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 AN EARLY BOSTON IRISHMAN 
 
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 "DORMAN MAHOONE ALIS MATHEWS" 
 AN EARLY BOSTON IRISHMAN 
 
 A Paper read before the Bostonian Society May 23, 1916, by 
 John H. Edmonds 
 
 In my paper on the Romance of Records read before 
 the Bay State Historical League Oct. 19, 19 12, by Charles 
 F. Read, Esq., I mentioned the finding of a " Dermin 
 Mahoonne " in the Boston Town Records from 1646 to 166 1, 
 whom I identified as the " Dierman Mathew " of the Essex 
 County Records of 1641 and the "Dierman oMahonie " of 
 the same in 1643 who had a son "Tege " who could not read 
 the English tongue. As read several times in 19 13, further 
 light was thrown upon him. Since then Michael J. O'Brien 
 Esq., Historiographer of the American Irish Historical 
 Society in his " Dermot, or Diarmuid, O'Mahony " has endea- 
 voured to shed light on him and find his descendants among 
 the Mahonys of New England. {Journal, American Irish 
 Historical Society, 14: 167-175). 
 
 While there is no question but what he was Irish, it is well 
 to remember that not all the people who came to New 
 England from Ireland were Irish and also that many whom 
 we would consider Irish did not so consider themselves. As 
 early as 15 18, a by-law of the Town of Gal way, declares that 
 none of the inhabitants should admit any of the Burkes, 
 Mc Williams, Kelleys or any other sept into their houses, to 
 the end "that neither O ne Mac should strutte ne swagger 
 through the streets of Galway. " (Prendergast, John P., 
 The Cromwellian settlement of Ireland, p. 302). In Decem- 
 ber 1 641, Richard Martin, one of the principal inhabitants of 
 Galway, in announcing to Lord Ormond the outbreak of the 
 neighboring Irish, says " We are very unfortunate to be hated 
 
by some powerful neighbours for being all English ; and to 
 have our four hundred years constant and unsuspected loy- 
 alty . . . forgotten and buried. " (Ibid, p. 302). 
 
 On Oct. 23, 1652 the Massachusetts General Court took 
 action as follows — ** Martha Brenton desiring an Irish boy 
 & girle, about the age of 12 yeares, for servants, hath her 
 request granted, so as the p-ties are p-ved before two magis- 
 trates to be born of English parents. " (Mass. Bay Records, 
 3 : 294). The simple explanation of this apparent contradic- 
 tion is that children born of English parents in Ireland, were 
 according to law Irish. Martha Brenton, was the wife of 
 William Brenton, (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 
 9 : 51), later Governor of Rhode Island, who up to the 20th 
 of August 1 66 1 owned land adjoining the Mahoones, which 
 he then sold to Hannah Munnings, (Suffolk Deeds, 8 : 254), 
 and daughter of Thomas Burton of Hingham. (Savage 
 Genealogical Dictionary). 
 
 In the beginning of the Colony, men from Ireland as well 
 as ships and stores were welcome. In July 1634, word was 
 received " from a godly preacher, M"". Levenston, a Scotchman 
 in the north of Ireland, that there were many good Christians 
 in those parts resolved to come hither if they might receive 
 satisfaction concerning some questions." (Winthrop's Jour- 
 nal, p. 135). This evidently called forth the order of Sept. 
 25 1634, "that the Scottishe & Irish gentlemen w^h intends 
 to come hither shall have liberty to sitt downe in any place up 
 Merimacke Ryver not Possessed by any. " (Mass. Bay 
 Records, i : 129). In the winter following John Winthrop 
 the Younger and Rev. John Wilson, returning to England 
 were driven by foul weather " upon the coast of Ireland, not 
 known by any in the ship " but finally arrived at " Galloway. " 
 Mr. Winthrop taking his journey overland to Dublin, Mr. 
 Wilson by sea, and coming in sight of the mouth of the 
 Severn was forced by the tempest to Kinsale. Mr. Wilson, 
 being in Ireland, gave much satisfaction to the Christians 
 
about New England. Mr. Winthrop went from Dublin to 
 Antrim and arrived at the house of Sir John Clotworthy the 
 evening before the day divers godly persons were to meet at 
 his house to confer about their voyage to New England, by 
 whom they were thoroughly informed of all things and re- 
 ceived encouragement to proceed in their intended course. 
 (Winthrop's Journal, p. 172). Incidently Sir John Clotworthy 
 in a speech in the House of Commons about this time, de- 
 clared that the conversion of the " Papists of Ireland was only 
 to be effected by the Bible in one hand and the sword in the 
 other." (Mooney, Thomas, A history of Ireland, i : 725). 
 
 In 1639 Irishmen who refused to take an Oath of Alle- 
 giance to Charles I, submitted to them by the Earl of Strafford 
 then Deputy of Ireland, were transported to the Colonies. 
 (Journal, American Irish Historical Society, 14 : 174). Rev. 
 Cotton Mather apparently refers to this when in 1700 he says 
 that " At length it was proposed that a Colony of Irish might 
 be sent over to check the growth of this country ; an Happy 
 Revolution spoiled that plot." (Colonial Society of Massachu- 
 setts, I : 409). On the 13th of May 1640 the General 
 Court " ordered, that the goods of the persons come from 
 Ireland shal bee free from this rate " which was levied that 
 day of p^i200. (Mass. Bay Records, i : 295). Just thirteen 
 days after it was voted " that the Towne of Dedham shall 
 entertayne m"". Samuel Cook . . . and also mr Smith & mr 
 Bacon all from Ireland and afford to them such accomadacons 
 ... as their estate shall requer, & y^ Town . . . can afford." 
 (Dedham Town Records, i : 68), although they did not 
 avail themselves of such permission until after the 23d of 
 June, 1640. (Ibid i : 69). On the 6th of July following 
 John Downes of Bandon Bridge, in the County of Cork, mer- 
 chant, gave bond in Boston, for the payment of ;!^8o to 
 George Luxon et al, within ten days after the arrival of the 
 ship John and Francis of Youghal, in England or Ireland. 
 (Lechford, Thomas, Note Book 151/288). Of 1640, Gov. 
 
5 
 
 Winthrop says " This year there came over a great store of 
 provisions, both out of England and Ireland and but few pas- 
 sengers (and those brought very little money). ..." (Win- 
 throp's Journal, 2 : 7). On Jan. 30th 1642/3 the assessment 
 of John Smith Gent, of Boston in the last country rate, "is 
 remitted unto him upon considerations of the great losses that 
 of late have befallen him in Ireland. " (Boston Record Com- 
 missioners Reports, 2 : 71). 
 
 Prior to the Irish Rebellion of 1 641, an occasional Irishman 
 was apparently welcome in New England, but after, based 
 probably on such mis-statements as that it had commenced 
 with the massacre of from 40,000 to 300,000 English and 
 Scotch protestants without warning (Prendergast, John P. 
 Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, p. 61) and' others of sim- 
 ilar calibre, they were no longer. If the feelings of the Rev. 
 Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich was any indication of what was 
 generally thought here, he was indeed a brave man who came. 
 In the " Simple Cobler of Aggawam " written in Ipswich in 
 1645 (Jamestown Catalogue, p. 39) and sent to England 
 where it was published Jan. 29, 1646/7, (Thomason Catalogue 
 I : 490) followed by four more editions in that year, he has 
 appended : — 
 
 " A word of Ireland, not of the Nation universally, nor of 
 any man in it, that hath so much as one hair of Christianity 
 or Humanity growing on his head or beard, but only of the 
 truculent Cut-throats and such as shall take up Amies in 
 their defence. 
 
 " The Irish anciently called Antropophagi, maneaters, 
 Have a Tradition among them That when the Devill shewed 
 our Saviour all the Kingdomes of the Earth and their glory, 
 he would not shew him Ireland but reserved it for himselfe ; 
 it is probably true for he hath kept it ever since for his own 
 peculiar ; the old Fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all 
 the rest ; he thought it wisdome to keep it for a Boggards for 
 
himselfe, and all his unclean spirits imployed in this Hemis- 
 phere, and the people, to doe his Son and Heire, I mean the 
 Pope, that service for which Lewis the eleventh kept his 
 Barber Oliver, which makes them so bloodthirsty. They are 
 the very Offall of Men, Dregges of Mankind, Reproach of 
 Christendome, and the Bots that crawle on the Beasts taile, I 
 wonder Rome itself is not ashamed of them. 
 
 " I begge upon my hands and knees that the Expedition 
 against them may be undertaken while the hearts and hands 
 of our Souldiery are hot, to whom I will be bold to say briefly ; 
 Happy is he that shall reward them as they have served us, 
 and Cursed be he that shall do that work of God negligently. 
 Cursed be he that holdeth his Sword from blood ; Yea, 
 Cursed be he that maketh not his Sword stark drunk with 
 Irish blood, that doth not recompence them double for their 
 hellish treachery that maketh not heaps upon heaps, and their 
 Country a dwelHng place for Dragons, an Astonishment to 
 Nations ; Let not that eye look for pity, nor that hand be 
 spared, that pities or spares them, and let him be accursed 
 that curseth them not bitterly. " 
 
 On Oct. 15, 1652, •* M'' David Sellake, craveing pardon for 
 his offence in bringing some Irish men on shoare, hath his 
 fine remitted [by the Massachusetts General Court] so as the 
 first opportunitie be taken to send them out of this jurisdic- 
 tion. P consilium. 
 
 "The s'^ M"" Sellake, on his request, hath libtie for the 
 bringing of another Irish man on shoare to endeavour his re- 
 covry, pvided he give bond to send him out of this jurisdiction 
 when he is well." (Mass. Bay Records, 3 : 291). 
 
 This explains where the " Irish boy & girle about the age 
 of 12 yeares for servants" came from, that Martha Brenton 
 (whose husband William, was partner of Sellick in 1649) 
 petitioned for leave to have, only 8 days later, (Mass. Bay 
 Records, 3 : 294) and further light is thrown on the subject 
 by the following under date of Oct. 25, 1653. 
 
"Whereas Captain John Vernon being employed from the 
 said Commissioners [for Ireland] into England, hath by an 
 eno-agement under his hand, bearing date the 14th September 
 last, promised to Mr. David Sellick and Mr. Leader that they 
 should receive an order upon their application to the said 
 Commissioners, for receiving (by themselves or their agents) 
 250 Irish women, above the age of 12 and under the age of 
 45 years, and also 300 men above the age of 12 and under 
 the age of 50 years, in the several parts of Ireland, withm 
 twenty miles of the towns of Youghal, Cork, Kinsale, Water- 
 ford and Wexford, to transport them into New England, 
 thereupon they have appointed their shipping to repair to 
 Kinsale. And whereas the said Commissioners are advertised 
 by the Lord Broghill that the said number of Irish persons, 
 both men and women, may probably be had in the County of 
 Cork, who now live like beggars and vagabonds, and follow no 
 lawfu'l vocations, these are therefore to authorize the said 
 Roger Lord Broghill to cause search to be made within the 
 said County of Cork for all persons of the Irish nation, that 
 are rogues, vagabonds, idlers and wanderers, and such as have 
 no means to get their livelihood by labour and otherwise, or 
 such as being able to labour shall refuse so to do, and such 
 persons to cause to be apprehended, taken and delivered unto 
 the said Sellick and Leader, or their agents, accordmg to the 
 said engagement, and as may answer the same for transport- 
 ing the said Irish into New England as above said ; provided 
 that no person be taken or molested by colour hereof that 
 hath any means by himselfe or friends to support and main- 
 tain himself, or that is a labourer or husbandman, or by any 
 lawful ways and means is able to provide and maintain him- 
 self ; provided that no person, being once apprehended, be 
 discharged, but by special order in writing under the hand of 
 the said Lord Broghill. The said Mr. Sellick and Leader 
 being at all charge for providing for them and conducting 
 them to the waterside, and maintaining them well from the 
 
8 
 
 time of receiving them, and the Commonwealth to be freed 
 from all charge therein." (Dunlop, Robert, Ireland under 
 the Commonwealth, 2 :375). 
 
 This contract was made pursuant to an order of the Council 
 of State, Sept. 6, 1653, upon petition of David Sellick of 
 Boston N. E. merchant, for license to the Ships Goodfellow 
 of Boston, George Dalle, Master, and Providence of London, 
 Thomas Swanley, Master, to pass to New England and Vir- 
 ginia, where they intend to carry 400 Irish children ; which 
 was granted on security that they sail to Ireland within two 
 months and transport 400 Irish children to those parts, 
 though the advice of Edward Winslow (then in London) was 
 first asked with regard to the facts in said Sellick's petition. 
 On Oct. 28, 1653, the vessels were licensed to proceed. 
 (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1574- 
 1660, pp. 407, 408, 410). 
 
 The proof that such a contract was carried out, in part at 
 least, is found in the writings of Cotton Mather, Drake's His- 
 tory and Antiquities of Boston, p. 342, and in a Bill of Sale, 
 dated May 10, 1654, from George Dell, Master of the Ship 
 Goodfellow to Mr. Samuel Symonds of Ipswich, Mass., for 
 " two of the Irish youthes I brought over by order of the state 
 of England ; the name of one of them is william Dalton ; the 
 other Edward Welch " to serve him for the space of nine 
 years, in consideration of £,26. in merchantable corn or live 
 cattle payable before the end of October which was witnessed 
 by George Maning. On May 17, two years were added to 
 Welch's service on account of his youth and fears that he 
 would assume the cares of a family too soon, and a correction 
 was made in his name, who in " the said writing is called Ed- 
 ward, and upon his arrival 1 at Ipswich such as doe well under- 
 stand his language say he owneth his name to be Philip." 
 (Records and files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, 
 Massachusetts, to be hereinafter referred to as Essex Quar- 
 terly Court Records, 2:295). 
 
It is a curious fact that prior to the Irish Rebellion of 1641, 
 the English of Ireland, except in the neighborhood of Dublin, 
 had adopted the Irish language, dress and manners (Prender- 
 gast, John P., Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, ;p. 31), so 
 this would not prove the presence of earlier Irish in Ipswich. 
 Sellick & Company's activities evidently resulted in the 
 following, extracted from a report made to the General Court 
 on " sundry propositions " by Daniel Gookin, Richard Russell, 
 Thomas Savage, P^ancis Norton and Roger Clap. 
 
 "9 That In all Elections wherein Freemen and non Free- 
 men voate Its Conceved meet y* wheras Scotch servants Irish 
 negers and psons under one and Twenty years have liberty to 
 voate yt Freemen who undergoe all ye burdens of this Como.- 
 welth shall have a double voate. 
 
 " 10 This Court Considering y^ Cruel and malignant 
 spirit, yt have from tyme to tyme byn manifest In y« Irish 
 Nation against y« English Nation, doe hereby declare thyr 
 phibition of any Irish men women or childrens, being brought 
 Into this jurisdiction on the penalty of Fifty pound sterling 
 to each Inhabitant yt shall [have] of any marchant ship m^ or 
 other agent, any such pson or psons so Transported by y"\ 
 wch fine shall bee by the Cuntry Marshall, on Conviction of 
 some Magistrate or Court, leaveed and bee to the use of y« 
 Informer one third and two thirds to y^ Cuntry. This act to 
 be In force six months after publication &c." (Massachusetts 
 Archives, 10:338-339). 
 
 From 1651 to 1655, about 6400 Irish, men and women, 
 boys and maidens, had been practically kidnapped in Ireland 
 and shipped to the West Indies and the Colonies. On March 
 4. 1655, all orders were revoked (though only temporarily), 
 because the contractors employed persons "to delude poor 
 people by false pretences into by places, and thence they 
 forced them on board their ships. The persons employed 
 had so much a piece for all they so deluded, and for the 
 money sake they were found to have enticed and forced 
 
lO 
 
 'vomen from their children and husbands, — children from their 
 parents, who maintained them at school ; and they had not 
 only dealt so with the Irish, but also with the English," — 
 which last was the true cause, probably, of the Commissioners 
 for Ireland putting an end to these proceedings." (Prender- 
 gast, John P., Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland, p. 92). 
 
 On the 1 8th of May 1680, Gov. Simon Bradstreet, of 
 Massachusetts, wrote to the Commissioners of Trade and 
 Plantations, in an answer to several heads of Inquiry as 
 follows : — 
 
 "17 There have been very few English come to plant in 
 this lurisdiction for Seven yeares past and more, few or no 
 Scots Irish or Foreigners in the like space, they rather goe to 
 Carolina or other places nor comodious and less inhabited. . . 
 There have been no company of blacks or slaves brought into 
 this Country since the beginning of this plantation for the 
 space of fifty yeares, only one small Vessel about two yeares 
 since after twenty months voyage to Madagascar brought 
 hither betwixt forty and fifty Negroes most women and chil- 
 dren Sold here for ten ;£is and ;^20 apiece, which stood the 
 Merchants in neer ;!{^40 apeice. Now and then two or three 
 Negros are brought hither from Barbados and other of his 
 Majesties plantations and sold here for about twenty pounds 
 apeice. So that there may be within our Government about 
 one hundred or one hundred and twenty, an it may be as 
 many Scots brought hither and sold for Servants in the time 
 of the War with Scotland [1652 Suffolk Deeds, i : 5-6] and 
 now most married and living here and about half as many 
 Irish brought hither at several times as Servants.", (Gay 
 Transcripts, State Papers, 5 -.65), or in other words 50 or 60 
 Irishmen resident in Massachusetts in 1680. Gov. Bradstreet 
 seems to have forgotten the various voyages made from New 
 England to the Guinea coast, between 1644 and 165 i, two of 
 which, the contracts dated 13th Feb. 1645/6 (Mass. Archives, 
 60:290) and the i6th of July 1650, specially stipulating 
 
II 
 
 slaves and negroes. The latter was the Ship, Gift of God of 
 London, Capt. John Thompson, chartered by Mr. John Parrif 
 of New England. (Aspinwall Notarial Records, p. 268). 
 
 Sometime prior to the nth of June 1640, the following 
 was drawn up to be presented to the Massachusetts author- 
 ities ; — 
 
 " Dermondt Matthew servant of George Strange gent com- 
 plains against his master for that whereas the said Matthew 
 was to serve the said George Strange from the 9th day of 
 May 1639 for six yeares for the wages of foure pounds by the 
 year and a pigg to be payd at every yeares end and in the end 
 of the term to have a Convenient lot for his service. He 
 promiseth also the said servant three suits of apparel & six 
 shirts, all w'^^ appeares by an Indenture & sufficient witnesse. 
 
 "The said George Strange hath not payd him any wages ^■ 
 nor given him any clothes according to his bargaine. Also the )^ ^4 ^]:, 
 said Dermondt Matthew did bind Teg Mathew his sonne aj'^ (X« 
 child of 9 yeares old apprentice to the said George Strange for .^ 
 ten yeares from the said 9th day of May w^'' Covenant to ; t 
 keepe him two yeares at school and the other eight he was to '\t3» H# ^ 
 serve in the same house w^^^ his Father the said Dermondt ''^*^,, iS'fy 
 
 Matthew. But the said George Strange hath w^i^out the con- 
 sent of the said Dermondt sold the said Tegg to one Mr. 
 Browne of Salem to his the said Dermondt's great grief of 
 heart & contrary to the said Covenant. And whereas the 
 said Dermondt being an ignorant illittered man & trusting 
 upon the faire promises of the said George Strange that he 
 would ever use him well & shew him his Indentures as often 
 as he would now the said Dermondt having no chest nor box 
 to put the said Indentures in they were rotted & spoyled in 
 his pocket before he was aware. Notwithstanding the said 
 George Strange refuseth to let the said Dermondt or his 
 friends see the said Indentures Therefore the said Dermondt 
 Matthew humbly prayeth the Court that the said Indentures 
 may be shewed to the Court by the said George Strange & 
 
 igl 
 
 /?■ 
 
12 
 
 that they may be recorded or els that his wages may be ap- 
 pointed by the Court & justice done him in the premises." 
 (Lechford, Thomas, Note Book, 148/251). 
 
 As " Dierman Mathew " he sued " Nathaneel Taylor" for 
 slander in the Essex Quarterly Court at Salem, the 30th of 
 March, 1641 (Essex Quarterly Court Record, 1:26). The 
 General Court on the 14th of June 1642, "Ordered Dear- 
 mondt Mathew to go home to his Master & if he can prove 
 his M"" did beat him when he came home with an order from 
 M"^ Deputy [Governor Endicott] his Master to be punished, 
 if not he is to recompense his Master for damage done him, 
 & losse of his time, & his Master was willed for this time not 
 to correct him." (Mass. Bay Records, 2 : 20). 
 
 At the Small Court held at Boston the 28th of July 1642, 
 it was " thought meet Dermondt Matthew should be set to 
 worke by such as have occasion to imploy him, until his M''. 
 shall appeare, & take co^'se about him. " (Records of the 
 Court of Assistants, 2 : 125). 
 
 The George Strange, above referred to, was granted six 
 acres of land by the Town of Dorchester, Nov. 22, 1634, at 
 Neponset, betwixt the Indian field and the mill. (Boston 
 Record Commissioners Reports, 4 : 8.) He was admitted 
 Freeman, May 6, 1635. (Savage's Genealogical Dictionary.) 
 He was of Hingham, the 21 of Feb. 1639/40, when as Gentle- 
 man he sold to John Stow of Roxbury, for ^40, •' all his 
 Teniment and buildings w*^ Apertinances thereunto belong- 
 ing. " (Suffolk Deeds, i : 14.) He consulted Thomas Lech- 
 ford, the 8th of Oct. 1638, about search in England for his 
 wife's lands. (Lechford, Thomas, Note Book 1/4.) On the 
 4th of Dec. 1638, he purchased from James Cade and 
 Margaret, his wife, of Boston, N. E., but late of Northam in 
 Devon, their houses and lands there. (Ibid, 26/42.) On the 
 9th of Oct. 1640, he received Power of Attorney from his 
 nephew William James, of Boston, N. E., mercer, to sell lands 
 &c. in London for him, (Ibid, 180/324,) and on the 19th of 
 
13 
 
 March, 1640/1, from Thomas Foster, of Boston, N. E., Gun- 
 ner of the Castle, and Abigail, his wife, daughter of Matthew 
 Wimes, late of Ipswich, County of Suffolk, Old England, to 
 recover lands &c. under the said Wimes's will, his reasonable 
 charges & recompense being deducted, but the same was 
 " vacat. " (Ibid, 209/377). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Boston, the 6th of Dec. 1642, 
 " Dearmant Matthew is put to Thomas Dexter [of Lynn] for 
 the rest of his time. Dexter promiseth to pay what wages 
 Dearmant proveth to be due, and all is referred to Mr. Sadler, 
 & goodman Armitage to heare & end all buisinesses & the 3 
 attachments are discharged. " (Records of the Court of 
 Assistants, 2 : 129). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Salem, the 27th of Dec. 1642, 
 " Mr. Ad[am] Ottley, Mr. Walton and Dearman Mathew, 
 alis Mahony, commissioners with power to produce witnesses, 
 Farmer Dexter to undertake it. " (Essex Quarterly Court 
 Records, i : 47). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Salem, the 27th of June, 1643, on 
 " Petition of Dearman Omahone, Thomas Dexter, confessed 
 judgment in favor of Derma Mathew alias Mahonie for wages 
 due, Execution to Constable of Lynn. " (Ibid, 1:53). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Salem, the 27th of Dec. 1643, 
 " John Poole and Joseph Armetag gave bond that Tege 
 Omohoine, son to Dierman oMahonie, shall be taught to read 
 the English tongue, which indenture was delivered again to 
 Joseph Armetage. " (Ibid, i : 57). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Salem, the 9th of July 1644, 
 " Goodman Wm. Harker and Dearman O'Mahone undertake 
 to pay Mr. Ralph Woory [of Charlestown] money. " (Ibid, 
 I : 64). 
 
 At the time of making the indenture with Strange the 9th 
 of May, 1639, " Dermondt " was evidently a widower with a 
 son " Teg " aged 9, but we now find him at Boston, as 
 " Dermin Mahoonne " with a wife Dinah, to whom a son 
 
14 
 
 Daniel, was born, the 4th of Dec. 1646, followed by a daughter 
 Honour, born the 29th of October 1648, neither of whom 
 were baptized at the First Church. (Boston Record Com- 
 missioners Reports, 9 : 23 & 27). 
 
 On the 6th of March, 1650/1, "Richard Sandford [a neigh- 
 bor] aged about fifty six yeares deposed that he heard Matthew 
 Colane say that Dermin Mahoone of Boston was his Cosen 
 & only Cousen & that he had no more Kinsmen in the land " , 
 which was taken before William Hibbins. 
 
 On the 6th of Feb. 1650/1, "Samuel Carwithie saith that 
 he hath heard Matthew Colane say that Dermin Mahoone was 
 his owne Cosin & that he had no kinsman in the Country 
 but him ", also before William Hibbins. 
 
 On the 6th of March, 1650/1, "Matthew Dove saith that 
 Matthew Colane and Dermin Mahoone had dealing together, 
 & that the s'l Colane both in the presence of the said Mahoone 
 & at other times owned the s'^ Mahoone as his Cosin w^^^- 
 whom also he used to lodge. By all w'^'^ this attestant under- 
 stood that their was some affinity betwixt them ", also before 
 William Hibbins. (Aspinwall Notarial Records, p. 336). 
 
 The purpose of these depositions, taken at Kittery before 
 William Hibbins, husband of Ann who was later hung as a 
 witch, leaving as heirs her sons John and Joseph Moore of 
 Ballyhorick, County Cork, Ireland (Savage's Genealogical 
 Dictionary) was to prove that " Dermin Mahoone " was next of 
 kin and heir to his cousin Matthew Colane, who had died at 
 the Isles of Shoals, about Christmas, 1650. On the nth of 
 March, 1650/1, "Teague Mahonas" the son of Dorman, was 
 appointed Administrator, by the Court at Kittery. (Savage's 
 Genealogical Dictionary, Colane). 
 
 " Dinah wife of Dorman Mahoon died " the 8th of Jan. 
 1656/7. (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 9:56). 
 On the 25th of Jan. 1657/8, " Derman Mahoone is fined 
 twenty shillings for entertaining two Irish women contrary to 
 an order of the towne, and in that case provided is to quitt 
 
15 
 
 his house of them forthwith att his perill." (Ibid, 2 : 141). 
 This order of the Town made the 29th of March 1647 (Ibid, 
 2 : 90) was aimed at all strangers and not specially at the 
 Irish. On the 26th of July 1658, '* Margaret Nods, an Irish- 
 woman, is Admitted into the Town " on bond of £,"] . given 
 by David Faulkner. (Ibid, 2 : 160). As shortly after Dor- 
 man had a wife Margaret, who later resided in a house with 
 David Faulkner, it looks as if they made a match of it. 
 (Suffolk Deeds, 8 : 129), 
 
 On the 27th of March, 1660, Capt. Thomas Marshall, 
 assignee of Thaddeus Mathews, assigns to Dorman Mathews, 
 an account due from Joseph Armitage of J^.'j -\o-o for services 
 rendered by said Thaddeus Mathews in 1653. (Court Files 
 Suffolk, 387:4). On the 14th of July, 1660, as "Dermond 
 Mahoone alis Mathews " (so the record reads) he entered suit 
 against Armitage, as assignee of Capt. Marshall, who was 
 assignee of the said Dermond's son Thaddeus Mathewes. 
 (Ibid, 387 : i). On the 30th of Oct. 1660, at a County Court 
 in Boston, the jury gave him a verdict of the same with costs, 
 but Armitage appealed to next Court of Assistants. (Ibid, 
 387 :2). On the 25th of Feb. 1660/1, Joseph Armitage filed 
 his Reasons of Appeal against '■^Dorman MatJiezvs alias 
 MaJionies " action as follows ; owed nothing to Marshall 
 therefore nothing to Dorman ; settled accounts with Dorman 
 & Thaddeus his son in 1656, by payment of ^^4 ; covenant 
 with Thaddeus was conditional on its performance, no proof 
 of same ; debt was never demanded after assignment to Dor- 
 man. (Ibid, 387 : 3). This was duly answered by "Dorman 
 MaJioone alis Mathews'" ', that Armitage had owned the 
 bill in Court ; was not included in his particular account 
 settled ; would have accepted £,4. rather than wait, but the 
 draft on Capt. Waldron was not honored ; covenants condi- 
 tions were duly performed and " therefore he ought to pay 
 the laborer his hire for his owne acknowledgement is better 
 than many witnesses " ; the case was referred to arbitration 
 
i6 
 
 but Armitage avoided the same. The Answer closes as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " All which I humbly leave unto the wise and godly con- 
 sideration and determination of this honored Court and Jury, 
 that I may have that which is my just due to releive mee and 
 mine now in my ou/d age when I have hardly eyes to see nor 
 abbilitie to labor nor indeed a tongue to speake for myself as 
 evidently may appeare and therefore doe humbly beseech this 
 honored Court that in a way of Justis and Right you would 
 relieve the oppressed and dum 
 
 Dorman Mahoone alis Mathews." (Ibid, 26764). 
 
 "Dorman Mahoon deceased the 2 Aprill 1661." (Boston 
 Record Commissioners Reports, 9:80). On the 12th of 
 April following, " An Inventory of the goods & Chatties of 
 Dorman Mathue Appraysed By Rich Sanford & James Haw- 
 kins ", both neighbors, was duly made, totalling ;^ii2-i-o. 
 Among the items are found : - house & garden ;^8o - one cowe 
 ;;^4-one pig 5/ -two small trundle beds & bedstead* £1- 
 one pike & two swords £1-10-0 - 3 chests one box one knead- 
 ing trough one p"" of Gloves ;^2.- wampum ^i.-one spinning 
 wheel, 3 p"" Cards & a reele io/-two mattocks, one how, 2 
 hatchets, one rake, one f unell, one p"" shoes, one p"" boots, one 
 hamer, 12 shovels & p"i of ould iron £1.- i lader, a wood 
 Beetell, a wheel barrow, 3 wedges, one axe, two brushes, one 
 quishen £1-^. (Suffolk Probate Docket, 266). " Att a 
 County Court held at Boston on adjournment, the 17th 
 of May 1 66 1, Administration to y^ Estate of the late 
 Dorman Mathue als Mahoone is granted to Margt his late 
 wife ; she giving in a true inventory thereof to y® Court & 
 abiding the order of y^ Court. Edward Rawson Recorder." 
 (Suffolk Probate Record, 4 : 88). The name " Margt " having 
 been inserted in the Record in a blank left for it. The orig- 
 inal in the files has the blank, without the insertion. (Suffolk 
 Probate Docket, 266). 
 
17 
 
 On June 3, 1661, "Margaret of Dorman & Margt Mahoone" 
 was born, and on July 20, 1661, "Bryan Morfrey [otherwise 
 Murphy] an Irishman & Margaret Mayhoone widow were 
 married" by John Endicott, Governor, a near neighbor. 
 (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 9: 79 & 82). Brian 
 Murphy and his wife evidently remained sometime in posses- 
 sion of the house and garden, but on Dec. 4, 1670, they were 
 tenants with David Faulkner of the house which Anne Long, 
 widow of Philip, sold to Benj. Briscoe, on the Street leading 
 toward the Castle Tavern. (Suffolk Deeds, 8:299). The 
 son Daniel, born in 1646, coming of age, the County Court 
 in Sept. 1668, set off to him about one third of his father's 
 estate, (County Court Record, p. 86) which he being un- 
 married sold " with the tenement or dwelling house on part 
 thereof" to William Towers of Boston, butcher, on Oct. 23, 
 1668. Towers in turn sold it to Benj. Emons, cordwainer, 
 on Feb. 23, 1668/9, ^"d for many years it was "Emons's Cor- 
 ner ", though both deeds were not recorded until the 14th of 
 July 1727. (Suffolk Deeds, 41:94 & 95)- On Oct. 29th 
 1672, the County Court appointed Mr Anthony Stoddard and 
 Capt William Davis to divide the remaining part of the estate 
 of Dorman Mahoone between his second son David and 
 daughter Margaret, which was accordingly done, " provided 
 if David possess the first Dividend hee must remove the frame 
 to the other Dividend wherever they will have it Set." 
 (County Court Record, p. 86 & 90). David Mathews was 
 killed in 1677, (Suffolk Probate Docket, 943) and his share 
 was set off to his brother Daniel Mathews, the 20th of Nov. 
 1679, by the County Court on the payment of £1$ to his 
 sister Margaret Mathews. (County Court Record, p. 621). 
 On the 4th of Nov. 1680, Daniel Matthews of Boston, cord- 
 wainer, and Mary his wife, sell the same to William Clough, 
 mason, and Henry Messenger Jr., joyner, and John Usher, as 
 guardian of Margaret Matthews, acknowledges the receipt of 
 the said ;^i5. (Suffolk Deeds, 12:218). On the 26th of 
 
i8 
 
 April, 1682, William and Lydia Clough sell their share to 
 Henry Messenger. (Ibid, 12:218). On the 1 6th of June, 
 1684, Margaret Matthews of Boston, spinster, sells to Henry 
 Messenger, joiner, her share of her father's estate. (Ibid, 
 13:343)- These deeds dispose of the three parts of the 
 " house & garden " which " Dorm an Mathue als Mahoone " 
 died possessed, April 2, 1661, and place his holdings at what 
 is now the corner of Sudbury and Court Streets, with a 
 frontage of about 135 ft. on each street and running back to 
 within about 50 ft. of Alden St., as shown on sketch. 
 
 Of Dorman's children, Teig was aged 9, in 1639, when he 
 was apprenticed to George Strange, gentleman, for ten years, 
 to be kept 2 years at school, and to serve the other eight in 
 the house with his father. Strange without his father's con- 
 sent and to his " great grief of heart " sold him to Mr. Brown 
 of Salem. (Lechford, Thomas, Note Book 148/251.) He 
 next appears the 27th of Dec. 1643, when at the Quarter 
 Court at Salem, John Poole and Joseph Armetag, " gave bond 
 that Tege Omohoine, son to Dierman oMahonie shall be 
 tought to read the English tongue. " (Essex Quarterly 
 Records, i : 53.) On the nth of March 16 50/1, as "Teague 
 Mahonas " he was appointed by the Court at Kittery, Admin- 
 istrator of his father's "own Cosen " Matthew Colane, who 
 had died at the Isles of Shoals about Christmas, 1650. 
 (Savage's Genealogical Dictionary). 
 
 On Sept. 2, 1653, as Thaddeus Mathewes, seaman, he 
 agreed with Joseph Armitage to serve him in a shallop at sea 
 for 3 months from Sept. 6th, for ^7-10-0, finding himself 
 diet and apparrell, to be paid £3-1 $-0, in current money and 
 the rest in current pay by James Oliver or out of the wood 
 and other goods on the shallop. (Court Files Suffolk, 387 : 4). 
 Thaddeus Mathewes signed with his mark, which leads one to 
 think that while Armitage gave bond in 1643, that he was to 
 " be tought to read the English tongue " he lived up to the 
 letter of the bond and did not include the writing of it. This 
 
19 
 
20 
 
 contract was duly recorded in Boston, the 6th of Jan. 1653/4, 
 by Nathaniel Souther, Notary Public. Thaddeus Mathews 
 assigned the same to Thomas Marshall, who in turn assigned 
 it to Dorman Mathewes on the 27th of March, 1660, who en- 
 tered suit the 14th of July 1660, for the same as before noted. 
 (Ibid, 387 : I.) Thomas Rucke, aged 69, and Elizabeth, his 
 wife, aged 62, testified that on the 26th of March, 1656, 
 Dorman Mathews and Thaddeus Mathews, his son, and Joseph 
 Armitage, came to their house to make up their accounts and 
 that Armitage was found debtor to the Mathews /^4, which 
 they accepted of, in a draft drawn on Capt. Waldron by Ruck 
 at Artimage's desire. (Ibid, 387 : 5.) On Oct. 13, 1658, 
 Capt. Thomas Marshall closed his accounts with Joseph 
 Armitage, who attempted, without success, to use the same 
 as defence in the case with Dorman Mahoone. (Ibid, 387 : 6). 
 
 The simple explanation of the matter of names, is that 
 Dermot or Diarmuid O'Mahony, from either Cork or Kerry, 
 (O'Hart, Irish Pedigrees, pp. 121 & 524), whose Irish family 
 name O'Mathghamhna, meaning "the beare of the plaine" 
 was pronounced (though not spelled) C Mahowna, endeavoured 
 to change his name to its English equivalent of Matthew, 
 (Journal, American Irish Historical Society, 14 : 173,) but to 
 have been consistent he should have changed his christian 
 name to Jeremiah, as his son Teig did when he became 
 Thaddeus. That the name Mahoone as finally evolved, was 
 pronounced Mahowna seems to be proved by his wife's signa- 
 ture about 1650 as " Dina Mahowna" to one of the many 
 petitions for the release of M''^ Ahce Tilley, midwife, from 
 Boston Gaol. (Massachusetts Archives 9 : 14). 
 
 A rather curious parallel is found in Ireland in 1656, dur- 
 ing the planting of Cromwell's Adventurers. In the mixed 
 plantation, English landlords and picked Irish tenants, (com- 
 monly called soupers) the tenants were bound to speak Eng- 
 lish within a limited time ; teach their children no Irish ; 
 observe the manners of the English in their habit or deport- 
 
21 
 
 ment ; send their children to EngHsh Protestant schoolmasters ; 
 attend the public preaching of Protestant Ministers ; abandon 
 their Irish names of Teig and Derntot, and the like, and call 
 themselves by the signifence of such names in English ; 
 name their children with English names, especially omitting 
 the (O') ; and (M') ; and lastly to build their houses with 
 chimneys as the English in like capacity do and to demean 
 themselves in their lodging and other deportment accordingly. 
 (Lawrence, Richard— The great interest of England in the 
 well planting of Ireland with English people discussed, 
 Dublin, 1656, p. 3). 
 
 '' Daniel of Dermin & Dinah Mahoone " was born in Boston, 
 the 4th of Dec. 1646. (Boston Record Commissioners Re- 
 ports, 9 : 23.) As Daniel Mathews, he was witness with 
 Benj. Bristo at the Quarter Court at Salem the 25th of June, 
 1 66 1, against Richard Haven for striking John Langly at 
 Lynn. (Essex Quarterly Court Records, 2 : 281 & 433-) 
 About June 1662, he with others, witnessed Richard Havens 
 violently laying his hands on William Longly of Lynn and 
 abusing him in words and deeds. (Ibid, 3 : 32-) On the 
 25th of Feb. 1662/3, "Daniel Mathees, " aged about 17 
 years, deposeth, " that when I dwelt at lyn ; the last summer 
 about the time that pease began to be near ripe ; I being in 
 the field gathering a Broome " &c. before Edward Rawson, 
 Com^ *« Mary longley " testified as to Richard Haven break- 
 ing a great cudgell, and that following him, she met " daniel 
 Mathees " whom she requested to go with her and they ran 
 until they came up with Heaven as he took her father " fast by 
 the beard and said thow rogue I could find in my heart to 
 spill thy blood upon the ground " and her father answered 
 " Heaven there is witness above that sees all " &c. (Ibid, 
 3 : 32-33.) The case was tried at Ipswich Mar. 31, 1663, 
 and Isake Ong testified that he heard *' goodman Heavens 
 wife ax daniel Mathew ; whether he did heare her husband say 
 yt hee would lay goodman Langleys hart blood upon y«= 
 
22 
 
 ground " &c. aod daniell did answer " y' goodman Longlys 
 folks did lie att him to say soe ; but for my part said hee 
 I cannot for if I should I should sweare falsely. " In an en- 
 deavour to break his testimony, Ezekiel Nedham deposed that 
 when he lived with beniamine Briscoe in 1661, " ther came a 
 man & fell out with my m"" Briscoe & struck my m"" Briscoe 
 in his shope ... & daniell Mathew did prefer to swere y* 
 Brimmat did strike my m'' when he was in another room with 
 ye Child wher he could not see him stroke. " (Ibid, 3 : 32). 
 
 At the Quarter Court at Salem, Nov. 1665, Thomas Newall 
 sued George Keiser of Lynn and Rumney Marsh for the 
 death of his child by drowning in Keiser's pitt at Lynn. 
 "Daniell Mathews," aged about 20 years, testified that he 
 saw Newell 's son Thomas digging there with a hoe &c. The 
 verdict was for Keiser. (Ibid, 3 : 283). 
 
 Having become of age, the County Court at Boston, in 
 September, 1668, set off to him as son of Dorman Mahoone, 
 the corner portion of his father's estate now at Sudbury and 
 Court Streets. (County Court Record, p. 86.) As Daniel 
 Mathews, of Boston, cordwainer, unmarried, he sells the same 
 to William Towers of Boston, butcher, bounding " Southerly 
 on the broad Street leading from the Mill & the Pasture fields 
 towards the Court House or Market Place. " (Suffolk Deeds, 
 41 : 94) Towers and his wife Leah, on the 2 2d of February 
 following, sell the same to Benj. Emons, as before noted, the 
 deed having an endorsement dated Nov. 8, 1672, witnessed 
 by Daniel Mathews. (Ibid, 41 :94). 
 
 In the meantime Daniel had married Mary, one of the five 
 daughters of James Neighbours of Conduit St. Boston. (Suf- 
 folk Deeds, 9:442) and on Oct. 3, 1669, a daughter Mary 
 was born to them. (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 
 9:111). On the loth of Mar. 1 670/1, Benjamin Brisco, with 
 whom Daniel had been associated in Lynn in 1661, rather 
 curiously buys the house, that Daniel's stepmother Margaret 
 Murphy lives in, on the Street leading to the Castle Tavern, 
 
23 
 
 and abutting on land formerly owned by Thomas Marshall, 
 assignee of his brother Thaddeus Mathews's contract with 
 Armitage. (Suffolk Deeds, 8:299). On June 30, 1674, a 
 daughter Elizabeth was born to Daniel and Mary Mathews. 
 (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 9: 133). On July 
 29, 1674, Daniel Mathews, as mariner and Mary his wife 
 partake in the partition of James Neighbours 's estate in 
 Conduit St, among his five daughters, and for their share 
 receive one great chamber over the Kitchin, also the middle 
 garret over the said Chamber and one third of the great cellar 
 with liberty &c. of the Alley from Conduit St. to the Sea and 
 one fifth of the Conduit, Wharf and profits of the same. 
 (Suffolk Deeds, 9 : 442). 
 
 On April 25, 1675, "Daniel Mathews aged about 30 years 
 testifieth [before John Leverett Gov""] that he had heard 
 Jn° Lowrin this day Say that Zachary Crisp, Henry Lawton, 
 Simeon Messinger, Fathergone Dinely [baptized so as the 
 "son of William Dyneley our gone brother" 6 Jan. 1638/9] 
 John Taylor and Some others, had recourse to Lawton's 
 Chamber in the prison and their plaid at Cards on Saturday 
 nights." Lowrin practically confirmed the same but said 
 they spent from ten at night till three in the morning drinking 
 Sack and playing at checkers. (Court Files Suffolk 1374). 
 
 Daniel Matthews enlisted in Capt. Samuel Moseley's famous 
 company of Volunteers, which included privateers and pirates 
 also, and saw good service in Philip's War. As he gives his 
 occupation on July 29, 1674 as mariner, he may have been in 
 reality one of Moseley's Privateers. He served with Moseley 
 from June 1675 till at least March 1676, and was rated as a 
 Serjeant in Dec. 1675. Among the claimants for Narragan- 
 sett Township, no. 5, was Rebecca Hannan, as daughter of 
 Daniel Mathews, which looks as if he left no male descend- 
 ants. (Bodge, George; Philip's War, 3d ed., pp. 64, 71, 72, 
 431. 437)- She was probably the Rebecca Hannan, who as 
 Rebecca Roberts was married to John Hannin, Nov. 21, 1723, 
 
24 
 
 by the Rev. Samuel Miles of Kings Chapel. (Boston Record 
 Commissioners Reports, 28 : 114). 
 
 On Dec. 27, 1676, again as cordwainer, or rather "cord- 
 winder," with Mary, his wife he sells to John Hunt, his 
 brother in law, all interest in the flats before the dwelling 
 house in their occupation. (Suffolk Deeds, 10:272). On 
 Mar. 4, 1677/8, he was granted administration on the estate 
 of his brother David Mathews, (Suffolk Probate Records, 
 12 : 24) and gave bond for the same of ;^ioo. with William 
 Barthomes and Jn^ Willimas as security, making return of the 
 inventory on March nth. (Suffolk Probate Docket, 943). 
 On the 20th of Nov. 1679, he was fined 10/ for non-attend- 
 ance at the County Court, with regard to the same, and then 
 had the estate set off to him on payment of ;!^i5. to his sister 
 Margaret. (County Court Record, p. 621). On Jan. 6, 
 1679/80, with Mary his wife, still as cordwainer, he sells his 
 share in the Conduit St. estate to John Hunt, as above. 
 (Suffolk Deeds, 11:293). On the 7th of October, 1680, 
 with Mary his wife, he sells the estate inherited from his 
 brother David Mathews as before noted. (Ibid, 12 : 219). In 
 the mean time he had got into difficulties with Roger Brown 
 over 21/6 Brown had loaned him, and undertook to reform 
 Court procedure but with ill success. (Court Files Suffolk, 
 1897). The case was first tried before Humphrey Davie 
 Ass^ Jan. 29, 1679/80, and Mathews not appearing, Davie 
 found for Brown with costs of 14/8. On Mar. i, 1679/80, 
 an Aeon of Review was heard by Davie who again found for 
 Brown, with additional costs, and Mathews appealed to the 
 County Court on bond of 40/ with Thomas Norman & Jn° 
 Williams as sureties. On Apr. 4, 1680, Thomas Norman as 
 Attorney for Mathews submitted what he considered Reasons 
 of Appeal, but the Court considered only as Lines. The 
 County Court, April 27, declared Mathews's bond forfeited 
 for not prosecuting his appeal according to law, giving no 
 Reasons of Appeal. Thomas Norman, as his surety, appealed 
 
25 
 
 to the Court of Assistants, giving what he considered Reasons 
 of Appeal, in which he " humbly conceives that, that a partie 
 cast by any Magistrate or Inferior Court must appeal without 
 any reflection on the Judge is insufferable, and therefore asks 
 that it be tried and confirmed or altered." The Court of 
 Assistants Sept. 7, 1680, declared the case non-suited and 
 the bond forfeited on the grounds that no reason had been 
 rendered but that he was unsatisfied. (Records of the Court 
 of Assistants, i : 167). 
 
 Early in 1680 Daniel Matthews was made Deputy Searcher 
 of Customs by Edward Randolph and was " warned with his 
 family out of doors by some of their Townsmen, who are 
 traders and men of public authority in Boston. " (Prince 
 Society, Edward Randolph, 3:71.) In June 1680, he seized 
 the Ketch Newbury and brought her to Boston for triall. 
 (Calendar State Papers, America & West Indies 1681- 
 5; 171 5.) In Aug, 1680, he was sent with six men in an 
 open boat, under the Kings Jack to arrest Capt. Peter 
 Lawrence and his Ship the St. John of Dublin, which lay out 
 to sea, for illegal trading. He was fired upon by Capt. 
 Lawrence, who claimed he did not see the Jack, but neverthe- 
 less was held in bond of ;^iooo sterling, though eventually 
 left off with a fine of £>20. (Court Files Suffolk 1928 & 
 Court of Assistants, i : 170-172.) On July 25, 1682, with 
 Capt. Reevely, Mathews was sued by Isaac English, master of 
 the Ketch Newbury, who accused them of Piracy and recov- 
 ered judgment of ;£307. They were committed to prison in 
 execution and there was a " threat to sell them out of the 
 Country " (Prince Society, Edward Randolph, 3 : 184-5.) 
 Mathews was kept there from Aug. 2, to March 10, 1682/3, 
 thirty two weeks at a cost to Randolph of 10/ per week. 
 (Ibid, 3 : 348.) Randolph wrote to Gov. Bradstreet in an 
 endeavor to secure their release, Sept. 16, 1682, on his per- 
 sonal security, as " Capt. Reevely had been extraordinary sick 
 & Mathews is very much disenabled by his close confine- 
 
26 
 
 ment. " (Ibid, 3 : 206.) On Sept. 29th Daniel Mathews 
 tried his hand with the King, petitioning from the Prison at 
 Boston, as Daniel Mathews Deputy Searcher, declaring he 
 was " committed to close prison in the common goal ... to 
 the ruine of myself and family until the Ketch now under 
 seizure be restored. " (Calendar State Papers, America & 
 West Indies i68i-5;7i5.) On his release he served as 
 Deputy Searcher till July 20, 1683, at 10/ per week. (Prince 
 Society, Edward Randolph, 3 : 349). 
 
 Then a man of his name and character appears in New 
 Hampshire, February, 1683/4, as Marshall's Deputy under 
 Gov. Cranfield, where he arrested about every one of prom- 
 inence and not always gently. Among them was the Rev. 
 Joshua Moody who he arrested for refusing to give the Gov- 
 ernor the Sacrament. (New Hampshire Province Papers, 
 I : 521-533.) In May 1684 as Sheriff he served the Gov- 
 ernor's warrants for Town Meetings to elect Representatives 
 for the General Assembly in order to pass a Law for punish- 
 ing Privateers and Pirates. (Ibid, i : 501.) He was con- 
 stantly in trouble in New Hampshire and was finally driven 
 out by the inhabitants in the most approved style. 
 
 "Honour of Dermin & Deiner Mahoone born 29 Oct. 
 1648 " (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 9 : 27.) in 
 Boston, evidently died young. 
 
 David Mahoone, her brother, born about 165 1, came of age 
 and on Oct. 29, 1672, the County Court at Boston appointed 
 Mr. Anthony Stoddard & Capt. William Davis to divide the 
 remainder of the estate of Dorman Mahoone between his 
 second son David and daughter Margaret, which they accord- 
 ingly did in two equal portions, one on the " Street " now 
 Sudbury St., and the other on the " lane towards the field " 
 now Court St., with the proviso that " if David possess the 
 first dividend hee must remove the frame to the other Divi- 
 dend where they will have it set up. " (County Court Record, 
 p. 86 & 90.) In the meantime Daniel Mathews had sold his 
 
27 
 
 corner lot to William Towers, Oct. 23, 1668 and Towers had 
 conveyed the same to Benj. Emons, on Feb. 23, 1668/9, in- 
 cluding a gore of David's land, with a frontage of 13 feet on 
 the Street. Appended to the latter deed under date of Nov. 
 8, 1672 is a grant of the said gore to Emons by David 
 Mathews of Block Island in New England, witnessed by 
 Daniel Mathews and John Haywood, Scrivener, and acknow- 
 ledged in Boston, before Edward Ting, Assistant. (Suffolk 
 Deeds, 49 : 94-95.) On the " 27th of Feb. 1677/8 Thomas 
 Yow doth testifie and say [before Thomas Clarke Commissioner] 
 that David Mathews the brother of Danill Mathews is by 
 providence killed by the fall of a tree in verginia which was 
 ther belonging to a Ship Abraham Blage the M"" and Com- 
 pany did relate it to me and the inquire whither I did not 
 know him or not. " (Suffolk Probate Docket 943). 
 
 On March 4, 1677/8 administration was granted to his 
 brother Daniel Mathews in right of himself and others con- 
 cerned, on surety of ;^ioo. On the same day James Meres 
 and Jn° Williams " prized ... a piece of land . . . that did be- 
 long to the said David Mathews as we were Informed by 
 Daniell Mathews " at ;^45. (Suffolk Probate Records, 
 12 : 24.) On the 20th of Nov. 1679, Daniel Matthews was 
 fined 10 shillings for non-attendance at the County Court 
 with regard to the said estate, then valued at ^50, and it was 
 duly set off to him on payment of ^ 1 5 to his sister Margaret 
 Mathews, leaving the estate in Block Island for later con- 
 sideration. (County Court Record, p. 62 1.) David Mahoone 
 had a namesake in Virginia, who in 1656 was admitted to 
 Gloucester County, having been brought out by William and 
 Hancock Lee. (Greer's Early Virginia Emigrants). 
 
 "Margaret" the posthumous daughter of "Dorman and 
 Margaret Mahoone" was born in Boston on June 3, 166 1. 
 (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 9 : 79). On the 
 20th of July following " Bryan Morfrey [otherwise Murphy] 
 an Irishman and Margaret Mayhoone widow were married by 
 
28 
 
 John Endicott Gov^" (Ibid, 9 : 82). Bryan was not much 
 to boast of and his wife Margaret soon followed in his foot- 
 steps. (County Court Records, p. 32, etc.) At first they 
 were resident of Dorman's house but in 1670 they were living 
 with David Faulkner on the Street leading to the Castle 
 Tavern. (Suffolk Deeds, 8:299). On March 22, 1672, the 
 Governor and others at Boston " ordered that notice be given 
 to the several! psons under-written that they within one 
 moneth after the date hereof dispose of their severall Chil- 
 dren (herein nominated or mentioned) abroad for servants, to 
 serve by Indentures for some terme of yeares, accordinge to 
 their ages and capacities w^^^^ if they refuse or neglect to doe 
 the Magistrates and Selectmen will take theire said Children 
 from them, and place them with such Masters as they shall 
 provide accordinge as the lawe directs. And they that doe 
 accordinge to this ordr dispose of theire Children doe make 
 returne of the names of Mastrs & Children soe put out to ser- 
 vice, with their Indentures to the Selectmen at their next 
 monethly Meeting being the last Monday in Aprill next." 
 (Boston Record Commissioners Reports, 7 : 6y). Among the 
 children mentioned is Bryan Morphews Daughter in law 
 Martha Dorman about 12 years, otherwise step-daughter. As 
 Bryan Murphy was still possessed of his wife Margaret on 
 Apr. 30, 1672, (County Court Records, p. 52) and had a 
 step-daughter Margaret Mahoone alias Mathews daughter of 
 Dorman, who was almost 1 1 years of age, it looks as if some 
 one was careless. In Oct. 1672, the remaining portion of 
 Dorman Mahoone's estate was set off to the second son 
 David and the daughter Margaret, as before mentioned. 
 (Ibid, 86 & 90). David having died in 1677, his portion was 
 granted to his brother Daniel, on payment of ^15 to 
 Margaret. (Suffolk Probate Docket 943). On the 7th of 
 October, 1680, Daniel Mathews sells David's share of their 
 father's estate to William Clough and Henry Messenger Jr, 
 who make payment of the ^ 1 5 to John Usher as guardian of 
 
 PD 16. a 
 
29 
 
 Margaret Mathews, Oct. 15, following. (Suffolk Deeds, 
 
 12 : 218-219). 
 
 On the 1 6th of June 1684, Margrett Matthews of Boston, 
 spinster, sells to Henry Messenger, her share of her father's 
 estate she now being now 23 years of age, and unmarried, a 
 rather unusual condition at that period. (Suffolk Deeds, 
 
 13 : 343)-