THELENO as. > G L O B E f em*xn0 tit $x\i\mx: BEING A VINDICATION OF HIS LETTER AND VOYAGE, WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE MAP OF HIERONIMO DA VERRAZANO. AND A DISSERTATION UPON mu m*fo of f ipm*. TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE SUBJECT. By B^F^'De COSTA. NEW YORK: A. S. BARNES & COMPANY. 1880. r/ 35 7 2^ 1 bl PREFACE The following pieces have been reprinted in a revised form from The Magazine of American History. In sending them forth again, attention may be called to the fact that no additional proof has been offered respecting the alleged capture and execution of Giovanni da Verrazano by the Spaniards. On the other hand, the testimony in favor of the statement of Ramusio, that Verrazano lost his life at the hands of the natives on the coast of America, appears to have been strength- ened. Proofs of cannibalism have also been adduced from the Canadas to Florida. According to one view, he was condemned October 13th, 1527, and executed at Colmenar in the month of November. The author learns, however, from M. Pierre Margry, that he has a letter, written at Paris, October 14th, 1527, which says that Verrazano was then preparing to visit America with five ships, expecting to sail the following February or March. If this letter is authentic, the story of his capture and execution would appear to be false. The great reward offered by the Spaniards for his capture might have led the Spanish officials to deceive them- selves or the government. Columbus, the Discoverer, has been confounded with a Pirate of the same name, and this mistake was made by the person who wrote or edited the Life of the Admiral. More light is needed. Somewhat recently a copy of an unpublished document came into the hands of the author. This gives a glimpse of the operations of Giovanni da Verrazano, in the year 1525. . It was found in the archives at Rouen by the late M. Gosselin, and was copied for our use by M. de Baurepaire, the Archivist, at the instance of M. Gabriel Gravier, of Rouen, President of the " Societe Normande de Geographie." The task of deciphering this document was very difficult, and no person less skilled than M. de Baurepaire could have succeeded. As it remained, a few words at the end, evidently unimportant ones, however, baffled his ingenuity. It may be difficult to say what is indicated concerning the financial ability of Verrazano at the time the action was inaugurated. The " Clameur de Haro " was a Norman method of taking an appeal to royal authority, and had the effect of staying all proceedings for the time. The translation runs as follows : "Friday, the last day of September, 1525. " The Honorable Zanobus de Roussalay, citizen, merchant, dwelling at Rouen, who pledges and gives bonds by these presents, that Messire Jehan de Verrassane is in the right to defend a certain clameur de haro raised against him by Guiliaume Eynoult, called Cornete, dwelling at Dieppe, to obtain payment of the sum of ninety-five livres, claimed and demanded by the said Eynoult from the said de Ver- rassane, or to establish the right of de Verrassane, or to pay the said sum if it is adjudged to be due, engaging to Fremyn Poree and Robert Tassel, sergeant royal at Rouen, present, who have received the said bonds, of which they are held sat- isfied, save the obligation to reimburse them according to what the one and the other." ......... The obscure French may be added, to enable the reader to judge for himself of the character of the translation : " Du vendredi pcnultime jour de Septembre, 1525. " Honorable homme Zanobus de Rousselay, bourgeois, marchand, demeurant a Rouen, lequel plege et cauxionna par ces presentes Messire Jehan de Verrassane d'ester a droit et deffendre certaine clameur de haro que Ton dit avoir este sur luy interjectee par Guiliaume Eynoult dit Cornete, demeurant a Dieppe pour avoir paiment de la somme de 95 livres pretendas et demandees par ledit Eynoult au d[it] de Verrassane on de establir icillui de Verrassane ou payer la d[it] somme s'il estoit dit par justice que faire se doye promettans a Fremyn Poree et Robert Tassel, sergent royal at Rouen, presents que ont receu lad [it] caution de laquelle ils se sont tenus pour contens sauf a renforcer toutefois que a rason de lad [it] reception ils ny l'un d'eulx." . ...... It is to be hoped that the personal history and the ultimate fate of Verrazano may yet be cleared up, by the aid of documents still to be discovered. The author desires here to express the obligations he is under to various per- sons for assistance in connection with this subject. Among them he would make particular mention of the Right Reverend Doctor Chatard, formerly President of the Collegio Romano, at Rome, and now Bishop of Vincennes ; the Reverend Doctor Conrad, who, as Rector of the Propaganda Fide, furnished the facilities for our examination of the Cartographical treasures preserved in that institution ; the Reverend Professor Father White ; J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D., and John Rus- sell Bartlett, Superintendent of the Carter-Brown Library, Providence. The writer has already expressed the opinion, that certain names on the Ver- razano Map have an Italian as well as a French reference. This view has been strengthened by a careful comparison of the map with the map of the coasts of Illyria and Dalmatia, referred to in the Letter, and where are found such names as "I. Cervi," "I. Lunga," "Belvidere" and " Palmanuova." The latter may be the correct rendering of the obscurely written word which we have given as " Palam- sina," while "bomuetto" may be "Bonivetto," after the Italian Admiral. In the sketch of the Verrazano Map given in our combination sketch, several letters, particularly obscure in the original, are marked by dots. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO The first printed account of the Voyage of Verrazano is found in Ramusio's "Navagationi et Viaggi," Venice, 1556, III., p. 350. It is entitled, "Relatione di Giovanni da Verrazanno Fiorentino della terra per lui Scoperta in nome di sua Maesta., scritta in Dieppa, adi 8 Luglio M.D.XXIIII." It is alluded to in the same volume, p. 352, in the " Discorso d'un gran Capitano de mare Francese." Belleforest, in his " Histoire Universelle," 1570, Book IV., gives details. The Letter of Verrazano to Francis I. was translanted by Hakluyt in his " Divers Voyages," London, 1582, which also contains Laudoniere's reference to Verrazano. The same Letter, slightly revised, appears in his "Navigations," Vol. III. p. 295, Ed. 1660. Linschoten notices Verrazano in his "Discourse of Voyages," 1598, p. 217. See also the Voyage in Herrera, "Historia General," 1601. D. III. L. vi. c. 9. Wytfliet follows in his work of 1603, p. 100. De Laet's " Histoire du Nou- veau Monde," 1603, p. 100, makes mention of the Voyage. In 1661 Dudley, in his "Arcano del Mare," published at Florence, Vol. II. chap. vi. p. 29, makes an allusion to the Voyage, saying, " E tronuo allora degl' Indiani, che pigliauano del tobacco in fumo con la pipa." In 1706 the Voyage appears in Vander Aa's Col- lection, published at Leyden, in Dutch. Vol. X. devotes thirty-one pages to the subject, and gives a plate. "Uomini Illustri Toscani," Florence, 1768, Vol. II. contains the portrait of Verrazano with a eulogy. Barcia, in his " Essayo Chrono- logico," Madria, 1726, folio 8, refers to Verrazano. Annibale Caro, in a letter to Hieronimo da Verrazano, written from Sicily, October 13, 1537, and published in " De lettere familiari " of Caro, Venice, Vol. I. p. 6, Ed. 1581, refers to the Map of the Voyage. Tiraboschi, in his " Storia della Luteratura Italiana " (Mantua, 1771-82), calls attention to the Voyage, and mentions the copy of the Letter, with its Appendix, in the Strozzi Library at Florence. Foster's '' Discoveries in the North," p. 43, treats of the Voyage. In De Murr's Life of Behaim, Gotha, 1801, p. 28, there is a notice of the Map, mentioned by Cardinal Borgia, in a letter to De Murr, of January 31, 1795. Lock's notice is found in Clark's "Progress of Mari- time Discovery," London, 1803, p. 130 ; and the Map is mentioned in Millin's " En- cyclopedique," Vol. LXVIIL, 1807. The North American Review, October, 1837, contained an article on "The Life and Voyages of Verrazzano," by George W. Greene; reprinted in "Historical Studies," New York, 1850, p. 321. Some account of the Voyage appears in Bancroft's "United States," Vol. I. p. 17, Ed. 1839. The New York Historical Society, 1841, Vol. I. S. 2, p. 37, of its Collection, gives the Text of the Letter, according to the Magliabecchian manuscript, this copy IV BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VEKKAZANO having been made at the instance of Prof. Greene. It accompanies an English Translation by Dr. Cogswell, who also furnishes a preliminary notice. The " Sag- giatore," Rome, 1S44, Vol. I. p. 257, contains Prof. Greene's Essay with the Carli Letter. In 1S50, Shillinglaw referred to the Voyage in his "Narrative of Arctic Discovery," p. 30. Thomassy published an account of the map in "Nou- velles Annales des Voyages," Paris, 1852, reprinted the same year as " Les Papes Geographes," etc., and in 1853 Prof. Greene's essays, with a dissertation by Arch- angel, was reprinted in " Archivio Storico," Florence, Vol. IX. Errizzo, in " Sco- perta Artiche," Venice, 1855, p. 141, makes an allusion to the Voyage. The Voyage is noticed in Asher's "Henry Hudson," Hakluyt Society, i860, p. lxxix. The next publication on this subject was of a character adverse to the Voyage of Verrazano, and but for its publication little of what followed would have appeared. This was " An Inquiry into the Authenticity of documents concerning a discovery in North America," claimed to have been made by Verrazano, read before the New York Historical Society, Tuesday, October 4th, 1864, by Buck- ingham Smith, New York, 1864, p. 31, with a section of the Globe of Vlpius. This pamphlet included a translation of the Carli Letter, The Inquiry was reviewed by its author in "The Historical Magazine," Vol. IX. p. 169, under the head of "Verrazano as a Discoverer." In Vol. X. p. 299, he also gave some notes on the Map. Dr. Kohl, in Vol. I. p. 249, 2d series, of the Collections of the Maine Historical Society, 1869, has an account of the Voyage. See, also, Stevens' Historical and Geographical Notes," 1869, p. 36; followed by "The Northmen in Maine," by B. F. De Costa; Albany, 1870, pp. 149. Afterwards attention was directed to the subject by President Daly, of the American Geo- graphical Society, in a letter to Mr. Thos. E. Davis", at Rome, published in the Bul- letin of the Society, 1S71, p. 80. This letter secured a photographic copy of the Map of Hieronimo da Verrazano, which Mr. Brevoort used. Then appeared "Verrazano, the Navigator, or Notes on Giovanni da Verrazano, and on a plani- sphere of 1529, illustrating his American Voyage in 1524, with a reduced copy of the Map. A paper read before the American Geographical Society of New York, by J. C. Brevoort, a member of the Society." New York, 1874, 8vo, pp. 159. This was favorably noticed by F. H. Norton, in the New York Commercial Adver- tiser, 1875. Next appeared, in opposition to the Voyage, and to the paper of Mr. Brevoort, "The Voyage of Verrazzano ; A Chapter in the Early History of Maritime Discovery in America," by Henry C. Murphy. New York, 1875, 8vo, pp. 198, 4. The Nation, January 27th, contained a notice of this work ; and the "New England Historical and Genealogical Register" for January, 1876, con- tained a favorable notice, which called out from B. F. De Costa *' Verrazzano ; A Motion for the Stay of Judgment." New York, 1876, pp. 16 ; this being a reprint from the " Charlestown Advertiser." The " Nation," of New York, Dec. 7, 1876, contained a favorable notice of the " Motion." The " Revue Critique," Paris, January, 1876, contained copies of two powers of attorney, of importance BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VERRAZANO V in connection with the subject, afterwards printed with English translations as an Appendix to Murphy's " Voyage of Verrazzano." The " R.evue Critique " also contained a partially favorable notice of Mr. Murphy's work, by Mr. Henry Harrisse. The " Geographical Magazine," London, 1S76, January, had a favor- able notice of Mr. Murphy's book ; and L'Eco d'ltalia, New York, May 9th, 1876, contained an unfavorable notice ; followed by an equally unfavorable notice, by Mr. Major, in the " Pall Mall Gazette, of May 26th, 1876, which was reprinted in the " Geographical Magazine " for July, 1876. The " American Church Review," July, 1876, contained another adverse review of Mr. Murphy, by B. F. De Costa. See "Verrazzano" in Bulletin No. 39, p. 137, Boston Public Library, 1876. The student may also find observations by Mr. Charles Deane, in Vol. II. p. 219, 2d S., of the Maine Society's Collections, 1877. "The Globe of Vlpius, 1542," 1S78, p. 8, was a reprint formed of some notes of a Paper on " The Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius, 1542, in its relation to the Map of Hieronimo Verra- zano, J 529." The paper was read before the New York Historical Society, by B. F. De Costa, on the evening of Dec. 4th, 1S78. The daily press of New York for December 5 th, contained notices of the Lecture. It was also noticed, Dec. 8th, 1878, in "L'Eco d'ltalia." The Newport "Mercury," of March 2Sth, 1878, contained an abstract of this Lecture, showing the connection of Verrazano with that place. The " Compte-Rendu " of the "Congres Inter- national des Americanistes," Vol. I. 1878, p. 535, has a note in defense of the Voyage of Verrazano, criticising Mr. Murphy's work adversely. The " Magazine of American History," 187S, contained, in February, " The Letter of Verrazano," in May, "The Voyage of Verrazano," and in August, "The Verrazano Map." The Boston " Daily Advertiser," Sept. 24th, 1878, contained an editorial referring to these articles. Afterward followed an article in the " Magazine of American History," January, 1879, on " The Globe of Vlpius," in its relation to the voyage. The four articles, in a revised form, with this Bibliography, are combined in " Verrazano the Explorer, " A. S. Barnes & Co., New York, 1881. See "Memo- rial History of Boston," 1880, pp. 32-35, 41—44. Notices of the Voyage of Verrazano may be found also in Biographical Dic- tionaries and Encyclopedias, and in such works as Brodhead's History of New York, the Gay-Bryant History of the United States, Miss Booth's History of New York, and Mrs. Martha J. Lamb's History of New York. Verrazano is also men- tioned in the principal school histories. The long list of works already given, however, embraces nearly everything of a critical character that has come to the notice of the writer, and may perhaps serve every purpose of the investigator. VERRAZANO VINDICATED THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO GIOVANNI da Verrazano was born at Val di Greve, a little village near Florence, about the year 1485, being the son of Piero Andrea di Bernardo da Verrazano and Fiametta Capella. The portrait of the Italian Navigator which accompanies this discussion is reproduced from the representation found in " Uomini Illustri Toscani," which was copied from a painting in the Royal Gallery at Florence. A search re- cently instituted failed to bring the original portrait to light. An attempt to find a copy of the medal that was struck in his honor met with no bet- ter success. The last member of the family in Florence was Cavaliere Andrea da Verrazano, who died in 1819. There is nothing either to prove or to disprove the authenticity of the portrait, and the presumption is in favor of its authenticity. It is now faithfully reproduced for the first time, though on a diminished scale. In his mature years, after some experience upon the Mediterranean, Verrazano entered the service of Francis I. of France, and became famous as a privateer or corsair, a profession sufficiently respectable at that period, having been followed by many great navigators. In 1523 Verrazano captured several ships bringing to Spain the Treasures of Montezuma. This act in particular excited the enmity of the Spaniards, who constantly sought for an opportunity to get him into their power. In 1524 he made his voyage to America. In 1527, it has been maintained, he was captured by the Spaniards and hung at Colmenar, near Toledo : though Ramusio states that, in a second voyage to America, he was cap- tured by the savages, roasted and eaten. In the year 1S70 the present writer accepted and published the story of his execution, as told in cer- tain Spanish documents since published. Amongst these documents is the affidavit of the officer who professed to have put Verrazano to death. It was nevertheless noticed that the language of the officer apppeared needlessly positive. Of late, evidence has come to light which may yet be accepted as disproving the state- 6 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO ments of the Spanish official, who possibly deceived himself in supposing that Verrazano had been captured ; or, what is still more likely-, deceived others, and, while professing to have executed the Florentine, accepted the bribe which he declares was refused, and thus let him go. This sub- ject, however, is one that must be left for future investigation. Another member of the same Florentine family, a brother of Giovanni, was named Hieronimo. This person was the author of the Map which relates to Giovanni's Voyage. The subject of Verrazano's Voyage being reserved for a separate chapter, let us at once proceed to the Letter which describes the Voyage. The first known Post-Columbian description of the North Atlantic Coast is given by Verrazano in a Letter to Francis I., which has exercised a marked influence for more than three hundred )-ears. Nevertheless the authenticity of this Letter has recently been questioned. The objec- tion based upon an alleged absence of contemporaneous reference to the voyage might be dismissed with the simple observation, that the charge is unfounded. Still something will be said on this point. In this connection, it has been urged by the late Buckingham Smith, the first of the two writers who have criticised the letter adversely, that neither the Letter nor the Voyage is mentioned by Admiral Chabot in his letters of 1525. This, however, is not remarkable, since the voyage of Verrazano was under- taken before he entered upon his office, which was in 1526, while after- wards an expedition was sent out under his own administration, the ex- pedition being led by Cartier, 1534. The latter was the expedition that he would naturally recognize, though there is no proof that he did not recognize that of Verrazano, with whom he was associated in a projected voyage to the Indies in 1526 or later. Mr. Smith has asked, respecting the voyage, " 11 there were any fame of the sort, why should France choose to settle her population so far to the North, preferring the cold regions her fishermen were conceded to have found, to the milder climate, fertile vales, and inviting bays and water courses of New England and New York?" We have 011I3- to ask in reply, Why Spain proposed the colonization and fortification of the Straits of Magellan ? The French supposed that the route to Cathay led through Canada. Frobisher advocated the same policy on the part of the English. In this connection it should, however, be remembered that the archives of France, much less those of other countries, have not been searched faithfully, and, also, that the beginning of the sixteenth century THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 7 was an inopportune time for the publication of the results of maritime enterprise. The records of Dieppe suffered much in the bombardment of 1694, while the archives of La Rochelle were completely destroyed by fire. The sixteenth century opened gloomily with the confirmation of the claim of Spain to the entire North American Continent by Alex- ander VI., and the first quarter of the century was hardly completed when Francis I. found himself languishing in prison, whence he emerged only to find society in a state of confusion. Heylin, writing in 1669, well observes respecting the inattention to the voyage, that the people, " too much in love with the pleasures of France, or entangled in civil wars amongst themselves, looked no farther after it." At the time Verrazano undertook his voyage, every movement con- nected with the French Marine was watched with a jealous eye. He was obliged to leave stealthily, and excuse his action by the statement that he had discovered a country never before seen by Europeans. Onby two Italian versions of the Letter of Verrazano are known to exist, one of these having been published by Ramusio, at Venice, in 1556, and the Carli version first mentioned in 1767, and published by the New York Historical Society in 1841. Ramusio does not say where he found his copy, but observes that it was the only one of Verrazano's letters to the King of France that he could procure, " because the others were de- stroyed during the sack of the poor city of Florence." The Carli version, which had been referred to in 1667, was found in the Magliabechian Li- brary at Florence. It was introduced to the public in 1837 by Professor Greene, and printed in full in the year 1841. In his article in the North American Review, Professor Greene observed that he was struck bj r the difference of language in the two versions, though "in substance," the differences were not important. Nevertheless, finding that the Carli ver. sion contained more matter than that of Ramusio, he expressed the opin- ion, in passing, that the Italian Editor worked the piece over anew before placing it in his collection of Voyages ; though he could not explain why Ramusio omitted the cosmographical part, if he knew of its existence. The suggestion that Ramusio worked the Letter over appears to have been made without due consideration. It has never been supported by any proof. Nevertheless the statements of Professor Greene have been seized upon to work out a theory in opposition to the authenticity of the Letter. If it were conceded that the Carli version furnished the text of Ramusio's, no discredit would be thrown upon the authenticity of the original. This was not intended by Professor Greene, who accepted the Letter, as describing a genuine voyage. But the objector improves 8 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO upon the supposition, by attempting to show that the Letter was a forg- ery, the weak points of which Ramusio was endeavoring to conceal The charge against Ramusio, the Hakluyt of Italy, becomes a serious one, and demands notice here, both to vindicate his text, and to defend his memory. It is perfectly true that the two versions are not wholly alike. It is of no consequence whether they are alike or not. Still the existing differences may be explained readily when we remember that we are not dealing with originals. When they are referred to an orig. inal version, the difficulties, if any exist, at once vanish. An illustration of this is found in connection with Allefonsce. Hak- luyt, when translating Allefonsce, makes him say that figs grow in Canada, while another translation represents him as saying that Canada extends to the land of Figuier. Without the original to refer to, one might say that the latter was worked over from the former to conceal the ignorance of Allefonsce. Again, in the printed version of Allefonsce of 1559, ^ is sa id that certain people in New England, at Norumbega, are " small and blackish," while a recent translation declares that they are " large and handsome." Was the author of the latter version still " work- ing over " the narrative of Allefonsce to conceal his ignorance, as Ramusio is alleged to have done with Verrazano's ? Fortunately the original is now known, and the explanation is easy, though in the time of Lescarbot (1609) such was not the case, and Allefonsce was discredited. At the end of more than two centuries and a half, we find that the strictures of the witty Mark Lescarbot were undeserved, and possibly Verrazano and his Italian Editor may both be obliged to wait an equally long period for a full explanation. The prospect, however, need deter no one from attempting justice now. The Letter of Carli, which accompanies the Magliabechian version, deserves independent consideration, as it contains internal evidence prov- ing that it was written at the time and under the circumstances alleged. An attempt has indeed been made to treat it with ridicule ; but, if it were the forgery of a late period, as the theory of the objector supposes, it must still be explained how the forger came to know the fact that Francis I. was daily expected at L}'ons, upon the Fourth of August 1524. Mon- cado, with whom Carli served, knew of the movements of Francis {Doc. Ineditos XXIV. p. 403) and, curiously, Carli refers to Moncado in his letter. Since, therefore, these two persons were not in communication, it would appear that both obtained the information at the time. In approaching the two versions of the Letter of Verrazano, the critic must bear in mind the fact that neither version proposes to be more than THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 9 a translation of a copy of a copy, the original not being found. The origin of the Carli version is explained by the letter referred to, written August 4th, 1524, at Lyons, by Fernando Carli, who says that, with his own, addressed to his father at Florence, he sends a copy of Verrazano's, describing the voyage, then just finished. An attempt has also been made to prove that upon August 4th Carli could not have obtained a copy of a letter addressed to Francis I. in the beginning of July; but there is nothing in it. On the other hand, the notion that Ramusio created his version from Carli's is not supported by any argument. It is, in fact, an assumption that might be dismissed, for the reason that it is an assumption. But what is worse, it is opposed and refuted by all the literary testimony that is brought to bear upon this distinctly literary question. To this point, therefore, let us give our at- tention. The style of Ramusio's version is less rude than the Carli ver- sion, but mere improvement in style could not have been an object in this case. If it were true that Ramusio knew of the existence of the Carli version, with its cosmographical appendix and accompanying letter, he would have been guilty of falsehood in speaking of his copy alone as " this little that has reached us." Some of the differences in the two versions have been noticed, and have been referred to as unimportant, which in a sense is true. Those that are to be pointed out for the first time are likewise unimportant in themselves. They become of consequence only when studied in con- nection with the assumption that the version of Ramusio was drawn from Carli's. Amongst the variations already noted are the following : Ramusio's version, describing the natives, in latitude 34 N., says that they were " brownish and not much unlike Saracens," while Carli's version says, " black and not much different from Ethiopeans." Again, with reference to the grapes referred to by Verrazano, Ramusio's version reads, "hav- ing often seen the fruit thereof dried, which was sweet and pleasant," the Carli version saying, " we have often seen the grapes which they pro- duce, very sweet and pleasant," or, as another translation of the same version reads, " tasting the fruit many times, we perceived it was sweet and pleasant." Again the Ramusio version says, with reference to the northern extension of the voyage, " We approached the land that in times past was discovered by the Bretons, which is in fifty degrees," while the Carli version says that they reached the fiftieth degree, and that " beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north as the Arctic circle." That there is anything in the Carli version demand 10 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO ing change, is simply imagination ; while a careful consideration of the Ramusio version shows that the ideas expressed are not essentially different from the former. There is, therefore, nothing here to indicate that Ramu- sio ever saw the Carli version. The color of the American Indians was well known ; the term employed in the Carli version for tasting the grapes {beendo, sucking) was the one to be employed in tasting dried fruits ; while, with respect to the extent of the Portuguese and French voyages, Carli says that the former began at 50° N., and Ramusio teaches, in substance, that the French reached that latitude. Let us, therefore, consider cer- tain variations that are more to the point. In the Ramusio version the reader will notice that the personal address to the King is used oftener than in that of Carli, and that the former is also different. Ramusio generally says, " your Majesty " {Vostra Maestri) and Carli, " your most serene and most Christian Majesty" {Vostra ser- ninissima ct cristianissima Maestri). In two cases the former's version varies from " your Majesty," by adding Christianissima Re, in parenthesis, or simply Christianissimo. In Ramusio the address occurs eleven times, and in the Carli version seven times ; and since no reason can be assigned for such variations on the part of Ramusio, they cannot be attributed to him. The Venetian Secretary was a man with a purpose. Besides, these examples of the excessive use of terms occur in the early portion of the Letter, while farther on, where literary taste or courtesy might suggest the interpolation of " your Majesty," the address is zvantwg. This is something that Ramusio would have noticed, since, according to the objector, he even changed the version of Carli from Vostra clarissima genetrice to vostra Serenissima Madre. Here, however, if Ramusio had been engaged in revising the text, we might reasonably expect the courtly Venetian Secretary, trained as he was in the careful use of forms, to have said your Majesty's illustrious mother. This was so clear to Dr. Cogswell, that in translating he supplied the term omitted by both of the clumsy versions, and he writes " your Majesty's illustrious mother." (N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. p. 46, C. 19.) In another place he reduces the verbiage of " your most serene and Chris- tian Majesty," to "your Majesty." But in these cases he is translating, not revising, and he gives the original for comparison. In translating from Ramusio, Hakluyt, by mistake, once introduces "your Majesty" where it does not belong. The variations in the two texts under consid- eration are, therefore, the works either of Verrazano himself or his trans- lators and copyists. THE LETTER OF VERRAZANU II Again Carli's version says, " we set sail from a desert rock," while Ramusio reads, " by the grace of God we set sail." The former says that there was a certain depth of water " without flux or reflux," {Scnza flusso e rcflussd) which is good enough Tuscan, while the latter says, " without flux" {senza flusso). These variations are trifling in themselves, but they are of a character which forbids us to refer them to the Venetian. Like- wise, Carli says that the woods in America are not like "the rough wilds of Scythia," while Ramusio says, "the wild deserts of Tartary." Again, in speaking of the resemblance of a part of the American coast to the shores of the Adriatic, the Carli version reads, " the Adriatic gulf near Illyria and Dalmatia," while the Ramusio version says " Sclavonia and Dalmatia." ' Scythia was included in Tartary, and Illyria was inhabited by Sclavonians, who were widely distributed. The terms employed are such as might properly be used by two translators, while those of Ramusio are manifestly not the terms that would have been substituted by a critic engaged in making improvements. Carli says, referring to Verrazano's preliminary expedition, "we made a cruise in them [the ships] well armed along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard," while Ramusio reads, "we took our course along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty shall understand by the profit we received thereby." 2 Sound criticism will not refer these changes to Ramusio. It is also to be noticed that Carli's version says of the vo}^age, that the first twenty-five days Verrazano sailed in a westerly direction, mak- ing eight hundred leagues, while Ramusio says five hundred leagues. Then the former says a storm came February 24th, while the latter says the 20th. After the storm, Carli's version says that they ran four hun- dred leagues in twenty-four days, while Ramusio's says twenty-five. In speaking of the distance run upon the American coast, Carli's version reads, " seven hundred " leagues, while Ramusio's reads, " seven hundred or more. At the same time the courses given by the latter foot up only six hundred and sixty-five. Again, Carli's version, speaking of the wind during the first course sailed westward, the following language is used : " Sailing westward Avith a light and pleasant easterly breeze," {per zeffiro spirando subsolano con dolce e soave levita,) while Ramusio's says: " Sailing westward with a fair easterly wind," {per Ponente navigando con vento di Levante assai piacevole.) All this is attributed to a scholar and critic improving the version ! But we have not done with these variations, for the Carli version, after describing the natives seen at their first landing in latitude 34° N,, 12 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO says, " We found not far from these people another whose mode of life we judge to be similar." The version of Ramusio adds to this, " as hereafter I will declare to your Majesty, showing now the situation and nature of the aforesaid land." If Ramusio worked over the Carli version to pro- duce his own, he must have interpolated this sentence. And if so, why ? If any changes were made, they were designed to render the sense clearer, or to remove objections. But this addition does neither. The latter limb of the sentence is superfluous, while at the same time, it refers to nothing found in either the Letter or Appendix, and on the whole, ob- scures the text. It might indeed be said that the phrase indicated an in- tention to write an additional Letter, but it is more reasonable, however, to understand him as intending to describe the " other people" in their proper place in the present communication. In that case, the explana- tion of the omission to do so is simple. At the end of the voyage Verra- zano wrote to the King, currciite calamo, depending in this general account more or less upon recollection. When he came to speak of the people first seen, by the law of association, they suggested a similar people not far distant ; but, as the description of the country occupied by the former demanded the first place, he proceeded to his work in regular order, simply observing that hereafter he would describe the second people. In the end, however the subject was forgotten, or else he changed his mind. To say that the unkept promise was interpolated by Ramusio is idle. Here is found a mental action that could scarcely hap- pen in the case of a forger constructing an imaginary narrative. It is one of those internal evidences that stamp the Letter as genuine ; for it was written out of a mind overflowing with information. There is no halting or forced action, but a multitude of facts are pressing up for statement at the same time. A similar peculiarity is shown further on, by an example that occurs in both versions, where the writer, speaking of the tempera- ture being colder than in Rome, says that it is accidental, " as I will here- after declare to your Majesty," a promise also not kept. This double omission alone proves that the two versions must be referred to a third. We say again, therefore, that the peculiar action of the writer's mind indicates the authentic character of the composition ; while a candid consideration of all the variations renders it impossible to suppose that the version of Ramusio was worked over from Carli's. This and the kindred assumption, that the Discourse of the Dieppe Captain was changed to agree with the Florentine's, fall together. The charge of dishonesty on the part of Ramusio has no foundation whatsoever in fact. THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO I 3 Where, then, it will be asked, did Ramusio obtain his version ? This is a question with which we need not consider, yet as a matter of interest we may show that it was derived originally from the French. On this point we have the testimony of Pinello, who, writing in 1629, speaks of the Relation of Verrazano, detailing what he " discovered north of Florida." This Relation, it is distinctly said, was in French, and he sup- poses that it was translated by Ramusio into Italian. 3 It is also stated that a Spanish translation by one Taxandra existed." Pinello was a Peruvian, who went to Spain expressly to pursue historical and biblio- graphical studies, in which he was eminently successful. In recognition of his services he was made honorary Judge of the Admiralty at Seville. He wrote more than two centuries and a half ago, and must be credited with a knowledge of the subject. It is apparent that he had information respecting Verrazano that is not accessible now, and when he says that the French version was the basis of that given by Ramusio the statement may be accepted. Alcedo, a Spanish author, vouched for by Mr. Smith as of " good repute," also refers to a French version of the Letter in his MS. Biblioteca Americana, nowin the Carter-Brown Library at Providence "escrita en Diepa en frances a 8 de julio, de 1524;" in connection with which Mr. Smith admits that if the original Letter was written in French, it would account for the marked difference in style and language of the two translations into Italian. From the testimony of these writers, as well as from the very nature of the case, it follows that a version of Verrazano's Letter existed in French, independent of the abstracts given by French compilers. To deny the statement of Pinello, would be to assume a superior knowledge. Assumption, however, will not avail, and the testimony of this remote and unprejudiced writer will stand. The version referred to must have been obtained at an early period by the Spanish spies and agents who, as is well known, infested all the ports of France at the period when the voyage was made. This version probably exists to-day at Seville. The Spaniards kept themselves informed respecting Verrazano. Martyr calls attention to his piracies 5 and Gomera mentions his exploits in 1553." A quarter of a century before Pinello's work appeared, Herrera made an abstract of the Voyage of Verrazano, evidently from the French version of the former. 7 The Letter of Verrazano, after its publication in 1556, was not referred to, in any printed work now known until 1563, when Hakluyt (Divers Voyages p. 91) translated Ribault's voyage to Florida, written the year before. Ribault possessed some account of Verrazano's Voyage, though 14 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO his statements differ slightly from Ramusio's. If any inference is made, it must be that Ribault possessed a French version, and not the Italian of Ramusio. Ribault was born at Dieppe, a rendezvous of Verrazano, who is described as " of Normandy " as well as "of Rochella." In his younger days he was doubtless familiar with the form of the well known Floren- tine Navigator, as he went and came amongst the sailors and citizens of this ancient town, and was acquainted with his exploits. Next is Laudoniere, 1566, who, in speaking of the Navigator, contra- dicts both Ramusio and the Dieppe Captain of 1539; the former with respect to the latitude reached at the South, and the latter where he says that the Portuguese call the New World " La Francese," Laudoniere calling it " Terra Francisca." The latter variation is simply verbal, yet as slight as it may be it is the only indication at hand. Whatever it may be worth, it does not prove that he drew his account from the Italian. It has been said that Laudoniere makes the same mistake as the Dieppe Captain in associating Louise, the Regent, with the voyage. But in fact neither errs. The title of Regent is recognized as a title that belonged to her. There is nothing whatever to indicate that the title belonged to her in 1524, or that, as Rege?it, Louise had anything to do with the voyage. The reference to the Letter in Belief orest (1570 p. 75) and Lescarbot (1609) are consonant with the ver- sion of Ramusio. This, however, supports the statement of Pinello, that Ramusio translated from the French. Belleforest certainly did not get from Ramusio the statement made in 1570 that Verrazano died in 1524; or the fact that the Island called Claudia was properly "Lozse." If it be said that the original French has disappeared, the same is true of the dis- course of the Dieppe Captain, besides Ribault's Journal and many other documents. But let us inquire if there appears to be any other testimony hitherto overlooked which indicates a French version of the Letter. Some- thing of this kind possibly exists in the Cosmographic of Jehan Allefonsce, the Pilot of Roberval in 1542. The treatise of Allefonsce was finished November 24th, 1545, or two years before the death of Frances I., to whom it was dedicated. Alle- fonsce himself died before it was completed, and the task was finished by his friend, Raulin Secalart, as was attested at the time. In this Cosmog- raphic, so-called, there are certain indications showing the possible influence of Verrazano. Something of the kind might be expected, from the fact that Allefonsce followed the sea twenty years before, and as many after, the voyage of Verrazano. He probably knew all of the navigators THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 1 5 r.nd privateersmen of France who were worth knowing. Besides, he shows the influence of the Verrazano Map in his own sketches, his Bay of the Isles being the same as the Florentine's Bay of Refuge, a fact to be pointed out in connection with the map illustrating Verrazano's Voyage. That Allefonsce knew Verrazano will hardly be denied, though instead of Verrazano, he once mentions Cartier, his work being simply sailing directions "by the aid of which pilots may find unknown countries." Indeed, Allefonsce does not even mention his own voyage to Canada as the Pilot of Roberval. In what way, then, does he indicate his acquaint- ance with Verrazano ? This is accomplished, if at all, by what is possibly a plagiarism. Allefonsce was neither an original nor a skillful writer, and, therefore, finding some descriptions in the Letter of Verrazano that served his purpose, it is possible that he used them with such variations and additions as circumstances required. This was the case with Gosnold's scribes in 1602, though the fact exhibited by the present writer in the New England Historical Genealogical Register (January 1873) had never before been pointed out. Gosnold and his colaborers, however, had Hakluyt's English translation of Verrazano and wrote in English. On the other hand, the French version probably used by Allefonsce is want- ing, and we are not able to place the French of the two writers side by side. Hence the verbal resemblances, so noticeable in Gosnold and other English plagiarists of the Florentine are lost. But the indentity of ideas remain. In compiling his account of the new found world, Allefonsce desired to make the most of his subject, and at one point he turns from the north to take a general survey of the country. In doing this he defines the boundaries, saying that Hochelaga, included in the Patent of 1542, extended south-west as far as Figuier, thus including the entire region visited by Verrazano. Then he seems to turn to the Letter, and to use the general account of the country, seeking to combine in one glow- ing picture the attractions found from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. Here he transposes the order observed by Verrazano in two or three in- stances. In the narrative of Allefonsce the forests are described after mentioning the situation of the country, while the subject of gold is put before it. Allefonsce makes an extravagant allusion to the gold of Cibola, because at the time he wrote the fabulous wealth of that region was ex- citing all minds. After readjusting these two topics, the rest stand almost parallel with the order observed by Verrazano. Supposing this done, it may be noted, first, that the Florentine says that the " East " stretches around this coun- try, while Allefonsce thinks that this is "the utmost bounds of Asia." The latter says that these countries " border on Tartary," while Verra- 1 6 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO zano, in Ramusio's version, speaks of " the wild deserts of Tartary," and both remark upon the productions of the East, the one speaking of "medicinal" and "aromatic drugs," and the other of the medicinal quality of the trees. Next they agree that the forests are both vast and various, and that the country is gold bearing, the Florentine putting the gold in or near latitude 34 N., and Allefonsce in 35 ° N., or the parallel of Cibola. Afterwards both writers mention quadrupeds and birds in immediate connection, closing up that topic in a similar way, Verrazano saying " man)' other similar [beasts] and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport," Allefonsce adding to his account, " various other sorts of birds and beasts." The succeeding topic is the water supply, and this opens the way to speak of the climate, of which Allefonsce cannot give so good an account as Verrazano, being obliged to generalize in speaking of the North and South at the same time. Then follow the winds and the rain and the disposition made by nature of the general humidity. Verrazano says the prevalent winds of Summer are north-west, with a clear sky and " but little rain," while Alle- fonsce agrees that the west wind " brings no rain." Even in treating the topic which might perhaps appear the least promising of all, Alle- fonsce seems to be holding on to the thought of the Florentine, which here concerns the disposition that nature makes of the moisture in the atmosphere. On reaching this point he realizes that he is in a high northern region, and must come directly to the point, not discussing "all these regions." Therefore, instead of saying with Verrazano, who was speaking of summer skies, that the sun dissipated the moisture, he tells his reader in substance, that the moisture, which is so dense as to be styled rain, is frozen in the winter time, and falls to the earth in the form of snow. Here he reaches the end of his list of subjects ; but still he has not finished, having failed to do justice to the forests, which Verrazano dwells upon with delight. Casting his eye over his manuscript, he seems to perceive a deficiency, and adds after his account of the snow, " there are also forests as beautiful as ever you could possibly see any where in the world; " which done he goes on with a description of the creatures that were found in the Canadian Sea, coloring his narrative by the aid of the second voyage of Carrier. Let the reader study these two accounts side by side, and he will perhaps find that the coincidences are too striking to admit the sugges- tion that they are the result of accident. Verrazano, apparently, was known to Allefonsce. He used the order as a matter of convenience, endeavoring at the same time to warm the climate of Canada by associat- ing it with the entire country from the South. For the convenience of /MARCELLO JT. CERffflI A ori&emrio nuratn SENESE, SOGGETTOnt DOTTRINA, E >jfa^ejue, ddc f.^llaerqio sfflUZ. SQMMO FONTEFICE PULCL4N(IE NOBILE WfaSMUMM FRI/BENZA, ''0 BONEi FREGMTO. mart, dopo zi.aicrni, di JPoftQ ficato ru-l etc pmo. ^AZaaaio ^/f£UET^ •Jjee&eato al merito ULrte/olarc dell' J/lunb:,b ~J\mo: ^lorduznorc.^JUdcran,, dro UJe, Lsonti. CierrUU J/iitriT^o *Jaie/e>, Cant» del ritro <-Arc£pzfcotv /zi. ^Jeertet cd ep, JPontefiew>. J«," Bay of the Cross. Next is " Valleombrosa," the Shady Valley," which, with the neighboring coast, covered with sedge or reeds {Calami), reminds us of Milton's lines : " Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks In Vallombrosa, where the Etrurian shades High over-arch'd, imbower, or scatter'd sedge." " Punta del Olivio " is evidently the same as Verrazano's Cape " Olimpe." Then follow " Selvi di Cervi," the Deer Park of Verra- zano, and "Calami," similar to the " Carnavarall " of the Spanish maps. This brings us to "Lvngavilla" and "G. di. S. Germano," both Verrazano names, the former being Longueville, near Dieppe, and the THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS JJ latter St. Germaine-en-Laye, the splendid residence of Francis I. " R. del Sole," River of the Sun, if not for Solis, is followed by " Norman- villa," a French city near Longueville. " C. S. Iohan " indicates southern New Jersey. " Porto Reale " follows, when suddenly we reach the river intended for the Penobscot or Norombega, which, as on the Map of Allefonsce, is thrown too far south. The coast being drawn on a small scale, the outline is confused. At the southern entrance of the river is " S. Franc. C," or the Cape of St. Francis, delineated by Allefonsce as the " Franciscan Cape." Next is " Refvgivm Promont." intended for the Cape of Refuge" of the Verrazano Map, which afforded "Verrazano a land-locked harbor, to-day identified with New- port. It must be observed again, however, that the outline of Vlpius is confused. The next name is " Corte Magiore," unless indeed "Magiore" belongs with the succeeding inscription. The significa- tion is obscure, like that of " Flora," though the latter occurs in several of the Ptolemies of the period, including Mattiolo's, 1548, and in Ramusio's Verrazano sketch. Finally, " Cavo de Brettoni " is reached, or Cape Breton, a name usually referred to the French, but which may have been given by the Portuguese. The form, it will be observed, is Portuguese. " Cimeri," on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, is a word whose use is not plain. The reading may be " cdmeri," and thus refer to the " Cosin de mer annano," or Oceanus of Schoner, 1520, signifying the Ocean Cape. With " Terra Laboratoris " we reach, not Labrador, the Portuguese "Land of the Laborers," but New Foundland. By mistake, "Laboratoris" is applied to New Foundland, as later to Cape Breton, the inland waters of which are to-day called " Bras d'or," pre- viously lengthened from " Brador," which, according to the fancy of some one, signified " the Arm of Gold." Thus easily are names emptied of their original signification. The coast line to " C. Frio," the Cold Cape of the Portuguese, represents New Foundland, one part of which is marked " Terra Corterealis." " C. Branco " is the White Cape, and " C. de Bona Vista " afforded a good view. Yet, whatever name may be given to New Foundland by the old cartographers, that of " Bacca. laos " always adheres, being derived from Baculum, a stick, often used to keep fish spread open when drying. " Baia dos Moros," at the Straits of Belle Isle, signifies Codfish Bay. " G. Datrometa" is a mis- spelling of " G. da Tormento," or the Gulf of Torment, found on Reinel and other charts, apparently referring to the stormy weather. " Ilhado " follows, and " R. da Braco " may signify the Shallow River. " C. Pri- mero" is the first cape, " G. do placel" is the Gulf of the Sand Bank, 7% THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS and " Dos Demonios," or the Island of the Demons, is often found. Greenland lies adjoining, being called " Groestlandia." It is separated from Labrador by the sea. As in several other maps, the name is repeated on an island lying westward as " Grovelat." The greater portion of the region around the Pole is shown as land, but north of Asia is an immense lake, " Mare Glaciale," found on the Nancy Globe. Only two of the names between the Gulf of Mexico and the Gulf of St. Lawrence remain to-day. The French were nevertheless ambitious, and would have founded New France on the central portion of our coast if circumstances had proved more favorable. Trivial incidents sometimes turned them aside. But for a head wind when off Cape Cod, sailing southward in 1605, Champlain might have reached the Hudson, and instead of planting Port Royal in Nova Scotia, he might have established its foundations on Manhattan Island, in the region where Port Royal ("Porto Reale") was laid down by Vlpius. This would have made the greatest city in America a French city, and, possibly, changed the destiny of the continent. It will be seen that Vlpius gives to France only that to which she was entitled. As far northward as the coast of the Carolinas, the terri- tory is considered Spanish, while thence to the Gulf of St. Lawrence it is French, the rest being Portuguese, as allowed by the general use of Portuguese names. In 1542, when Cartier set out upon his expedition to colonize on the St. Lawrence, it was clearly understood at Rome what the French claimed. At the same time the globe, as pointed out, bears the line of Pope Alexander, by which the most of the New World was given to Spain. These facts, however, are consistent with one another, even on the supposition that the globe was made at the Vatican under the direction of the Cardinal-Presbyter Cervinus. That person, though loyal to the Papal throne, which he was destined to occupy, was not over friendly to Spain, having three years before refused a pension of ten thousand piastres from Charles V., who wished to win his support. Therefore, while recognizing the decree of Alexander, he might have been fair with the French, and thus conceded what they had accomplished in the New World by the aid of his countryman, Verrazano. However this may be, the French are recognized, and the most of the region now occupied by the United States was claimed for France as New Gaul. Cluverius (Introductio ad Geographium, ed. 1629) also speaks of New France as Gaul {"Nova Francia Gallis.") Did he know of the Globe of Vlpius? Cartier's voyage of 1534 is not men- THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS yg tioned, as he made no discoveries, but the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which he entered, is left open. Ribero on his map indeed closes the Gulf, yet it was well known to the French at a very early period. The open sea and isthmus on the Globe of Vlpius form a topic of special interest, but as it has been discussed already in connection with the Map of Verrazano, it will suffice here to add a few facts by way of illustration. The sea and isthmus were copied from Verrazano, and the existence of a body of water in close proximity to the Atlantic was generally believed. Often it was represented as lying further to the south, and hence some suppose that what was referred to may have been the Bay of Mexico. Again, the sea was supposed to lie near the St. Lawrence River, a belief that led the French to attempt the coloni- zation of that rude and inhospitable country, in preference to the sunny and fertile regions explored farther southward by Verrazano. The Spaniards, on the same principle, as previously noted, proposed to fortify and colonize the Straits of Magellan. The St. Lawrence was supposed to lead directly into the " Sea of China." When Champlain went to Canada in 1608, he declared that he would not return until he reached the sea. In 161 2 he made a seventeen days' journey into the wilderness from Montreal to find the sea upon whose shore Vignan professed to have seen the wreck of an English ship. This man, who marched before Champlain through the tangled forests, has been called an impostor, and, with a musket leveled at his head, Vignan confessed himself one ; yet no doubt he was as much deceived as Champlain, having acted upon the trusted relation of another, a course which he supposed would succeed, and bring him great credit. De Bry (Brevis Narratio, Pt. 2, 1591) represents the sea in his map, while the Virginia colonists entertained a similar idea. As late as 165 1 the western sea was represented within about two hundred miles of the Atlantic coast, as appears from a map of that year, found in some copies of " The Discovery of New Brittaine." This error had its day, and then died ; though not without manifesting a remarkable vitality. The belief was shared by Vlpius in common with Verrazano, the latter being as positive on the subject as Frobisher himself, both having committed the belief to maps. Before drawing to a close, it may be desirable to give a brief sketch of the life of Marcellus. The portrait is a reduction in fac simile of that found in the work entitled, "Uomini Illustri Toscani," etc. Apart from all connection with the globe, it will be prized by collectors for its great 80 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS rarity. It is to Marcellus II. that we are indebted, in no small degree, for what, upon the whole, may be regarded as the most skillfully made of the ancient globes now known. Marcellus Cervinus de Spanniochi was the son of Riciardo Cervinus and Cassandra Benci, being born May 6th, 1501, at Montesano, a city of southern Italy, situated about seventy miles southeast of Naples. The family was originally of Montepulciano, near Siena. For that reason Pope Marcellus takes his place among the Sienese. His father was Apostolic Receiver for the March of Ancona. The early studies of Marcellus were conducted at Siena. Upon going to Rome he was appointed Secretary to Pope Julius III. In 1538 he served at the Court of Charles V. as Papal Ablegate. December 19th, 1539, he was created Cardinal. He also received the Bishopric of Neo Castro. December 15th, 1540, he was made titular Bishop of Reggio, Jacques Lainez per- forming the actual duty; and February 29th, 1544, Bishop ofGubbio. Marcellus was present at the Diet of Spires, and April 30th, 1545, was made one of the three Presidents of the Council of Trent. April 5th, 1555, he was unanimously elected Pontiff, and the following day he was crowned. A violent stroke of apoplexy put an end to his life April 30th, after a reign of twenty-two days. If Marcellus had lived, he would have taken rank amongst the greatest of the Popes. Protestants praise him, and the worst enemies of Rome are obliged to concede his worth. His example was indeed unique ; for the reformation of the clergy which, as Ranke observes, others talked about, he exhibited in his own person. He was zealous for a pure administration throughout the Church. Though, like his father, possessing certain astrological tastes, he was sincerely devoted to pure science, literature and criticism. He advocated the reformation of the calendar, in accordance Avith a plan devised by his father. At the time the impression went abroad that the world was to suffer from an universal deluge, a belief which, it is said, drove Clement VII. to the high grounds of Tivoli, Marcellus, then but little known, wrote a treatise to dissipate the notion. Amongst his elegant Latin poems is one " De Somnio Scipionis." His disposition was somewhat severe, and he wished to inaugurate strong measures against the Lutherans and Calvinists ; being desirous, also, of reassembling the Council of Trent. His severity even led him to propose the abolition of music in the Church ; but when at Easter, Palestrina, then Chapel Master of the Vatican, composed a Mass for six voices, its effect was so great that the Pontiff burst into tears. He at once abandoned his purpose, and the Mass has since been known as the Mass of Pope THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS 8 1 Marcellus II. The tastes of this Pontiff were elegant. He was himself an accomplished draughtsman, and a good sculptor. He loved to surround himself with learned and scientific men. Being fond of history and antiquities, it is presumable that he was interested in geography. At the time when the Globe of Vlpius was made, 1542, he was wholly devoted to studious pursuits, being also charged with the care of the Vatican Library. He was distinguished for his height, though his figure was spare. His eyes were black, and the expression of his countenance, according to his portrait and written testimony, was pleas- ing and agreeable. It is recorded that, while possessing gaiety of dis- position, he seldom laughed. Two medals, described by D'Artaud, were struck in his honor. (" Histoire des Souverains Pontifes Romains") This account of the Life of Pope Marcellus quashes the last indict- ment drawn against Verrazano, where it is declared : " Even the Globe of Euphrosynus Vlpius, a name otherwise unknown, is represented to have been constructed for Marcellus, who had been archbishop of Florence. They are all the testimony of Florence in her own behalf." (Murphy's " Verrazzano," p. 150.) As it happens, however, Cervinus was never Archbishop of Florence, and held no office in that city, which for generations attempted no recognition of Verrazano, it not being known that a copy of the Navigator's Letter existed in the archives. The Globe of Vlpius, no more than the Map of Verrazano, is associated with any fraud. The charge is based upon a misconception of the facts, and must be abandoned. The instrument in question is a Roman pro- duction, the design of which may yet be traced to Marcellus himself, who was known for his ability and skill in this kind of work. Nevertheless, by whomsoever it may have been designed, this ancient globe has come to us from the Eternal City, finding a permanent resting place at last, not without a certain fine justice, in the great metropolis which looks out upon the splendid harbor visited and described by him whose name is so prominently engraved upon the portion representing the New World. If the history of the globe could be written, it would be found to possess the charms of romance. This may be the very globe that, as Hakluyt said, " seemeth to be of Verrasanus making," and which Queen Elizabeth was accustomed to consult in the gallery at Westminster. If so, by what means did it reach England ? It certainly went to Spain, and there, the instrument upon which perhaps more than one Pope read the decree of his predecessor, Alexander, was finally banished to the realm of worthless antiquities. Yet it is a rare souvenir of the past. It embodies many of the great aspirations of the sixteenth century. It 82 THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS stands connected with its maritime enterprise and adventure, and with its naval and geographical romance. It forms an epitome of the world from the beginning to 1542. Especially does it prove to the student how the exploration of our continent tried the courage, tested the endurance, baffled the skill and dissipated the fortunes of some of the noblest of men. THE GLOBE OF VLPIUS — 1542 Verrazano the Explorer by B. F. DeCOSTA New York A. S. 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