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 Copy 1 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 Jiau 
 
 MR. BRECK, OF KENTUMy, 
 
 MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT RELATING TO CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ,:'^53 
 
 Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, Monday, March 25, 1850. 
 
 The important questions which have recently occasioned so much agita- 
 tion and concern in the pubhc mind have been so ably and elaborately dis- 
 cussed, not only here and in the other end of the Capitol, but by the press 
 throughout the country, that I can have little hope of presenting any thing 
 new or interestino: in regrard to them for the consideration of the commit- 
 tee. In obedience, however, to the wishes, as I believe, of my consti- 
 tuents, and in justice to myself, I feel constrained to state my views, and 
 the principles by which my course will be governed, so far as I may be 
 called upon to act. 
 
 The great controversy is between the North and the South upon the 
 subject of slavery. And I believe, sir, it has rarely been the case for years 
 past that any question connected with that important 'subject has been dis- 
 cussed in the American Congress without irritation and excitement. Pre- 
 judice against the institution upon the one side, and extreme sensitiveness, 
 arising from various causes, on the other, have often rendered such dis- 
 cussions not only exciting, but productive of serious evil. Their tendency 
 has been to weaken the ties and destroy that harmony and good fellowship, 
 between the North and the South, so essential to our continuance as a 
 united people. 
 
 It is my desire to say nothing which will add to the present excitement. 
 If I cannot pour oil upon the troubled waters, I hope not to increase their 
 agitation and violence. Our moderation and forbearance should be more 
 sio-ially manifested, as has been properly remarked, in proportion as the 
 question becomes more important. 
 
 Since the commencement of the present session of Congress, slavery 
 has been the all-absorbing and constant theme, not only here, but in every 
 
 Gideon & Co., Printers. 
 
 ■'^CJT^ 
 
^?T- 
 
 part of our extensive country. It has been the alpha and omega of almost 
 every speech; and has exerted an influence, often controlling, over nearly 
 every thing which we have done or attempted. Among other things 
 which we hava''' ard, it has been repeatedl}'^ sounded in our ears, that 
 upon the satisfactory adjustment of this important controversy hangs the 
 destiny of the Republic — the fate of our glorious Union. Similar assur- 
 ances have reached us from various sources, some of them entitled to very 
 grave consideration. 
 
 Now, sir, if this be indeed so, then is the controversy most momentous. 
 No question of such transcendent importance, involving so deeply the free- 
 dom and happiness of man, has ever been or can be presented for the con- 
 sideration of any legislative assembly in the civilized world. If this wide- 
 spread and happy land, upon which Heaven has showered its choicest 
 blessings, is to be torn asunder by internal strife — if our happy system of 
 government, which reflects immortal honor upon its founders, and under 
 which we have enjoyed a degree of freedom and prosperity and happiness 
 unparalleled in the annals of nations, is to be broken up and overthrown — 
 then, truly, may it be said, that the last refuge of civil liberty, the last 
 hope of free government, is gone. 
 
 With what intense interest is every patriot, every votary of freedom, 
 watching our deliberations and waiting the result. On the other hand, 
 with what exulting joy are all the enemies of freedom, and all the tyrants 
 and oppressors of mankind, looking upon the gloomy spectacle we presents 
 and with what a shout of triumph will they hail the sad end of this great 
 Republic. For one, sir, I cannot, will not, believe that so appalling a cala- 
 mity is about to befall us ; I cannot believe that we have so soon become 
 the degenernte sona of gallant sires, that we cannot or will not preserve the 
 glorious heritage whic'i their valor and suffering have acquired and have 
 transmitted to us ; that the spirit, which united and animated the noblest 
 race of men that ever struggled and battled for liberty, has become extinct 
 in the breasts of their descendants. 
 
 It is true, sir, there are those who scout the idea that the Union is in 
 danger, and who regard all that has been said as mere menace and brava- 
 do. I am, sir, not of that number. The country, it is true, has been in 
 danger before. It has encountered alarming political storms and tempests, 
 and rode them out in safety. But, sir, republics have often been the vic- 
 tims of delusion and passion, and we have no guaranty that we are exempt 
 from these baneful influences. 
 
 I concur fully in the opinion expressed by the gentleman from Louisia- 
 na, (Mr. Morse,) that the omens are ill, that the times are sadly out of 
 joint ; and I regret to say, that some expressions, used by the gentleman 
 
himself, furnish evidence of the correctness of that opinion. I confess 
 sir, after surveying the whole ground, that I have been reluctantly forced 
 to the conclusion that the country is in imminent danger, and that there 
 has been no period in its history when a spirit of conciliation and compro- 
 mise, and all the efForts of patriotism were more eminently required io prop 
 its reeling glory, and save it from the greatest of all calamities. 
 
 The exciting questions more immediately in controversy arise out of our 
 territorial acquisitions from Mexico, and slavery in this District. It has 
 been emphatically announced in this House and elsewhere, that if by any 
 act of Congress slavery shall be inhibited in these Territories, or abolished 
 in this District, the happening of either of these contingencies will induce 
 immediate action in the South for its protection ; or, in other words as I 
 believe is generally understood, will be followed by secession or revolution 
 by a part, at all events, of the States in the South. 
 
 Now, sir, I am decidedly opposed to both these measures, and so is the 
 State which I have the honor in part to represent. But I deem it entirely 
 unnecessary to speculate in regard to her course, should they or either of 
 them be adopted ; as there is no probability, I think, that either event will 
 happen, at least during the present session of Congress, unless the admis- 
 sion of California as a State, with a constitution excluding slavery, should 
 be regarded as an equivalent act or measure, and that subject I shall notice 
 hereafter. But, although neither of these unjust and obnoxious measures 
 should be adopted, yet still the existing state of things is evidently tending 
 to a very unfortunate and alarming result. The ditFerent views and feel- 
 ingd entertained at the North and th'; South upon the subject of slavery, 
 and the agitation of this question, in connexion with party politics, mani- 
 festly tend to a sectional division in feehng and political action. 
 
 To arrest this tendency and avert so fatal a result, should be the effort 
 of every one who duly appreciates the importance of preserving that 
 Union under which we have been so prosperous and happy, and have be- 
 come so great and powerful. 
 
 As I was born and educated in the North, and have for more than thirty 
 years resided in the South, or in a slaveholding State, I trust I may, with 
 some freedom and without offence, examine this subject of slavery, and 
 more especially in view of the opinions and feelings of the North in regard 
 to it. 
 
 There has evidently been some new light, or, perhaps, I may with more 
 propriety say obscurity, thrown upon it since I left that section of the coun- 
 try. If the views and feelings which now seem to prevail were entertain- 
 ed in my day, or when I resided there, I could hardly have escaped their 
 influence, and have selected a slave State for my permanent residence. 
 
It is true, I did not select Kentucky because slavery existed there; but I 
 am not aware that that circumstance constituted any objection. 1 am con- 
 fident it formed no part of my education to listen to lectures upon the in- 
 justice and sin of slavery, and its continuance in the South- In those 
 days Abolitionists and Abolition societies — the party styling itself, par ex- 
 cellence, the Liberty party, and the one-idea Free-soil party — were un- 
 known. These new sects have sprung up under the influence of the 
 boasted progress of the age, of which we hear so much. But this progress 
 of the age is in some respects like a high tide in our mighty rivers ; it 
 raises a vast amount of trash and rubbish, known in the West and South 
 by the general term drift, and in the North, I believe, flood-wood, which 
 would otherwise slumber and decay in silence upon the bank. While the 
 tide lasts, it floats with some appearance of importance; often to the serious 
 annoyance of the noble steamer and other useful craft. But when the 
 stream again retires within its natural channel, it ceases to annoy and is 
 seen no more. And such will be the inevitable destiny of those reforming 
 sects, vxise above what is written, when the current of public opinion shall 
 become tranquil and rational. 
 
 In. regard to the fanatical Abolitionists who are struggling for the imme- 
 diate abolition of slavery throughout the whole country and the world, 
 reckless alike as to means and consequences, it is useless to waste a word. 
 That sect is so lost to all the dictates of reason, justice, and humanity, that 
 any appeal to them would be utterly unavailing. Such men are as wild 
 and deluded as those who, a century or so ago, hung honest women for 
 "witches, and drove out honest Quakers as heretics. This happened even 
 in the good old, and now great and splendid, Commonwealth of Massachu- 
 setts. The same delusion, although not to the same extent, prevailed in 
 the renowned Old Dominion. And it may be possible that the fanaticism 
 of this sect is the result of some hereditary taint or obliquity. I under- 
 stand their number is very limited ; and it will certainly become more so, 
 should reason ever resume the helm in their minds. 
 
 But I apprehend I am not mistaken in supposing that a very consider- 
 able portion of the people in the North — and by the North I include all the 
 non-slaveholding States — entertain very erroneous opinions upon the sub- 
 ject of slavery, its condition, the practicability of emancipation, and in re- 
 gard to the character of slaveholders. The idea that it is unjust and sinful 
 for the South to retain in servitude, instead of emancipating, their slaves, 
 which I think is a pretty generally prevailing sentiment, is certainly 
 founded in error, and must be the result of feeling, rather than reflection 
 and an unprejudiced investigation of the subject. 
 Now, whether slavery was originally a moral wrong, is a question I shall 
 
not stop to examine; for, whether so or not, it has no more to do with the 
 present question, in regard to slavery as it now exists and its continuance 
 in this country, than the fall of Adam or original sin. I will, however^ 
 take occasion to say, that the condition of the African, brought to this 
 country by it, has, beyond question, been improved, and the Christian 
 philanthropist has strong hopes that slavery in America may, in the provi- 
 dence of God, be the means of spreading the blessings of Christianity and 
 of civil Hberty throughout the most benighted, degraded, and barbarous 
 quarter of the globe — of ultimately illuminating and civilizing even Africa. 
 
 Nor need I inquire whether slavery is a social or domestic evil; for if it 
 is, the North may aggravate, but cannot cure it. 
 
 To determine what would be right and what wrong in regard to it, or 
 whether it is right or wrong for the South to retain their slaves in servitude, 
 "we must look at the institution as it is, and all the circumstances attending 
 it. Tested in this way, duty. Christian duty, and interest dictate the same 
 course — and each forbids emancipation. 
 
 The result of my experience and reflection is, that so long as the v,/hite 
 and African races constitute the same community, and the latter in point 
 of numbers approximate any where near the former, the safest and hap- 
 piest, and, indeed, the only safe and happ}'^, relation for both races, is that 
 of master and servant. And I am satisfied no unprejudiced mind, which 
 will thoi'oughly investigate the subject, will come to a diiferent conclusion. 
 That relation will secure to each race or class the greatest security and the 
 greatest amount of comfort and happiness. 
 
 The general emancipation of slavery in the South would result, if not in 
 the ruin, greatly to the prejudice of each class, and more especially the 
 colored. It would be an act of injustice and inhumanity to the slave, not 
 surpassed by the people of the North turning off, helpless and destitute, 
 upon the world, their infant children to shift for themselves. But why 
 enlarge upon this question? Emancipation, in a word, would be madness. 
 What could be done with the slaves, if emancipated ? Would the North 
 receive them ? No. Some of the non-slaveholding States exclude them 
 as far as possible by law, and even resort to force to break up their settler 
 ments, even when upon their own soil, and expel them. If they were to 
 remain in the South, they would necessarily be a degraded caste, and vir- 
 tually slaves — wretched and miserable beyond their present condition. 
 
 The boasted emancipation by Great Britain, at the expense of a hundred 
 millions of dollars, of her West India slaves, has proved, so far as any im- 
 provement in the condition of the blacks was contemplated, an entire 
 failure. There are gentlemen on this floor, northern gentlemen, who 
 know, and who have been interested in knowing, that a more degraded 
 
and miserable race of human beings can hardly be found upon the globe. 
 And what is Great Britain now doing or permitting to be done ? I under- 
 stand that Africans by thousands, probably those captured from slavers, 
 upon some indenture system, are removed from the Cape of Good Hope to 
 the West Indies, where they are held in a species of service, varying but 
 little from the former condition of slavery in those islands. 
 
 I will not, however, dwell longer upon a proposition which will not be 
 controverted by any one correctly informed as to the facts, and whose 
 mind is not warped by prejudice. But, sir, can the people of the North 
 be aware to what extent they would be affected on the score of interest by 
 disturbing slavery in the South ? Do they appreciate the fact that almost 
 every interest and department of labor draws largely from the proceeds of 
 the labor of slaves ? Not the manufacturer of cotton only, and the thou- 
 sands and tens of thousands employed in that business, but almost every 
 class of mechanics — also the shipping, mercantile, and agricultural or farm- 
 ing interest; for the prosperity of the latter depends upon the prosperous 
 condition of the other interests or classes. Why, sir, the cotton-gin and 
 almost every implement and instrument used in the culture of cotton and 
 the cane, and all the machinery in the sugar-making process, the clothing 
 of all kinds for slaves, the provision to a considerable extent, and numerous 
 other articles, are almost exclusively the product of northern labor. It 
 would be interesting to pursue this inquiry further in the detail, and show 
 to what extent the North realizes the proceeds of the labor of slaves, but 
 time will not permit. 
 
 If, then, as we are authorized to assume, benevolence and philanthropy — 
 in a word, duty — forbid any change in the institution of slavery; and if the 
 prosperity of the North, as well as the South, essentially depends, as it 
 manifestly does, upon the quiet and undisturbed enjoyment of the institu- 
 tion by the South, upon what ground can we account, even if the Consti- 
 tution were entirely out of the question, for the perpetual irritation and 
 annoyance to which the South are subjected ? Do not the South and all 
 their slaves constitute a portion of the population and wealth of a comm.on 
 country ? 
 
 Why, then, lecture the South, in this Hall and over the whole North, by 
 resolutions of conventions of all sorts and sizes — and, still worse, by reso- 
 lutions of whole States, through their Legislatures — upon the injustice, 
 curse, and sin of slavery; to say nothing of the untiring assaults of the 
 press, in countless thousands of tracts and novels, and every other species 
 of publication ? Why, in violation of the Constitution, render it odious to 
 ijid the owner in the reclamation of his fugitive slaves, and even penal for 
 State officers to interfere ? Why tell the South that slavery shall never 
 
be extended, but confined to the narrowest possible limits, and for the 
 avowed purpose of thereby forcing the South to the suicidal act of emanci- 
 pation ? Such was the benevolent and generous policy avowed by the o-en- 
 tleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Stevens.) 
 
 All this not only irritates, but seriously affects, the South in the enjoy- 
 ment of their constitutional rights. It is of no service, but a positive in- 
 jury to the slave. It has no tendency to loosen, but may render it neces- 
 sary to tighten, his bonds. It adds nothing to the prosperity of the North, 
 but, on the contrary, as you embarrass the South you affect your own in- 
 terest. 
 
 Why, sir, I have sometimes thought it strange that a people, unsur- 
 passed for intelligence and sagacity, and for an abiding, sleepless regard for 
 their own interests, as is certainly a portion of the North, should have been 
 so mistaken and misled upon this subject. But the marvel measurably 
 ceases when we look into the history of the case, and the means employed 
 for exciting the public mind and for the manufacture of public opinion. 
 
 The examination of the subject has been ea7/a;-/e— one-sided. Lecturino- 
 fanatics and vagabonds at first went through the country exliibiting, no't 
 in imagination, as has been done in this chamber, but actual chains and 
 manacles, and the most horrid instruments for punishment, as indicative of 
 the savage cruelty of the master and the wretched condition of the slave. 
 They had the field entirely to themselves. The slaveholder was calum- 
 niated, denounced as an unfeeling tyrant, and the condition and treatment 
 of the slave grossly misrepresented. The subject found its way into the 
 scliool-house and the pulpit; and, finally, the feeling was rendered avail- 
 able by the political demagogue and carried into the ballot-box. This feel- 
 ing has progressed till the current has become so deep and strong, that, in 
 many instances, those who would, find it fraught with political danger to 
 resist it. 
 
 It is proper, and I will here take occasion to state that, so far as I have 
 or may speak of the course of the North or the South in connection with 
 this subject, 1 do not design my remarks to apply indiscriminately to the 
 ■whole North or South-for I am aware such an application of them would 
 be unjust-but only to such portions of either as they may be properlv ap- 
 plicable to. " 
 
 But, sir, the state of feeling to which I was alluding has been seized 
 upon at the South for party purposes. Leading men in the North, with a 
 view to render them unpopular and odious in the South, have been un- 
 justly denauqced as Abolitionists and enemies to the South -Vnd such 
 has been the effect of these different sectional views and feelings, that, to 
 render a candidate acceptable to both sections, zealous and unscrupulous 
 
8 
 
 partisans, like pirates, have had to run him with two sets of papers, fraud 
 ulent creeds and flags, prepared to use one or another to suit the latitude. 
 
 To secure the election, however, of the gallant and patriotic individual 
 now at I j head of the Government, I am not aware that such practices 
 were deeined necessary. The people believed him honest, intelligent, 
 brave, and patriotic, and as such were satisfied to elect him; and they 
 have not and will not be deceived in him. 
 
 I desire, sir, to say a word or two more, with a view further to show the 
 palpable inconsistency of a portion, at all events of the North, in regard 
 +0 slavery. If it is so odious in their eyes, and the existence and continu- 
 
 le of it are regarded as a moral wrong, as a sin, why encourage it and 
 
 |w rich upon it? Why not throw overboard, as was the tea, the contam- 
 .lated articles, the products of slave labor? Why, sir, the people of the 
 North, in receiving and using the cotton, and sugar, and rice, and tobacco, 
 knowing as they do that they are produced by the labor of slaves, give 
 countenance and are accessories to the alleged injustice and sin, as the 
 receiver or purchaser of stolen goods is of the theft. The wildest fanatic 
 is a daily participant of the necessaries, and comlorts, and luxuries of life, 
 produced by slave labor; and he is not restrained from indulgence by any 
 conscientious scruples. 
 
 Again, the northern creditor, to secure his debt upon a southern slave- 
 holder, without scruple takes a mortgage upon his slaves, and thereby be- 
 comes a slave-owner. He never, under such circumstances, emancipates, 
 but sells. And no sale, I apprehend, has ever been arrested by the con- 
 science of a northern creditor. Of this I certainly do not complain; and 
 I have only made these allusions to show the intimate connection between 
 the two sections on the score of interest, and that there should be no dif- 
 ference on the score of feeling. 
 
 I look upon the present controversy as unnatural and unholy; threaten- 
 ing and jeopardizing, as it evidently does, the safety and stability of this 
 great Government. I believe it to be in the power of the present Congress 
 to terminate it without any sacrifice, by any party, of principle, interest, 
 honor, or feeling. And for the purpose of presenting my views as to the 
 mode, I desire to say something upon the important and more immediate 
 question before the committee, the message of the President transmitting 
 the constitution of California. 
 
 The President recommends the admission into the Union of California 
 with the constitution submitted; and, as to the residue of the territory 
 acquired from Mexico, he recommends the establishment of no territorial 
 governments, or non-action. The latter recommendation is based upon 
 
the supposition that such governments cannot be established without con- 
 tinued and great excitement upon the subject of slavery. 
 
 There is certainly very plausible ground for this supposition. An effort 
 to establish such governments, made at each session of the last Congress, 
 was unavailing, in consequence of this exciting question. The question 
 is still regarded of paramount importance, and i^adjustment beset with 
 serious, but I trust not insurmountable, difficuli W The present position 
 of California, praying admission as a State, wi^fflj^inly, or ought, in my 
 opinion, to aid in the settlement of the entire cj^jPversy, so far as these 
 Territories are concerned. It ought to be settled-'.^ The condition of the 
 people in these Territories, the dignity of the nation, and, above aU, the 
 harmony and safety of the Union, requ'.e that it shoidd be settled. Still, 
 if this cannot be effected, if territorial governments cannot be organized, 
 or the question adjusted in some other way, without continued and dan- 
 gerous excitement, the recommendation of the F resident of non-action will 
 be, as the lesser evil, the safest and wisest policy. The rights of all the 
 people, so far as relates to the occupation of the country, will be thereby 
 unaffected, and continue as they now exist. 
 
 California has formed her constitution, and prays admission into the 
 Union, under very peculiar and extraordinary circumstances; no State has 
 ever been admitted under precisely similar circumstances. It is true that 
 several Territories— Michigan, Iowa, Florida, and others— formed consti- 
 tutions, without any act of Congress authorizing the proceeding, and 
 under such circumstances have been admitted; but they had organized 
 territorial governments. Their admission, however, was irregular; and, 
 as to some of them, grossly so. Texas was an independent sovereignty, 
 and owed no allegiance to this or any other Government. California had 
 no oro-anized territorial government, nor was she an independent sove- 
 reignty. Still, I am by no means prepared to say she has been in the 
 wrong in organizing a State government, and seeking admission into the 
 Union, whether we admit her or not. 
 
 When this Government, in which was vested the sovereignty over the 
 country by the cession from Mexico, failed to exercise it, the people of 
 Cahfornia had no alternative but anarchy, or to form a government for 
 themselves. Self-defence and preservation justified her in pursuing the 
 latter course. How long was she to continue in her abandoned condition? 
 Two sessions of Congress had passed, and there was no provision for her 
 government and protection; and there was little probability that the efforts 
 of the present Congress would be more successful. Her condition was 
 peculiar. She constituted, and still constitutes, a point of greater attrac- 
 tion than any other in all the earth. There was a rush to her mountains 
 
10 
 
 of gold — an influx of population, without a parallel in the history of man. 
 Under such circumstances, she has formed a constitution and become a 
 State de facto, and now asks, not in contumacy, not in derogation of our 
 authority, but in express recognition of it, to be made a State dejure, and 
 admitted into this great family of States. Her constitution was the work, 
 and bears the impress, of American citizens, and seems to have been 
 adopted with singular unanimity. There is nothing to justify even a sus- 
 picion that the character of it in reference to slavery is the result of any 
 extraneous influence. It sufficiently appears that it is emphatically the 
 constitution of American citizens in California, at the time of its adoption. 
 It is an objection, however, entitled to consideration, that the population, 
 although at this time sufficiently large, was, to a very considerable extent, 
 unstable and unsettled — composed of individuals not there with a view to 
 a permanent residence. It is also objected that the boundaries are too 
 extensive. 
 
 But, sir, in the eyes of all northern gentlemen these objections fade 
 away, and oppose no obstacle to her immediate admission. They are im- 
 patient for her adoption. They are anxious to take her — and no questions ask- 
 ed. The clause in her constitution, excluding slavery, covers, like a mantle, 
 all faults and irregularities. If that clause were expunged or out, what 
 a marvellous change would be produced in their views and feelings. 
 
 Well, sir, I have made up my mind, notwithstanding all the objections, 
 and that it will be establishing a new precedent — to unite with them and 
 admit California, and even with her designated boundary, provided they 
 will be just and patriotic, and settle the whole controversy as to the resi- 
 due of these Territories. 
 
 I am in favor of a measure providing for the admission of California and 
 the organization of territorial governments for the residue of California 
 and New Mexico without the Wilmot proviso, leaving the question of 
 slavery to be settled by the proper constitutional tribunal — the Judiciary, in 
 the first instance, should the question arise; and by the people in the 
 second, whose authority cannot be questioned when they come to form 
 State constitutions. 
 
 And how is it possible that northern gentlemen, Whigs or Democrats, 
 can resist the settlement, in this mode, of this exciting and distracting 
 controversy? Why leave it open for continued strife and agitation, which 
 have already jarred the very foundations of our political edifice? Such a 
 measure will leave the rights of all parties precisely where they are at 
 present, or would be if the country is left, uncared for by this Government, 
 to shift for itself as best it can. It is the South will have most ground of 
 objection. As to the North, a State is admitted in aU respects agreeably 
 
i 
 
 11 
 
 to her wishes. In point of teiTltorial extent, equal or nearly so to three 
 States of the first class, with a sea-coast extent upon the Pacific of seven 
 or eiglit hundred miles, abounding in gold beyond the wildest dreams of 
 avarke, and with a constitution excluding slavery. In comparison with 
 this El Dorado, this land of gold, the residue of this INIexican territory, for 
 Avhich governments are sought to be established, is of little value. 
 
 Andliow, sir, has this vast Mexican territory been acquired? Whether 
 by conquest or purchase, it has been acquired by the common valor, and 
 suffering and treasure of the nation, and belongs to all the people— not to 
 one State, or class of States, nor to one class of the people more than 
 another. Under such circumstances, it would be in violation of all the 
 principles of justice and equality to exclude a large class from any partici- 
 pation in the enjoyment of a country they have contributed in common to 
 acquire; for such is the effect' of this Wilmot proviso or the inhibition of 
 slavery. Justice and equity would forbid this, even if it were conceded 
 that Congress had the constitutional power. But the South denies the 
 power. Such is the undoubting opinion of many of our most eminent 
 statesmen and jurists, and, I think, the prevailing sentiment in the South. 
 The South has been wiUing to submit her constitutional right to remove 
 and hold their slaves in this Territory to the decision of the Supreme 
 Court, and abide the result. And this mode of compromising and settling 
 the question would have saved the country from aU or much of this ex- 
 citement. 
 
 But northern gentlemen, with some exceptions, claim the power. They 
 insist, also, that slavery is excluded by Mexican law; and contend, more- 
 over, if it were not, that it cannot exist there without express authority of 
 law. Every northern man contends for this, and professes to have no 
 doubt upon the subject. Besides all, the foremost man in all the North, 
 and one of the foremost of all his race in any age or country, is willing to 
 rely upon the character of the country, '^e irrepealable law of God and 
 nature, for excluding slavery from the residue of this Territory. Upon 
 the position assumed by northern gentlemen, then, this proviso is wholly 
 unnecessary and useless. But, sir, it is more and worse than useless; it 
 is, under the circumstances, a wanton outrage upon (he feelings of the 
 South. It indicates not only a want of respect for their feelings, but their 
 opinions. If, however, the South is right, and Congress has not the 
 power, then it is not only an outrage upon their feelings, but upon their 
 constitutional rights. Why, then, should northern gentlemen so pertina- 
 ciously insist upon this offensive, and, according to their own avowed 
 sentiments, useless provision? Why not display the magnanimity and 
 patriotism of the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts to whom I 
 
12 
 
 have alluded — leave the question to be settled by the character of the 
 country, by the Judiciary, and the people of those Territories, and relieve 
 the country from the agitation and alarm that now pervades it? 
 
 But, sir, in support of this proviso, or inhibitory policy, gentlemen — 
 and more especially my friend from Ohio, (Mr. Campbell) — have refer- 
 red to and relied upon the opinions of distinguished patriots and states- 
 men, and the views of the people of several of the States — North Caro- 
 lina, Georgia, and Virginia — about the period of the Revolution. What 
 was the condition of slavery at that period I have no time to inquire, and 
 it is not important. The objection, however, seems to have been more 
 particularly against the African slave trade. But what did these eminent 
 men do afterwards, and after our independence had been established? In 
 the most solemn and important act of their lives, with the Father of his 
 country at their head, they not only recognised and provided for the con- 
 tinuance of slavery in all time to come, but authorized the continuance of 
 the African slave trade for twenty years, for the express purpose of in- 
 creasing the number of slaves in the country. For this provision voted 
 the North as well as the South. The former realized the money by the 
 traffic; the latter desired and obtained the slaves. And what State resisted 
 the adoption of the Constitution on account of this provision, or of any 
 other in reference to slavery? It was opposed by no State on that account, 
 so far as my recollection extends. If all this was the result of compro- 
 mise in forming the Constitution, it was a noble example, which we ought 
 to follow for its preservation. 
 
 But the question is, what would these illustrious men now do in regard 
 to this inhibitory policy, if they were now here, and could be heard in 
 this Hall? Would they, under the change of circumstances, when we 
 have more slaves than the entire population in 1775 — when emancipation 
 cannot be effected without ruin to both races — when the condition of sla- 
 very has been greatly ameliorated, and when slave labor is employed not 
 only beneficially to our whole country but to the whole world — when our 
 territory has been vastly extended, spreading from ocean to ocean, and 
 acquired by the valor and treasure of the whole nation — would they say, 
 let the alien and the stranger from all countries, no matter whether 
 Christian or Pagan, Mohammedan or Mormon, with one wife or fifty, oc- 
 cupy in unnumbered thousands our vast unpeopled territories, and utterly 
 exclude from every rood of it their own househ Id— every slaveholder, al- 
 though bone of their bone, and flesh of thei. flesh — the founders, and descend- 
 ants of the very founders, of the empire? Would they say this is justice; this 
 is that equality upon which our Union and Constitution were based? No, sir, 
 no! If the shade of the moat illustrious man, not only of bis country but of 
 
13 
 
 his whole race, could arise here, it would frown upon and condemn such 
 policy, as not only in conflict with the spirit of the Constitution, but as 
 unjust in itself— an outrage upon the feelings and rights of the South. 
 Would he endorse the unfeeling sentiment of the member from Pennsyl- 
 vania? No, sir. His language would be, you have territory enough and 
 to spare. Humanity, philanthropy, as well as justice and equality, the 
 harmony and safety of the Union, forbid this restrictive policy. 
 
 But, sir, the South asks no concession; what the paramount law of the 
 land secures to her is all she contends for. The settlement of the contro- 
 versy in the way suggested— and, I believe, a proposition to that effect is 
 now before the committee— results in no triumph to any party. It ought 
 to be most acceptable to the North, in view of the admission of California. 
 In this whole matter, however, it is proper I should say I speak only for 
 myself; although I believe most of my colleagues are disposed to sustain 
 a measure of the character which I have indicated. The whole country 
 will rejoice at the settlement of this distracting controversy, and will be 
 generally satisfied that it shall be settled in that way. 
 
 I had intended to say a few words, sir, in reply to the reflections which 
 have been, most unjustly, in my opinion, made upon the President as to 
 his course in reference to these Territories. He informs us he continued 
 whatever of government there was in the country as he found it, and dis- 
 turbed no arrangements which had existed under his predecessor. Of this 
 I have heard no complaint. But he recommended the people, if prepared 
 to comply with the requisitions of the Constitution of the United States, to 
 form, in effect. State constitutions, and submit them to Congress, with a 
 prayer for admission as States. His motive was patriotic— the termina- 
 tion, as soon as possible, of the excitement in regard to the question of 
 slavery, and by the people themselves. He found the people in a mea- 
 sure without government; and, at the same time, no people needed the pro- 
 tection of an efficient government more. He recommended them to do 
 what, under the circumstances, self-defence and self-preservation author- 
 ized and required them to do-to form governments for themselves. This 
 they have done, but not, it would seem, at the instance of the President, 
 or m consequence of his recommendation. The constitution of California 
 IS now before us, and whether we shall admit her or not as a State, is a 
 question addressing itself to our discretion. 
 
 As to the course of the President, I regard it as dictated by sound policy 
 
 Jljidthe most patriotic motives. There is certainly some reason for be- 
 
 ^■jj^that the same course, iu effect, had been previously advised by his 
 
 pj^essor; but whether so or not, is not deemed very material, and I 
 
 have no time to go into an inquiry as to the fact. 
 
14 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I have been often asked what Kentucky would do, or 
 how she stood in the present contest, and my answer has been a very 
 short one: That Kentucky was against the proviso, but in favor of the 
 Union. She seems to have full contidence in her delegation in Congress. 
 Her Legislature has forwarded no resolutions of instruction or request. 
 She has yet made no effort by a dollar and cent calculation to ascertain the 
 value of the Union. She regards it as priceless, and cannot, therefore, 
 solve such a problem. The flattering estimates and golden results which 
 some gentlemen have so minutely described as the certain fruits of dis- 
 union and a southern confederacy, have had not the slightest influence to 
 lessen her attachment to the country and the Government as they now ex- 
 ist. Her devotion to the Constitution and to the Union rises far above 
 such speculating and sordid calculations. Love of liberty, of security, of 
 independence, of the present and anticipated glory and happiness of this 
 magaiflcent republic, constitutes the basis of her devotion. 
 
 It is true, a state of case may possibly occur, when her honor, her inde- 
 pendence, her very existence, may render the Union insupportable, and 
 revolution unavoidable. But nothing will ever force her to so sad and 
 desperate a resort but the sternest necessity; and, should she ever be 
 driven to it, the case will be a plain one. As one of her sons remarked, 
 in reference to the memorable shooting or falling of the stars, as the phe- 
 nomenon was called, that he kept his eye constantly upon the north star, 
 and concluded, if that should fall or shoot off, the hunt would be out, and 
 that dissolution and ruin would be at hand. So, sir, when Kentucky shall 
 be for disunion, it may well be considered the time has come and the scene 
 has closed. 
 
 At the same time, no State has greater cause to complain of the injustice 
 of non-slavoholding States, as regards the abduction and enticing away of 
 her slaves, and the difficulty and danger in their reclamation. 
 
 We denounce, sir, and punish as pirates, those who are engaged in the 
 African slave trade. The act of decoying from the owner his slave, and 
 aiding him in his escape, is not less, but even more criminal. As to the 
 owner, it is robbery; and, as to the slave, inhumanity; as, in ninety-nine 
 cases out of a hundred, the effect is to consign him to poverty and wretch- 
 edness. It seems to me, if public sentiment in the North were not de- 
 praved in regard to the constitutional rights of the South, it would frown 
 down this criminal practice, and that the owner would be aided, and not 
 obstructed, in the recovery of his property. 
 
 It is to be hoped that Congress will adopt, and immediately, such mea- 
 sures as shall render available and efficient the constitutional provision in 
 regard to fugitive slaves, and that the North will cordially unite in this 
 
15 
 
 matter, and carry out, in good faith, that important provision. Interest 
 and honor, the harmony and safety of the Union, as well as the obligation 
 imposed by the Constitution, demand this, that the South may be secure 
 in the quiet and unannoyed enjoyment of their property. 
 
 It seems to me, sir, that an adjustment of existing difficulties, and in a 
 manner consistent with the rights and honor of all parties concerned, if 
 honestly desired, may be easily effected. And what a day of triumph and 
 rejoicing would that be to every patriot, to every one who has ever sent an 
 aspiration to Heaven for human freedom, which should witness the resto- 
 ration between the North and the South of that fraternal sympathy and 
 kindness, respect and confidence, which united our ancestors in the glo- 
 rious struggle for independence ! It would be a sad and gloomy day only 
 for demagogues, and fanatics, and the enemies of free Government. 
 
 The number who seek revolution or dissolution, j)er se, for the sake of 
 dissolution, whether in the North or the South, must be confined to fanat- 
 ics. Possibly there may be those who seek it for self-aggrandisement, to 
 gratify a reckless and unhallowed ambition. To such, if any, I would ap- 
 ply the withering invocation of the poet: 
 
 -"Is there not some cliosen curse, 
 
 Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven, 
 
 Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man 
 
 Who would owe his greatness to jiis country's ruin?" 
 
 Mr. Chairman, if allowable, I would say, in conclusion, \X\^i, personally,. 
 no member of the committee can have more feeling, or a stronger desire 
 for the safety and continuance of the Union, than the humble individual 
 who now addresses j'ou. 
 
 The bones of my ancestors sleep beneath the sod of New England, and 
 
 I have kindred blood in almost every State north of the Potomac. More 
 
 than twenty years of the first part of my life were spent in the far North, 
 
 in that State which, politically — of course, in party politics — has acquired 
 
 and well deserves the flattering cognomen of The star that never sets. To 
 
 that gallant and patriotic State, although differing widely from her views in 
 
 regard to slavery, I am strongly attached. For — 
 
 " Lives there a man with soul so dead, 
 Who never to liimself h;ith said, 
 This is my own, my native land ?" 
 
 I claim, however, as my country, a land not limited by the confines of 
 a single State, but co-extensive with this broad Union — the land of Wash- 
 ington and Henry, of Laurens and Marion, of Hancock and Adams, as 
 well as that of Allen, and the more obscure, but romantic and daring, 
 Boone. 
 
16 
 
 Eut, sir, my regard for the State of my birth is not inconsistent with 
 loyalty and devotion to that of my adoption. For more than thirty years 
 I have been a citizen of the brave, generous, and patriotic State of Ken- 
 tucky, and have been treated with all the kindness of a native son. To 
 Kentucky I am bound, not only by all the ties of interest, and honor, and 
 gratitude, but by every tie of feeling and affection which can be entwined 
 around the human heart. And whatever may be her course in regard to 
 the present controversy, or in future trials, I will say, in the expressive 
 language of one of old — "Where thou goest I will go, and where thouliest 
 I will lie; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God." 
 
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