniting their interests 
 with the Clarida, were soon after broken up, and their slaves released. 
 The French factory had kidnapped, or purchased of kidnappers, some 
 of the colonists, and attempted to hold them as slaves. 
 
 In 1826, the Minerva, a Spanish slaver, connected with some or all 
 of the three factories at Trade town, had committed piracy on several 
 American and other vessels, and obtained possession of several of the 
 colonists. At the suggestion of Mr. Ashruun, she was captured by 
 the Dragon, a French brig of war, and condemned at Goree. The 
 factories at Trade town bought eight of the colonists, who had been 
 " panyared," and refused to deliver them up on demand. In April, 
 Mr. Ashmun, assisted by two Columbian armed vessels, landed, broke 
 
 * Of this, in respect to both sexes, we might have produced disgusting testimony, more 
 than a century old, relating e.specially lo this p.irt of the coast, [ii tliis, as in other things, 
 their character had evidently undergone no essential change. 
 
24 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1826 — 1841. — Massacre at Bassa Cove. — Attack on Heddington. 
 
 up the factories, and released the slaves. The natives, under King 
 West, then rose in defence of the slavers, and made it necessary to 
 burn Trade town. The Colonial government then publicly prohibited 
 the trade on the whole line of coast, over which it assumed a qualified 
 jurisdiction, from Cape Mount to Trade town. In July, a combination 
 to restore Trade town was formed by several piratical vessels and na- 
 tive chiefs. July 27, the brig John of Portland and schooner Bona of 
 Baltimore, at anchor in Monrovia harbor, were plundered by a pirati- 
 cal brig of twelve guns, which then proceeded to Gallinas and took in 
 {)()() slaves. 
 
 " The slave trade," Mr. Ashmun wrote about this time, " is the 
 pretext under which expensive armaments are fitted out every week 
 from Havana, and desperadoes enlisted for enterprises to this country ; 
 in which, on their arrival, the trade is either forgotten entirely, or at- 
 tended to as a mere secondary object, well suited to conceal from 
 cruisers they may fall in with, their real object. Scarcely an Ameri- 
 can trading vessel has for the last twelve months been on this coast, as 
 low as six degrees north, without suflfering either insult or plunder 
 from these Spaniards." 
 
 The batteries for the protection of Monrovia harbor were immedi- 
 ately strengthened, the Trade town combination was of short continu- 
 ance, and the growth of the Colony soon changed the character, both 
 of the coast and its visiters. 
 
 Would the non-resistance policy of William Penn have succeeded 
 better? It has been tried. The Pennsylvania Colonization Society 
 commenced an unarmed settlement at Bassa Cove, about the end of 
 the year 1834. King Joe Harris sold them land to settle upon, and 
 professed to be their cordial friend. In a few months, a slaver arrived. 
 Harris had slaves for sale ; but the slaver would not trade, so near a 
 settlement of Americans. This finished the temptation which Harris 
 had already begun to feel. He fell upon the settlement in the dead of 
 night, killed about twenty of the colonists, and while the remainder 
 fled to save their lives, plundered their houses. A singular fact shows 
 that he was not only fully and minutely acquainted with their peaceful 
 character, but that he was encouraged by it to make the attack. One 
 of the colonists owned a musket, and another sometimes borrowed it ; 
 vso that Harris could not know in which of their houses it might then 
 happen to be. He therefore refrained from attacking either of those 
 houses. 
 
 Would purely missionary establishments be more secure? This 
 also has been tried. The Methodist station at Heddington, on the 
 south bank of the St. Pauls', about 20 miles from Monrovia, was of 
 that character. Gatumba, king of those lately known here as Men- 
 dians, and whose strong hold was about two days' march north east 
 from Monrovia, had in his employ, Goterah, a cannibal warrior from 
 the interior, who, with his band of mercenary desperadoes, had deso- 
 lated many native towns, and taken hosts of slaves for his employer to 
 sell. He was evidently a remnant of the Giagas. One night in 1841, 
 he made an attack on Heddington. His threats, to plunder the mis- 
 sion property, take the children in school for slaves, and eat the mis- 
 sionary, had been reported at Heddington, and arms had been procur- 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 25 
 
 Cape Palmas Missionaries in danger. — 1842 — 1844. 
 
 ed for defence. After an obstinate contest, Goterah was shot, while 
 rushing, sword in hand, into tlie mission-house. His followers were 
 soon seized with a panic, and tied. Among the camp ec|uipage which 
 they left, was a kettle, which Goterah had brought with liim, to boil 
 the missionary in for his breakfast. 
 
 The experiment was tried again. The Episcopal missionaries at 
 Cape Palmas imagined that the peace and safety in which they had 
 been able to live and labor for several years, were in no degree owing 
 to colonial protection ; and they resolved to act accordingly. They 
 commenced a station at Half Cavally, about 13 miles east of the Cape, 
 among the natives, but within the territory of the Colony ; another at 
 Rockbokah, about eight miles farther east, and beyond the limits of 
 the colonial territory; and another at Taboo, some 17 miles beyond 
 Rockbokah. In 184'2, some of the natives near these last named sta- 
 tions seized the schooner Alary Carver, of Salem, murdered the cap- 
 tain and crew, and plundered the vessel. The perpetrators of this out- 
 rage soon become known to Mr. Minor at Taboo, and Mr. Appleby at 
 Rockbokah. To guard against exposure and enrich themselves, the 
 chiefs entered into a conspiracy to kill the missionaries and plunder 
 their premises. The missionaries, being aware of the design, were on 
 their guard, and its execution was del'erred to a more convenient op- 
 portunity, and, as Mr. Appleby supposed, was at length abandoned. 
 Meanwhile, Mr. Minor died. The natives within the coloninl territory 
 agreed to force the colonists to pay higher prices for provisions, and 
 prepared for war. Early in December, 1S43, Mr. Payne, at Half 
 Cavally, finding himself surrounded by armed natives, from whom his 
 life and the lives of his family were in danger, sent to Cape Palmas 
 for rescue. When his messenger arrived, the U. S. squadron had just 
 come in sight. A ves.sel was immediately sent for his relief A force 
 was landed, he and his family were escorted to the shore, taken on 
 board and conveyed to Cape Palmas. On proceeding eastward, to 
 punish the murderers of the crew of the Mary Carver, the squadron 
 took off Mr. Appleby from his dangerous position at Rockbokah. The 
 presence of the squadron soon induced the natives to make peace with 
 the colony ; but for several weeks it was supposed that the Cavally 
 station could never be safely resumed. The school at Rockbokah is 
 still continued, under a native teacher, and perhaps Mr. Appleby may 
 yet return to it, as the natives think that his presence will be, in some 
 degree, a pledge of peace. 
 
 We may then consider it as proved by facts of the plainest signifi- 
 cancy, that up to the commencement of this present year, 1844, un- 
 armed men, whether colonists or missionaries, white or black, native 
 or immigrant, could not live safely in that part of the world without 
 colonial protection. 
 
 4 
 
26 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1604 — 1721. — Missionary Labors in Western Afiica. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Missionary Labors in Western Afiica, and their Results. 
 
 Perhaps a clearer light may be thrown upon the subject, by a con- 
 nected view of the various attempts that have been made, to introduce 
 civilization and Christianity into Guinea. It need occupy but little 
 space, as the history of far the greater part of them records only the 
 attempts and their failure. 
 
 The Portuguese, we have seen, commenced and prosecuted their 
 discoveries under authority from the Pope, to conquer and convert all 
 unbelievers from Cape Bojador to India. We have seen, too, what a 
 pompous commencement they made at Elmina. Their establishments 
 were at one time numerous along the whole coast of Upper Guinea, 
 and as far north as Arguin. It is said that they every where had 
 chapels, and made efforts at proselytism. The language of historians 
 seems to imply that even the Portuguese mulattoes, when driven in- 
 land from the Grain Coast in 1004, built chapels in the interior, and 
 strove to make proselytes. In Congo, they put their candidate on the 
 throne by force of arms, and thus converted the nation. In Upper 
 Guinea, they converted a few, and but a few; as the negroes generally 
 would neither give up polygamy, nor submit to auricular confession. In 
 1607, Dapper states that the Jesuits found some on the Rio Grande 
 who were willing to receive baptism, but not being prepared for it, it 
 was deferred. The same year, he tells us, the Jesuit Bareira baptized 
 the king of Sierra Leone, his family, and several others. He adds, 
 about 1670, " the king still receives baptism, but practises idolatry to 
 please his subjects." According to Bareira's own account, king 
 Philip, whom he baptized, was a hundred years old, and was one of 
 the Cumbas. He professes to have made a more favorable impression 
 on the natives, because he did not engage in the slave trade and other 
 branches of commerce, as all former priests there had done. Labat 
 informs us, that in 1666, Don Philip, a Christian, reigned at Burre, on 
 the south side of the Sierra Leone river, and kept a Jesuit and a Por- 
 tuguese Capuchin, who preached Christianity, but without effect. 
 Villanlt, however, says, the same year, that " the Portuguese settled 
 here have made many converts." Barbot asserts that the Portuguese 
 had converted many in Bidm ; that is, many of the Bulloms, on the 
 north of the river. The truth seems to be, that they persuaded a con- 
 siderable number of individuals to receive baptism, but made no gene- 
 ral impression upon the people; so that Labat, himself a missionary, 
 considered their attempt a failure. As to the character of their con- 
 verts, his Don Philip, keeping a Jesuit and a Capuchin to preach 
 Christianity, and yet practising idolatry to please his subjects, is doubt- 
 less a fair sample. In 1721, one native of some consequence, nine 
 miles up the river, is isientioned as a Romanist. He had been bap- 
 tized in Portugal. The expedition for the conversion of the Jaloffs, 
 we have seen, was defeated by the assassination of Bemoi. Still, they 
 made some converts in that quarter. But every where north of Congo, 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 27 
 
 IJoman Calliolic Missions. — 1635 — 1705. 
 
 their converts seem to have been confined almost wholly to the depend- 
 ents on their trading houses ; and when these were given up, their re- 
 ligion soon disappeared. 
 
 The French missions, so far as we have been able to discover, com- 
 menced in 1(535, when five Capuchins were sent to the mouth of the 
 Assinee. In a short time, and before they accomplished any thing, 
 three of them died, and the other two retired to Axim. In 1(336, sev- 
 eral Capuchins of Normandy were sent as missionaries to Cape Verde, 
 one of whom had the title of prefect; " but they left the country, be- 
 cause they could not live in it." In I()74, another company of Ca- 
 puchins attempted a mission, probably somewhere on the Ivory or 
 Gold Coast ; but nothing is known of its results. In 1(587, father 
 Gonsalvez, a Dominican, on his way to India, stopped at Assinee, and 
 left father Henry Cerizier, with a house and six slaves, to commence 
 a mission. Cerizier died in a few months. In 1700, father Loyer, 
 who had been sometime in the West Indies, was nominated by the 
 Propaganda and appointed by the Pope, as Apostolic Prefect of Mis- 
 sions in Guinea. He embarked at Rochelle, April 18, 1701, having 
 with him father Jaques Villard as a missionary, and Aniaba, who, he 
 says, had been given to Gonsalvez by Zenan, kincp of Assinee, and ed- 
 ucated and baptized in France. The European Mercury announced 
 his baptism in the following paragraph : — 
 
 " Here is another pagan prince brought over to the Christian faith ; 
 — namely, Lewis Hannibal, king of Syria, on the Gold Coast of Afri- 
 ca ; who, after being a long time instructed in the Christian principles, 
 and baptized by the bishop'of Meaux, the king being his godfather, 
 received the sacrament of the Lord's Supper on the 27th of February, 
 from the Cardinal dc Noailles, and offered at the same time a picture 
 of the Blessed Virgin, to whose protection he submitted his territory; 
 having made a vow, at his return thither, to use his utmost endeavors 
 towards the conversion of his subjects." 
 
 On arriving at Grand Sesters, Aniaba went on shore, and, Loyer 
 says, "lived eight days among the negressess, in a way which edified 
 nobody." They touched on the Quaqua coast, and found the people 
 to be cannibals, eating negroes frequently, and all the white men they 
 could get into their possession. June 25, they reached the Assinee. 
 After a short negotiation for the ground, a fort was built near the east- 
 ern shore of the river, at its mouth, and a garrison left for its defence. 
 Aniaba proved worthless. The mission accomplished nothing. Loyer 
 left in 1703. The garrison found it difficult to maintain itself against 
 repeated attacks, and in 1705 the whole establishment was given up. 
 
 Who this Aniaba really was, is a matter of some uncertainty. In 
 France, he was certainly represented as the son of Zenan, king of the 
 Assinees, sent thither for education ; and in this character, he served 
 for a while as a captain in the French cavalry. Loyer, writing after 
 his disappointment, and with evident mortification, merely represents 
 him as one whom Zenan had given to Gonsalvez. Bosnian, to whom 
 we are indebted for the extract from the Mercury, says that he was 
 orifjinally a slave among the Assinees; that a Frenchman obtained 
 possession of him and carried him home, intending to keep him for a 
 valet ; that he had shrewdness enough to gull French bishops and car- 
 
28 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1652— 1793.— Roman Catholic Mission. 
 
 dinals into the belief of his royal descent; and that on his return, he 
 was forced back into tiie service of his old Assinee master. 
 
 Loyer, while there, made some missionary efforts. On one occasion, 
 in the presence of the natives, he broUe a fetish into a thousand pieces, 
 trod it under his feet, and then cast it into the fire. They all tied, say- 
 ing that the lightning would blast hini, or the earth swallow him 
 up. Seeing that he remained unharmed, they said it was because he 
 did not believe; on which he exhorted them to be unbelievers too. But 
 his exhortations were in vain. His English editor asks, — " How 
 would he have liked to have had one of his own fetishes so treated? 
 A negro, or a Protestant, would be put to death for such an offence in 
 most popish countries." Villault, in l(i()7, had used the same argu- 
 ment on the Gold Coast, and as he thought, with more success. He 
 broke the negroes' fetishes, and told them to sign themselves with the 
 cross, and the fetish could not hurt them. Many came to him and ex- 
 changed their fetishes for crucifixes, which they evidently regarded as 
 only stronger fetishes. 
 
 Loyer represents the negroes as trickish and subtle, great liars and 
 thieves, " the most deceitful and ungrateful people in the universe." 
 
 The first Spanish mission to this part of the world, so far as we can 
 learn, was commenced in 1G52, when fifteen Capuchins were sent to 
 Sierra Leone. Twelve of them were taken prisoners by the Portu- 
 guese, who were then at war with Spain. The other three are said to 
 have converted some of the people, baptized some of their princes, 
 and built churches in some of their chief towns. They were reinforc- 
 ed in Jti57, and again in 16G4. In 1723, *the Pope's nuncio in Spain 
 announced that the mission was extinct. In 1659, certain Capuchins 
 of Castile attempted a mission at Ardra, on the Slave Coast; but they 
 soon gave it up, on finding that the king only pretended to turn Chris- 
 tian, for the sake of encouraging trade with Spain. 
 
 We find no mention of any other Roman Catholic mission in Upper 
 Guinea, till the late attempt at Cape Palmas. From the formal com- 
 mencement of the mission at Elmina, in 14S2, eleven years after the 
 complete discovery of the coast, to the abandonment of Sierra Leone, 
 in 1723, was 241 years of Roman Catholic missionary effort. After so 
 long a trial, and for the greater part of the time in the most favorable 
 circumstances for the missionaries, the religion of Guinea proved too 
 strong an antagonist for the religion oiRomc. What little impression 
 they made on a few of their dependents, was soon effaced, and Roman- 
 ism in Guinea has long since ceased to exist. A boastful view of Ro- 
 manism and its missions, in the Annals of the Propagation of the Faith 
 for June, ltS39, claims no mission in all Western Africa, nor any Catho- 
 lics, except in the French settlement on the Senegal, any where be- 
 tween Congo and Morocco. Probably, however, they might claim the 
 inmates of a small Portuguese trading house or two, somewhere about 
 the mouth of the P»,io Grande. 
 
 Of the Dutch, we only find reason to believe that they made some 
 slight attempts to proselyte the negroes immediately around their 
 castles and trading houses. The Portuguese say that the negroes, 
 "being barbarians, readily enough swallowed Calvin's poison ; " the 
 meaning of which doubtless is, that the Dutch taught them to despise 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 29 
 
 Moravian Missions. — Sierra Leone. — Capt Beaver. — 1736—1792. 
 
 popery. Artus raeritions attempts of Dutch residents to instruct them, 
 and speaks of one who had been so instructed by a monk at Elmina, 
 that he was able to quote Scripture in reply. Bosrnan, a sturdy Dutch 
 Protestant, says that if it were possible to convert them, the Romanists 
 would stand the best chance lor success ; because they already agree 
 with them in several particulars, especially in their ridiculous ceremo- 
 nies, their abstinence from certain kinds of food at certain times, their 
 reliance on antiquity, and the like. The negroes, seem to have rea- 
 soned differently, and to have thought so small a change not worth the 
 making. Bosnian's remark, however, shows that the Dutch accomplish- 
 ed but little among them. 
 
 The Moravians were the first Protestants who seriously undertook 
 the work of missions in Guinea. In 1736, they sent out two mission- 
 aries, one of whom was a mulatto, born in that country. His colleague 
 soon died, and he returned. Their efforts were resumed from time to 
 time, till 1770. In all, five distinct efforts were made, and eleven 
 missionaries sent out. The mulatto accompanied several of the expe- 
 ditions, and died in 17G1). The other ten all died in Guinea, before they 
 had been there long enough to be useful. Probably, all these attempts 
 were on the Gold Coast. 
 
 Of English efforts to civilize or evangelize Western Africa, we find 
 no notice till 1787, when a colony of free blacks from America was 
 commenced at Sierra Leone. The land on which they settled was 
 purchased of the natives, who soon after attempted to drive them off 
 or exterminate them. When visited in 1789, half their number had 
 perished by violence or dise&se, and the remainder had taken refuge 
 on Bance Island. In 1791 and 1792, the colony was reinforced by 
 1,'200 blacks fromJamaica, who had at first settled in Nova Scotia, but 
 found the climate too cold for them. The history of this colony is 
 marked by an almost uninterrupted series of gross blunders and misman- 
 agement ; but being a well meant enterprise, mainly on right principles, 
 and sustained with true English pertinacity, it has continued to grow, 
 and has been of immense value to Africa. For twenty years it watched 
 the operations of the British slave trade, and furnished much of the 
 information which induced tl)e British Parliament to abolish it in 1807. 
 And when that act had been passed, it could have been little else than 
 a dead letter, had there not been a rendezvous for the squadron, a seat 
 for Courts of Admiralty, and a receptacle for recaptured Africans, at 
 Sierra Leone. But for this colonization of Africa with the civilized 
 descendants of Africans, that act might never have been passed, and if 
 passed, must have been nearly inoperative. 
 
 In 1792, an attempt was made to promote civilization in Africa by a 
 colony of whites, of which Capt. Beaver, an officer in the expedition, 
 afterwards published an account, which we have not been able to ob- 
 tain. We only learn that the attempt was made by a " philanthropic 
 association " in England ; that they sent out three ships, with 275 
 colonists ; that they commenced a settlement on Bulatna Island, 
 near the mouth of the Rio Grande ; that they employed only the free 
 labor of colonists and hired negroes; that they suffered much from the 
 African fever, many died, others returned, and in two years the colony 
 was extinct. 
 
30 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1795— 1815.— English Missions.' 
 
 In 1795, several English families went to Sierra Leone, for the pur- 
 pose of establishing a mission among the Foulalis ; but after arriving 
 in Africa and considering the obstacles, they returned without com- 
 mencing their labors. 
 
 In 1797, the Edinburgh Missionary Society sent out two mission- 
 aries, who commenced a mission among the Soosoos on the Rio Pon- 
 gas ; the Glasgow Society sent out two, who commenced on the Island 
 of Bananas; and the London Society two, who began among the Bul- 
 loms. In 1800, one of them, Mr. Brunton, returned, enfeebled by dis- 
 ease ; but afterwards engaged in a mission at Karass near the Caspian 
 Sea. Mr. Greig, his colieage, had been murdered by a party of 
 Foulahs. The other four had fallen victims to the climate. 
 
 The Church Missionary Society, then called the " Society for IMis- 
 sions in Africa and the East," sent out its first missionaries in 1804. 
 They were Germans ; for, after several years of effort, no English mis- 
 sionaries could be procured. Two years before, the Sierra Leone 
 Company had been seeking five years in vain for a chaplain. The 
 missionaries arrived at Sierra Leone, April 14. A subsequent Report 
 states, that they would have been instructed to commence their labors 
 in the colony, had there not been obstacles to their usefulness there, of 
 the nature of which we are not informed. As it was, they resided in 
 the colony, and sought for stations beyond its borders. In 180(5, two 
 others were sent out, one of whom, Mr. Nylander, was induced to serve 
 as chaplain of the colony, which he continued to do till 1812. These 
 two last were accompanied by William Fantimani, the son of a chief 
 at Rio Pongas, educated at Clapham. The Report for 1808 informs 
 us, that the missionaries had continued their search for stations out of 
 the colony, but had every where been met by insurmountable obstacles. 
 That year, however, in March, they were able to commence two sta- 
 tions on the Rio Pongas, Fantimania and Bashia. Fantimania in a 
 short time was found impracticable. It was abandoned, and a new 
 station commenced at Canoffee. In 1809, two others were sent out, 
 one of whom soon died. One of the older brethren also died. In 
 1811, two more were sent out. In 1812, three mechanics were sent 
 out. Mr. Nylander resigned his chaplaincy, and commenced a new 
 station among the Bulloms. In the autumn, the chiefs on the Rio 
 Pongas held a palaver, in relation to sending the missionaries out of 
 the country, on the pretence that their presence injured the trade, that 
 is, the slave trade. In 1813, two of the mechanics and the wife of one 
 of them died. Troubles with the natives continued. In 1814, they 
 suffered much from sickness. The other mechanic and the widow of 
 another died. The opposition of the natives increased. A new sta- 
 tion was commenced on the Rio Dembia, and called Gambler. Mr. 
 Klein, the missionary, finding no prospect of usefulness, removed to 
 the Isles de Los, staid there half a year, and meeting insurmountable 
 opposition, removed to Kapuru, on the continent, among the Bagoes. 
 These events may have extended into the next year. Their attention 
 was now turning to the colony. In 1815, seven male and female mis- 
 sionaries and two educated natives were sent out. Four of the seven, 
 two of their children, and two of the older members of the mission 
 died. In January, the three principal buildings at Bashia, with the 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 31 
 
 English Mission.— 1816— 1844. 
 
 libraries, were burned by the natives. Mr. Hughes and his wife, one 
 of the seven above mentioned, set out for home to save her life ; but 
 stopped at Goree, as she was unable to proceed. Here her health im- 
 proved, and they opened a school. In 1816, four teachers with their 
 wives were sent out. The Rev. Edward Bickersteth, Assistant Secre- 
 tary, visited the mission. He thouglit the colony, which now contain- 
 ed 9,000 or 10,000 inhabitants, most of whom were recaptured Afri- 
 cans, the most promising field of u.-^efulness. The " Christian Institu- 
 tion " had already a goodly number of pupils, and they were erecting 
 extensive buildings for its permanent accommodation. Governor 
 Mac Carthy wrote : — " I conceive that the first effectual step towards 
 the establisiiment of Christianity, will be found in the division of this 
 peninsula into parishes, appointing to each a clergyman to instruct his 
 flock in Christianity, and enlightening their minds to the various duties 
 and advantages inherent to civilization ; thus making Sierra Leone the 
 base, from whence future exertions may be extended, step by step, to 
 the very interior of Africa." The division into parishes was in pro- 
 gress. Bashia was given up. Preaching was commenced at Lissa 
 and Jesulu, near Canoffee. A chapel was built at Lissa. In 1817, 
 the troubles from the natives continued to increase. The Society an- 
 nounced its expectation of being compelled to abandon all its stations 
 beyond the limits of the colony. In 1818, February 10, the mission- 
 aries, in a general meeting at Freetown, decided to withdraw from the 
 Rio Pongas. Tiiose stations were accordingly abandoned. It was 
 also found necessary to retire from Yongroo, among the Bulloms, 
 though only seven miles from Freetown, the capital of the colony. 
 Goree was restored to the French, and the station abandoned. July 
 14, 'a proclamation in the Sierra Leone Ga/.ette announced the occupa- 
 tion of the Isles de Los, as British Territory. Mr. Klein was appoint- 
 ed pastor there, closed his station among the Bagoes, and entered upon 
 the duties of his office. The Society had now nostation beyond the limits 
 of the colony. It was intimated, that their relinquishment might be 
 only temporary ; but it has never yet been found advisable to renew 
 them. 
 
 According to the latest accounts, this mission now has 14 stations, 
 62 laborers, 1,'275 communicants, 6,086 attendants on public worship, 
 and 5,475 pupils in its schools. One of these stations is at Port 
 Lokkoh, in the Timmanee country ; but whether in that part of the 
 country which has been fully ceded to the colony, or that which is 
 merely in a state of dependent alliance, we have not been able to as- 
 certain. 
 
 The English Wesleyan mission in the colony, which was commenc- 
 ed about the year 1817, reports 2,371 members, 23 paid teachers, and 
 1,462 pupils. The Wesleyans have also stations at the British posts 
 on the Gambia and Gold and Slave Coasts. Supported by the latter, 
 they are attempting an inland station among the Ashantees ; but the 
 result is yet very doubtful. 
 
 Some passages in the works from which these facts have been 
 gathered, seem to refer to still other attempts to enlighten Western 
 Africa; but if there were others, they came to an end so soon and so 
 fruitlessly, as to leave no record that has reached us. 
 
32 COLOiNIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 1823. — Liberia Founded — Recapitulation. 
 
 American attempts — with the exception of one or two private efforts, 
 which led to no results — commenced with the planting of Liberia, in 
 1822. Their history is before the public in various forms, and need 
 not be repeated here. They have led to the establishment of two civil- 
 ized republics, the planting of nearly thirty Christian churches, and 
 the conversion and civilization of hundreds of the natives ; besides ail 
 that they have done for the suppression of piracy and the slave trade, 
 and the general improvement of that part of the world. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Recapitulalion. — Conclusion. 
 
 Such have been the leading facts in respect to Western Africa from 
 the time of Ibn Haukal to the present day, — about nine centuries. 
 From the first purchase of negro slaves by Portuguese voyagers, has 
 been 402 years; from the first discovery of the negro country by the 
 Portuguese, o97 years ; from the discovery of Cape Mesurado, 382 
 years; and from the complete exploration of the coast of Upper 
 Guinea, 373 years ; and this, even if we reject the accounts of the 
 French, who profess to have had trading posts where Liberia now is, 
 498 years ago. At our earliest dates, the natives were idolaters of the 
 grossest kind, polygamists, slave holders, slave traders, kidnappers, 
 offerers of human sacrifices, and some of them cannibals. For four 
 centuries, or five if we receive the French account, they have been in 
 habits of constant intercourse with the most profligate, the most licen- 
 tious, the most rapacious, and in every respect the vilest and most cor- 
 rupting classes of men to be found in the civilized world, — with slave 
 traders, most of whom were pirates in every thing but courage, and 
 many of whom conmiitted piracy whenever they dared, — and with pirates 
 in the fullest sense of the word. Before the year 16C0, the influence 
 of these men had been sufiiicient to displace the native languages in 
 the transaction of business, and substitute the Portuguese, which was 
 generally understood and used in their intercourse with foreigners; 
 and since tliat time, the Portuguese has been in like manner displaced 
 by the English. By this intercourse, the natives were constantly stim- 
 ulated to crimes of the deepest dye, and thoroughly trained to all the 
 vices of civilization which savages are capable of learning. During 
 the most fearful predominance of undisguised piracy, from 1(388 to 
 1730, their demoralization went on, especially upon the Windward 
 Coast, more rapidly than ever before, and became so intense, that it 
 was impossible to maintain trading houses on shore; so that, on this 
 account, as we are expressly informed, in 1730, there was not a single 
 European factory on that whole coast. Trade was then carried on by 
 ships passing along the coast, and stopping wherever the natives kin- 
 dled a fire as a signal for traffic. And this continued (o be the usual 
 mode of intercourse on that coast, when the British Parliament, in 
 1791, began to collect evidence concerning the slave trade. Nor were 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 33 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 factories re-established there, till the slave trade and its attendant vices 
 had diminished the danger by depopulating the country. 
 
 It appears, too, that nothing has ever impeded or disturbed the con- 
 stant flow of this bad influence, but Colonization and its consequences. 
 The Colony of Sierra Leone was planted, as a means of resisting and 
 ultimately suppressing the slave trade. The testimony which it col- 
 lected and furnished during twenty years of labor and suflering, was 
 the principal means of inducing the British Parliament to pass the act 
 of J 807, abolishing that traffic. From that time to the present, it has 
 rendered indispensable assistance in all that has been done to enforce 
 that act. Through its influence,* the slave trade is suppressed, slavery 
 itself is abolished, and a Christian and civilized negro community* of 
 40,000 or 50,000 persons is established, on the territory which it con- 
 trols. Liberia, only about one third as old, has expelled slave traders and 
 pirates froui 300 miles of coast, with the e.xception of a single point, 
 brought a native population of 10,000 or 15,000, by their own consent, 
 under the protection and control of a civilized republican government 
 which does not tolerate slavery, and brought from 60,000 to 100,000 
 more to renounce the slave trade and other barbarous usages. Still 
 later, another British settlement of recaptured Africans on the Gambia 
 has begun to do the same good work in that region. Beyond Cape 
 Palmas, a k\v British, Dutch and Danish forts overawe the natives iu 
 their immediate vicinity, and one of them protects a mission. Else- 
 where, the work is not even begun. 
 
 The summary of Christian missions without Colonization may be 
 given in a kw words. The Roman Catholics come first. Omitting 
 the French statement, of a chapel built at Elmina in 1887, let us begin 
 with the Portuguese mission at that place, in J 482. Romish missions 
 continued till that of the Spanish Capuchins at Sierra Leone was given 
 up in 1723, which was 241 years. They made no impression, except 
 upon their immediate dependents ; and what they made, was soon to- 
 tally obliterated. Their stations were numerous, along the whole 
 coast ; but every vestige of their influence has been gone, for many 
 generations. 
 
 Protestant missionary attempts were commenced by the Moravians 
 in 1736, 108 years ago, and continued till 1770. Five attempts cost 
 eleven lives, and effected nothing. The account of them scarce fills a 
 page in Crantz's " History of the Brethren." 
 
 English attempts have been more numerous. That of Capt. Beaver 
 at Bulama Island, in 1792, does not appear to have been distinctively 
 of a missionary character, though it must have contemplated the intro- 
 duction and diffusion of Christianity, as one of its results and means of 
 success. It failed in two years, and with the loss of more than 100 
 lives. The mission to the Foulahs, in 1795, found, when at Sierra 
 Leone, insuperable obstacles to success, and returned without com- 
 mencing its labors. The three stations commenced by the London, 
 Edinburgh and Glasgow Societies in 1797, were e.xtinct, and five of 
 
 * That is, Clirisliaii and civilized in respect to the cliaiacler of ils government and inslilu- 
 tions, and llie predoininaiil character of the people; though multitudes of llie inhaliitaiits, but 
 lately rescued from the Iwlds of slave ships, are jusl begiuning lo learn wlial Chiislianily and 
 civilization are. 
 
34 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 the six missionaries dead, in 1800. The Church Missionary Society 
 sent out its first missionaries in 1804 ; but it was four years before 
 they could find a place out of the Colony, where they could commence 
 their labors. 'I'hey established and attempted to maintain ten stations, 
 viz. Fantimania, Basliia, Canoffee, Lissa and Jesulu, on or near the 
 Rio Pongas, Gambier on the Rio Deinbia, Gambier on the Isles de 
 Los, Gambier among the Bagoes, Goree, and Yongroo among the Bul- 
 loms. Goree was given up to the French and abandoned. The hos- 
 tility of the natives, who preferred the slave traders to them, drove the 
 missionaries from the other nine, and forced them to take refuge in 
 the Colony of Sierra Leone, the only place where they could labor with 
 safety and with hope. Here, without counting Sierra Leone and Goree, 
 are eighteen Protestant missionary attempts before the settlement of 
 Liberia, all of which failed from the influence of the climate and the 
 hostility of the natives. Since the settlement of Liberia, attempts to 
 sustain missions without colonial protection have been made at Half 
 Cavally, within the territorial limits of Cape Palmas, and at Rockbo- 
 kah and Taboo, in its immediate vicinity, and within the reach of its 
 constant influence. The result has been already stated. The mission 
 of the Presbyterian Board has been removed to Settra Kroo, about sev- 
 enteen miles from the Mississippi settlement at Sinou. Death has re- 
 duced its numbers to a single widow, who teaches a school. As the 
 Kroos have bound themselves by their late treaty with the Liberian 
 government, "to foster and protect the American missionaries;" and 
 as the mission is placed where no hostile act can long be concealed 
 from that government, it may be regarded as safe under colonial pro- 
 tection. The mission of the American Board has been removed from 
 Cape Palmas, about 1,250 miles, to the River Gaboon, in Lower Guin- 
 ea, and placed among a people, whom the missionaries represent as 
 much superior to any within the region embraced in these researches. 
 Its labors here commenced in July, 1842. It is yet uncertain, there- 
 fore, whether it will be able to maintain its ground, even as long as 
 did the English mission at the Rio Pongas. An attempt, the success 
 of which is yet doubtful, to establish a " Mendi Mission," between 
 Sierra Leone and Liberia, where the vicinity of both those colonies 
 will diminish the danger ; two or three English Wesleyan stations, pro- 
 tected by the British Forts on the Gold and Slave Coasts ; the mis- 
 sions in South Africa, most of which are within the Cape Colony, and 
 the remainder among tribes under its influence and deriving safety 
 from its power ; an attempt to open intercourse with the nominal Chris- 
 tians of Abyssinia ; a small English mission to the Copts at Cairo, and 
 still smaller French mission at Algiers, — if this last still exists, — com- 
 plete the list, so far as we can learn, of Protestant missionary attempts 
 on the continent of Africa. To these, add the attempt of Capt. Bea- 
 ver and others to promote civilization by a colony of Englishmen at 
 Bulama Island in 1792, and the late disastrous Niger Expedition of the 
 British government, and we have the sum total of Protestant expedi- 
 tions for the improvement of African character. 
 
 The failure of the Niger expedition prostrates for the present, and 
 probably forever, the hope which it was intended to realize ; the hope 
 of opening an intercourse with the less demoralized nations of the inte- 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 35 
 
 Recapitulation. 
 
 rior, by ascending that river. It has shown that we must reach the 
 countries on the Niger from the west, by the route pointed out by Gen. 
 Harper in 1817, and followed by the Portuguese mulattoes in 1()00. 
 Of all Atlantic ports, Monrovia is probably the nearest to the boatable 
 waters of the Niger. The Atlantic termination of the route must be 
 somewhere from Liberia to Sierra Leone, inclusive. Nor is there any 
 reason to hope that this route can ever be made available for any pur- 
 pose of practical utility, till Colonization has, in a good degree, civil- 
 ized the country through which it must pass. We must begin by civ- 
 ilizing and Christianizing the population on the coast.* 
 
 * If any are alarmed at the supposed expensiveness of our enterprise, we would su^i^esl to 
 them, in the first place, that the tliou^hl of leaving' Alrica forever in her [^resejil horrible con- 
 dilidii, for ihe sake of avoidinjr any expense whatever, is nnchrisiian, and not to be cnlerlained 
 for a moment. Aliica must be couverled ; and whatever expense is reiilly necessary for that 
 purpose, must be incurretl. In the second place, we would submit the (ollowing estimate, bv 
 the late Secretary of the Navy, of the expense of the squadron of 80 guns, which the Uniled 
 States is bound by the Ashburton treaty, to keep on the African coast lor Ihe suppression of 
 the slave trade. It is dated Dec. 29, 181-2, and was made in obedience to a resolution of the 
 Senate, of the 14th of thai month : — 
 
 
 _ 
 
 
 J, 
 
 El 
 
 18 
 
 k ka. 
 
 O U ti 
 
 
 S 
 
 g-^ 
 
 u 
 
 i> -" 
 
 « C X l- 
 «5 ,- 4J <C 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^ 5 
 
 g-S -2 
 
 Number and class of vessels. 
 
 > 
 
 3 u 
 
 — (fl 
 
 o ¥ 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 <.. 
 
 tu 
 
 4) -.= 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 5 is 
 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 § u E 
 
 2 S; o « 
 
 = -3 C» 
 
 
 U 
 
 < 
 
 gC 
 
 X 
 
 < 
 
 Two sloops of 1st class 
 
 5257,655 
 
 g20,000 
 
 42 
 
 36G 
 
 5133,986 
 
 Four brigs or schooners 
 
 Total .... 
 
 166,587 
 
 20,000 
 
 40 
 
 260 
 
 107,196 
 
 42't,i>42 
 
 40,000 
 
 82 
 
 626 
 
 241,182 
 
 According; to this estimate, the expense of a brig or schooner, including interest on her first 
 cost, is 534,297 a year, or 52,858 a month. On the 300 miles of coast whith we wish to 
 possess, there is siill one slave factory, — at New Cess. The expense of watching that fac- 
 tory two months, with the smallest vessel in the squadron, would be amply sufficient to pur- 
 chase New Cess, settle it with emancipated slaves from Tennessee, and thus slop the slave 
 trade there for ever. Again : The 150 miles of coast, or thereabouts, w hich ive wish to 
 purchase, will cost, it is supposed, 515,000 or 520,000 ; say 520,000, which is I3.3J dollars a 
 mile. This is probably high enough, as the lasl purchase of ten miles cost but thirty dollars 
 a mile. The wliole slave trading coast of Western Africa is eslimated, in round numbers, at 
 4,000 miles. This includes some long tracts of coast, on which there is no sNive tiade ; but 
 let that pass. The whole 4,000 miles, if in the market at 133J dollars a mile, would cost 
 55.33,333 The annual expense of our squadron of 80 guns, including interest on the first 
 cost, is 5306,686. Its expen.se in two years is 5613,272 ; being enough 10 buy the whole 
 4,000 miles, and leave a surplus of 579,939, or 538,868 a year, to be expended in coloniza- 
 tion. And yet again : The whole expense of this work can by no means be allowed to lall 
 upon this country. The annual expense of the lirilish squadrons employed in watch ns the 
 slave trade, for several years past, has been estimated ai £500,000, or about 52.437,600, 
 and there is no probability that it can he diminished, if the present system be coiilinued, for 
 many years to coine. Here is a sum, large enough 10 meet the expense of purchasing and 
 colonizing to any desirable extent, and with any desirable rapidity. The most difificuli parts 
 of the coast to manage are Ihe possessions of Portugal, a power almost wholly under the pro- 
 tection and dictation of Great Britain. Here is money enough lo pay for them all, and ihus 
 end that part of the trouble al once and forever. 
 
 We are perfectly aware that ihe whole of these naval expenditures cannot be diverted to 
 the purposes of colonization, as some ships must be kept on that coast for other objects ; that 
 some portions of ihe coast may not be purchasable at any price; and that national jealousies 
 may interpose hindrances to the straight-forward execution of such a plan in its full exient. 
 Still, it is none the less evident, that coloaizatioo, so far as it is practicable, is beyond com- 
 
36 COLONIZATION AND MISSFGNS. 
 
 Recapitulation. — Conclusion. 
 
 And this work is going on successfully, by the colonization of the 
 coast with civilized men of African descent. Sierra Leone has done 
 much, notwithstanding its great and peculiar disadvantages. Its 
 thousands, among whom all the safety of civilization is enjoyed, have 
 already been mentioned. Liberia Proper has under its jurisdiction, a 
 population of 1.5,000 or more, among whom any missionary who can 
 endure the climate, may labor without danger and without interruption. 
 Of these, more than 10,000 are natives of the country, in the process 
 of civilization. Of these natives, about 1,500 are so far civilized that 
 the heads of families among them are thought worthy to vote, and do 
 vote, at elections; 1353 are communicants in the several churches ; and 
 the remainder, generally, are merely unconverted human beings, who 
 have some respect for Christianity, and none for any other religion. 
 Among these, neither the slave trade nor slavery is tolerated. Besides 
 these, numerous tribes, comprising a population of from 50,000 to 
 100,000, and according to some statements, a still greater number, 
 have placed themselves by treaty under the civilizing influence of the 
 colony ; have made the slave trade and various other barbarous and 
 heathenish usages unlawful, and many of them have stipulated to foster 
 and protect American missionaries. The territory of these allied 
 tribes is supposed to extend half way to the waters of the Niger. 
 Several missionary stations have already been established among them, 
 with perfect confidence in their safety. 
 
 The Maryland colony at Cape Palmas, though but ten years old, 
 and numbering less than 700 emigrants, has also proved a safe field for 
 missionary labor. 
 
 Still later, it would seem, though we have not been able to obtain 
 exact information, the British government has settled about 1,500 lib- 
 erated Africans from Sierra Leone, on the Gambia; some of them, 
 probably, at Bathurst, near the mouth of the river ; and some of them, 
 certainly, at Macarthy's Island, 300 miles from its mouth. At both of 
 these settlements, the English Wesleyan missions are flourishing. 
 That at Bathurst reckons 279 converts, and the other 254. 
 
 It has usually been supposed, that sensible and candid men may 
 learn from experience. If so, it would seem that such a variety of ex- 
 periments, extending through four centuries, and all pointing to the 
 same conclusion, might suffice to teach them. Consider the numerous 
 
 panson llie rlieapesi mode of exterminaling iIip slave tradfi and rivilizingf Afiica; and ihat 
 (ireal Briiain and llie (Jnilod Slates are e.vpendiiio; money enough, iC judirioiislj' applied, to 
 pive Chrisiian civilization an overwhelming predominance on the whole coast, and tlius finish 
 the w ork in a very (ew years. 
 
 The greaipst obsiacles to the complete execution of such a plan, however, are found in two 
 points of British policy. In the first place. Great Briiain is univilling- to make her colonics 
 sufficiently demorratic. Instead of calling out the enersies of her colonists by loading them 
 with the responsibiliiy and stimulating' them with the honor of sflf-governmont, she aims only 
 to make them a virlunns peasantry, under officers appoinlp<l and paid by the crown. This 
 policj' vastly increases the expense of her eslablishmenls, while il diminsjies their efficiency. 
 For a'lhcring to il, liowever, she has some apology in the fact, that she has few subjects for 
 Colonization in Africa, of equal capacity with ours. In the second place, instead of" wishing 
 to colonize Africa, she is desirous, and is endeavoring, as a substiiule for the slave trade, to 
 transfer fiee laborers from Africa to the West Indies, to be a lal>oring peasantry there. The 
 good of Africa, and the most cheap and cfTiJctual suppression of the slave trade, must be sa- 
 crificed to the interests of her sugar-planters. This, however, need not hinder us from doing 
 that part of the work which belongs to us, in the best possible way. See the Letter of Com- 
 modore Perry, on a subsequent page. 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 37 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 attempts by Romanists of different nations and orders, Portuguese, 
 Spaniards and French, Capuchins, Dominicans and Jesuits, and by 
 Protestants of divers nations and communions, to sustain missions 
 there without colonies, and always with the same result. Consider, 
 too, that every attempt to introduce Christianity and civilization by 
 colonizing Africa with people of African descent, has been, in a greater 
 or less degree, successful. Every such colony planted, still subsists, 
 and wherever its jurisdiction extends, has banished piracy and the slave 
 trade ; extinguished domestic slavery ; put an end to human sacrifices 
 and cannibalism ; established a constitutional civil government, trial 
 by jury and the reign of law ; introduced the arts, usages and comforts 
 of civilized life, and imparted them to more or less of the natives; 
 established schools, built houses of worship, gathered churches, sus- 
 tained the preaching of the gospel, protected missionaries, and seen 
 native converts received to Christian communion. Not a colony has 
 been altfmptrrf, icilhuut leading to all these results. 
 
 In view of these facts, — while we readily grant that some Liberians 
 sing, pray and exhort too loud at their religious meetings ; that some 
 profess much piety, who have little or none; that some of the people are 
 indolent and some dishonest, and that some of their children play 
 pranks in school, all greatly to the annoyance of white missionaries 
 worn down by the fever, — still, we claim that the influence of Coloni- 
 zation is favorable to the success of Missions, to the progress of civili- 
 zation, and of Christian piety. As witnesses, we show, in the Colo- 
 nies of Cape Palmas, Liberia Proper, Sierra Leone and on the Gambia, 
 more than one hundred missionaries and assistant missionaries, many 
 of them of African descent, and some of them native Africans, now 
 engaged in successful labors for the regeneration of Africa. We show 
 the fruits of their labors, — more than five thousand regular communi- 
 cants in Christian churches, more than twelve thousand regular attend- 
 ants on the preaching of the gospel, and many tens of thousands of 
 natives, perfectly accessible to missionary lal)ors. All this has been 
 done since the settlement of Sierra Leone in 1787, and nearly all since 
 the settlement of Liberia in I8"22. We show, as the result of the 
 opposite system,* after nearly four centuries of experiment, and more 
 than a century of Protestant experiment, a sinule station, with one 
 missionary and perhaps one or two assistants, at Kaw Mendi, under the 
 shadow of two colonies, and one mission which has retired from the 
 field of our inquiries to Lower Guinea ; neither of which has occupied 
 its ground long enough to exert any appreciable influence in its vicini- 
 ty, or even to ascertain the possibility of effecting a permanent estab- 
 lishment.! 
 
 We claim, therefore, that the question is decided ; that the facts of 
 the case, when once known, preclude all possibility of reasonable 
 doubt. We claim that the combined action of Colonization and Mis- 
 sions is proved to be an effectual means, and is the only known means, 
 of converting and civilizing Africa. 
 
 * The Wesleyan mission protected by British forts on the Gold Coast, does not belong to 
 the opposite system. 
 
 t IC missions should now prove successful beyond the limits of colonial jurisdiction, it would 
 only prove that the beneficial influence of colonization is felt along the whole coast, and has 
 rendered missionary success practicable, where it was formerly impracticable. 
 
38 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Present condition of Liberia. 
 
 And who, that believes this, will not give heart and hand to the 
 work? Need we, after all that has been said, appeal to sympathy? 
 Need we here to repeat the catalogue of horrors from which Africa 
 groans to be delivered? Need we mention the slave trade, devouring 
 five hundred thousand of her children annually ; her domestic slavery, 
 crushing in its iron bondage more slaves than exist in the whole wide 
 world besides; her ruthless despotisms, under which not even the in- 
 fant sleeps securely ; her dark and cruel superstitions, soaking the 
 graves of her despots with human blood ; her rude palaces, adorned 
 with human skulls; her feasts, made horrid with human flesh? Shall 
 not a work, and the only work, which has proved itself able to grapple 
 with and conquer these giant evils, be dear to every heart that loves 
 either God or man? It must be so. The piety and philanthropy of 
 Christendom cannot refrain from entering this open door, and trans- 
 forming those dread abodes of wretchedness and sin, into habitations 
 of Christian purity and peace and joy. 
 
 APPENDI X. 
 
 PRESENT CONDITION OF LIBERIA. 
 
 We request attention to the following official testimony of a witness, 
 whose character for competency and impartiality is beyond suspicion : 
 
 Letter from Commodore Perry, commanding the U. S. Squadron on 
 the Coast of Africa, to the Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 U. S. Frigate Macedonian, Monrovia, West Coast of Africa, Jan. 4, 1844. 
 
 Sir : — It may be expected that I should communicate to the Depart- 
 ment some information in regard to the settlements established by the 
 Colonization Societies of the United States upon this coast. 
 
 I shall, therefore, undertake to notice in general terms their condi- 
 tion. 
 
 Having had an agency while serving many years ago on this station 
 as First Lieutenant of the United States ship " Cyane," in the selec- 
 tion of Cape Mesurado as a suitable place of settlement for the colonists, 
 I first saw this beautiful promontory when its dense forests were only 
 inhabited by wild beasts ; since then I have visited it thrice, and each 
 time have noticed, with infinite satisfaction, its progressive improve- 
 ment. 
 
 The Cape has now upon its summit a growing town, having several 
 churches, a missionary establishment, school house, a building for the 
 meeting of the courts, printing presses, warehouses, shops, &.c. In 
 
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 39 
 
 Testimony of Commodore Perry. 
 
 fact it possesses most of the conveniences of a small seaport town in 
 the United States ; and it is not unusual to see at anchor in its capa- 
 cious road, on the same day, one or more vessels of war and two or 
 three merchant vessels. 
 
 Hitherto my visits to this place have been necessarily of so short du- 
 ration as not to allow of any examination of the interior portions of 
 the settlement, and I can only judge of the state of cultivation of the 
 soil from what I have seen in the vicinity of the town. But I am told 
 that the agricultural prospects of the colony are brightening. 
 
 It appears to me, however, that the settlers are much more inclined 
 to commerce and small trade than to agricultural pursuits, and this is 
 the universal propensity of the colored people at all the settlements 
 upon the coast of whatever nation. In this occupation a few of the 
 more fortunate and prudent of the American settlers have acquired 
 comparative wealth, whilst others have barely succeeded in securing a 
 decent support. 
 
 But it is gratifying to witness the comforts that most of these people 
 have gathered about them ; many of them are familiar with luxuries 
 which were unknown to the early settlers of North America. Want 
 would seem to be a stranger among them ; if any do suffer, it must be 
 the consequence of their own idleness. 
 
 At Cape Palmas ) had an opportunity of seeing the small farms or 
 clearings of the colonists ; these exhibited the fruit of considerable 
 labor, and were gradually assuming the appearance of well cultivated 
 fields. The roads throughout this settlement are excellent, surprisingly 
 so when we consider the recent establishment of the Colony, and the 
 limited means of the settlers. 
 
 At all the settlements the established laws are faithfully administered, 
 the morals of the people are good, and the houses of religion are well 
 attended; in truth the settlers, as a community, appear to be strongly 
 imbued with religious feelings. 
 
 Governor Roberts, of Liberia, and Russwurm, of Cape Palmas, are 
 intelligent and estimable men, executing their responsible functions 
 with wisdom and dignity, and we have, in the example of those gentle- 
 men, irrefragable proof of the capability of colored people to govern 
 themselves. 
 
 On the whole, sir, T cannot but think most favorably of those settle- 
 ments. The experiment of establishing the free colored people of the 
 United States upon this coast, has succeeded beyond the expectations 
 of many of the warmest friends of colonization, and I may venture to 
 predict that the descendants of the present settlers are destined to be- 
 come an intelligent and thriving people. 
 
 The climate of Western Africa, in respect to its influence upon the 
 constitution of the colored settler, should not be considered insulnbri- 
 ous^ all must undergo the acclimating fever, but since the establish- 
 ment of comfortable buildings for the reception of the new comers, 
 and the greater amount of care and attention that can be bestowed up- 
 on them during their sickness, the proportional number of deaths has 
 been very much decreased. Once through this ordeal of sickness, and 
 the settler finds a climate and temperature congenial to his constitution 
 and habits. But it is not so with the white man ; to him a sojourn of 
 
40 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS. 
 
 Testimony of Commodore Perry. 
 
 a few years is almost certain death ; and it would seem that the Almighty 
 had interdicted this part of Africa to the white race, and had reserved 
 it for some great and all-wise purpose of Ills own infinite goodness. 
 
 So far as the influence of the colonists has extended, it has been ex- 
 erted to suppress the slave trade, and their endeavors in this respect 
 have been eminently successful ; and it is by planting these settlements 
 (whether American or European) along the whole extent of coast, 
 from Cape Verde to Benguela, that the exportation of slaves will be 
 most effectually prevented. 
 
 The establishment of these settlements would have a certain tenden- 
 cy to civilize the natives in their immediate vicinity, by introducing 
 among them schools, the mechanic arts, and in greater abundance those 
 comforts with which they have recently become more generally ac- 
 quainted, and to secure which they are disposed to make greater efforts 
 to provide articles of African produce to exchange for them. 
 
 Thus the commerce of the country, already considerable, would be 
 increased, and new fields would be opened to the labors of the mis- 
 sionary. 
 
 It is, therefore, very much to be desired that these settlements should 
 be multiplied and sustained by the fostering care of Congress and the 
 Government. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &lc. 
 
 M. C. Pebry. 
 Hon. David Henshaw. 
 
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